BOOK I.

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I never heard the olde song of Percy and Duglas, that I found not my heart mooved more then with a trumpet: and yet is it sung but by some blinde crouder, with no rougher voyce, then rude stile; which being so evill apparelled in the dust and cobwebbes of that uncivill age, what would it worke, trymmed in the gorgeous eloquence of Pindar!—Sir Philip Sidney's Apologie for Poetrie, 1595.

I.
THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF CHEVY CHASE.

The fine heroic song of Chevy-Chase has ever been admired by competent judges. Those genuine strokes of nature and artless passion, which have endeared it to the most simple readers, have recommended it to the most refined; and it has equally been the amusement of our childhood, and the favourite of our riper years.

Mr. Addison has given an excellent critique[71] on this very popular ballad, but is mistaken with regard to the antiquity of the common-received copy; for this, if one may judge from the style, cannot be older than the time of Elizabeth, and was probably written after the elogium of Sir Philip Sidney: perhaps in consequence of it. I flatter myself, I have here recovered the genuine antique poem; the true original song, which appeared rude even in the time of Sir Philip, and caused him to lament, that it was so evil-apparelled in the rugged garb of antiquity.

This curiosity is printed, from an old manuscript,[72] at the end of Hearne's preface to Gul. Newbrigiensis Hist. 1719, 8vo. vol. i. To the MS. copy is subjoined the name of the author, Rychard Sheale;[73] whom Hearne had so little judgement as to suppose to be the same with a R. Sheale, who was living in 1588. But whoever examines the gradation of language and idiom in the following volumes, will be convinced that this is the production of an earlier poet. It is indeed expressly mentioned among some very ancient songs in an old book intituled, The Complaint of Scotland[74] (fol. 42), under the title of the Huntis of Chevet, where the two following lines are also quoted:—

"The Perssee and the Mongumrye mette,[75]
That day, that day, that gentil day:"[76]

which, tho' not quite the same as they stand in the ballad, yet differ not more than might be owing to the author's quoting from memory. Indeed whoever considers the style and orthography of this old poem will not be inclined to place it lower than the time of Henry VI.: as on the other hand the mention of James the Scottish King,[77] with one or two anachronisms, forbids us to assign it an earlier date. King James I. who was prisoner in this kingdom at the death of his father,[78] did not wear the crown of Scotland till the second year of our Henry VI.,[79] but before the end of that long reign a third James had mounted the throne.[80] A succession of two or three Jameses, and the long detention of one of them in England, would render the name familiar to the English, and dispose a poet in those rude times to give it to any Scottish king he happened to mention.

So much for the date of this old ballad: with regard to its subject, altho' it has no countenance from history, there is room to think it had originally some foundation in fact. It was one of the Laws of the Marches frequently renewed between the two nations, that neither party should hunt in the other's borders, without leave from the proprietors or their deputies.[81] There had long been a rivalship between the two martial families of Percy and Douglas, which heightened by the national quarrel, must have produced frequent challenges and struggles for superiority, petty invasions of their respective domains, and sharp contests for the point of honour; which would not always be recorded in history. Something of this kind, we may suppose, gave rise to the ancient ballad of the Hunting a' the Cheviat.[82] Percy earl of Northumberland had vowed to hunt for three days in the Scottish border without condescending to ask leave from earl Douglas, who was either lord of the soil, or lord warden of the marches. Douglas would not fail to resent the insult, and endeavour to repel the intruders by force; this would naturally produce a sharp conflict between the two parties: something of which, it is probable, did really happen, tho' not attended with the tragical circumstances recorded in the ballad: for these are evidently borrowed from the Battle of Otterbourn,[83] a very different event, but which after-times would easily confound with it. That battle might be owing to some such previous affront as this of Chevy Chase, though it has escaped the notice of historians. Our poet has evidently jumbled the two subjects together: if indeed the lines,[84] in which this mistake is made, are not rather spurious, and the after-insertion of some person, who did not distinguish between the two stories.

Hearne has printed this ballad without any division of stanzas, in long lines, as he found it in the old written copy; but it is usual to find the distinction of stanzas neglected in ancient MSS.; where, to save room, two or three verses are frequently given in one line undivided. See flagrant instances in the Harleian Catalogue, No. 2253, s. 29, 34, 61, 70, et passim.


[Bishop Percy did well to open his book with Chevy Chase and the Battle of Otterburn, as these two are by far the most remarkable of the old historical ballads still left to us, and all Englishmen must feel peculiar interest in Chevy Chase, as it is one of the few northern ballads that are the exclusive growth of the south side of the Border. The partizanship of the Englishman is very amusingly brought out in verses 145-154, where we learn that the Scotch king had no captain in his realm equal to the dead Douglas, but that the English king had a hundred captains as good as Percy. A ballad which stirred the soul of Sidney and caused Ben Jonson to wish that he had been the author of it rather than of all his own works cannot but be dear to all readers of taste and feeling. The old version is so far superior to the modern one (see Book iii. No. 1) that it must ever be a source of regret that Addison, who elegantly analyzed the modern version, did not know of the original.

It will be well to arrange under three heads the subjects on which a few words require to be added to Percy's preface, viz. 1. the title, 2. the occasion, 3. the author. 1. In the old version the title given in the ballad itself is the hunting of the Cheviat, and in the Complaynt of Scotlande it is referred to as The Huntis of Chevot. The title of the modern version is changed to Chevy Chase, which Dr. E. B. Nicholson has suggested to be derived from the old French word chevauchÉe, a foray or expedition (see Notes and Queries, 3rd series, vol. xii. p. 124); but this explanation is not needed, as the original of the modern title is found in ver. 62 as Chyviat Chays, which naturally became contracted into Chevy Chase, as Teviotdale into Tevidale (ver. 50).

2. The ballad is so completely unhistorical that it is difficult to give any opinion as to the occasion to which it refers, but apparently it was written, as Bishop Percy remarks, to commemorate a defiant expedition of one of the Lords of the Marches upon the domain of another, but that the names of Percy and Douglas led the writer into a confusion with the battle of Otterburn, which was fresh in the people's memory owing to the ballad of the Battle of Otterburn. In fact Professor Child throws out the hint that possibly Sidney referred to the Battle of Otterburn and not to the Hunting of the Cheviat, as he only mentions the old song of Percie and Douglas, but it has so long been believed that Sidney spoke of Chevy Chase that we should be sorry to think otherwise now. In the note immediately following the modern version (see Book iii. No. 1.) Bishop Percy suggests the possibility that the ballad may refer to the battle of Pepperden fought in 1436, but this view is highly improbable for the following reason. In both the ancient and modern versions the battle of Humbledown is alluded to as a future event caused by the death of Percy at Chevy Chase. Now as Humbledown was fought in the year 1402, and as the battle of Otterburn was the only conflict of importance on the Borders which preceded it, and as, moreover, Otterburn is mentioned in the ballad, there cannot well be any reference to a battle fought so many years afterwards.

3. Bishop Percy is unnecessarily severe in his remark upon Hearne, as that learned antiquary was probably correct in identifying the Richard Sheale of the old ballad with Richard Sheale the minstrel. Whether, however, the latter was the author, as is argued by C. in Brydges' British Bibliographer (vol. 4, pp. 95-105), is another matter. The other examples of the minstrel's muse are so inferior to this ballad that it is impossible to believe him to be the author. Doubtless it was recited by him, and being associated with his name the transcriber may naturally have supposed him to be its maker. Sheale really flourished (or withered, as Mr. Hales has it) at a rather earlier period than the date 1588 mentioned by Percy would lead us to imagine, for he appears to have been writing before 1560, nevertheless the language is of a much earlier date than this, and, moreover, a ballad of the Borders is not likely to have been invented at Tamworth, where Sheale lived.

Chevy Chase was long a highly popular song, and Bishop Corbet, in his Journey into France, speaks of having sung it in his youth. The antiquated beau in Davenant's play of the Wits also prides himself on being able to sing it, and in Wit's Intepreter, 1671, a man when enumerating the good qualities of his wife, cites after the beauties of her mind and her patience "her curious voice wherewith she useth to sing Chevy Chace." Many other ballads were sung to the same tune, so that we are not always sure as to whether the original is referred to or some more modern song. The philosopher Locke, when Secretary to the Embassy sent by Charles II. to the Elector of Brandenburg, wrote home a description of the Brandenburg church singing, in which he says, "He that could not though he had a cold make better music with a chevy chace over a pot of smooth ale, deserved well to pay the reckoning and to go away athirst."[85] The writer here probably referred to any song sung to this tune.]


THE FIRST FIT.[86]

The PersÉ owt of Northombarlande.
And a vowe[87] to God mayd he,
That he wolde hunte in the mountayns
Off Chyviat within dayes thre,
In the mauger[88] of doughtÈ Dogles,[89]5
And all that ever with him be.
The fattiste hartes in all Cheviat
He sayd he wold kill, and cary them away:
Be my feth, sayd the dougheti Doglas agayn,
I wyll let[90] that hontyng yf that I may.10
Then the PersÉ owt of Banborowe cam,[91]
With him a myghtye meany;[92]
With fifteen hondrith archares bold;[93]
The wear chosen out of shyars thre.[94]
This begane on a monday at morn15
In Cheviat the hillys so he;[95]
The chyld may rue that ys un-born,
It was the mor pittÉ.
The dryvars thorowe the woodes went[96]
For to reas[97] the dear;20
Bomen bickarte uppone the bent[98]
With ther browd aras[99] cleare.
Then the wyld[100] thorowe the woodes went
On every syde shear;[101]
Grea-hondes thorowe the greves glent[102]25
For to kyll thear dear.
The begane in Chyviat the hyls abone[103]
Yerly[104] on a monnyn-day;[105]
Be[106] that it drewe to the oware off none[107]
A hondrith fat hartes ded ther lay.30
The blewe a mort uppone the bent,[108][109]
The semblyd on sydis shear;[110]
To the quyrry[111] then the PersÈ went
To se the bryttlynge[112] off the deare.
He sayd, It was the Duglas promys35
This day to meet me hear;
But I wyste he wold faylle verament:[113]
A gret oth the PersÈ swear.
At the laste a squyar of Northombelonde
Lokyde at his hand full ny,40
He was war ath[114] the doughetie Doglas comynge:
With him a myghtÈ meany,[115]
Both with spear, 'byll,' and brande:[116][117]
Yt was a myghti sight to se.
Hardyar men both off hart nar hande45
Wear not in ChristiantÈ.
The wear twenty hondrith spear-men good
Withouten any fayle;[118]
The wear borne a-long be the watter a Twyde,
Yth[119] bowndes of Tividale.50
Leave off the brytlyng of the dear, he sayde,
And to your bowys look ye tayk good heed;[120]
For never sithe[121] ye wear on your mothars borne
Had ye never so mickle need.[122]
The dougheti Dogglas on a stede55
He rode all his men beforne;[123]
His armor glytteryde as dyd a glede;[124]
A bolder barne[125] was never born.
Tell me 'what' men ye ar, he says,[126]
Or whos men that ye be:60
Who gave youe leave to hunte in this
Chyviat chays in the spyt of me?
The first mane that ever him an answear mayd,
Yt was the good lord PersÈ:
We wyll not tell the 'what' men we ar, he says,[127]65
Nor whos men that we be;
But we wyll hount hear in this chays
In the spyte of thyne, and of the.
The fattiste hartes in all Chyviat
We have kyld, and cast[128] to carry them a-way.70
Be my troth, sayd the doughtÈ Dogglas agayn,[129]
Ther-for the ton[130] of us shall de this day.
Then sayd the doughtÈ Doglas
Unto the lord PersÈ:
To kyll all thes giltless men,75
A-las! it wear great pittÈ.
But, PersÈ, thowe art a lord of lande,
I am a yerle[131] callyd within my contre;
Let all our men uppone a parti[132] stande;
And do the battell off the and of me.80
Nowe Cristes cors[133] on his crowne,[134] sayd the lord PersÈ.[135]
Who-soever ther-to says nay.
Be my troth, doughtÈ Doglas, he says,
Thow shalt never se that day;
Nethar in Ynglonde, Skottlonde, nar France,85
Nor for no man of a woman born,
But and[136] fortune be my chance,
I dar met him on man for on.[137][138]
Then bespayke a squyar off Northombarlonde,
Ric. Wytharynton[139] was his nam;90
It shall never be told in Sothe-Ynglonde, he says,
To kyng Herry the fourth for sham.
I wat[140] youe byn great lordes twaw,[141]
I am a poor squyar of lande;
I wyll never se my captayne fyght on a fylde,95
And stande my-selffe, and looke on,
But whyll I may my weppone welde,
I wyll not 'fayl' both harte and hande.
That day, that day, that dredfull day:
The first Fit[142] here I fynde.100
And youe[143] wyll here any mor athe hountyng a the Chyviat,
Yet ys ther mor behynde.

THE SECOND FIT.

? The style of this and the following ballad is uncommonly rugged and uncouth, owing to their being writ in the very coarsest and broadest northern dialect.

The battle of Hombyll-down, or Humbledon, was fought Sept. 14, 1402 (anno 3 Hen. IV.), wherein the English, under the command of the Earl of Northumberland and his son Hotspur, gained a complete victory over the Scots. The village of Humbledon is one mile northwest from Wooler, in Northumberland. The battle was fought in the field below the village, near the present Turnpike Road, in a spot called ever since Red-Riggs. Humbledon is in Glendale Ward, a district so named in this county, and mentioned above in ver. 163.

FOOTNOTES:

[71] Spectator, Nos. 70, 74.

[72] [MS. Ashmole, 48, in the Bodleian Library. The Rev. W. W. Skeat has printed the ballad from the MS. in his Specimens of English Literature, 1394-1579. Clarendon Press Series, 1871.]

[73] Subscribed, after the usual manner of our old poets, expliceth (explicit) quoth Rychard Sheale.

[74] One of the earliest productions of the Scottish press, now to be found. The title-page was wanting in the copy here quoted; but it is supposed to have been printed in 1540. See Ames. [It is now believed to have been printed in 1549. See the new edition by J. A. H. Murray, printed for the Early English Text Society (Extra Series), 1872.]

[75] See Pt. ii. v. 25.

[76] See Pt. i. v. 99.

[77] Pt. ii. v. 36, 140.

[78] Who died Aug. 5, 1406, in the 7th year of our Hen. IV.

[79] James I. was crowned May 22, 1424; murdered Feb. 21, 1436-7.

[80] In 1460.—Hen. VI. was deposed 1461: restored and slain 1471.

[81] Item.... Concordatum est, quod, ... nullus unius partis vel alterius ingrediatur terras, boschas, forrestas, warrenas, loca, dominia quÆcunque alicujus partis alterius subditi, causa venandi, piscandi, aucupandi, disportum aut solatium in eisdem, aliave quacunque de causa, absque licentia ejus ... ad quem ... loca ... pertinent, aut de deputatis suis prius capt. et obtent. Vid. Bp. Nicolson's Leges Marchiarum, 1705, 8vo. pp. 27, 51.

[82] This was the original title. See the ballad, Pt. i. v. 101; Pt. ii. v. 165.

[83] See the next ballad.

[84] Vid. Pt. ii. v. 167.

[85] [Chappell's Popular Music of the Olden Time, vol. i. p. 198; vol. ii. p. 774.]

[86] Fit. see ver. 100.

[87] [should be "an avowe," a vow (see v. 157, Fit. 2).]

[88] [in spite of.]

[89] Ver. 5, magger in Hearne's PC. [Printed Copy.]

[90] [hinder.]

[91] Ver. 11. The the PersÉ. PC.

[92] [company.]

[93] Ver. 13. archardes bolde off blood and bone. PC.

[94] By these "shyars thre" is probably meant three districts in Northumberland, which still go by the name of shires, and are all in the neighbourhood of Cheviot. These are Island-shire, being the district so named from Holy-Island: Norehamshire, so called from the town and castle of Noreham (or Norham): and Bamboroughshire, the ward or hundred belonging to Bamborough castle and town.

[95] [high.]

[96] Ver. 19. throrowe. PC.

[97] [rouse.]

[98] [bowmen skirmished in the long grass.]

[99] [broad arrows.]

[100] [wild deer.]

[101] [entirely.]

[102] [the bushes glanced.]

[103] [above.]

[104] [early.]

[105] [Monday.]

[106] [by.]

[107] [hour of noon.]

[108] [they blew a note over the dead stag on the grass.]

[109] Ver. 31. blwe a mot. PC.

[110] [on all sides.]

[111] [slaughtered game.]

[112] [quartering.]

[113] [truly.]

[114] [aware of.]

[115] V. 42. myghtte. PC. passim.

[116] [battle axe and sword.]

[117] V. 43. brylly. PC.

[118] V. 48. withowte ... feale. PC.

[119] [in the.]

[120] V. 52. boys PC.

[121] [since.]

[122] V. 54. ned. PC.

[123] [Ver. 56. Percy and Hearne print, "att his men."]

[124] [glowing coal.]

[125] [man.]

[126] Ver. 59. whos. PC.

[127] Ver. 65. whoys. PC.

[128] [mean.]

[129] Ver. 71. agay. PC.

[130] [the one of us shall die.]

[131] [earl.]

[132] [apart or aside.]

[133] [curse.]

[134] [head.]

[135] Ver. 81. sayd the the. PC.

[136] [but if.]

[137] [one man for one.]

[138] Ver. 88. on i.e. one.

[139] This is probably corrupted in the MS. for Rog. Widdrington, who was at the head of the family in the reign of K. Edw. III. There were several successively of the names of Roger and Ralph, but none of the name of Richard, as appears from the genealogies in the Heralds' office.

[140] [for wot, know.]

[141] [two.]

[142] Fit. see vol. 2, p. 182.

[143] [if you.]

[144] Ver. 3. first, i.e. flight.

[145] [slew.]

[146] [abides.]

[147] V. 5. byddys. PC.

[148] [mischief, wrong.]

[149] [sure.]

[150] [they come.]

[151] [many a doughty one they made to die.]

[152] V. 17. boys. PC.

[153] V. 18. briggt. PC.

[154] [helmets.]

[155] [Mr. Skeat suggests that this is a corruption for manople, a large gauntlet.]

[156] V. 21. throrowe. PC.

[157] [many fierce ones they struck down.]

[158] V. 22. done. PC.

[159] [strong man.]

[160] Ver. 26. to, i.e. two. Ibid. and of. PC.

[161] [exchanged blows.]

[162] [did sweat.]

[163] [Milan steel.]

[164] [men.]

[165] [spurted out.]

[166] V. 32. ran. PC.

[167] V. 33. helde. PC.

[168] [promise.]

[169] Wane, i.e. ane, one, &c. man, an arrow came from a mighty one: from a mighty man. [misreading for mane (?) see v. 63, fit. i.]

[170] Ver. 49. throroue. PC.

[171] This seems to have been a Gloss added.

[172] [put.]

[173] [grasped.]

[174] [courser.]

[175] [he never lingered nor stopped.]

[176] [blow.]

[177] V. 74. ber. PC.

[178] Ver. 80. Say, i. e. Sawe.

[179] V. 84. haylde. PC.

[180] [sore.]

[181] V. 87. far. PC.

[182] This incident is taken from the battle of Otterbourn; in which Sir Hugh Montgomery, Knt. (son of John Lord Montgomery) was slain with an arrow. Vid. Crawford's Peerage.

[183] [fight.]

[184] [hewing at each other.]

[185] [suffer.]

[186] [hills above.]

[187] Ver. 102. abou. PC.

[188] V. 108. strenge ... hy. PC.

[189] [gentle.]

[190] [Mr. Skeat reads Loumbe.]

[191] V. 115. lÓule. PC.

[192] V. 121. in to, i.e. in two.

[193] V. 122. kny. PC.

[194] Ver. 132. gay. PC.

[195] [widows.]

[196] A common pleonasm, see the next poem, Fit. 2d. V. 155; so Harding in his Chronicle, chap. 140, fol. 148, describing the death of Richard I. says,

"He shrove him then unto Abbots thre
With great sobbyng ... and wepyng teares."

So likewise Cavendish in his Life of Cardinal Wolsey, chap. 12, p. 31, 4to.: "When the Duke heard this, he replied with weeping teares," &c.

[197] [mates.]

[198] [complain]

[199] V. 136. mon. PC.

[200] [on the marches (see ver. 173).]

[201] V. 138. non. PC.

[202] [wail.]

[203] V. 146. ye feth. PC.

[204] [to, unto]

[205] For the names in this and the foregoing page, see the Remarks at the end of the next ballad.

[206] Ver. 149. cheyff tennante. PC.

[207] [if I enjoy.]

[208] [requited.]

[209] [that tearing or pulling began this kick.]

[210] [Monday.]

[211] [better our bales, or remedy our evils.]


II.
THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

The only battle wherein an Earl of Douglas was slain fighting with a Percy was that of Otterbourne, which is the subject of this ballad. It is here related with the allowable partiality of an English poet, and much in the same manner as it is recorded in the English Chronicles. The Scottish writers have, with a partiality at least as excusable, related it no less in their own favour. Luckily we have a very circumstantial narrative of the whole affair from Froissart, a French historian, who appears to be unbiassed. Froissart's relation is prolix; I shall therefore give it, with a few corrections, as abridged by Carte, who has, however, had recourse to other authorities, and differs from Froissart in some things, which I shall note in the margin.

In the twelfth year of Richard II., 1388, "The Scots taking advantage of the confusions of this nation, and falling with a party into the West-marches, ravaged the country about Carlisle, and carried off 300 prisoners. It was with a much greater force, headed by some of the principal nobility, that, in the beginning of August,[212] they invaded Northumberland; and, having wasted part of the county of Durham,[213] advanced to the gates of Newcastle; where, in a skirmish, they took a 'penon' or colours[214] belonging to Henry lord Percy, surnamed Hotspur, son to the Earl of Northumberland. In their retreat home, they attacked a castle near Otterbourn: and, in the evening of Aug. 9 (as the English writers say, or rather, according to Froissart, Aug. 15), after an unsuccessful assault were surprised in their camp, which was very strong, by Henry, who at the first onset put them into a good deal of confusion. But James Earl of Douglas rallying his men, there ensued one of the best-fought actions that happened in that age; both armies showing the utmost bravery:[215] the earl Douglas himself being slain on the spot;[216] the Earl of Murrey mortally wounded; and Hotspur,[217] with his brother Ralph Percy, taken prisoners. These disasters on both sides have given occasion to the event of the engagement's being disputed. Froissart (who derives his relation from a Scotch knight, two gentlemen of the same country, and as many of Foix)[218] affirming that the Scots remained masters of the field; and the English writers insinuating the contrary. These last maintain that the English had the better of the day: but night coming on, some of the northern lords, coming with the Bishop of Durham to their assistance, killed many of them by mistake, supposing them to be Scots; and the Earl of Dunbar, at the same time falling on another side upon Hotspur, took him and his brother prisoners, and carried them off while both parties were fighting. It is at least certain, that immediately after this battle the Scots engaged in it made the best of their way home: and the same party was taken by the other corps about Carlisle."

Such is the account collected by Carte, in which he seems not to be free from partiality: for prejudice must own that Froissart's circumstantial account carries a great appearance of truth, and he gives the victory to the Scots. He, however, does justice to the courage of both parties; and represents their mutual generosity in such a light, that the present age might edify by the example. "The Englyshmen on the one partye, and Scottes on the other party, are good men of warre, for whan they mete, there is a hard fighte without sparynge. There is no hoo[219] betwene them as long as speares, swordes, axes, or dagers wyll endure; but lay on eche upon other: and whan they be well beaten, and that the one party hath obtayned the victory, they than glorifye so in their dedes of armes, and are so joyfull, that suche as be taken, they shall be ransomed or they go out of the felde;[220] so that shortely eche of them is so contente with other, that at their departynge curtoysly they will saye, God thanke you. But in fyghtynge one with another there is no playe, nor sparynge." Froissart's Chronicle (as translated by Sir Johan Bourchier Lord Berners), cap. cxlii.

The following Ballad is (in this present edition) printed from an old MS. in the Cotton Library[221] (Cleopatra, c. iv.), and contains many stanzas more than were in the former copy, which was transcribed from a MS. in the Harleian Collection [No. 293, fol. 52.] In the Cotton MS. this poem has no title, but in the Harleian copy it is thus inscribed, A songe made in R. 2. his tyme of the battele of Otterburne, betweene Lord Henry Percye earle of Northomberlande and the earle Douglas of Scotlande, Anno 1388.

But this title is erroneous, and added by some ignorant transcriber of after-times: for, 1. The battle was not fought by the Earl of Northumberland, who was absent, but by his son, Sir Henry Percy, Knt., surnamed Hotspur (in those times they did not usually give the title of Lord to an Earl's eldest son). 2. Altho' the battle was fought in Richard II.'s time, the song is evidently of later date, as appears from the poet's quoting the chronicles in Pt. II., ver. 26; and speaking of Percy in the last stanza as dead. It was, however, written in all likelihood as early as the foregoing song, if not earlier. This, perhaps, may be inferred from the minute circumstances with which the story is related, many of which are recorded in no chronicle, and were probably preserved in the memory of old people. It will be observed that the authors of these two poems have some lines in common; but which of them was the original proprietor must depend upon their priority; and this the sagacity of the reader must determine.


[We have here a ballad founded upon a true historical event, in which the writer attempts to be as truthful as his national bias will allow him. In Chevy Chase, Percy is the aggressor, but in the "Battle of Otterburn," Douglas commences the encounter by his action. At the period under notice the king of England (Richard II.) was occupied in dissension with his uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, and the Parliament, while Robert II., King of Scotland, was very old, and his eldest son lame and inactive, so that the Border chieftains were pretty much left to their own devices. The Earl of Fife, a younger son of King Robert, and certain of the great nobles, arranged among themselves that an inroad should be made into England as a reprisal for the injuries the Scotch had at various times sustained from the English, and the expedition was placed under the command of James, Earl of Douglas.

Besides the ballad we are now considering there are metrical accounts of the battle in John Hardyng's Chronicle, Joannes de Fordun's Scoti-Chronicon, and Wyntoun's Orygynal Cronykil of Scotland. In 1857, Robert White published an interesting History of the Battle of Otterburn, fought in 1388, with Memoirs of the Warriors who engaged in that memorable conflict. This book is written in an enthusiastic spirit by one who was born and bred on the Borders, and who kept alive in his soul the true old Border spirit. He listened on his mother's knee to the stanzas of the modern ballad of Chevy Chase, which she chanted to him, and he grew up with a feeling which he retained through life, that Percy and Douglas were far greater men than Napoleon and Wellington.

The exact date of the battle is an open question, for the authorities disagree as to this particular; thus Buchanan fixes it on July 21st, and other writers name, respectively, August 5th, 9th, 10th, 15th, and 19th. White thinks that the battle was fought on the evening of Wednesday and morning of Thursday, 19th and 20th of August, immediately before the full moon. In the year 1388 the new moon fell on the 6th of August, and Douglas is not likely to have chosen a period of dark evenings for his expedition. Another disputed point is the number of men in the Scottish army, under Douglas. Froissart gives the numbers at three or four hundred men-at-arms, and two thousand infantry; Wyntoun, at near seven thousand men; Buchanan, at three hundred horse and two thousand foot, besides servants and attendants; Godscroft, at four thousand horsemen; Ridpath, at three thousand men; and Scott, at three hundred men-at-arms, who, with their followers, made up from a thousand to fifteen hundred men, with two thousand chosen infantry. White makes the following statement as the result of his sifting of the conflicting accounts:—

Men-at-arms 400
Attendants on ditto, footmen, lackeys, and grooms 1,200
Infantry mounted 2,000
Attendants on ditto, boys to take care of horses, sutlers, &c. 3,000
6,600

It has been supposed that the first part of this ballad down to verse 112 was originally of Scottish manufacture, for two reasons: 1st, because Hume, of Godscroft, refers to "a Scots song," which begins as this does; and 2nd, because haymaking has been over at least a month in England at Lammas, when Scotch husbandmen are still busy "winning their hay." This last reason, however, cannot be considered a very conclusive one, as the seasons must be much alike on the two sides of the Border. The second part is written from a thoroughly English stand-point. The two Scottish versions, viz. the one given by Scott in his Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border, and the one in Herd's Collection, are very different from the English ballad.]


Yt felle abowght the Lamasse tyde,
Whan husbonds wynn ther haye,[222]
The dowghtye Dowglasse bowynd[223] hym to ryde,
In Ynglond to take a praye:
The yerlle[224] of Fyffe,[225] withowghten stryffe,5
He bowynd hym over Sulway:[226]
The grete wolde ever together ryde;
That race they may rue for aye.
Over 'Ottercap' hyll they[227] came in,
And so dowyn by Rodelyffe cragge,10
Upon Grene 'Leyton' they lyghted dowyn,
Styrande[228] many a stagge:[229]
And boldely brente[230] Northomberlonde,
And haryed[231] many a towyn;
They dyd owr Ynglyssh men grete wrange,[232]15
To battell that were not bowyn.[233]
Than spake a berne[234] upon the bent,[235]
Of comforte that was not colde,
And sayd, We have brent Northomberlond,
We have all welth in holde.20
Now we have haryed all Bamboroweshyre,
All the welth in the worlde have wee;
I rede[236] we ryde to Newe Castell,
So styll and stalwurthlye.[237]
Uppon the morowe, when it was daye,25
The standards schone fulle bryght;
To the Newe Castelle the toke the waye,
And thether they cam fulle ryght.
Sir Henry Percy laye at the Newe Castelle,
I telle yow withowtten drede;30
He had byn a march-man[238] all hys dayes,
And kepte Barwyke upon Twede.
To the Newe Castell when they cam,
The Skottes they cryde on hyght,[239]
Syr Harye Percy, and thow byste[240] within,35
Com to the fylde, and fyght:
For we have brente Northomberlonde,
Thy eritage good and ryght;
And syne my logeyng I have take,[241]
With my brande dubbyd many a knyght.40
Sir Harry Percy cam to the walles,
The Skottyssh oste for to se;
"And thow hast brente Northomberlond,
Full sore it rewyth[242] me.
Yf thou hast haryed all Bambarowe shyre,45
Thow hast done me grete envye;[243]
For the trespasse thow hast me done,
The tone[244] of us schall dye."
Where schall I byde the, sayd the Dowglas?
Or where wylte thow come to me?50
"At Otterborne in the hygh way,[245]
Ther maist thow well logeed be.
The roo[246] full rekeles ther sche rinnes,[247]
To make the game and glee:
The fawkon and the fesaunt[248] both,55
Amonge the holtes on 'hee.'[249][250]
Ther maist thow have thy welth at wyll,
Well looged ther maist be.
Yt schall not be long, or I com the tyll,"[251]
Sayd Syr Harry Percye.60
Ther schall I byde the, sayd the Dowglas,
By the fayth of my bodye.
Thether schall I com, sayd Syr Harry Percy;
My trowth I plyght to the.
A pype of wyne he gave them over the walles,65
For soth, as I yow saye:
Ther he mayd the Douglas drynke,
And all hys oste that daye.
The Dowglas turnyd him homewarde agayne,
For soth[252] withowghten naye,70
He tooke his logeyng at Oterborne
Uppon a Wedyns-day:
And ther he pyght[253] hys standerd dowyn,
Hys gettyng[254] more and lesse,
And syne[255] he warned hys men to goo75
To chose ther geldyngs gresse.
A Skottysshe knyght hoved[256] upon the bent,[257]
A wache[258] I dare well saye:
So was he ware[259] on the noble Percy
In the dawnynge of the daye.80
He prycked[260] to his pavyleon dore,
As faste as he myght ronne,
Awaken, Dowglas, cryed the knyght,
For hys love, that syttes yn trone.[261]
Awaken, Dowglas, cryed the knyght,85
For thow maiste waken wyth wynne:[262]
Yender have I spyed the prowde Percy,
And seven standardes wyth hym.
Nay by my trowth, the Douglas sayed,
It ys but a fayned taylle:90
He durste not loke on my bred[263] banner,
For all Ynglonde so haylle.[264]
Was I not yesterdaye at the Newe Castell,
That stonds so fayre on Tyne?
For all the men the Percy hade,95
He cowde not garre[265] me ones to dyne.
He stepped owt at hys pavelyon dore,
To loke and it were lesse;
Arraye yow, lordyngs, one and all,
For here bygynnes no peysse.[266]100
The yerle of Mentaye,[267] thow arte my eme,[268]
The forwarde[269] I gyve to the:
The yerlle of Huntlay cawte[270] and kene,
He schall wyth the be.
The lorde of Bowghan[271] in armure bryght105
On the other hand he schall be:
Lorde Jhonstone, and lorde Maxwell,
They to schall be with me.
Swynton fayre fylde upon your pryde
To batell make yow bowen:[272]110
Syr Davy Scotte, Syr Walter Stewarde,
Syr Jhon of Agurstone.

A FYTTE.


The Perssy came byfore hys oste,[273]
Wych was ever a gentyll knyght,
Upon the Dowglas lowde can he crye,
I wyll holde that I have hyght:[274][275]
For thow haste brente Northumberlonde.5
And done me grete envye;
For thys trespasse thou hast me done,
The tone of us schall dye.
The Dowglas answerde hym agayne
With grete wurds up on 'hee,'[276]10
And sayd, I have twenty agaynst 'thy' one,[277][278]
Byholde and thow maiste see.
Wyth that the Percye was grevyd sore,
For sothe as I yow saye:
[[279]He lyghted dowyn upon his fote,15
And schoote[280] his horsse clene away.
Every man sawe that he dyd soo,
That ryall[281] was ever in rowght;[282]
Every man schoote hys horsse him froo,
And lyght hym rowynde abowght.20
Thus Syr Hary Percye toke the fylde,
For soth, as I yow saye:
Jesu Cryste in hevyn on hyght
Dyd helpe hym well that daye.
But nyne thowzand, ther was no moo;25
The cronykle wyll not layne:[283]
Forty thowsande Skottes and fowre
That day fowght them agayne.
But when the batell byganne to joyne,
In hast ther came a knyght,30
'Then' letters fayre furth hath he tayne
And thus he sayd full ryght:
My lorde, your father he gretes yow well,
Wyth many a noble knyght;
He desyres yow to byde
That he may see thys fyght.
The Baron of Grastoke ys com owt of the west,
Wyth hym a noble companye;
All they loge at your fathers thys nyght,
And the Battel fayne wold they see.40
For Jesu's love, sayd Syr Harye Percy,
That dyed for yow and me,
Wende to my lorde my Father agayne,
And saye thow saw me not with yee:[284]
My trowth ys plyght to yonne Skottysh knyght,45
It nedes me not to layne,[285]
That I schulde byde hym upon thys bent,
And I have hys trowth agayne:
And if that I wende off thys grownde
For soth unfoughten awaye,50
He wolde me call but a kowarde knyght
In hys londe another daye.
Yet had I lever[286] to be rynde[287] and rente,
By Mary that mykel maye;[288]
Then ever my manhod schulde be reprovyd55
Wyth a Skotte another daye.
Wherfore schote, archars, for my sake,
And let scharpe arowes flee:
Mynstrells, playe up for your waryson,[289]
And well quyt it schall be.60
Every man thynke on hys trewe love,
And marke hym to the Trenite:[290]
For to God I make myne avowe
Thys day wyll I not fle.
The blodye Harte in the Dowglas armes,65
Hys standerde stode on hye;
That every man myght full well knowe:
By syde stode Starres thre.
The whyte Lyon on the Ynglysh parte,
Forsoth as I yow sayne;[291]70
The Lucetts and the Cressawnts both:
The Skotts faught them agayne.[292]]
Uppon sent Andrewe lowde cane they crye,
And thrysse they schowte on hyght,
And syne marked them one owr Ynglysshe men,75
As I have tolde yow ryght.
Sent George the bryght owr ladyes knyght,
To name they[293] were full fayne,
Owr Ynglysshe men they cryde on hyght,
And thrysse the schowtte agayne.80
Wyth that scharpe arowes bygan to flee,
I tell yow in sertayne;
Men of armes byganne to joyne;
Many a dowghty man was ther slayne.
The Percy and the Dowglas mette,85
That ether of other was fayne;
They schapped[294] together, whyll that the swette,
With swords of fyne Collayne;[295]
Tyll the bloode from ther bassonetts[296] ranne,
As the roke[297] doth in the rayne.90
Yelde the to me, sayd the DowglÀs,
Or ells thow schalt be slayne:
For I see, by thy bryght bassonet,
Thow arte sum man of myght;
And so I do by thy burnysshed brande,[298]95
Thow art an yerle, or ells a knyght.[299]
By my good faythe, sayd the noble Percy,
Now haste thou rede[300] full ryght,
Yet wyll I never yelde me to the,
Whyll I may stonde and fyght.100
They swapped together, whyll that they swette,
Wyth swordes scharpe and long;
Ych on other so faste they beette,
Tyll ther helmes cam in peyses dowyn.
The Percy was a man of strenghth,105
I tell yow in thys stounde,[301]
He smote the Dowglas at the swordes length,
That he felle to the growynde.
The sworde was scharpe and sore can byte,
I tell yow in sertayne;110
To the harte, he cowde hym smyte,
Thus was the Dowglas slayne.
The stonderds stode styll on eke syde,
With many a grevous grone;
Ther the fowght the day, and all the nyght,115
And many a dowghty man was 'slone.'[302]
Ther was no freke,[303] that ther wolde flye,
But styffly in stowre[304] can stond,
Ychone[305] hewyng on other whyll they myght drye,[306]
Wyth many a bayllefull bronde.120
Ther was slayne upon the Skottes syde,
For soth and sertenly,
Syr James a Dowglas ther was slayne,
That daye that he cowde dye.[307]
The yerlle Mentaye of he was slayne,125
Grysely[308] groned uppon the growynd;
Syr Davy Scotte, Syr Walter Steward,
Syr 'John' of Agurstonne.[309]
Syr Charlles Morrey in that place,
That never a fote wold flye;130
Sir Hughe Maxwell, a lorde he was,
With the Dowglas dyd he dye.
Ther was slayne upon the Skottes syde,
For soth[310] as I yow saye,
Of fowre and forty thowsande Scotts135
Went but eyghtene awaye.
Ther was slayne upon the Ynglysshe syde,
For soth and sertenlye,
A gentell knyght, Sir John Fitz-hughe,
Yt was the more petye.140
Syr James Harebotell ther was slayne,
For hym ther hartes were sore,
The gentyll 'Lovelle' ther was slayne,[311]
That the Percyes standerd bore.
Ther was slayne uppon the Ynglyssh perte,145
For soth as I yow saye;
Of nyne thowsand Ynglyssh men
Fyve hondert cam awaye:
The other were slayne in the fylde,
Cryste kepe ther sowles from wo,150
Seyng ther was so fewe fryndes
Agaynst so many a foo.
Then one the morne they mayd them beeres[312]
Of byrch, and haysell graye;
Many a wydowe with wepyng teyres155
Ther makes[313] they fette[314] awaye.
Thys fraye bygan at Otterborne,
Bytwene the nyghte and the day:
Ther the Dowglas lost hys lyfe,
And the Percy was lede awaye.[315]160
Then was ther a Scottyshe prisoner tayne,
Syr Hughe Mongomery was hys name,
For soth as I yow saye,
He borowed the Percy home agayne.[316]
Now let us all for the Percy praye[317]165
To Jesu most of myght,
To bryng hys sowle to the blysse of heven,
For he was a gentyll knyght.

? Most of the names in the two preceding ballads are found to have belonged to families of distinction in the North, as may be made appear from authentic records. Thus in

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF CHEVY CHASE.

[Second Fit, ver. 112. Agerstone.] The family of Haggerston of Haggerston, near Berwick, has been seated there for many centuries, and still remains. Thomas Haggerston was among the commissioners returned for Northumberland in 12 Hen. 6, 1433. (Fuller's Worthies, p. 310.) The head of this family at present is Sir Thomas Haggerston, Bart., of Haggerston above-mentioned.

N.B. The name is spelt Agerstone, as in the text, in Leland's Itinerary, vol. vii. p. 54.[318]

[Ver. 113. Hartly.] Hartley is a village near the sea in the barony of Tinemouth, about 7 m. from North-Shields. It probably gave name to a family of note at that time.

[Ver. 114. Hearone.] This family, one of the most ancient, was long of great consideration in Northumberland. Haddeston, the Caput BaroniÆ of Heron, was their ancient residence. It descended 25 Edw. I. to the heir general Emiline Heron, afterwards Baroness Darcy.—Ford, &c., and Bockenfield (in com. eodem) went at the same time to Roger Heron, the heir male; whose descendants were summoned to Parliament: Sir William Heron of Ford Castle being summoned 44 Edw. III.—Ford Castle hath descended by heirs general to the family of Delaval (mentioned in the next article).—Robert Heron, Esq., who died at Newark in 1753, (father of the Right Hon. Sir Richard Heron, Bart.) was heir male of the Herons of Bockenfield, a younger branch of this family.—Sir Thomas Heron Middleton, Bart., is heir male of the Herons of Chip-Chase, another branch of the Herons of Ford Castle.

[Ver. 115. Lovele.] Joh. de Lavale, miles, was sheriff of Northumberland 34 Hen. VIII. Joh. de Lavele, mil. in the 1 Edw. VI. and afterwards. (Fuller, 313.) In Nicholson this name is spelt Da Lovel, p. 304. This seems to be the ancient family of Delaval, of Seaton Delaval, in Northumberland, whose ancestor was one of the 25 Barons appointed to be guardians of Magna Charta.[319]

[Ver. 117. RugbÈ.] The ancient family of Rokeby, in Yorkshire, seems to be here intended. In Thoresby's Ducat. Leod., p. 253, fol., is a genealogy of this house, by which it appears that the head of the family, about the time when this ballad was written, was Sir Ralph Rokeby, Knt., Ralph being a common name of the Rokebys.[320]

[Ver. 119. Wetharrington.] Rog. de Widrington was sheriff of Northumberland in 36 of Edw. III. (Fuller, p. 311.)—Joh. de Widrington in 11 of Hen. IV. and many others of the same name afterwards.—See also Nicholson, p. 331.—Of this family was the late Lord Witherington.

[Ver. 124. Mongonberry.] Sir Hugh Montgomery was son of John Lord Montgomery, the lineal ancestor of the present Earl of Eglington.

[Ver. 125. Lwdale.] The ancient family of the Liddels were originally from Scotland, where they were lords of Liddel Castle, and of the Barony of Buff. (Vid. Collins's Peerage.) The head of this family is the present Lord Ravensworth, of Ravensworth Castle, in the county of Durham.[321]

IN THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

[Ver. 101. Mentaye.] At the time of this battle the Earldom of Menteith was possessed by Robert Stewart, Earl of Fife, third son of K. Robert II., who, according to Buchanan, commanded the Scots that entered by Carlisle. But our minstrel had probably an eye to the family of Graham, who had this earldom when the ballad was written. See Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, 1764, fol.

[Ver. 103. Huntleye.] This shews this ballad was not composed before 1449; for in that year Alexander Lord of Gordon and Huntley, was created Earl of Huntley, by K. James II.

[Ver. 105. Bowghan.] The Earl of Buchan at that time was Alexander Stewart, fourth son of K. Robert II.

[Ver. 107. Jhonstone—Maxwell.] These two families of Johnstone Lord of Johnston, and Maxwell Lord of Maxwell, were always very powerful on the borders. Of the former family was Johnston Marquis of Annandale: of the latter was Maxwell Earl of Nithsdale. I cannot find that any chief of this family was named Sir Hugh; but Sir Herbert Maxwell was about this time much distinguished. (See Doug.) This might have been originally written Sir H. Maxwell, and by transcribers converted into Sir Hugh. So above, in No. I. v. 90. Richard is contracted into Ric.

[Ver. 109. Swintone.] i. e. The Laird of Swintone; a small village within the Scottish border, 3 miles from Norham. This family still subsists, and is very ancient.

[Ver. 111. Scotte.] The illustrious family of Scot, ancestors of the Duke of Buccleugh, always made a great figure on the borders. Sir Walter Scot was at the head of this family when the battle was fought; but his great-grandson, Sir David Scot, was the hero of that house when the ballad was written.

[Ibid. Stewarde.] The person here designed was probably Sir Walter Stewart, Lord of Dalswinton and Gairlies, who was eminent at that time. (See Doug.) From him is descended the present Earl of Galloway.

[Ver. 112. Agurstonne.] The seat of this family was sometimes subject to the kings of Scotland. Thus Richardus Haggerstoun, miles, is one of the Scottish knights who signed a treaty with the English in 1249, temp. Hen. III. (Nicholson, p. 2, note).—It was the fate of many parts of Northumberland often to change their masters, according as the Scottish or English arms prevailed.

[Ver. 129. Murrey.] The person here meant was probably Sir Charles Murray of Cockpoole, who flourished at that time, and was ancestor of the Murrays sometime Earls of Annandale. See Doug. Peerage.

[Ver. 139. Fitz-hughe.] Dugdale (in his Baron. v. i. p. 403) informs us that John, son of Henry Lord Fitzhugh, was killed at the battle of Otterbourne. This was a Northumberland family. Vid. Dugd. p. 403, col. 1, and Nicholson, pp. 33, 60.

[Ver. 141. Harbotle.] Harbottle is a village upon the river Coquet, about 10 m. west of Rothbury. The family of Harbottle was once considerable in Northumberland. (See Fuller, pp. 312, 313.) A daughter of Guischard Harbottle, Esq., married Sir Thomas Percy, Knt., son of Henry the fifth,—and father of Thomas seventh, Earls of Northumberland.

[212] Froissart speaks of both parties (consisting in all of more than 40,000 men) as entering England at the same time: but the greater part by way of Carlisle.

[213] And, according to the ballad, that part of Northumberland called Bamboroughshire; a large tract of land so named from the town and castle of Bamborough; formerly the residence of the Northumbrian kings.

[214] This circumstance is omitted in the ballad. Hotspur and Douglas were two young warriors much of the same age.

[215] Froissart says the English exceeded the Scots in number three to one, but that these had the advantage of the ground, and were also fresh from sleep, while the English were greatly fatigued with their previous march.

[216] By Henry L. Percy, according to this ballad, and our old English historians, as Stow, Speed, &c., but borne down by numbers, if we may believe Froissart.

[217] Hotspur (after a very sharp conflict) was taken prisoner by John, Lord Montgomery, whose eldest son, Sir Hugh, was slain in the same action with an arrow, according to Crawford's Peerage (and seems also to be alluded to in the foregoing ballad, p. 31), but taken prisoner and exchanged for Hotspur, according to this ballad.

[218] Froissart (according to the English translation) says he had his account from two squires of England, and from a knight and squire of Scotland, soon after the battle.

[219] So in Langham's Letter concerning Queen Elizabeth's entertainment at Killingworth Castle, 1575, 12o. p. 61. "Heer was no ho in devout drinkyng."

[220] i. e. They scorn to take the advantage, or to keep them lingering in long captivity.

[221] The notice of this MS. I must acknowledge with many other obligations, owing to the friendship of Thomas Tyrwhitt, Esq., late Clerk of the House of Commons.

[222] Ver. 2. winn their heaye. Harl. MS. This is the Northumberland phrase to this day: by which they always express "getting in their hay."

[223] [prepared.]

[224] [earl.]

[225] Robert Stuart, second son of K. Robert II.

[226] i. e. "over Solway frith." This evidently refers to the other division of the Scottish army, which came in by way of Carlisle. Bowynd, or Bounde him; i. e. hied him.

[227] They: sc. the Earl of Douglas and his party. The several stations here mentioned are well-known places in Northumberland. Ottercap-hill is in the parish of Kirk Whelpington, in Tynedale-ward. Rodeliffe (or as it is more usually pronounced Rodeley) Cragge is a noted cliff near Rodeley, a small village in the parish of Hartburn, in Morpeth-ward. It lies south-east of Ottercap, and has, within these few years, been distinguished by a small tower erected by Sir Walter Blacket, Bart., which in Armstrong's map of Northumberland is pompously called Rodely-castle. Green Leyton is another small village in the same parish of Hartburn, and is south-east of Rodeley. Both the original MSS. read here corruptly, Hoppertop and Lynton.

[228] [stirring.]

[229] V. 12. This line is corrupt in both the MSS., viz. "Many a styrande stage." Stags have been killed within the present century on some of the large wastes in Northumberland.

[230] [burnt.]

[231] [pillaged.]

[232] [wrong.]

[233] [ready.]

[234] [man.]

[235] [field.]

[236] [advise.]

[237] [stoutly.]

[238] Marche-man, i. e. a scourer of the marches.

[239] [aloud.]

[240] [art.]

[241] Ver. 39. Syne seems here to mean since.

[242] [regrets.]

[243] [injury.]

[244] [the one.]

[245] Otterbourn is near the old Watling Street road, in the parish of Elsdon. The Scots were encamped in a grassy plain near the river Read. The place where the Scots and English fought, is still called Battle Riggs.

[246] [roe.]

[247] Ver. 53. Roe-bucks were to be found upon the wastes not far from Hexham in the reign of Geo. I.—Whitfield, Esq., of Whitfield, is said to have destroyed the last of them.

[248] [falcon and pheasant.]

[249] [woods on high.]

[250] V. 56. hye, MSS.

[251] [come unto thee.]

[252] [truth.]

[253] [pitched.]

[254] [booty.]

[255] [then.]

[256] [hovered.]

[257] Ver. 77. upon the best bent. MS.

[258] [spy.]

[259] [aware.]

[260] [spurred.]

[261] [enthroned.]

[262] [joy.]

[263] [broad.]

[264] [strong.]

[265] [force.]

[266] [peace.]

[267] The Earl of Menteith.

[268] [uncle.]

[269] [van.]

[270] [cautious.]

[271] The Lord Buchan.

[272] [ready.]

[273] Ver. 1, 13. Pearcy, all MSS.

[274] [promised or engaged.]

[275] V. 4. I will hold to what I have promised.

[276] Ver. 10. hye, MSS.

[277] He probably magnifies his strength to induce him to surrender.

[278] V. 11. the one, MS.

[279] All that follows, included in brackets, was not in the first edition.

[280] [let go.]

[281] [royal.]

[282] [rout.]

[283] [deceive.]

[284] [eye.]

[285] [break my word.]

[286] [rather.]

[287] [flayed?]

[288] [great maid.]

[289] [reward.]

[290] [commit himself to God by a sign.]

[291] [say to you.]

[292] The ancient arms of Douglas are pretty accurately emblazoned in the former stanza, and if the readings were, The crowned harte, and Above stode starres thre, it would be minutely exact at this day. As for the Percy family, one of their ancient badges of cognizances was a whyte lyon statant, and the silver crescent continues to be used by them to this day. They also give three luces argent for one of their quarters.

[293] i. e. the English.

[294] [swapped? i.e. smote.]

[295] [Cologne steel.]

[296] [helmets.]

[297] [steam.]

[298] [sword.]

[299] Being all in armour he could not know him.

[300] [guessed.]

[301] [time.]

[302] Ver. 116. slayne. MSS.

[303] [man.]

[304] [fight.]

[305] [each one.]

[306] [endure.]

[307] V. 124, i.e. He died that day.

[308] [dreadfully.]

[309] Our old minstrel repeats these names, as Homer and Virgil do those of their heroes:

"——fortemque Gyam, fortemque Cloanthum," &c. &c.

Both the MSS. read here, "Sir James," but see above, Pt. I., ver. 112.

[310] [truth.]

[311] Ver. 143. Covelle. MS. For the names in this page, see the remarks at the end of this ballad.

[312] V. 153. one, i.e. on.

[313] [mates.]

[314] [fetch.]

[315] sc. captive.

[316] In the Cotton MS. is the following note on ver. 164, in an ancient hand:—

"Syr Hewe Mongomery takyn prizonar, was delyvered for the restorynge of Perssy."

[317] Ver. 165. Percyes.Harl. MS.

[318] [Sir Walter Scott suggests that the person here alluded to was one of the Rutherfords, barons of Edgerstane or Edgerston, who at this time were retainers of the house of Douglas, but in Chevy Chase Sir John of Agerstone was on Percy's side.]

[319] [This is a misreading, as the person intended was a Lumley.]

[320] Sir W. Scott supposes "Sir Raffe the ryche RugbÈ" to be Sir Ralph Neville of Raby Castle, son of the first Earl of Westmoreland, and cousin-german to Hotspur. He is called Sir Ralph Raby in the modern version of the ballad.

[321] More probably the Sir David Lambwell of the modern version.


III.
THE JEW'S DAUGHTER,

A Scottish Ballad,

Is founded upon the supposed practice of the Jews in crucifying or otherwise murdering Christian children, out of hatred to the religion of their parents: a practice which has been always alledged in excuse for the cruelties exercised upon that wretched people, but which probably never happened in a single instance. For, if we consider, on the one hand, the ignorance and superstition of the times when such stories took their rise, the virulent prejudices of the monks who record them, and the eagerness with which they would be catched up by the barbarous populace as a pretence for plunder; on the other hand, the great danger incurred by the perpetrators, and the inadequate motives they could have to excite them to a crime of so much horror; we may reasonably conclude the whole charge to be groundless and malicious.

The following ballad is probably built upon some Italian legend, and bears a great resemblance to the Prioresse's Tale in Chaucer: the poet seems also to have had an eye to the known story of Hugh of Lincoln, a child said to have been there murdered by the Jews in the reign of Henry III. The conclusion of this ballad appears to be wanting: what it probably contained may be seen in Chaucer. As for Mirry-land Toun, it is probably a corruption of Milan (called by the Dutch Meylandt) Town: the Pa is evidently the river Po; although the Adige, not the Po, runs through Milan.

Printed from a MS. copy sent from Scotland.


[This ballad, which is also known under the title of Sir Hugh of Lincoln, was at one time so widely popular that it is preserved in six different versions, besides fragments, and has originated a literature of its own. Mons. Francisque Michel discovered a Norman-French version in the Royal Library at Paris, which is supposed to date back to the period when the murder of Sir Hugh was to have been committed. This was first published in the year 1834 under the title, "Hugues de Lincoln: Recueil de Ballades Anglo-Normande et Ecossoises relatives au meurtre de cet enfant commis par les Juifs en MCCLV." The Rev. Dr. A. Hume communicated a very full paper on the subject of the tradition to the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool, on November 13, 1848, which is published in the Proceedings (No. 5), and Mr. J. O. Halliwell printed, in 1849, a small volume containing "Ballads and Poems respecting Hugh of Lincoln." In the AthenÆum for Dec. 15, 1849, there is a condemnatory review of Dr. Hume's work, to which the reviewer has added some valuable information of his own. Percy's remark that Mirry-land town is a corruption of Milan town, and Pa of the river Po, seems far-fetched, as there is no reason for supposing that the ballad was in any way connected with Italy. Jamieson's version reads Merry Lincoln, and in Motherwell's the scene is changed to Maitland town. In some parts of England the ballad has degenerated into a sort of nursery rhyme, the Northamptonshire version reading "Merry Scotland," and the Shropshire one, "Merry-cock land." Mr. J. H. Dixon suggests mere-land town, from the mere or fen lakes, and reads wa' for Pa'. (Notes and Queries, 3rd Series, vol. ix. p. 30, note.)

Miss Agnes Strickland communicated the following lines obtained from oral tradition at Godalming, in Surrey, to Mr. Halliwell, who printed them in his tract:—

"He toss'd the ball so high, so high,
He toss'd the ball so low;
He toss'd the ball in the Jew's garden,
And the Jews were all below.
"Oh! then out came the Jew's daughter,
She was dressÈd all in green:
'Come hither, come hither, my sweet pretty fellow,
And fetch your ball again.'"

The tradition upon which this ballad is founded—that the Jews use human blood in their preparation for the Passover, and are in the habit of kidnapping and butchering Christian children for the purpose—is very widely spread and of great antiquity. Eisenmenger[322] refers to a case which occurred at Inmestar, in Syria, so early as the year 419, but the earliest case recorded as having occurred in Europe is that of William of Norwich, in 1137. The following is a translation from a passage in the Peterborough Chronicle (which ends with the death of Stephen and the accession of Henry the Second), relating to this remarkable superstition:—"Now we will say something of what happened in King Stephen's time. In his time the Jews of Norwich bought a Christian child before Easter, and tortured him with all the same torturing that our Lord was tortured. And on Good Friday (lang fridÆi) they hanged him on a cross, for our Lord's love; and afterwards buried him. They thought (wenden) that it should be concealed, but our Lord showed that he was a holy martyr (m~r), and the monks took him and buried him solemnly in the monastery (minst). And he maketh through our Lord wonderful and manifold miracles. And he was called Saint William." Mr. Earle, in his note to this passage,[323] says that "S. William seems to have retained his celebrity down to the time of the Reformation, at least in Norfolk. In Loddon church, which is advanced perpendicular of about 1500, there is a painting of his crucifixion on a panel of the rood-screen, still in fair preservation."

St. William's fame, however, was eclipsed in other parts of England by that of Sir Hugh of Lincoln, whose death was celebrated by historians and poets. Henry III. being often in want of money, was glad to take any opportunity of extorting it from the unfortunate Jews, and in 1255 his exchequer particularly required replenishing on account of the expected arrival in England of his son Edward's newly married wife, Eleanor of Castile. In this year a young boy was murdered, and, opportunely for the king, the crime was charged to the Jews. It was asserted that the child had been stolen, fattened on bread and milk for ten days, and crucified with all the cruelties and insults of Christ's passion, in the presence of all the Jews in England, who had been summoned to Lincoln for the purpose. The supposed criminals were brought to justice, and the king's commission for the trial, and the warrant to sell the goods of the several Jews who were found guilty, are still preserved. The Jew into whose house the child had gone to play, tempted by the promise of his life, made a full confession, and threw the guilt upon his brethren. Ninety-one Jews of Lincoln were sent to London as accomplices, and thrown into dungeons. Eighteen of the richest were hanged on a gallows, and twenty more imprisoned in the Tower of London. The king was enriched by the spoils, and the clergy of Lincoln did not lose their opportunity, for the minster was made famous by the possession of the martyr's tomb. Dean Milman, in relating these circumstances, says: "Great part of the story refutes itself, but I have already admitted the possibility that among the ignorant and fanatic Jews there might be some who, exasperated by the constant repetition of the charge, might brood over it so long, as at length to be tempted to its perpetration."[324] Any such explanation as this, however, does not seem necessary, for the wide-spread existence of the superstition goes far to prove the entire falsehood at least of the later cases, and the story of Sir Hugh was but a revival of that of St. William. It is worth mentioning, in passing, that this calumny was in fact a recoil upon the Jews themselves of a weapon they had used against the Christians. As early as the third century they affirmed that Christians in celebrating their mysteries used to kill a child and eat its flesh. Pagans probably learnt the calumny from the Jews, and also charged the Christians with eating children.

The whole proceedings in the case of Sir Hugh are chronicled by Matthew Paris, who was in high favour with Henry III., and from his pages the account is transferred to the Chronicles of Grafton, Fabyan, and Holinshed. Chaucer most probably consulted the same source when he included the story in his Canterbury Tales, although he shifts the scene to Asia, and makes his Prioress say, when ending her tale with a reference to Sir Hugh:—

"O younge Hughe of Lyncoln; slayn also
With cursed Jewes (as it is notable,
For it nys but a litel while ago)."

Tyrwhitt, in his edition of Chaucer, notes that he found in the first four months of the Acta Sanctorum of Bollandus the names of five children canonized as having been murdered by the Jews, and he supposes that the remaining eight months would furnish at least as many more. Tyrwhitt accepts Percy's interpretation of Mirry-land as a corruption of the name of Milan, and under this erroneous impression he suggests that the real occasion of the ballad may have been the murder of the boy Simon, at Trent, in 1475.[325]

The superstition upon which all these stories are founded is said still to prevail among the ignorant members of the Greek Church, and it was revived at Damascus in 1840 in consequence of the disappearance of a priest named Thomaso. Two or three Jews were put to death before a proper judicial examination could be made, and the popular fury was so excited that severe persecution extended through a large part of the Turkish empire. Sir Moses Montefiore visited the various localities with the object of obtaining redress for his people, and he was successful. On November 6, 1840, a firman for the protection of the Jews was given at Constantinople, which contained the following passage:—"An ancient prejudice prevailed against the Jews. The ignorant believed that the Jews were accustomed to sacrifice a human being, to make use of his blood at the Passover. In consequence of this opinion the Jews of Damascus and Rhodes, who are subjects of our empire, have been persecuted by other nations.... But a short time has elapsed since some Jews dwelling in the isle of Rhodes were brought from thence to Constantinople, where they had been tried and judged according to the new regulations, and their innocence of the accusations made against them fully proved." The calumny, however, was again raised in October, 1847, and the Jews were in imminent peril when the missing boy, who had been staying at Baalbec, reappeared in good health.

Within the last few years the Greek Patriarch at Constantinople has issued a pastoral letter, in which he points out the wickedness of the Christian persecution of the Jews. He says: "Superstition is a detestable thing. Almost all the Christian nations of the East have taken up the extravagant idea that the Israelites enjoy shedding Christian blood, either to obtain thereby a blessing from heaven, or to gratify their national rancour against Christ. Hence conflicts and disturbances break out, by which the social harmony between the dwellers in the same land, yea, the same fatherland, is disturbed. Thus a report was lately spread of the abduction of little Christian children in order to give a pretext for suspicion. We on our side abhor such lying fancies; we regard them as the superstitions of men of weak faith and narrow minds; and we disavow them officially."

The superstition, however, still lives on, and according to the Levant Herald (1874), the Mahometans are beginning to fall into the delusion that the sacrificial knife is applied by the Jews to young Turks as well as to young Christians.]


The rain rins doun through Mirry-land toune,
Sae dois it doune the Pa:
Sae dois the lads of Mirry-land toune,
Quhan they play at the ba'.[326]
Than out and cam the Jewis dochtÈr,5
Said, Will ye cum in and dine?
"I winnae cum in, I cannae cum in,
Without my play-feres[327] nine."
Scho[328] powd[329] an apple reid and white
To intice the yong thing in:10
Scho powd an apple white and reid,
And that the sweit bairne did win.
And scho has taine out a little pen-knife,
And low down by her gair,[330]
Scho has twin'd[331] the yong thing and his life;15
A word he nevir spak mair.
And out and cam the thick thick bluid,
And out and cam the thin;
And out and cam the bonny herts bluid:
Thair was nae life left in.20
Scho laid him on a dressing borde,
And drest him like a swine,
And laughing said, Gae nou and pley
With your sweit play-feres nine.
Scho rowd[332] him in a cake of lead,25
Bade him lie stil and sleip.
Scho cast him in a deip draw-well,
Was fifty fadom deip.
Quhan bells wer rung, and mass was sung,
And every lady went hame:30
Than ilka lady had her yong sonne,
Bot lady Helen had nane.
Scho rowd hir mantil hir about,
And sair sair gan she weip:
And she ran into the Jewis castÈl,35
Quhan they wer all asleip.
My bonny sir Hew, my pretty sir Hew,
I pray thee to me speik.
"O lady, rinn to the deip draw-well,
Gin[333] ye your sonne wad seik."40
Lady Helen ran to the deip draw-well,
And knelt upon her kne:
My bonny sir Hew, an[334] ye be here,
I pray thee speik to me.
"The lead is wondrous heavy, mither,45
The well is wondrous deip,
A keen pen-knife sticks in my hert,
A word I dounae[335] speik.
Gae hame, gae hame, my mither deir,
Fetch me my windling sheet,50
And at the back o' Mirry-land toun,
Its thair we twa fall meet."
* * * * *

FOOTNOTES:

[322] Entdecktes Judenthum, vol. ii. p. 220.

[323] Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, 1865, p. 371.

[324] History of the Jews, ed. 1863, vol. iii. p. 249.

[325] Mr. Hales points out to me the following reference to the superstition in Marlowe's Jew of Malta, act iii.:—

"Friar Jacomo. Why, what has he done?
Friar Barnardine. A thing that makes me tremble to unfold.
Jac. What, has he crucified a child?
Bar. No, but a worse thing; 'twas told me in shrift;
Thou know'st 'tis death, an if it be reveal'd."

Dyce in his note quotes from Reed a reference to Tovey's Anglio Judaica, where instances of such crucifixion are given.

[326] [ball.]

[327] [play-fellows.]

[328] [she.]

[329] [pulled.]

[330] [dress.]

[331] [parted in two.]

[332] [she rolled.]

[333] [if.]

[334] [if.]

[335] [cannot.]


IV.
SIR CAULINE.

This old romantic tale was preserved in the Editor's folio MS. but in so very defective and mutilated a condition (not from any chasm in the MS. but from great omission in the transcript, probably copied from the faulty recitation of some illiterate minstrell), and the whole appeared so far short of the perfection it seemed to deserve, that the Editor was tempted to add several stanzas in the first part, and still more in the second, to connect and compleat the story in the manner which appeared to him most interesting and affecting.

There is something peculiar in the metre of this old ballad: it is not unusual to meet with redundant stanzas of six lines; but the occasional insertion of a double third or fourth line, as ver. 31, &c. is an irregularity I do not remember to have seen elsewhere.

It may be proper to inform the reader before he comes to Pt. ii. v. 110, 111, that the Round Table was not peculiar to the reign of K. Arthur, but was common in all the ages of chivalry. The proclaiming a great turnament (probably with some peculiar solemnities) was called "holding a Round Table." Dugdale tells us, that the great baron Roger de Mortimer "having procured the honour of knighthood to be conferred 'on his three sons' by K. Edw. I. he, at his own costs, caused a tourneament to be held at Kenilworth; where he sumptuously entertained an hundred knights, and as many ladies, for three days; the like whereof was never before in England; and there began the Round Table, (so called by reason that the place wherein they practised those feats was environed with a strong wall made in a round form:) And upon the fourth day, the golden lion, in sign of triumph, being yielded to him; he carried it (with all the company) to Warwick."—It may further be added, that Matthew Paris frequently calls justs and turnaments Hastiludia MensÆ RotundÆ.

As to what will be observed in this ballad of the art of healing being practised by a young princess; it is no more than what is usual in all the old romances, and was conformable to real manners: it being a practice derived from the earliest times among all the Gothic and Celtic nations, for women, even of the highest rank, to exercise the art of surgery. In the Northern Chronicles we always find the young damsels stanching the wounds of their lovers, and the wives those of their husbands.[336] And even so late as the time of Q. Elizabeth, it is mentioned among the accomplishments of the ladies of her court, that the "eldest of them are skilful in surgery." See Harrison's Description of England, prefixed to Hollinshed's Chronicle, &c.


[This story of Sir Cauline furnishes one of the most flagrant instances of Percy's manipulation of his authorities. In the following poem all the verses which are due to Percy's invention are placed between brackets, but the whole has been so much altered by him that it has been found necessary to reprint the original from the folio MS. at the end in order that readers may compare the two. Percy put into his version several new incidents and altered the ending, by which means he was able to dilute the 201 lines of the MS. copy into 392 of his own. There was no necessity for this perversion of the original, because the story is there complete, and moreover Percy did not sufficiently indicate the great changes he had made, for although nearly every verse is altered he only noted one trivial difference of reading, viz. aukeward for backward (v. 109).

Motherwell reprinted this ballad in his Minstrelsy, and in his prefatory note he made the following shrewd guess, which we now know to be a correct one:—"We suspect too that the ancient ballad had a less melancholy catastrophe, and that the brave Syr Cauline, after his combat with the 'hend Soldan' derived as much benefit from the leechcraft of fair Cristabelle as he did after winning the Eldridge sword." Professor Child has expressed the same view in his note to the ballad.

Buchan printed a ballad entitled King Malcolm and Sir Colvin, which is more like the original than Percy's version, but Mr. Hales is of opinion that this was one of that collector's fabrications.]


THE FIRST PART.

[In Ireland, ferr over the sea,
There dwelleth a bonnye kinge;
And with him a yong and comlye knighte,
Men call him syr CaulÌne.
The kinge had a ladye to his daughter,5
In fashyon she hath no peere;
And princely wightes that ladye wooed
To be theyr wedded feere.[337]]
Syr Cauline loveth her best of all,
But nothing durst he saye;10
Ne descreeve[338] his counsayl to no man,
But deerlye he lovde this may.[339]
Till on a daye it so beffell,
Great dill[340] to him was dight;[341]
The maydens love removde his mynd,15
To care-bed went the knighte.
One while he spred his armes him fro,
One while he spred them nye:
And aye! but I winne that ladyes love,
For dole[342] now I mun[343] dye.20
And whan our parish-masse was done,
Our kinge was bowne[344] to dyne:
He sayes, Where is syr Cauline,
That is wont to serve the wyne?
Then aunswerde him a courteous knighte,25
And fast his handes gan wringe:
Sir Cauline is sicke, and like to dye
Without a good leechÌnge.[345]
Fetche me downe my daughter deere,
She is a leeche fulle fine:30
Goe take him doughe,[346] and the baken bread,
And serve him with the wyne soe red;
Lothe I were him to tine.[347]
Fair Christabelle to his chaumber goes,
Her maydens followyng nye:35
O well, she sayth, how doth my lord?
O sicke, thou fayr ladyÈ.
Nowe ryse up wightlye,[348] man, for shame,
Never lye soe cowardlee;
For it is told in my fathers halle,40
You dye for love of mee.
Fayre ladye, it is for your love
That all this dill I drye:[349]
For if you wold comfort me with a kisse,
Then were I brought from bale to blisse,45
No lenger wold I lye.
[Sir knighte, my father is a kinge,
I am his onlye heire;
Alas! and well you knowe, syr knighte,
I never can be youre fere.50
O ladye, thou art a kinges daughtÈr,
And I am not thy peere,
But let me doe some deedes of armes
To be your bacheleere.[350]
Some deedes of armes if thou wilt doe,55
My bacheleere to bee,
(But ever and aye my heart wold rue,
Giff[351] harm shold happe to thee,)]
Upon Eldridge[352] hill there groweth a thorne,
Upon the mores brodinge;[353]60
And dare ye, syr knighte, wake there all nighte
Until the fayre mornÌnge?
For the Eldridge knighte, so mickle[354] of mighte,
Will examine you beforne:[355]
And never man bare life awaye,65
But he did him scath[356] and scorne.
[That knighte he is a foul paynÌm,[357]
And large of limb and bone;
And but if heaven may be thy speede,
Thy life it is but gone.70
Nowe on the Eldridge hilles Ile walke,[358]
For thy sake, fair ladÌe;]
And He either bring you a ready tokÈn,
Or He never more you see
The lady is gone to her own chaumbÈre,75
Her maydens following bright:
[Syr Cauline lope[359] from care-bed soone,
And to the Eldridge hills is gone,]
For to wake there all night.
Unto midnight, that the moone did rise,80
He walked up and downe;
Then a lightsome bugle heard he blowe
Over the bents[360] soe browne;
Quoth hee, If cryance come till[361] my heart,
I am ffar from any good towne.85
And soone he spyde on the mores so broad,
A furyous wight and fell;[362]
A ladye bright his brydle led,
Clad in a fayre kyrtÈll:
And soe fast he called on syr CaulÌne,90
O man, I rede[363] thee flye,
For 'but' if cryance comes till thy heart,
I weene but thou mun dye.
He sayth, 'No' cryance comes till my heart,
Nor, in faith, I wyll not flee;95
For, cause thou minged[364] not Christ before,
The less me dreadeth thee.
[The Eldridge knighte, he pricked his steed;
Syr Cauline bold abode:
Then either shooke his trustye speare,]100
And the timber these two children[365] bare
Soe soone in sunder slode.[366]
Then tooke they out theyr two good swordes,
And layden[367] on full faste,
[Till helme and hawberke, mail and sheelde,105
They all were well-nye brast.[368]]
The Eldridge knight was mickle of might,
And stiffe in stower[369] did stande,
But syr Cauline with a 'backward' stroke,[370]
He smote off his right hand;110
That soone he with paine and lacke of bloud
Fell downe on that lay-land.[371]
[Then up syr Cauline lift his brande
All over his head so hye:
And here I sweare by the holy roode,115
Nowe, caytiffe, thou shalt dye.
Then up and came that ladye brighte,
Fast wringing of her hande:
For the maydens love, that most you love,
Withold that deadlye brande:120
For the maydens love, that most you love,
Now smyte no more I praye;
And aye whatever thou wilt, my lord,
He shall thy hests[372] obaye.
Now sweare to mee, thou Eldridge knighte,125
And here on this lay-land,
That thou wilt believe on Christ his laye,[373]
And therto plight thy hand:
And that thou never on Eldridge come
To sporte, gamon,[374] or playe:130
And that thou here give up thy armes
Until thy dying daye.
The Eldridge knighte gave up his armes
With many a sorrowfulle sighe;
And sware to obey syr Caulines hest,135
Till the tyme that he shold dye.]
And he then up and the Eldridge knighte
Sett him in his saddle anone,
And the Eldridge knighte and his ladye
To theyr castle are they gone.140
[Then he tooke up the bloudy hand,
That was so large of bone,
And on it he founde five ringes of gold
Of knightes that had be slone.[375]
Then he tooke up the Eldridge sworde,145
As hard as any flint:
And he tooke off those ringÈs five,
As bright as fyre and brent.
Home then pricked[376] syr Cauline
As light as leafe on tree:150
I-wys he neither stint ne blanne,[377]
Till he his ladye see.
Then downe he knelt upon his knee
Before that lady gay:
O ladye, I have bin on the Eldridge hills:155
These tokens I bring away.
Now welcome, welcome, syr CaulÌne,
Thrice welcome unto mee,
For now I perceive thou art a true knighte,
Of valour bolde and free.160
O ladye, I am thy own true knighte,
Thy hests for to obaye:
And mought I hope to winne thy love!—
Ne more his tonge colde say.
The ladye blushed scarlette redde,165
And fette[378] a gentill sighe:
Alas! syr knight, how may this bee,
For my degree's soe highe?
But sith thou hast hight,[379] thou comely youth,
To be my batchilere,170
Ile promise if thee I may not wedde
I will have none other fere.[380]
Then shee held forthe her lilly-white hand
Towards that knighte so free;
He gave to it one gentill kisse,175
His heart was brought from bale to blisse,
The teares sterte[381] from his ee.
But keep my counsayl, syr CaulÌne,
Ne let no man it knowe;
For and ever my father sholde it ken,180
I wot he wolde us sloe.[382]
From that daye forthe that ladye fayre
Lovde syr CaulÌne the knighte:
From that daye forthe he only joyde
Whan shee was in his sight.185
Yea and oftentimes they mette
Within a fayre arbÒure,
Where they in love and sweet daliaunce
Past manye a pleasaunt houre.]

? In this conclusion of the First Part, and at the beginning of the Second, the reader will observe a resemblance to the story of Sigismunda and Guiscard, as told by Boccace and Dryden. See the latter's description of the lovers meeting in the cave; and those beautiful lines, which contain a reflection so like this of our poet, "everye white," &c., viz.:

"But as extremes are short of ill and good,
And tides at highest mark regorge their flood;
So Fate, that could no more improve their joy,
Took a malicious pleasure to destroy
Tancred, who fondly loved," &c.

PART THE SECOND.

Everye white will have its blacke,
And everye sweete its sowre:
This founde the ladye Christabelle
In an untimely howre.
For so it befelle, as syr CaulÌne5
Was with that ladye faire,
The kinge her father walked forthe
To take the evenyng aire:
And into the arboure as he went
To rest his wearye feet,10
He found his daughter and syr CaulÌne
There sette in daliaunce sweet.
The kinge hee sterted forthe, i-wys,[383]
And an angrye man was hee:
Nowe, traytoure, thou shalt hange or drawe,15
And rewe shall thy ladÌe.
Then forthe syr Cauline he was ledde,
And throwne in dungeon deepe:
And the ladye into a towre so hye,
There left to wayle and weepe.20
The queene she was syr Caulines friend,
And to the kinge sayd shee:
I praye you save syr Caulines life,
And let him banisht bee.
Now, dame, that traitor shall be sent25
Across the salt sea fome:
But here I will make thee a band,[384]
If ever he come within this land,
A foule deathe is his doome.
All woe-begone was that gentil knight30
To parte from his ladyÈ;
And many a time he sighed sore,
And cast a wistfulle eye:
Faire Christabelle, from thee to parte,
Farre lever[385] had I dye.35
Faire Christabelle, that ladye bright,
Was had forthe of the towre;
But ever shee droopeth in her minde,
As nipt by an ungentle winde
Doth some faire lillye flowre.40
And ever shee doth lament and weepe
To tint[386] her lover soe:
Syr Cauline, thou little think'st on mee,
But I will still be true.
Manye a kynge, and manye a duke,45
And lorde of high degree,
Did sue to that fayre ladye of love;
But never shee wolde them nee.[387]
When manye a daye was past and gone,
Ne comforte she colde finde,50
The kynge proclaimed a tourneament,
To cheere his daughters mind:
And there came lords, and there came knights,
Fro manye a farre countryÈ,
To break a spere for theyr ladyes love55
Before that faire ladyÈ.
And many a ladye there was sette
In purple and in palle:[388]
But faire Christabelle soe woe-begone
Was the fayrest of them all.60
Then manye a knighte was mickle of might
Before his ladye gaye;
But a stranger wight, whom no man knewe,
He wan the prize eche daye.
His acton[389] it was all of blacke,65
His hewberke,[390] and his sheelde,
Ne noe man wist whence he did come,
Ne noe man knewe where he did gone,
When they came from the feelde.
And now three days were prestlye[391] past70
In feates of chivalrye,
When lo upon the fourth mornÌnge
A sorrowfulle sight they see.
A hugye giaunt stiffe and starke,
All foule of limbe and lere;[392]75
Two goggling eyen like fire farden,[393]
A mouthe from eare to eare.
Before him came a dwarffe full lowe,
That waited on his knee,
And at his backe five heads he bare,80
All wan and pale of blee.[394]
Sir, quoth the dwarffe, and louted[395] lowe,
Behold that hend[396] SoldÀin!
Behold these heads I beare with me!
They are kings which he hath slain.85
The Eldridge knÌght is his own cousÌne,
Whom a knight of thine hath shent:[397]
And hee is come to avenge his wrong,
And to thee, all thy knightes among,
Defiance here hath sent.90
But yette he will appease his wrath
Thy daughters love to winne:
And but thou yeelde him that fayre mayd,
Thy halls and towers must brenne.[398]
Thy head, syr king, must goe with mee;95
Or else thy daughter deere;
Or else within these lists soe broad
Thou must finde him a peere.[399]
The king he turned him round aboute,
And in his heart was woe:100
Is there never a knighte of my round tablÈ,
This matter will undergoe?
[Is there never a knighte amongst yee all
Will fight for my daughter and mee?
Whoever will fight yon grimme soldÀn,105
Right fair his meede shall bee.
For hee shall have my broad lay-lands,
And of my crowne be heyre;
And he shall winne fayre Christabelle
To be his wedded fere.110
But every knighte of his round table
Did stand both still and pale;
For whenever they lookt on the grim soldÀn,
It made their hearts to quail.
All woe-begone was that fayre ladyÈ,115
When she sawe no helpe was nye:
She cast her thought on her owne true-love,
And the teares gusht from her eye.
Up then sterte the stranger knighte,
Sayd, Ladye, be not affrayd:120
Ile fight for thee with this grimme soldÀn,
Thoughe he be unmacklye[400] made.
And if thou wilt lend me the Eldridge sworde,
That lyeth within thy bowre,
I truste in Christe for to slay this fiende125
Thoughe he be stiff in stowre.
Goe fetch him downe the Eldridge sworde,
The kinge he cryde, with speede:
Nowe heaven assist thee, courteous knighte;
My daughter is thy meede.[401]130
The gyaunt he stepped into the lists,
And sayd, Awaye, awaye:
I sweare, as I am the hend soldÀn,
Thou lettest[402] me here all daye.
Then forthe the stranger knight he came135
In his blacke armoure dight:
The ladye sighed a gentle sighe,
"That this were my true knighte!"
And nowe the gyaunt and knighte be mett
Within the lists soe broad;140
And now with swordes soe sharpe of steele,
They gan to lay on load.[403]
The soldan strucke the knighte a stroke,
That made him reele asyde;
Then woe-begone was that fayre ladyÈ,145
And thrice she deeply sighde.
The soldan strucke a second stroke,
And made the bloude to flowe:
All pale and wan was that ladye fayre,
And thrice she wept for woe.150
The soldan strucke a third fell stroke,
Which brought the knighte on his knee:
Sad sorrow pierced that ladyes heart,
And she shriekt loud shriekings three.
The knighte he leapt upon his feete,155
All recklesse of the pain:
Quoth hee, But[404] heaven be now my speede,
Or else[405] I shall be slaine.
He grasped his sworde with mayne and mighte,
And spying a secrette part,160
He drave it into the soldan's syde,
And pierced him to the heart.
Then all the people gave a shoute,
Whan they sawe the soldan falle:
The ladye wept, and thanked Christ,165
That had reskewed her from thrall.[406]
And nowe the kinge with all his barons
Rose uppe from offe his seate,
And downe he stepped intÒ the listes,
That curteous knighte to greete.170
But he for payne and lacke of bloude
Was fallen intÒ a swounde,
And there all walteringe in his gore,
Lay lifelesse on the grounde.
Come downe, come downe, my daughter deare,175
Thou art a leeche of skille;
Farre lever[407] had I lose halfe my landes,
Than this good knighte sholde spille.[408]
Downe then steppeth that fayre ladyÈ,
To helpe him if she maye;180
But when she did his beavere raise,
It is my life, my lord, she sayes,
And shriekte and swound awaye.
Sir Cauline juste lifte up his eyes
When he heard his ladye crye,185
O ladye, I am thine owne true love;
For thee I wisht to dye.
Then giving her one partinge looke,
He closed his eyes in death,
Ere Christabelle, that ladye milde,190
Begane to drawe her breathe.
But when she found her comelye knighte
Indeed was dead and gone,
She layde her pale cold cheeke to his,
And thus she made her moane.195
O staye, my deare and onlye lord,
For mee thy faithfulle feere;[409]
'Tis meet that I shold followe thee,
Who hast bought my love soe deare.
Then fayntinge in a deadlye swoune,200
And with a deepe-fette[410] sighe,
That burst her gentle hearte in twayne,
Fayre Christabelle did dye.]

?

[The following is the original ballad from which Percy concocted his own. It is reprinted from Bishop Percy's Folio MS., ed. Hales and Furnivall, vol. iii. p. 1.

Iesus: lord mickle of might,
that dyed ffor vs on the roode
to maintaine vs in all our right,
that loues true English blood.
ffor by a Knight I say my song,5
was bold & ffull hardye;
Sir Robert Briuse wold fforth to ffight
in-to Ireland ouer the sea;
& in that land dwells a king
which ouer all does beare the bell,10
& with him there dwelled a curteous Knight,
men call him Sir Cawline.
And he hath a Ladye to his daughter,
of ffashyon shee hath noe peere;
Knights & lordes they woed her both,15
trusted to haue beene her peere.
Sir Cawline loues her best of onÉ,
but nothing durst hee say
to discreeue his councell to noe man,
but deerlye loued this mayd.20
till itt beffell vpon a day,
great dill to him was dight;
the maydens loue remoued his mind,
to care bed went the Knight;
& one while he spread his armes him ffroe,25
& cryed soe pittyouslye
"ffor the maydens loue that I haue most minde,
this day may comfort mee,
or else ere noone I shalbe dead!"
thus can Sir Cawline say.30
when our parish masse that itt was done,
& our king was bowne to dine,
he sayes, "where is Sir Cawline
that was wont to serue me with ale and wine?"
but then answered a curteous Knight35
ffast wringinge his hands,
"Sir Cawlines sicke, & like to be dead
without and a good leedginge."
"ffeitch yee downe my daughter deere,
shee is a Leeche ffull ffine;40
I, and take you doe & the baken bread,
and eene on the wine soe red,
& looke no day[n]tinesse ffor him to deare,
for ffull loth I wold him teene."
this Ladye is gone to his chamber,45
her maydens ffollowing Nye,
"O well," shee sayth, "how doth my Lord?"
"O sicke!" againe saith hee.
"I, but rise vp wightlye, man, for shame:
neuer lye soe cowardlye here!50
itt is told in my ffathers hall,
ffor my loue you will dye."
"itt is ffor your Loue, ffayre Ladye,
that all this dill I drye.
ffor if you wold comfort me with a Kisse,55
then were I brought ffrom bale to blisse,
noe longer here wold I lye."
"alas! soe well you know, Sir Knight,
I cannott bee your peere."
"ffor some deeds of armes ffaine wold I doe60
to be your Bacheeleere."
"vpon Eldridge hill there growes a thorne
vpon the mores brodinge;
& wold you, Sir Knight, wake there all night
to day of the other Morninge?65
"ffor the Eldrige King that is mickle of Might
will examine you beforne;
& there was neuer man that bare his liffe away
since the day that I was borne."
"but I will ffor your sake, ffaire Ladye,70
walke on the bents [soe] browne,
& Ile either bring you a readye token
or Ile neuer come to you againe."
but this Ladye is gone to her Chamber,
her Maydens ffollowing bright;75
& Sir Cawlins gone to the mores soe broad,
ffor to wake there all night.
vnto midnight they Moone did rise,
he walked vp and downe,
& a lightsome bugle then heard he blow80
ouer the bents soe browne.
saies hee, "and if cryance come vntill my hart,
I am ffarr ffrom any good towne;"
& he spyed ene a litle him by,
a ffuryous King and a ffell,85
& a ladye bright his brydle led,
that seemlye itt was to see;
& soe fast hee called vpon Sir Cawline,
"Oh man, I redd thee fflye!
ffor if cryance come vntill thy hart,90
I am a-feard least thou mun dye."
he sayes, "[no] cryance comes to my hart,
nor ifaith I ffeare not thee;
ffor because thou minged not christ before,
Thee lesse me dreadeth thee."95
but Sir Cawline he shooke a speare,
the King was bold, and abode,
& the timber these 2 Children bore
soe soone in sunder slode,
ffor they tooke & 2 good swords,100
& they Layden on good Loade.
but the Elridge King was mickle of might,
& stiffly to the ground did stand;
but Sir Cawline with an aukeward stroke
he brought him ffrom his hand,105
I, & fflying ouer his head soe hye,
ffell downe of that Lay land:
& his lady stood a litle thereby,
ffast ringing her hands:
"for they maydens loue that you haue most meed,110
smyte you my Lord no more,
& heest neuer come vpon Eldrige [hill]
him to sport, gamon, or play,
& to meete noe man of middle earth,
& that liues on christs his lay."115
but he then vp, and that Eldryge King
sett him in his sadle againe,
& that Eldryge King & his Ladye
to their castle are they gone.
& hee tooke then vp & that Eldryge sword120
as hard as any fflynt,
& soe he did those ringes 5,
harder than ffyer, and brent.
ffirst he presented to the Kings daughter
they hand, & then they sword.125
"but a serrett buffett you haue him giuen,
the King & the crowne!" she sayd,
"I, but 34 stripes
comen beside the rood."
& a Gyant that was both stiffe [&] strong,130
he lope now them amonge,
& vpon his squier 5 heads he bare,
vnmackley made was hee.
& he dranke then on the Kings wine,
& hee put the cup in his sleeue;135
& all thÉ trembled & were wan
ffor feare he shold them greeffe.
"Ile tell thee mine Arrand, King," he sayes,
"mine errand what I doe heere;
ffor I will bren thy temples hye,140
or Ile haue thy daughter deere;
in, or else vpon, yond more soe brood
thou shalt ffind mee a ppeare."
the King he turned him round about,
(Lord, in his heart he was woe!),145
says, "is there noe Knight of the round table
this matter will vndergoe?
"I, & hee shall haue my broad Lands,
& keepe them well his liue;
I, and soe hee shall my daughter deere,150
to be his weded wiffe."
& then stood vp Sir Cawline
his owne errand ffor to say.
"ifaith, I wold to god, Sir," sayd Sir Cawline,
"that Soldan I will assay.155
"goe, ffeitch me downe my Eldrige sword,
ffor I woone itt att [a] ffray."
"but away, away!" sayd the hend Soldan,
"thou tarryest mee here all day!"
but the hend Soldan and Sir Cawline160
thÉ ffought a summers day:
now has hee slaine that hend Soldan,
& brought his 5 heads away.
& the King has betaken him his broade lands
& all his venison.165
"but take you too & your Lands [soe] broad,
& brooke them well your liffe,
ffor you promised mee your daughter deere
to be my weded wiffe."
"now by my ffaith," then sayes our King,170
"ffor that wee will not striffe;
ffor thou shalt haue my daughter dere
to be thy weded wiffe."
the other morninge Sir Cawline rose
by the dawning of the day,175
& vntill a garden did he goe
his Mattins ffor to say;
& that bespyed a ffalse steward—
a shames death that he might dye!—
& he lett a lyon out of a bande,180
Sir Cawline ffor to teare;
& he had noe wepon him vpon,
nor noe wepon did weare.
but hee tooke then his Mantle of greene,
into the Lyons mouth itt thrust;185
he held the Lyon soe sore to the wall
till the Lyons hart did burst.
& the watchmen cryed vpon the walls
& sayd, "Sir Cawlines slaine!
and with a beast is not ffull litle,190
a Lyon of Mickle mayne."
then the Kings daughter shee ffell downe,
"for peerlesse is my payne!"
"O peace, my Lady!" sayes Sir Cawline,
"I haue bought thy loue ffull deere.195
O peace, my Lady!" sayes Sir Cawline,
"peace, Lady, ffor I am heere!"
then he did marry this Kings daughter
with gold & siluer bright,
& 15 sonnes this Ladye beere200
to Sir Cawline the Knight.

ffins.]

[336] See Northern Antiquities, &c. vol. i. p. 318; vol. ii. p. 100. Memoires de la Chevalerie, tom. i. p. 44.

[337] [mate.]

[338] [describe.]

[339] [maiden.]

[340] [grief.]

[341] [wrought.]

[342] [sorrow.]

[343] [must.]

[344] [made ready.]

[345] [medical care.]

[346] [This is an odd misreading of Percy's. The MS. has "I and take you doe and the baken bread," where doe is the auxiliary verb and the and redundant.]

[347] [lose.]

[348] [swiftly.]

[349] [pain I suffer.]

[350] [knight.]

[351] [if.]

[352] [spectral, lonesome.]

[353] [wide moors.]

[354] [great.]

[355] [before.]

[356] [harm.]

[357] [pagan.]

[358] Perhaps wake, as above in ver. 61.

[359] [leaped.]

[360] [fields.]

[361] [if fear come to.]

[362] [fierce.]

[363] [advise.]

[364] [mentioned.]

[365] i. e. Knights. See the Preface to Child Waters, vol. iii.

[366] [split.]

[367] [laid.]

[368] [burst.]

[369] [battle.]

[370] Ver. 109, aukeward. MS.

[371] [green sward.]

[372] [commands.]

[373] [law.]

[374] [fight.]

[375] [slain.]

[376] [spurred.]

[377] [neither stopped nor lingered.]

[378] [fetched.]

[379] [since thou hast engaged.]

[380] [mate.]

[381] [started.]

[382] [I know he would slay us.]

[383] [verily.]

[384] [bond or covenant.]

[385] [rather.]

[386] [lose.]

[387] [nigh.]

[388] [fine cloth.]

[389] [leather jacket.]

[390] [coat of mail.]

[391] [quickly.]

[392] [countenance.]

[393] [flashed.]

[394] [complexion.]

[395] [bowed.]

[396] [courteous.]

[397] [injured.]

[398] [burn.]

[399] [equal.]

[400] [mis-shapen.]

[401] [reward.]

[402] [detainest.]

[403] [give blows.]

[404] [unless.]

[405] ["or else," redundant from a misunderstanding of the word but.]

[406] [captivity.]

[407] [rather.]

[408] [come to harm.]

[409] [mate.]

[410] [deep-drawn.]


V.
EDWARD, EDWARD.

A Scottish Ballad.

From a MS. copy transmitted from Scotland.

[The affectedly antique orthography of this ballad has caused some to suppose that it was a modern invention, probably by Lady Wardlaw, the author of Hardyknute, but Motherwell obtained another version from the recitation of an old woman, which he printed in his Minstrelsy under the title of "Son Davie, son Davie." He there says that there is reason to believe that Lord Hailes "made a few slight verbal improvements in the copy he transmitted, and altered the hero's name to Edward, a name which, by the bye, never occurs in a Scottish ballad except where allusion is made to an English king."

There is a Swedish ballad of the same character entitled The Fratricide's Lament and Dialogue with his Mother before he wanders away from home for ever.

The form of a dialogue between a mother and her son is a favourite one in the old ballads, and "Lord Donald" in Kinloch's Scottish Ballads and "Lord Randal" in Scott's Minstrelsy bear some likeness to the ballad of "Edward." The hero is supposed to have been poisoned by eating toads prepared as a dish of fishes, and the last stanza of Kinloch's ballad is as follows:—

"What will ye leave to your true love, Lord Donald,
My son?
What will ye leave to your true love,
My jollie young man?
The tow and the halter for to hang on yon tree,
And lat her hang there for the poysoning o' me."]


Quhy dois your brand sae drop wi' bluid,[411]
Edward, Edward?
Quhy dois your brand sae drop wi' bluid?
And quhy sae sad gang yee, O?[412]
O, I hae killed my hauke sae guid,5
Mither, mither:
O, I hae killed my hauke sae guid:
And I had nae mair bot hee,[413] O.
Your haukis bluid was nevir sae reid,
Edward, Edward.10
Your haukis bluid was nevir sae reid,
My deir son I tell thee, O.
O, I hae killed my reid-roan steid,
Mither, Mither:
O, I hae killed my reid-roan steid,15
That erst was sae fair and free, O.
Your steid was auld, and ye hae gat mair,
Edward, Edward:
Your steid was auld, and ye hae gat mair,
Sum other dule ye drie,[414] O.20
O, I hae killed my fadir deir,
Mither, mither:
O, I hae killed my fadir deir,
Alas! and wae is me, O!
And quhatten penance wul ye drie[415] for that,25
Edward, Edward?
And quhatten penance will ye drie for that?
My deir son, now tell me, O.
Ile set my feit in yonder boat,
Mither, mither:30
Ile set my feit in yonder boat,
And Ile fare[416] ovir the sea, O.
And quhat wul ye doe wi' your towirs and your ha',[417]
Edward, Edward?
And quhat wul ye doe wi' your towirs and your ha',35
That were sae fair to see, O?
Ile let thame stand til they doun fa',[418]
Mither, mither:
Ile let thame stand til they doun fa',
For here nevir mair maun I bee, O.40
And quhat wul ye leive to your bairns and your wife,
Edward, Edward?
And quhat wul ye leive to your bairns and your wife,
Quhan ye gang ovir the sea, O?
The warldis room,[419] let thame beg throw life,45
Mither, mither:
The warldis room, let thame beg throw life,
For thame nevir mair wul I see, O.
And quhat wul ye leive to your ain mither deir,
Edward, Edward?50
And quhat wul ye leive to your ain mither deir?
My deir son, now tell me, O.
The curse of hell frae me sall ye beir,
Mither, mither:
The curse of hell frae me sall ye beir,55
Sic counseils ye gave to me, O.

This curious song was transmitted to the editor by Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., late Lord Hailes.

FOOTNOTES:

[411] [why does your sword so drop with blood.]

[412] [and why so sad go ye.]

[413] [no other but he.]

[414] [some other grief you suffer.]

[415] [undergo.]

[416] [pass.]

[417] [hall.]

[418] [fall.]

[419] [the world's large.]


VI.
KING ESTMERE.

This old Romantic Legend (which is given from two copies, one of them in the editor's folio MS., but which contained very great variations), bears marks of considerable antiquity, and, perhaps, ought to have taken place of any in this volume. It would seem to have been written while part of Spain was in the hands of the Saracens or Moors: whose empire there was not fully extinguished before the year 1491. The Mahometans are spoken of in v. 49, &c., just in the same terms as in all other old romances. The author of the ancient Legend of Sir Bevis represents his hero, upon all occasions, breathing out defiance against

"Mahound and Termagaunte;"[420]

and so full of zeal for his religion, as to return the following polite message to a Paynim king's fair daughter, who had fallen in love with him, and sent two Saracen knights to invite him to her bower,

"I wyll not ones stirre off this grounde,
To speake with an heathen hounde.
Unchristen houndes, I rede you fle.
Or I your harte bloud shall se."[421]

Indeed they return the compliment by calling him elsewhere "A christen hounde."[422]

This was conformable to the real manners of the barbarous ages: perhaps the same excuse will hardly serve our bard, for that Adland should be found lolling or leaning at his gate (v. 35) may be thought, perchance, a little out of character. And yet the great painter of manners, Homer, did not think it inconsistent with decorum to represent a king of the Taphians leaning at the gate of Ulysses to inquire for that monarch, when he touched at Ithaca as he was taking a voyage with a ship's cargo of iron to dispose in traffic.[423] So little ought we to judge of ancient manners by our own.

Before I conclude this article, I cannot help observing, that the reader will see, in this ballad, the character of the old Minstrels (those successors of the Bards) placed in a very respectable light:[424] here he will see one of them represented mounted on a fine horse, accompanied with an attendant to bear his harp after him, and to sing the poems of his composing. Here he will see him mixing in the company of kings without ceremony: no mean proof of the great antiquity of this poem. The farther we carry our inquiries back, the greater respect we find paid to the professors of poetry and music among all the Celtic and Gothic nations. Their character was deemed so sacred, that under its sanction our famous king Alfred (as we have already seen)[425] made no scruple to enter the Danish camp, and was at once admitted to the king's headquarters.[426] Our poet has suggested the same expedient to the heroes of this ballad. All the histories of the North are full of the great reverence paid to this order of men. Harold Harfagre, a celebrated King of Norway, was wont to seat them at his table above all the officers of his court: and we find another Norwegian king placing five of them by his side in a day of battle, that they might be eye-witnesses of the great exploits they were to celebrate.[427] As to Estmere's riding into the hall while the kings were at table, this was usual in the ages of chivalry; and even to this day we see a relic of this custom still kept up, in the champion's riding into Westminster Hall during the coronation dinner.[428]

Some liberties have been taken with this tale by the editor, but none without notice to the reader in that part which relates to the subject of the harper and his attendant.


[Percy refers to two copies of this ballad, but there is every reason to believe that one of these was the bishop's own composition, as it was never seen by others and has not since been found. The copy from the folio MS. was torn out by Percy when he was preparing the fourth edition of the Reliques for the press, and is now unfortunately lost, so that we have no means of telling what alterations he made in addition to those which he mentions in the footnotes. The readings in the fourth edition are changed in several places from those printed in the first edition.]


Hearken to me, gentlemen,
Come and you shall heare;
Ile tell you of two of the boldest brethren[429]
That ever borne y-were.
The tone[430] of them was Adler younge,5
The tother was kyng Estmere;
The were as bolde men in their deeds,
As any were farr and neare.
As they were drinking ale and wine
Within kyng Estmeres halle:[431]10
When will ye marry a wyfe, brothÈr,
A wyfe to glad us all?
Then bespake him kyng Estmere,
And answered him hastilee:[432]
I know not that ladye in any land15
That's able[433] to marrye with mee.
Kyng Adland hath a daughter, brother,
Men call her bright and sheene;[434]
If I were kyng here in your stead,
That ladye shold be my queene.20
Saies, Reade me,[435] reade me, deare brother,
Throughout merry EnglÀnd,
Where we might find a messenger
Betwixt us towe to sende.
Saies, You shal ryde yourselfe, brothÈr,25
Ile beare you companye;
Many throughe fals messengers are deceived,[436]
And I feare lest soe shold wee.
Thus the renisht[437] them to ryde
Of twoe good renisht[438] steeds,30
And when the came to king Adlands halle,
Of redd gold shone their weeds.[439]
And when the came to kyng Adlands hall
Before the goodlye gate,
There they found good kyng AdlÀnd35
Rearing[440] himselfe theratt.
Now Christ thee save, good kyng AdlÀnd;
Now Christ you save and see.
Sayd, You be welcome, king Estmere,
Right hartilye to mee.40
You have a daughter, said Adler younge,
Men call her bright and sheene,
My brother wold marrye her to his wiffe,
Of Englande to be queene.
Yesterday was att my deere daughtÈr45
Syr Bremor the kyng of Spayne;[441]
And then she nicked[442] him of naye,
And I doubt sheele[443] do you the same.
The kyng of Spayne is a foule paynim,[444]
And 'leeveth[445] on Mahound;50
And pitye it were that fayre ladyÈ
Shold marrye a heathen hound.
But grant to me, sayes kyng Estmere,
For my love I you praye;
That I may see your daughter deere55
Before I goe hence awaye.
Although itt is seven yeers and more
Since my daughter was in halle,
She shall come once downe for your sake
To glad my guestÈs alle.60
Downe then came that mayden fayre,
With ladyes laced in pall,[446]
And halfe a hundred of bold knightes,
To bring her from bowre to hall;
And as many gentle squiers,65
To tend upon them all.
The talents of golde were on her head sette,
Hanged low downe to her knee;
And everye ring on her small fingÈr,
Shone of the chrystall free.70
Saies, God you save, my deere madÀm;
Saies, God you save and see.
Said, You be welcome, kyng Estmere,
Right welcome unto mee.
And if you love me, as you saye,75
Soe well and hartilÈe,
All that ever you are comen about
Soone sped now itt shal bee.
Then bespake her father deare:
My daughter, I saye naye;80
Remember well the kyng of Spayne,
What he sayd yesterdaye.
He wold pull downe my halles and castles,
And reave[447] me of my lyfe
I cannot blame him if he doe,85
If I reave him of his wyfe.
Your castles and your towres, father,
Are stronglye built aboute;
And therefore of the king of Spaine[448]
Wee neede not stande in doubt.90
Plight me your troth, nowe, kyng EstmÈre,
By heaven and your righte hand,
That you will marrye me to your wyfe,
And make me queene of your land.
Then kyng Estmere he plight his troth95
By heaven and his righte hand,
That he wolde marrye her to his wyfe,
And make her queene of his land.
And he tooke leave of that ladye fayre,
To goe to his owne countree,100
To fetche him dukes and lordes and knightes,
That marryed the might bee.
They had not ridden scant a myle,
A myle forthe of the towne,
But in did come the kyng of Spayne,105
With kempÈs[449] many one.
But in did come the kyng of Spayne,
With manye a bold barÒne,
Tone day to marrye kyng Adlands daughter,
Tother daye to carrye her home.110
Shee sent one after kyng EstmÈre
In all the spede might bee,
That he must either turne againe and fighte,
Or goe home and loose his ladyÈ.
One whyle then the page he went,115
Another while he ranne;
Till he had oretaken king Estmere,
I wis, he never blanne.[450]
Tydings, tydings, kyng Estmere!
What tydinges nowe, my boye?120
O tydinges I can tell to you,
That will you sore annoye.
You had not ridden scant a mile,
A mile out of the towne,
But in did come the kyng of Spayne125
With kempÈs many a one:
But in did come the kyng of Spayne
With manye a bold barÒne,
Tone daye to marrye king Adlands daughter,
Tother daye to carry her home.130
My ladye fayre she greetes you well,
And ever-more well by mee:
You must either turne againe and fighte,
Or goe home and loose your ladyÈ.
Saies, Reade me, reade me, deere brothÈr,135
My reade shall ryde[451] at thee,
Whether it is better to turne and fighte,
Or goe home and loose my ladye.
Now hearken to me, sayes Adler yonge,
And your reade must rise[452] at me,140
I quicklye will devise a waye
To sette thy ladye free.
My mother was a westerne woman,
And learned in gramaryÈ.[453]
And when I learned at the schole,145
Something shee taught itt mee.
There growes an hearbe within this field,
And iff it were but knowne,
His color, which is whyte and redd,
It will make blacke and browne:150
His color, which is browne and blacke,
Itt will make redd and whyte;
That sworde is not in all Englande,
Upon his coate will byte.
And you shal be a harper, brother,155
Out of the north countrye;
And Ile be your boy, soe faine of fighte,[454]
And beare your harpe by your knee.
And you shal be the best harpÈr,
That ever tooke harpe in hand;160
And I wil be the best singÈr,
That ever sung in this lande.
Itt shal be written in our forheads
All and in grammaryÈ,
That we towe are the boldest men,165
That are in all ChristentyÈ.
And thus they renisht them to ryde,
On tow good renish steedes:
And when they came to king Adlands hall,
Of redd gold shone their weedes.170
And whan the came to kyng Adlands hall,
Untill the fayre hall yate,[455]
There they found a proud portÈr
Rearing himselfe thereatt.
Sayes, Christ thee save, thou proud portÈr;175
Sayes, Christ thee save and see.
Nowe you be welcome, sayd the portÈr,
Of what land soever ye bee.
Wee beene harpers, sayd Adler younge,
Come out of the northe countrye;180
Wee beene come hither untill this place,
This proud weddinge for to see.
Sayd, And your color were white and redd,
As it is blacke and browne,
I wold saye king Estmere and his brother185
Were comen untill this towne.
Then they pulled out a ryng of gold,
Layd itt on the porters arme:
And ever we will thee, proud portÈr,
Thow wilt saye us no harme.190
Sore he looked on kyng EstmÈre,
And sore he handled the ryng,
Then opened to them the fayre hall yates,
He lett[456] for no kind of thyng.
Kyng Estmere he stabled his steede195
Soe fayre att the hall bord;
The froth, that came from his brydle bitte,
Light in kyng Bremors beard.
Saies, Stable thy steed, thou proud harpÈr,
Saies, Stable him in the stalle;200
It doth not beseeme a proud harpÈr
To stable 'him' in a kyngs halle.[457]
My ladde he is so lither,[458] he said,
He will doe nought that's meete;
And is there any man in this hall205
Were able him to beate.
Thou speakst proud words, sayes the king of Spaine,
Thou harper here to mee:
There is a man within this halle,
Will beate thy ladd and thee.210
O let that man come downe, he said,
A sight of him wold I see;
And when hee hath beaten well my ladd,
Then he shall beate of mee.
Downe then came the kemperye man,[459]215
And looked him in the eare;
For all the gold, that was under heaven,
He durst not neigh him neare.[460]
And how nowe, kempe, said the kyng of Spaine,
And how what aileth thee?220
He saies, It is writt in his forhead
All and in gramaryÈ,
That for all the gold that is under heaven,
I dare not neigh him nye.
Then kyng Estmere pulld forth his harpe,225
And plaid a pretty thinge:
The ladye upstart from the borde,
And wold have gone from the king.
Stay thy harpe, thou proud harpÈr,
For Gods love I pray thee230
For and thou playes as thou beginns,
Thou'lt till[461] my bryde from mee.
He stroake upon his harpe againe,
And playd a pretty thinge;
The ladye lough[462] a loud laughter,235
As shee sate by the king.
Saies, sell me thy harpe, thou proud harper,
And thy stringÈs all,
For as many gold nobles 'thou shalt have'
As heere bee ringes in the hall.240
What wold ye doe with my harpe, 'he sayd,
If I did sell itt yee?
"To playe my wiffe and me a Fitt,[463]
When abed together wee bee."
Now sell me, quoth hee, thy bryde soe gay,245
As shee sitts by thy knee,
And as many gold nobles I will give,
As leaves been on a tree.
And what wold ye doe with my bryde soe gay,
Iff I did sell her thee?250
More seemelye it is for her fayre bodye
To lye by mee then thee.
Hee played agayne both loud and shrille,[464]
And Adler he did syng,
"O ladye, this is thy owne true love;255
Noe harper, but a kyng.
"O ladye, this is thy owne true love,
As playnlye thou mayest see;
And Ile rid thee of that foule paynim,
Who partes thy love and thee."260
The ladye looked, the ladye blushte,
And blushte and lookt agayne,
While Adler he hath drawne his brande,
And hath the Sowdan slayne.
Up then rose the kemperye men,265
And loud they gan to crye:
Ah! traytors, yee have slayne our kyng,
And therefore yee shall dye.
Kyng Estmere threwe the harpe asyde,
And swith[465] he drew his brand;[466]270
And Estmere he, and Adler yonge
Right stiffe in stour[467] can stand.
And aye their swordes soe sore can byte,
Throughe help of GramaryÈ
That soone they have slayne the kempery men,275
Or forst them forth to flee.
Kyng Estmere tooke that fayre ladyÈ,
And marryed her to his wiffe,
And brought her home to merry EnglÀnd
With her to leade his life.280

? The word GramaryÈ,[468] which occurs several times in the foregoing poem, is probably a corruption of the French word Grimoire, which signifies a conjuring book in the old French romances, if not the art of necromancy itself.

†‡† Termagaunt (mentioned above, p. 85) is the name given in the old romances to the god of the Saracens, in which he is constantly linked with Mahound or Mahomet. Thus, in the legend of Syr Guy, the Soudan (Sultan), swears

"So helpe me Mahowne of might,
And Termagaunt my god so bright."

Sign. p. iii. b.

This word is derived by the very learned editor of Junius from the Anglo-Saxon Ty?? very, and Ma?an mighty. As this word had so sublime a derivation, and was so applicable to the true God, how shall we account for its being so degraded? Perhaps Ty??-ma?an or Termagant had been a name originally given to some Saxon idol, before our ancestors were converted to Christianity; or had been the peculiar attribute of one of their false deities; and therefore the first Christian missionaries rejected it as profane and improper to be applied to the true God. Afterwards, when the irruptions of the Saracens into Europe, and the Crusades into the East, had brought them acquainted with a new species of unbelievers, our ignorant ancestors, who thought all that did not receive the Christian law were necessarily pagans and idolaters, supposed the Mahometan creed was in all respects the same with that of their pagan forefathers, and therefore made no scruple to give the ancient name of Termagant to the god of the Saracens, just in the same manner as they afterwards used the name of Sarazen to express any kind of pagan or idolater. In the ancient romance of Merline (in the editor's folio MS.) the Saxons themselves that came over with Hengist, because they were not Christians, are constantly called Sarazens.

However that be, it is certain that, after the times of the Crusades, both Mahound and Termagaunt made their frequent appearance in the pageants and religious interludes of the barbarous ages; in which they were exhibited with gestures so furious and frantic, as to become proverbial. Thus Skelton speaks of Wolsey:—

"Like Mahound in a play,
No man dare him withsay."

Ed. 1736, p. 158.

In like manner Bale, describing the threats used by some papist magistrates to his wife, speaks of them as "grennyng upon her lyke Termagauntes in a playe." (Actes of Engl. Votaryes, pt. ii. fo. 83, Ed. 1550, 12mo.) Accordingly in a letter of Edward Alleyn, the founder of Dulwich College, to his wife or sister, who, it seems, with all her fellows (the players), had been "by my Lorde Maiors officer[s] mad to rid in a cart," he expresses his concern that she should "fall into the hands of suche Tarmagants." (So the orig. dated May 2, 1593, preserved by the care of the Rev. Thomas Jenyns Smith, Fellow of Dulw. Coll.) Hence we may conceive the force of Hamlet's expression in Shakspeare, where, condemning a ranting player, he says, "I could have such a fellow whipt for ore-doing Termagant: it out-herods Herod" (Act iii. sc. 3). By degrees the word came to be applied to an outrageous turbulent person, and especially to a violent brawling woman; to whom alone it is now confined, and this the rather as, I suppose, the character of Termagant was anciently represented on the stage after the eastern mode, with long robes or petticoats.

Another frequent character in the old pageants or interludes of our ancestors, was the sowdan or soldan, representing a grim eastern tyrant. This appears from a curious passage in Stow's Annals (p. 458). In a stage-play "the people know right well that he that plaieth the sowdain, is percase a sowter [shoe-maker]; yet if one should cal him by his owne name, while he standeth in his majestie, one of his tormenters might hap to break his head." The sowdain, or soldan, was a name given to the Sarazen king (being only a more rude pronunciation of the word sultan), as the soldan of Egypt, the soudan of Persia, the sowdan of Babylon, &c., who were generally represented as accompanied with grim Sarazens, whose business it was to punish and torment Christians.

I cannot conclude this short memoir, without observing that the French romancers, who had borrowed the word Termagant from us, and applied it as we in their old romances, corrupted it into Tervagaunte; and from them La Fontaine took it up, and has used it more than once in his tales. This may be added to the other proofs adduced in these volumes of the great intercourse that formerly subsisted between the old minstrels and legendary writers of both nations, and that they mutually borrowed each other's romances.

FOOTNOTES:

[420] See a short Memoir at the end of this Ballad, Note †‡†.

[421] Sign C. ii. b.

[422] Sign C. i. b.

[423] Odyss. a. 105.

[424] See vol. ii., note subjoined to 1st part of Beggar of Bednal, &c.

[425] See the Essay on the Antient Minstrels (Appendix I.)

[426] Even so late as the time of Froissart, we find minstrels and heralds mentioned together, as those who might securely go into an enemy's country. Cap. cxl.

[427] Bartholini Antiq. Dan. p. 173. Northern Antiquities, &c., vol. i. pp. 386, 389, &c.

[428] See also the account of Edw. II. in the Essay on the Minstrels, and Note [X].

[429] Ver. 3. brether, f. MS.

[430] [the one.]

[431] V. 10. his brother's hall f. MS.

[432] V. 14. hartilye, f. MS.

[433] He means fit, suitable.

[434] [shining.]

[435] [advise me.]

[436] Ver. 27. many a man ... is, f. MS.

[437] [they got ready?]

[438] [harnessed.]

[439] [garments.]

[440] [leaning.]

[441] V. 46. the king his sonne of Spayn, f. MS.

[442] [refused.]

[443] [she will.]

[444] [pagan.]

[445] [believeth.]

[446] [robe of state.]

[447] [bereave.]

[448] Ver. 89. of the King his sonne of Spaine, f. MS.

[449] [soldiers or knights.]

[450] [stopped.]

[451] sic MS. It should probably be ryse, i.e. my counsel shall arise from thee. See ver. 140.

[452] sic MS.

[453] See at the end of this ballad, note ?.

[454] [fond of fighting.]

[455] [gate.]

[456] [he left? or he let be opened?]

[457] Ver. 202. to stable his steede, f. MS.

[458] [lazy or wicked.]

[459] [soldier or fighting man.]

[460] [approach him near.]

[461] i.e. entice.

[462] [laughed.]

[463] i.e. a tune, or strain of music.

[464] Ver. 253. Some liberties have been taken in the following stanzas; but wherever this edition differs from the preceding, it hath been brought nearer to the folio MS.

[465] [quickly.]

[466] [sword.]

[467] [fight.]

[468] [or grammar, and hence used for any abstruse learning.]


VII.
SIR PATRICK SPENCE,

A Scottish Ballad,

Is given from two MS. copies transmitted from Scotland. In what age the hero of this ballad lived, or when this fatal expedition happened that proved so destructive to the Scots nobles, I have not been able to discover; yet am of opinion, that their catastrophe is not altogether without foundation in history, though it has escaped my own researches. In the infancy of navigation, such as used the northern seas were very liable to shipwreck in the wintry months: hence a law was enacted in the reign of James III. (a law which was frequently repeated afterwards), "That there be na schip frauched out of the realm with any staple gudes, fra the feast of Simons day and Jude, unto the feast of the purification of our Lady called Candelmess." Jam. III. Parlt. 2, ch. 15.

In some modern copies, instead of Patrick Spence hath been substituted the name of Sir Andrew Wood, a famous Scottish admiral who flourished in the time of our Edward IV., but whose story has nothing in common with this of the ballad. As Wood was the most noted warrior of Scotland, it is probable that, like the Theban Hercules, he hath engrossed the renown of other heroes.


[The fact that this glorious ballad was never heard of before Percy printed it in 1765, caused some to throw doubts upon its authenticity, and their scepticism was strengthened by the note at p. 102, which refers to the author of Hardyknute. It was thought that the likeness in expression and sentiment there mentioned might easily be explained if the two poems were both by Lady Wardlaw. This view, advocated by Robert Chambers in his general attack on the authenticity of all The Romantic Scottish Ballads (1859), has not met with much favour, and Professor Child thinks that the arguments against the genuineness of Sir Patrick Spence are so trivial as hardly to admit of statement. He writes, "If not ancient it has been always accepted as such by the most skilful judges, and is a solitary instance of a successful imitation in manner and spirit of the best specimens of authentic minstrelsy."[469] Coleridge, no mean judge of a ballad, wrote—

"The bard be sure was weather-wise who framed
The grand old ballad of Sir Patrick Spens."

Antiquaries have objected that Spence is not an early Scottish name, but in this they are wrong, for Professor Aytoun found it in a charter of Robert III. and also in Wyntoun's Chronicle.

There has been considerable discussion as to the historical event referred to in the ballad, and the present version does not contain any mention of one of the points that may help towards a settlement of the question. The version in Scott's Minstrelsy contains the following stanza:—

"To Noroway, to Noroway
To Noroway o'er the faem
The king's daughter of Noroway
'Tis thou maun bring her hame."

Professor Aytoun would change the third line to

"The king's daughter to Noroway,"

as he agrees with Motherwell in the view that the ballad refers to the fate of the Scottish nobles who in 1281 conveyed Margaret, daughter of Alexander III., to Norway, on the occasion of her nuptials with King Eric.

Fordun relates this incident as follows:—"In the year 1281 Margaret, daughter of Alexander III., was married to the King of Norway, who, leaving Scotland in the last day of July, was conveyed thither in noble style in company with many knights and nobles. In returning home after the celebration of her nuptials, the Abbot of Balmerinoch, Bernard of Monte-alto, and many other persons, were drowned." As to the scene of the disaster, Aytoun brings forward an interesting illustration of the expression "half over to Aberdour," in line 41. He says that in the little island of Papa Stronsay one of the Orcadian group lying over against Norway, there is a large grave or tumulus which has been known to the inhabitants from time immemorial as "the grave of Sir Patrick Spens," and he adds, that as the Scottish ballads were not early current in Orkney, it is unlikely that the poem originated the name.

The other suggestions as to an historical basis for the ballad are not borne out by history. It is well, however, to note in illustration of line 1, that the Scottish kings chiefly resided in their palace of Dunfermline from the time of Malcolm Canmore to that of Alexander III.

The present copy of the ballad is the shortest of the various versions, but this is not a disadvantage, as it gains much in force by the directness of its language.

Buchan prints a ballad called Young Allan, which is somewhat like Sir Patrick Spence.]


The king sits in Dumferling toune,
Drinking the blude-reid wine:
O quhar will I get guid sailÒr,
To sail this schip of mine?
Up and spak an eldern knicht,5
Sat at the kings richt kne:
Sir Patrick Spence is the best sailÒr,
That sails upon the se.
The king has written a braid letter,[470]
And signd it wi' his hand;10
And sent it to Sir Patrick Spence,
Was walking on the sand.
The first line that Sir Patrick red,
A loud lauch lauched he:
The next line that Sir Patrick red,15
The teir blinded his ee.
O quha is this has don this deid,
This ill deid don to me;
To send me out this time o'the yeir,
To sail upon the se?20
Mak hast, mak haste, my mirry men all,
Our guid schip sails the morne.[471]
O say na sae, my master deir,
For I feir a deadlie storme.
Late late yestreen I saw the new moone25
Wi' the auld moone in hir arme;
And I feir, I feir, my deir mastÈr,
That we will com to harme.
O our Scots nobles wer richt laith[472]
To weet their cork-heild schoone;[473]30
Bot lang owre[474] a' the play wer playd,
Thair hats they swam aboone.[475]
O lang, lang, may thair ladies sit
Wi' thair fans into their hand,
Or eir they se Sir Patrick Spence35
Cum sailing to the land.
O lang, lang, may the ladies stand
Wi' thair gold kems[476] in their hair,
Waiting for thair ain deir lords,
For they'll se thame na mair.40
Have owre,[477] have owre to Aberdour,[478]
It's fiftie fadom deip:
And thair lies guid Sir Patrick Spence,
Wi' the Scots lords at his feit.[479]

FOOTNOTES:

[469] [English and Scottish Ballads, vol. iii. p. 149.]

[470] A braid letter, i.e. open, or patent; in opposition to close rolls.

[471] [to-morrow morning.]

[472] [loth.]

[473] [to wet their cork-heeled shoes.]

[474] [long ere.]

[475] [above the water.]

[476] [combs.]

[477] [half over.]

[478] A village lying upon the river Forth, the entrance to which is sometimes denominated De mortuo mari.

[Finlay observes that Percy's note is incorrect. The truth is that De Mortuo Mari is the designation of a family (Mortimer) who were lords of Aberdour. They are believed to have received their name from the Dead Sea, in Palestine, during the times of the Crusades.]

[479] An ingenious friend thinks the author of Hardyknute has borrowed several expressions and sentiments from the foregoing and other old Scottish songs in this collection.


VIII.
ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE.

We have here a ballad of Robin Hood (from the editor's folio MS.) which was never before printed, and carries marks of much greater antiquity than any of the common popular songs on this subject.

The severity of those tyrannical forest laws that were introduced by our Norman kings, and the great temptation of breaking them by such as lived near the royal forests at a time when the yeomanry of this kingdom were everywhere trained up to the long-bow, and excelled all other nations in the art of shooting, must constantly have occasioned great numbers of outlaws, and especially of such as were the best marksmen. These naturally fled to the woods for shelter, and, forming into troops, endeavoured by their numbers to protect themselves from the dreadful penalties of their delinquency. The ancient punishment for killing the king's deer was loss of eyes and castration, a punishment far worse than death. This will easily account for the troops of banditti which formerly lurked in the royal forests, and, from their superior skill in archery and knowledge of all the recesses of those unfrequented solitudes, found it no difficult matter to resist or elude the civil power.

Among all those, none was ever more famous than the hero of this ballad, whose chief residence was in Shirewood forest, in Nottinghamshire, and the heads of whose story, as collected by Stow, are briefly these.

"In this time [about the year 1190, in the reign of Richard I.] were many robbers, and outlawes, among the which Robin Hood, and Little John, renowned theeves, continued in woods, despoyling and robbing the goods of the rich. They killed none but such as would invade them; or by resistance for their own defence.

"The saide Robert entertained an hundred tall men and good archers with such spoiles and thefts as he got, upon whom four hundred (were they ever so strong) durst not give the onset. He suffered no woman to be oppressed, violated, or otherwise molested: poore mens goods he spared, abundantlie relieving them with that which by theft he got from abbeys and the houses of rich carles: whom Maior (the historian) blameth for his rapine and theft, but of all theeves he affirmeth him to be the prince, and the most gentle theefe."—Annals, p. 159.

The personal courage of this celebrated outlaw, his skill in archery, his humanity, and especially his levelling principle of taking from the rich and giving to the poor, have in all ages rendered him the favourite of the common people, who, not content to celebrate his memory by innumerable songs and stories, have erected him into the dignity of an earl. Indeed, it is not impossible but our hero, to gain the more respect from his followers, or they to derive the more credit to their profession, may have given rise to such a report themselves: for we find it recorded in an epitaph, which, if genuine, must have been inscribed on his tombstone near the nunnery of Kirklees in Yorkshire; where (as the story goes) he was bled to death by a treacherous nun to whom he applied for phlebotomy:—

"Hear undernead dis laitl stean
lai? robert earl of huntingtun
nea arcir ver a? hie sae geud
an pipl kauld im Robin Heud
sick utlaws as hi an is men
vil England nivir si agen.
obiit 24 kal. dekembris. 1247."[480]

This epitaph appears to me suspicious; however, a late antiquary has given a pedigree of Robin Hood, which, if genuine, shows that he had real pretensions to the Earldom of Huntingdon, and that his true name was Robert Fitz-ooth.[481] Yet the most ancient poems on Robin Hood make no mention of this earldom. He is expressly asserted to have been a yeoman[482] in a very old legend in verse, preserved in the archives of the public library at Cambridge,[483] in eight fyttes, or parts, printed in black letter, quarto, thus inscribed: "¶ Here begynneth a lytell geste of Robyn hode and his meyne, and of the proude sheryfe of Notyngham." The first lines are—

"Lithe and lysten, gentylmen,
That be of fre-bore blode:
I shall you tell of a good yeman,
His name was Robyn hode.
"Robyn was a proude out-lawe,
Whiles he walked on grounde;
So curteyse an outlawe as he was one,
Was never none yfounde," &c.

The printer's colophon is, "¶ Explicit Kinge Edwarde and Robin hode and Lyttel Johan. Enprented at London in Flete-strete at the sygne of the sone by Wynkin de Worde." In Mr. Garrick's Collection[484] is a different edition of the same poem, "¶ Imprinted at London upon the thre Crane wharfe by Wyllyam Copland," containing at the end a little dramatic piece on the subject of Robin Hood and the Friar, not found in the former copy, called, "A newe playe for to be played in Maye games very plesaunte and full of pastyme. ¶(?)?."

I shall conclude these preliminary remarks with observing, that the hero of this ballad was the favourite subject of popular songs so early as the time of King Edward III. In the Visions of Pierce Plowman, written in that reign, a monk says:—

"I can rimes of Roben Hod, and Randal of Chester,
But of our Lorde and our Lady, I lerne nothyng at all."

Fol. 26, ed. 1550.

See also in Bishop Latimer's Sermons[485] a very curious and characteristic story, which shows what respect was shown to the memory of our archer in the time of that prelate.

The curious reader will find many other particulars relating to this celebrated outlaw, in Sir John Hawkins's Hist. of Music, vol. iii. p. 410, 4to.

For the catastrophe of Little John, who, it seems, was executed for a robbery on Arbor-hill, Dublin (with some curious particulars relating to his skill in archery), see Mr. J. C. Walker's ingenious Memoir on the Armour and Weapons of the Irish, p. 129, annexed to his Historical Essay on the Dress of the Ancient and Modern Irish. Dublin, 1788, 4to.

Some liberties were, by the editor, taken with this ballad; which, in this edition, hath been brought nearer to the folio MS.


[Robin Hood is first mentioned in literature in Piers Plowman, the earliest of the three forms of which poem was written probably about the year 1362. The ballad of Robin Hood and the Monk, printed in Child's English and Scottish Ballads, as the oldest of its class, and possibly as old as the reign of Edward II., commences:—

"In somer when the shawes be sheyne
And leves be large and longe
Hit is full mery in feyre foreste
To here the foulys song."

Verses which bear a strong likeness to the opening lines of the present ballad.

Gisborne is a market town in the West Riding of the county of York on the borders of Lancashire, and Guy of that place is mentioned by William Dunbar in a satirical piece on "Schir Thomas Nory," where he is named in company with Adam Bell and other well-known worthies.

It is not needful to extend this note with any further particulars of Robin Hood, as he possesses, in virtue of his position as a popular hero, a literature of his own. Those who wish to know more of his exploits should consult Ritson's (1795) and Gutch's (1847) Collections of Robin Hood Ballads, Child's Ballads, vol. v. and Chappell's Popular Music of the Olden Time, vol. i. pp. 387-400.

There are several Robin Hood Ballads in the folio MS., but Percy only chose the one containing an account of the encounter with Guy for printing. Ritson copied this ballad from Percy's book, but indulged at the same time in a tirade against the bishop's treatment of his original.]


When shaws beene sheene,[486] and shradds[487] full fayre,[488]
And leaves both large and longe,
Itt is merrye walking in the fayre forrÈst
To heare the small birdes songe.[489]
The woodweele[490] sang, and wold not cease,[491]5
[Sitting upon the spraye,[492]
Soe lowde, he wakened Robin Hood,[492]
In the greenwood where he lay.[492]
Now by my faye,[493] sayd jollye RobÌn,[492]
A sweaven[494] I had this night;[492]10
I dreamt me of tow wighty[495] yemen,[492]
That fast with me can fight.][492]
Methought they did mee beate and binde,
And tooke my bow mee froe;[496]
If I be Robin alive in this lande,15
Ile be wroken[497] on them towe.
Sweavens are swift, Master, quoth John,
As the wind that blowes ore a hill;
For if itt be never so loude this night,
To-morrow itt may be still.20
Buske yee, bowne yee,[498] my merry men all,
And John shall goe with mee,
For Ile goe seeke yond wight yeomen,
In greenwood where thÉ bee.
ThÉ cast on their gownes of grene,25
[And tooke theyr bowes each one;
And they away to the greene forrÈst]
A shooting forth are gone;[499]
Untill they came to the merry greenwood,
Where they had gladdest bee,30
There were thÉ ware[500] of a wight yeomÀn,
His body leaned to a tree.
A sword and a dagger he wore by his side,
Of manye a man the bane;[501]
And he was clad in his capull hyde[502]35
Topp and tayll and mayne.
Stand you still, master, quoth Litle John,
Under this tree so grene,
And I will go to yond wight yeoman
To know what he doth meane.[503]40
Ah! John, by me thou settest noe store,
And that I farley[504] finde:[505]
How offt send I my men beffore,
And tarry my selfe behinde?
It is no cunning a knave to ken,45
And a man but heare him speake;
And itt were not for bursting of my bowe,
John, I thy head wold breake.
As often wordes they breeden bale,[506]
So they parted Robin and John;50
And John is gone to Barnesdale:
The gates[507] he knoweth eche one.
But when he came to Barnesdale,
Great heavinesse there hee hadd,
For he found tow of his owne fellÒwes55
Were slaine both in a slade.[508]
And Scarlette he was flyinge a-foote
Fast over stocke and stone,
For the sheriffe with seven score men
Fast after him is gone.60
One shoote now I will shoote, quoth John,[509]
With Christ his might and mayne;
Ile make yond fellow that flyes soe fast,
To stopp he shall be fayne.[510]
Then John bent up his long bende-bowe,[511]65
And fetteled[512] him to shoote:
The bow was made of a tender boughe,
And fell downe to his foote.
Woe worth, woe worth thee, wicked wood,[513]
That ere thou grew on a tree;70
For now this day thou art my bale,
My boote[514] when thou shold bee.
His shoote it was but loosely shott,
Yet flewe not the arrowe in vaine,[515]
For itt mett one of the sherriffes men,75
Good William a Trent was slaine.
It had bene better of William a Trent
To have bene abed with sorrowe,[516]
Than to be that day in the green wood slade[517]
To meet with Little Johns arrowe.[518]80
But as it is said, when men be mett
Fyve can doe more than three,[519]
The sheriffe hath taken little John,[520]
And bound him fast to a tree.
Thou shalt be drawen by dale and downe,85
And hanged hye on a hill.
But thou mayst fayle of thy purpose, quoth John,[521]
If itt be Christ his will.[522]
Let us leave talking of Litle John,
And thinke of Robin Hood,[523]90
How he is gone to the wight yeomÀn,
Where under the leaves he stood.
Good morrowe, good fellowe, sayd Robin so fayre,[524]
"Good morrowe, good fellow, quoth he:"
Methinkes by this bowe thou beares in thy hande95
A good archere thou sholdst bee.[525]
I am wilfull[526] of my waye, quo' the yeman,[527]
And of my morning tyde.
Ile lead thee through the wood, sayd Robin;
Good fellow, Ile be thy guide.100
I seeke an outlÀwe, the straunger sayd,[528]
Men call him Robin Hood;
Rather Ild meet with that proud outlÀwe[529]
Than fortye pound soe good.[529]
[Now come with me, thou wighty yeman,[530]105
And Robin thou soone shalt see:[530]
But first let us some pastime find[530]
Under the greenwood tree.][530]
First let us some masterye[531] make[532]
Among the woods so even,[532]110
Wee may chance to meet with Robin Hood
Here att some unsett steven.[533]
They cutt them downe two summer shroggs,[534]
That grew both under a breere,[535]
And sett them threescore rood in twaine115
To shoote the prickes[536] y-fere.[537]
Leade on, good fellowe, quoth Robin Hood,[538]
Leade on, I doe bidd thee.
Nay by my faith, good fellowe, hee sayd,[539]
My leader thou shalt bee.[540]120
The first time Robin shot at the pricke,[541]
He mist but an inch it froe:[541]
The yeoman he was an archer good,[541]
But he cold never shoote soe.
The second shoote had the wightye yeman,[542]125
He shote within the garlÀnde:[543]
But Robin he shott far better than hee,
For he clave the good pricke wande.[544]
A blessing upon thy heart, he sayd;[545]
Good fellowe, thy shooting is goode;130
For an thy hart be as good as thy hand,
Thou wert better then Robin Hoode.
Now tell me thy name, good fellowe, sayd he,[546]
Under the leaves of lyne.[547]
Nay by my faith, quoth bolde RobÌn,[548]135
Till thou have told me thine.[549]
I dwell by dale and downe, quoth hee,
And Robin to take Ime sworne;
And when I am called by my right name
I am Guye of good GisbÒrne.140
My dwelling is in this wood, sayes Robin,
By thee I set right nought:
I am Robin Hood of BarnÈsdale,
Whom thou so long hast sought.[550]
He that had neither beene kithe nor kin,145
Might have seene a full fayre sight,
To see how together these yeomen went
With blades both browne[551] and bright.
To see how these yeomen together they fought[552]
Two howres of a summers day:150
Yett neither Robin Hood nor sir Guy[553]
Them fettled to flye away.
Robin was reachles[554] on a roote,
And stumbled at that tyde;
And Guy was quicke and nimble with-all,155
And hitt him ore the left side.
Ah deere Lady, sayd Robin Hood, tho
That art both mother and may',[555]
I think it was never mans destinye
To dye before his day.160
Robin thought on our ladye deere,
And soone leapt up againe,
And strait he came with a "backward" stroke,[556]
And he sir Guy hath slayne.[557]
He took sir Guys head by the hayre,165
And sticked itt on his bowes end:
Thou hast beene a traytor all thy liffe,
Which thing must have an ende.
Robin pulled forth an Irish kniffe,
And nicked sir Guy in the face,170
That he was never on woman born,
Cold tell whose head it was.[558]
Saies, Lye there, lye there, now sir Guye,[559]
And with me be not wrothe;
If thou have had the worse strokes at my hand,175
Thou shalt have the better clothe.
Robin did off his gowne of greene,
And on sir Guy did it throwe,
And hee put on that capull hyde,
That cladd him topp to toe.180
The bowe, the arrowes, and little horne,
Now with me I will beare;[560]
For I will away to BarnÈsdale,
To see how my men doe fare.
Robin Hood sett Guyes home to his mouth,185
And a loud blast in it did blow.
That beheard the sheriffe of Nottingham,
As he leaned under a lowe.[561]
Hearken, hearken, sayd the sheriffe,
I heare nowe tydings good,190
For yonder I heare sir Guyes horne blowe,
And he hath slaine Robin Hoode.
Yonder I heare sir Guyes horne blowe,
Itt blowes soe well in tyde,
And yonder comes that wightye yeoman,195
Cladd in his capull hyde.
Come hyther, come hyther, thou good sir Guy,
Aske what thou wilt of mee.
O I will none of thy gold, sayd Robin,[562]
Nor I will none of thy fee:200
But now I have slaine the master, he sayes,
Let me go strike the knave;
This is all the rewarde I aske;
Nor noe other will I have.
Thou art a madman, said the sheriffe,205
Thou sholdest have had a knights fee:
But seeing thy asking hath beene soe bad,
Well granted it shale be.
When Litle John heard his master speake,
Well knewe he it was his steven:[563]210
Now shall I be looset, quoth Litle John,
With Christ his might in heaven.
Fast Robin hee hyed him to Little John,
He thought to loose him belive;[564]
The sheriffe and all his companye215
Fast after him did drive.
Stand abacke, stand abacke, sayd Robin;
Why draw you mee soe neere?
Itt was never the use in our countryÈ,
Ones shrift another shold heere.220
But Robin pulled forth an Irysh kniffe,
And losed John hand and foote,
And gave him sir Guyes bow into his hand,
And bade it be his boote.[565]
Then John he took Guyes bow in his hand,[566]225
His boltes and arrowes eche one:
When the sheriffe saw Little John bend his bow,
He fettled him to be gone.
Towards his house in Nottingham towne,[567]
He fled full fast away;230
And soe did all his companye:
Not one behind wold stay.
But he cold neither runne soe fast,[568]
Nor away soe fast cold ryde,[568]
But Litle John with an arrowe soe broad,[568]235
He shott him into the 'backe'-syde.[568]

? The title of Sir was not formerly peculiar to knights, it was given to priests, and sometimes to very inferior personages.

Dr. Johnson thinks this title was applied to such as had taken the degree of A. B. in the universities, who are still stiled, Domini, "Sirs," to distinguish them from Undergraduates, who have no prefix, and from Masters of Arts, who are stiled Magistri, "Masters."

FOOTNOTES:

[480] See Thoresby's Ducat. Leod. p. 576. Biog. Brit. vi. 3933.

[481] Stukeley, in his PalÆographia Britannica, No. II. 1746.

[482] See also the following ballad, v. 147.

[483] Num. D. 5. 2.

[484] Old Plays, 4to. K. vol. x.

[485] Ser. 6th before K. Ed. Apr. 12. fol. 75, Gilpin's Life of Lat., p. 122.

[486] [when woods are bright.]

[487] [twigs.]

[488] [Ver. 1. shales, f. MS.]

[489] [V. 4. birds singe, f. MS.]

[490] [woodpecker or thrush.]

[491] [V. 5. woodweete, f. MS.]

[492] [In place of ver. 6-12 between brackets the f. MS. has—

"Amongst the leaves a lyne
[* * * * *]
And it is by two wight yeomen
By deare God that I meane."]

[493] [faith.]

[494] [dream.]

[495] [strong.]

[496] [from me.]

[497] [revenged.]

[498] [dress ye, get ye ready.]

[499] [Ver. 28. a shooting gone are they, f. MS.]

[500] [were they aware.]

[501] [V. 34. had beene many a mans bane, f. MS.]

[502] [horse-hide.]

[503] [V. 40. to know his meaning trulye, f. MS.]

[504] [strange.]

[505] [V. 42. and thats a ffarley thinge, f. MS.]

[506] [breed mischief.]

[507] i.e. ways, passes, paths, ridings. Gate is a common word in the north for way.

[508] [greensward between two woods.]

[509] [Ver. 61. yet one shoote I'le shoote, says Little John, f. MS.]

[510] [V. 64. to be both glad & ffaine, f. MS.]

[511] [V. 65. John bent up a good veiwe bowe, f. MS.]

[512] [prepared.]

[513] [V. 69. woe worth thee, wicked wood, says litle John, f. MS.]

[514] help.

[515] [Ver. 74. the arrowe flew in vaine, f. MS.]

[516] [V. 78. to hange upon a gallowe, f. MS.]

[517] [V. 79. then for to lye in the green-woode, f. MS.]

[518] [V. 80. there slaine with an arrowe, f. MS.]

[519] [V. 82. 6 can doe more then 3, f. MS.]

[520] [V. 83. and they have tane litle John, f. MS.]

[521] [V. 87. But thou may ffayle, quoth litle John, f. MS.]

[522] [V. 88. If itt be christ's own will, f. MS.]

[523] [V. 90-92. in place of these three verses the f. MS. has:—

"for hee is bound fast to a tree,
and talke of Guy and Robin Hood
In they green woode where they bee
[how these two yeomen together they mett
under the leaves of Lyne,
to see what marchandise they made
even at that same time."]]

[524] [Ver. 93. good morrow, good fellow! quoth Sir Guy, f. MS.]

[525] [V. 96. a good archer thou seems to bee, f. MS.]

[526] [ignorant.]

[527] [V. 97. quoth Sir Guye, f. MS.]

[528] [V. 101. I seeke an outlaw, quoth Sir Guye, f. MS.]

[529] [V. 103-4.—

"I had rather meet with him upon a day
Then 40li. of golde."]

[530] [V. 105-8. in place of these four verses the f. MS. has—

"Iff you tow mett itt wold be seene whether were better
afore yee did part awaye;
Let us some other pastime find,
good ffellow, I thee pray:"]

[531] [trial of skill.]

[532] [V. 109-10.

"Let us some other masteryes make,
and wee will walke in the woods even," f. MS.]

[533] [at a time not previously appointed.]

[534] [shrubs.]

[535] [briar.]

[536] [mark in the centre of the target.]

[537] [Ver. 116. prickes full near, f. MS.]

[538] [V. 117. sayd Sir Guye, f. MS.]

[539] [V. 119. nay by my faith, quoth Robin Hood, f. MS.]

[540] [V. 120. the leader, f. MS.]

[541] [V. 121-23:—

"the first good shoot that Robin ledd
did not shoote an inch the pricke ffroe.
Guy was an archer good enoughe."]

[542] [V. 125. the 2nd shoote Sir Guy shott.]

[543] [the ring within which the prick was set.]

[544] [pole.]

[545] [V. 129. gods blessing on thy heart! sayes Guye.]

[546] [Ver. 133. tell me thy name, good fellow, quoth Guy.]

[547] [lime.]

[548] [V. 135. good robin.]

[549] [V. 136-140:—

"I dwell by dale and downe, quoth Guye,
and I have done many a curst turne;
and he that calles me by my right name,
calles me Guy of good Gysborne."]

[550] V. 144. a ffellow thou hast long sought.

[551] The common epithet for a sword or other offensive weapon, in the old metrical romances is Brown, as "brown brand," or "brown sword," "brown bill," &c., and sometimes even "bright brown sword." Chaucer applies the word rustie in the same sense; thus he describes the reve:—

"And by his side he bare a rusty blade."
Prol. ver. 620.

And even thus the God Mars:—

"And in his hand he had a rousty sword."
Test. of Cressid. 188

Spenser has sometimes used the same epithet. See Warton's Observ. vol. ii. p. 62. It should seem, from this particularity, that our ancestors did not pique themselves upon keeping their weapons bright: perhaps they deemed it more honourable to carry them stained with the blood of their enemies. [As the swords are here said to be bright as well as brown, they could not have been rusty. The expression nut-brown sword was used to designate a Damascus blade.]

[552] [Ver. 149. "to have seen how these yeomen together fought."]

[553] [V. 151-2:—

"itt was neither Guy nor Robin Hood
that ffettled them to flye away."]

[554] [careless.]

[555] [maid.]

[556] V. 163. awkwarde, MS.

[557] [V. 164. "good sir Guy hee has slayne," f. MS.]

[558] [Ver. 172. cold tell who Sir Guye was.]

[559] [V. 173. good Sir Guye.]

[560] [V. 182:—

"and with me now Ile beare
ffor now I will goe to Barnesdale," f. MS.]

[561] [small hill.]

[562] [Ver. 199:—

"Ile none of thy gold, sayes Robin Hood
nor Ile none of itt have," f. MS.]

[563] [voice.]

[564] [quickly.]

[565] [help.]

[566] [Ver. 225-8:—

"But John tooke Guyes bow in his hand,
his arrowes were rawstye by the roote;
the sherriffe saw little John draw a bow
and ffettle him to shoote."]

[567] [V. 229. Towards his house in Nottingham.]

[568] [V. 233-6:—

"But he cold neither soe fast goe,
nor away soe fast runn,
but litle John with an arrow broade
did cleave his head in twinn," f. MS.]

IX.
AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

The subject of this poem, which was written by Skelton, is the death of Henry Percy, fourth earl of Northumberland, who fell a victim to the avarice of Henry VII. In 1489 the parliament had granted the king a subsidy for carrying on the war in Bretagne. This tax was found so heavy in the North, that the whole country was in a flame. The E. of Northumberland, then lord lieutenant for Yorkshire, wrote to inform the king of the discontent, and praying an abatement. But nothing is so unrelenting as avarice: the king wrote back that not a penny should be abated. This message being delivered by the earl with too little caution, the populace rose, and, supposing him to be the promoter of their calamity, broke into his house, and murdered him, with several of his attendants, who yet are charged by Skelton with being backward in their duty on this occasion. This melancholy event happened at the earl's seat at Cocklodge, near Thirske, in Yorkshire, April 28, 1489. See Lord Bacon, &c.

If the reader does not find much poetical merit in this old poem (which yet is one of Skelton's best), he will see a striking picture of the state and magnificence kept up by our ancient nobility during the feudal times. This great earl is described here as having, among his menial servants, knights, squires, and even barons: see v. 32. 183. &c. which, however different from modern manners, was formerly not unusual with our greater barons, whose castles had all the splendour and offices of a royal court before the laws against retainers abridged and limited the number of their attendants.

John Skelton, who commonly styled himself Poet Laureat, died June 21, 1529. The following poem, which appears to have been written soon after the event, is printed from an ancient MS. copy preserved in the British Museum, being much more correct than that printed among Skelton's Poems in bl. let. 12mo. 1568.—It is addressed to Henry Percy, fifth earl of Northumberland, and is prefaced, &c. in the following manner:

Poeta Skelton Laureatus libellum suum metrice alloquitur.

Ad dominum properato meum mea pagina Percy,
Qui Northumbrorum jura paterna gerit,
Ad nutum celebris tu prona repone leonis,
QuÆque suo patri tristia justa cano.
Ast ubi perlegit, dubiam sub mente volutet
Fortunam, cuncta quÆ male fida rotat.
Qui leo sit felix, & Nestoris occupet annos;
Ad libitum cujus ipse paratus ero.

[Percy does not do justice to Skelton's poetical powers in the above note, as this Elegy is written in a style not at all characteristic of him and is also far from being one of his best poems. Skelton was one of the earliest personal satirists in our language, and he flew at high game when he attacked the powerful Wolsey with fierce invective, in his "Why come ye nat to courte?" His Boke of Phyllyp Sparrowe is described by Coleridge as "an exquisite and original poem," and its subject entitles him to the designation of the modern Catullus. It was very popular in his day, and the nursery rhyme of Who killed Cock robin? was probably paraphrased from the portion of the poem in which the funeral of the sparrow is related. Skelton was a distinguished scholar and his earlier poems are written in the serious strain of the Elegy, but curiously enough about the time that he took orders (1498) and became rector of Diss in Norfolk, he began to write in a more natural, frolicsome and satirical vein, and adopted the metre now known as Skeltonian. He was not very particular as to the words he used, but he does not deserve the opprobrious epithet that Pope applies to him in the couplet—

"Chaucer's worst ribaldry is learned by rote,
And beastly Skelton heads of houses quote."

Skelton graduated as poet laureate at the two Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and the King allowed him to wear an appropriate decoration at court. There is a full length portrait of the poet in Brydges' British Bibliographer (vol. iv. p. 389), taken from one on the back of the title of A ryght delectable tratyse upon a goodly Garlande or Chaplet of Laurell by Mayster Skelton, Poete laureat.

The Rev. Alexander Dyce published the first complete collected edition of Skelton's Poetical Works in 1843 (2 vols. 8vo.)]


SKELTON LAUREAT UPON THE DOLORUS DETHE AND MUCH LAMENTABLE CHAUNCE OF THE MOOST HONORABLE ERLE OF NORTHUMBERLANDE.

I wayle, I wepe, I sobbe, I sigh ful sore
The dedely fate, the dolefulle destenny
Of him that is gone, alas! withoute restore,
Of the blode[569] royall descendinge nobelly;
Whos lordshepe doutles was slayne lamentably5
Thorow treson ageyn[570] hym compassyd and wrought;
Trew to his prince, in word, in dede, and thought.
Of hevenly poems, O Clyo calde by name
In the college of musis goddess hystoriall,
Adres the to me, whiche am both halt and lame10
In elect uteraunce to make memoryall:
To the for soccour, to the for helpe I call
Myne homely rudnes and drighnes to expelle
With the freshe waters of Elyconys[571] welle.
Of noble actes auncyently enrolde,15
Of famous princis and lordes of astate,[572]
By thy report ar wonte to be extold,
Regestringe trewly every formare date;
Of thy bountie after the usuall rate,
Kyndle in me suche plenty of thy noblÈs,[573]20
Thes sorrowfulle dities that I may shew expres.
In sesons past who hathe harde or sene
Of formar writinge by any presidente
That vilane hastarddis[574] in ther furious tene,[575]
Fulfyld with malice of froward entente,25
Confeterd[576] togeder of commoun concente
Falsly to slo[577] ther moste singular goode lorde?
It may be registerde of shamefull recorde.
So noble a man, so valiaunt lorde and knight,
Fulfilled with honor, as all the worlde dothe ken;30
At his commaundement, whiche had both day and night
Knyghtis and squyers, at every season when
He calde upon them, as menyall houshold men:
Were no thes commones uncurteis karlis of kynde[578]
To slo their owne lorde? God was not in their minde.35
And were not they to blame, I say also,
That were aboute hym, his owne servants of trust,
To suffre hym slayn of his mortall fo?
Fled away from hym, let hym ly in the dust:
They bode[579] not till the rekening were discust.40
What shuld I flatter? what shulde I glose[580] or paynt?
Fy, fy for shame, their harts wer to faint.
In Englande and Fraunce, which gretly was redouted;[581]
Of whom both Flaunders and Scotland stode in drede;
To whome grete astates obeyde and lowttede;[582]45
A mayny[583] of rude villayns made him for to blede:
Unkindly they slew hym, that holp them oft at nede:
He was their bulwark, their paves,[584] and their wall,
Yet shamfully they slew hym; that shame mot[585] them befal.
I say, ye commoners, why wer ye so stark mad?50
What frantyk frensy fyll[586] in youre brayne?
Where was your wit and reson, ye shuld have had?
What willfull foly made yow to ryse agayne[587]
Your naturall lord? alas! I can not fayne.
Ye armed you with will, and left your wit behynd;55
Well may you be called comones most unkynd.
He was your chyfteyne, your shelde, your chef defence,
Redy to assyst you in every tyme of nede:
Your worship[588] depended of his excellence:
Alas! ye mad men, to far ye did excede:60
Your hap was unhappy, to ill was your spede:
What movyd you agayn hym to war or to fight?
What aylde you to sle your lord agyn all right?
The grounde of his quarel was for his sovereyn lord,
The welle concernyng of all the hole lande,65
Demaundyng soche dutyes as nedis most acord
To the right of his prince which shold not be withstand;
For whos cause ye slew hym with your awne hande:
But had his nobill men done wel that day,
Ye had not been hable to have saide him nay.70
But ther was fals packinge,[589] or els I am begylde:
How-be-it the matter was evident and playne,
For yf they had occupied[590] ther spere and ther shelde,
This noble man doutles had not be slayne.
Bot men say they wer lynked with a double chayn,75
And held with the commouns under a cloke,
Whiche kindeled the wyld fyre that made all this smoke.
The commouns renyed[591] ther taxes to pay
Of them demaunded and asked by the kinge;
With one voice importune, they playnly said nay:80
They buskt them on a bushment[592] themself in baile[593] to bringe:
Agayne the kings plesure to wrastle or to wringe,[594]
Bluntly as bestis withe boste[595] and with cry
They saide, they forsede[596] not, nor carede not to dy.
The noblenes of the northe this valiant lorde and knyght,85
As man that was innocent of trechery or trayne,
Presed forthe boldly to witstand the myght,
And, lyke marciall Hector, he fauht them agayne,
Vigorously upon them with myght and with mayne,
Trustinge in noble men that wer with hym there:90
Bot all they fled from hym for falshode or fere.
Barons, knights, squyers, one and alle,
Togeder with servaunts of his famuly,
Turnid their backis, and let ther master fall,
Of whos [life] they counted not a flye;95
Take up whos wolde for them, they let hym ly.
Alas! his golde, his fee, his annuall rente
Upon suche a sort[597] was ille bestowde and spent.
He was envyronde aboute on every syde
Withe his enemys, that were stark mad and wode;[598]100
Yet whils he stode he gave them woundes wyde:
Alas for routhe![599] what thouche his mynde were goode,
His corage manly, yet ther he shed his bloode!
All left alone, alas! he fawte in vayne;
For cruelly amonge them ther he was slayne.105
Alas for pite! that Percy thus was spylt,[600]
The famous erle of Northumberlande:
Of knightly prowÈs the sworde pomel and hylt,
The myghty lyoun[601] doutted[602] by se and lande!
O dolorous chaunce of fortuns fruward hande!110
What man remembring how shamfully he was slayne,
From bitter weepinge hymself kan restrayne?
O cruell Mars, thou dedly god of war!
O dolorous teusday, dedicate to thy name,
When thou shoke thy sworde so noble a man to mar!115
O grounde ungracious, unhappy be thy fame,
Whiche wert endyed with rede blode of the same!
Moste noble erle! O fowle mysuryd[603] grounde
Whereon he gat his fynal dedely wounde!
O Atropos, of the fatall systers thre,120
Goddes mooste cruell unto the lyf of man,
All merciles, in the ys no pitÈ!
O homycide, whiche sleest[604] all that thou kan,
So forcibly upon this erle thow ran,
That with thy sworde enharpid[605] of mortall drede,125
Thou kit[606] asonder his perfight[607] vitall threde!
My wordis unpullysht be nakide and playne,
Of aureat[608] poems they want ellumynynge;[609]
Bot by them to knoulege ye may attayne
Of this lordis dethe and of his murdrynge.130
Which whils he lyvyd had fuyson[610] of every thing,
Of knights, of squyers, chef lord of toure and toune,
Tyl fykkill[611] fortune began on hym to frowne.
Paregall[612] to dukis, with kings he myght compare,
Surmountinge in honor all erls he did excede,135
To all cuntreis aboute hym reporte[613] me I dare.
Lyke to Eneas benygne in worde and dede,
Valiaunt as Hector in every marciall nede,
Provydent, discrete, circumspect, and wyse,139
Tyll the chaunce ran agyne him of fortunes duble dyse.
What nedethe me for to extoll his fame
With my rude pen enkankerd all with rust?
Whos noble actis shew worsheply his name,
Transcendyng far myne homely muse, that must
Yet sumwhat wright supprisid with hartly lust,[614]145
Truly reportinge his right noble astate,
Immortally whiche is immaculate.
His noble blode never disteynyd was,
Trew to his prince for to defende his right,
Doublenes hatinge, fals maters to compas,150
Treytory[615] and treson he bannesht out of syght,
With trowth to medle was all his hole delyght,
As all his kuntrey kan testefy the same:
To slo suche a lord, alas, it was grete shame.
If the hole quere[616] of the musis nyne155
In me all onely wer sett and comprisyde,
Enbrethed with the blast of influence dyvyne,
As perfightly as could be thought or devysyd;
To me also allthouche it were promysyde
Of laureat Phebus holy the eloquence,160
All were to litill for his magnyficence.
O yonge lyon, bot tender yet of age,[617]
Grow and encrese, remembre thyn astate,
God the assyst unto thyn herytage,
And geve the grace to be more fortunate,165
Agayne rebellyouns arme to make debate.
And, as the lyoune, whiche is of bestis kinge,
Unto thy subjectis be kurteis and benyngne.
I pray God sende the prosperous lyf and long,
Stabille thy mynde constant to be and fast,170
Right to mayntein, and to resist all wronge:
All flattringe faytors[618] abhor and from the cast,
Of foule detraction God kepe the from the blast:
Let double delinge in the have no place,
And be not light of credence in no case.175
Wythe hevy chere, with dolorous hart and mynd,
Eche man may sorrow in his inward thought,
Thys lords death, whose pere is hard to fynd
Allgyf[619] Englond and Fraunce were thorow saught.
Al kings, all princes, all dukes, well they ought180
Bothe temporall and spirituall for to complayne
This noble man, that crewelly was slayne.
More specially barons, and those knygtes bold,
And all other gentilmen with hym enterteynd
In fee, as menyall men of his housold,185
Whom he as lord worsheply manteynd:
To sorowfull weping they ought to be constreynd,
As oft as thei call to ther remembraunce,
Of ther good lord the fate and dedely chaunce.
O perlese prince of hevyn emperyalle,190
That with one worde formed al thing of noughte;
Hevyn, hell, and erth obey unto thi kall;
Which to thy resemblance wondersly hast wrought
All mankynd, whom thou full dere hast boght,
With thy blode precious our finaunce[620] thou dyd pay,195
And us redemed, from the fendys pray;[621]
To the pray we, as prince incomperable,
As thou art of mercy and pite the well,
Thou bringe unto thy joye etermynable[622]
The sowle of this lorde from all daunger of hell,200
In endles blis with the to byde and dwell
In thy palace above the orient,
Where thou art lorde, and God omnipotent.
O quene of mercy, O lady full of grace,
Maiden moste pure, and goddis moder dere,205
To sorowfull harts chef comfort and solace,
Of all women O floure withouten pere,
Pray to thy son above the starris clere,
He to vouchesaf by thy mediatioun
To pardon thy servant, and bringe to salvacion.210
In joy triumphaunt the hevenly yerarchy,[623]
With all the hole sorte[624] of that glorious place,
His soule mot[625] receyve into ther company
Thorowe bounte of hym that formed all solace:
Well of pite, of mercy, and of grace,215
The father, the son, and the holy goste
In Trinitate one God of myghts moste.

†‡† I have placed the foregoing poem of Skelton's before the following extract from Hawes, not only because it was written first, but because I think Skelton is in general to be considered as the earlier poet; many of his poems being written long before Hawes's Graunde Amour.

FOOTNOTES:

[569] The mother of Henry, first Earl of Northumberland, was Mary daughter to Henry E. of Lancaster, whose father Edmond was second son of K. Henry III.—The mother and wife of the second Earl of Northumberland were both lineal descendants of K. Edward III.—The Percys also were lineally descended from the Emperour Charlemagne and the ancient Kings of France, by his ancestor Josceline de Lovain (son of Godfrey Duke of Brabant), who took the name of Percy on marrying the heiress of that house in the reign of Hen. II. Vid. Camden Britan., Edmondson, &c.

[570] [against.]

[571] [Helicons.]

[572] [estate.]

[573] [nobleness.]

[574] [rough fellows.]

[575] [wrath.]

[576] [confederated.]

[577] [slay.]

[578] [churls by nature.]

[579] [abode.]

[580] [gloss over.]

[581] [dreaded.]

[582] [crouched.]

[583] [a number.]

[584] [large shield.]

[585] [may.]

[586] [fell.]

[587] [against.]

[588] [honour.]

[589] [false dealing.]

[590] [used.]

[591] [refused.]

[592] [they prepared themselves for an ambush.]

[593] [trouble.]

[594] [contend.]

[595] [pride.]

[596] [heeded.]

[597] [set.]

[598] [wild.]

[599] [pity.]

[600] [destroyed.]

[601] Alluding to his crest and supporters. Doutted is contracted for redoubted.

[602] [dreaded.]

[603] [misused, applied to a bad purpose.]

[604] [slayest.]

[605] [hooked or edged.]

[606] [cut.]

[607] [perfect.]

[608] [golden.]

[609] [embellishing.]

[610] [abundance.]

[611] [fickle.]

[612] [equal.]

[613] [refer.]

[614] [overpowered with hearty desire.]

[615] [treachery.]

[616] [whole choir.]

[617] [the earl's son was only eleven years old at the time of his father's death.]

[618] [deceivers.]

[619] [although.]

[620] [fine or forfeiture.]

[621] [prey of the fiends.]

[622] [interminable.]

[623] [hierarchy.]

[624] [whole company.]

[625] [may.]


X.
THE TOWER OF DOCTRINE.

The reader has here a specimen of the descriptive powers of Stephen Hawes, a celebrated poet in the reign of Hen. VII. tho' now little known. It is extracted from an allegorical poem of his (written in 1505.) intitled, The History of Graunde Amoure and La Bel Pucell, called the Pastime of Pleasure, &c. 4to. 1555. See more of Hawes in Ath. Ox. v. 1. p. 6. and Warton's Observ. v. 2. p. 105. He was also author of a book, intitled, The Temple of Glass. Wrote by Stephen Hawes, gentleman of the bedchamber to K. Henry VII. Pr. for Caxton, 4to. no date.

The following Stanzas are taken from Chap. III. and IV. of the Hist. above-mentioned. "How Fame departed from Graunde Amoure and left him with Governaunce and Grace, and how he went to the Tower of Doctrine, &c."—As we are able to give no small lyric piece of Hawes's, the reader will excuse the insertion of this extract.


[Most readers will probably be satisfied with the seventy-four lines that Percy has extracted from Hawes's long didactic poem, but those who wish to read the whole will find it reprinted by Mr. Thomas Wright in the fifteenth volume of the Percy Society's publications. The account of Rhetorick and the other allegorical nullities is weary reading, but the chapter in commendation of Gower, Chaucer and the author's master Lydgate, "the chefe orygynal of my lernyng," is interesting from a literary point of view. The poem was very popular in its own day and passed through several editions, and it has found admirers among critics of a later age. The Rev. Dr. Hodgson in a letter to Percy, dated Sept. 22, 1800,[626] speaks of it in very extravagant terms, and regrets that it had not then found an editor, as he regarded it "as one of the finest poems in our own or any other language." Warton describes Hawes as the only writer deserving the name of a poet in the reign of Henry VII. and says that "this poem contains no common touches of romantic and allegoric fiction." Mr. Wright however looks at it as "one of those allegorical writings which were popular with our forefathers, but which can now only be looked upon as monuments of the bad taste of a bad age." Hawes was a native of Suffolk, but the dates of his birth and death are not known. He studied in the University of Oxford and afterwards travelled much, becoming "a complete master of the French and Italian poetry."]


Cap. III.

* * * * *
I loked about and saw a craggy roche,
Farre in the west, neare to the element,
And as I dyd then unto it approche,
Upon the toppe I sawe refulgent
The royal tower of Morall Document,5
Made of fine copper with turrettes fayre and hye,
Which against Phebus shone so marveylously,
That for the very perfect bryghtnes
What of the tower, and of the cleare sunne,
I could nothyng behold the goodlines10
Of that palaice, whereas Doctrine did wonne:[627]
Tyll at the last, with mysty wyndes donne,
The radiant brightnes of golden Phebus
Auster gan cover with clowde tenebrus.[628]
Then to the tower I drewe nere and nere,15
And often mused of the great hyghnes
Of the craggy rocke, which quadrant did appeare:
But the fayre tower, so much of ryches
Was all about, sexangled doubtles;
Gargeyld[629] with grayhoundes, and with manylyons,20
Made of fyne golde; with divers sundry dragons.[630]
The little turrets with ymages of golde
About was set, whiche with the wynde aye moved.
Wyth propre vices,[631] the I did well beholde
About the towers, in sundry wyse they hoved[632]25
With goodly pypes, in their mouthes i-tuned,
That with the wynde they pyped a daunce,
I-clipped[633] Amour de la hault plesaunce.

Cap. IV.

The toure was great and of marvelous wydnes,
To whyche ther was no way to passe but one,30
Into the toure for to have an intres:[634]
A grece[635] there was y-chesyled all of stone
Out of the rocke, on whyche men dyd gone
Up to the toure, and in lykewyse dyd I
Wyth bothe the Grayhoundes in my company:[636]35
Tyll that I came unto a ryall gate,
Where I sawe stondynge the goodly Portres,
Whiche axed me, from whence I came a-late?
To whome I gan in every thynge expresse
All myne adventure, chaunce, and busynesse,40
And eke my name; I tolde her every dell:
Whan she herde this, she lyked me right well.
Her name, she sayd, was called Countenaunce;
Into the besy[637] courte she dyd me then lede,
Where was a fountayne depured[638] of pleasance,45
A noble sprynge, a ryall conduyte hede,
Made of fyne golde enameled with reed;
And on the toppe four dragons blewe and stoute
Thys dulcet water in foure partyes dyd spout.
Of whyche there flowed foure ryvers ryght clere,50
Sweter than Nylus[639] or Ganges was theyr odoure;
Tygrys or Eufrates unto them no pere:
I dyd than taste the aromatyke lycoure,
Fragraunt of fume, swete as any floure;
And in my mouthe it had a marveylous cent[640]55
Of divers spyces, I knewe not what it ment.
And after thys farther forth me brought
Dame Countenaunce into a goodly Hall,
Of jasper stones it was wonderly wrought:
The wyndowes cleare depured all of crystall,60
And in the roufe on hye over all
Of golde was made a ryght crafty vyne;
In stede of grapes the rubies there did shyne.
The flore was paved with berall clarified,
With pillers made of stones precious,65
Like a place of pleasure so gayely glorified,
It myght be called a palaice glorious,
So muche delectable and solacious;[641]
The hall was hanged hye and circuler
With cloth of arras in the rychest maner.70
That treated well of a ful noble story,
Of the doubty waye to the Tower Perillous;[642]
Howe a noble knyght should wynne the victory
Of many a serpente fowle and odious.
* * * * *

FOOTNOTES:

[626] Nichols' Illustrations of Literature, vol viii. p. 344.

[627] [dwell.]

[628] [dark.]

[629] [from gargoyle the spout of a gutter.]

[630] Greyhounds, Lions, Dragons, were at that time the royal supporters.

[631] [devices.]

[632] [heaved.]

[633] [called.]

[634] [entrance.]

[635] [a flight of steps.]

[636] This alludes to a former part of the Poem.

[637] [busy. Percy reads base or lower court.]

[638] [purified.]

[639] Nysus. PC.

[640] [scent.]

[641] [affording solace.]

[642] The story of the poem.


XI.
THE CHILD OF ELLE,

Is given from a fragment in the Editor's folio MS. which, tho' extremely defective and mutilated, appeared to have so much merit, that it excited a strong desire to attempt a completion of the story. The Reader will easily discover the supplemental stanzas by their inferiority, and at the same time be inclined to pardon it, when he considers how difficult it must be to imitate the affecting simplicity and artless beauties of the original.

Child was a title sometimes given to a knight.


[The Child of Ell, as it appears in the folio MS., is a fragment without beginning or ending, so that Percy was forced to add some verses in order to fit it for his book, but the above note does not give any adequate notion of his contributions to the ballad. The verses that are entirely due to the bishop's pen are placed between brackets, and it will be seen from the copy of the original printed at the end that the remaining thirty lines are much altered from it. It is unfortunate that Percy's taste was not sufficient to save him from adding sentimental verses so out of character with the directness of the original as—

"Fair Emmeline sighed, fair Emmeline wept,
And aye her heart was woe:
At length he seized her lilly-white hand,
And downe the ladder he drewe."

On the other hand, the poem as it stands is certainly elegant, and Sir Walter Scott was justified in his high praise when he pointed out the beauty of verses 181-184.

"The baron he stroked his dark brown cheek,
And turned his head aside
To wipe away the starting tear,
He proudly strave to hide."

Scott published a ballad called "Erlinton" for the first time in his Border Minstrelsy, which he says "seems to be the rude original, or perhaps a corrupt and imperfect copy of The Child of Elle."

The original fragment from the MS. is worth reading for its own sake as a genuine antique, which must outweigh in interest all manufactured imitations.]


[On yonder hill a castle standes
With walles and towres bedight,[643]
And yonder lives the Child of Elle,
A younge and comely knighte.
The Child of Elle to his garden wente,5
And stood at his garden pale,
Whan, lo! he beheld fair Emmelines page
Come trippinge downe the dale.
The Child of Elle he hyed him thence,
Y-wis he stoode not stille,10
And soone he mette faire Emmelines page
Come climbing up the hille.
Nowe Christe thee save, thou little foot-page,
Now Christe thee save and see!
Oh telle me how does thy ladye gaye,15
And what may thy tydinges bee?
My lady shee is all woe-begone,
And the teares they falle from her eyne;
And aye she laments the deadlye feude
Betweene her house and thine.20
And here shee sends thee a silken scarfe
Bedewde with many a teare,
And biddes thee sometimes thinke on her,
Who loved thee so deare.
And here shee sends thee a ring of golde25
The last boone thou mayst have,
And biddes thee weare it for her sake,
Whan she is layde in grave.
For, ah! her gentle heart is broke,
And in grave soone must shee bee,30
Sith her father hath chose her a new new love,
And forbidde her to think of thee.
Her father hath brought her a carlish[644] knight,
Sir John of the north countrÀye,
And within three dayes shee must him wedde,35
Or he vowes he will her slaye.
Nowe hye thee backe, thou little foot-page,
And greet thy ladye from mee,
And telle her that I her owne true love
Will dye, or sette her free.40
Nowe hye thee backe, thou little foot-page,
And let thy fair ladye know
This night will I bee at her bowre-windÒwe,
Betide me weale or woe.
The boye he tripped, the boye he ranne,45
He neither stint ne stayd
Untill he came to fair Emmelines bowre,
Whan kneeling downe he sayd,
O ladye, I've been with thy own true love,
And he greets thee well by mee;50
This night will he bee at thy bowre-windÒwe,
And dye or sette thee free.
Nowe daye was gone, and night was come,
And all were fast asleepe,
All save the ladye Emmeline,55
Who sate in her bowre to weepe:
And soone shee heard her true loves voice
Lowe whispering at the walle,
Awake, awake, my deare ladyÈ,
Tis I thy true love call.60
Awake, awake, my ladye deare,
Come, mount this faire palfrÀye:
This ladder of ropes will lette thee downe,
Ile carrye thee hence awaye.
Nowe nay, nowe nay, thou gentle knight,65
Nowe nay, this may not bee;
For aye shold I tint my maiden fame,
If alone I should wend with thee.
O ladye, thou with a knighte so true
Mayst safelye wend alone,70
To my ladye mother I will thee bringe,
Where marriage shall make us one.
"My father he is a baron bolde,
Of lynage proude and hye;
And what would he saye if his daughtÈr75
Awaye with a knight should fly?
Ah! well I wot, he never would rest,]
Nor his meate should doe him no goode,
Until he had slayne thee, Child of Elle,
And seene thy deare hearts bloode."80
O ladye, wert thou in thy saddle sette,
And a little space him fro,
I would not care for thy cruel fathÈr,
Nor the worst that he could doe.
O ladye, wert thou in thy saddle sette,85
And once without this walle,
I would not care for thy cruel fathÈr,
Nor the worst that might befalle.
[Faire Emmeline sighed, fair Emmeline wept,
And aye her heart was woe:90
At length he seized her lilly-white hand,
And downe the ladder he drewe:
And thrice he clasped her to his breste,
And kist her tenderlÌe:
The teares that fell from her fair eyes,95
Ranne like the fountayne free.]
Hee mounted himselfe on his steede so talle,
And her on a fair palfrÀye,
And slung his bugle about his necke,
And roundlye they rode awaye.100
[All this beheard her owne damsÈlle,
In her bed whereas shee ley,
Quoth shee, My lord shall knowe of this,
Soe I shall have golde and fee.
Awake, awake, thou baron bolde!105
Awake, my noble dame!
Your daughter is fledde with the Child of Elle,
To doe the deede of shame.
The baron he woke, the baron he rose,
And called his merrye men all:110
"And come thou forth, Sir John the knighte,
Thy ladye is carried to thrall."[645]]
Faire Emmeline scant had ridden a mile,
A mile forth of the towne,
When she was aware of her fathers men115
Come galloping over the downe:
[And foremost came the carlish knight,
Sir John of the north countrÀye:
"Nowe stop, nowe stop, thou false traitÒure,
Nor carry that ladye awaye.120
For she is come of hye lineÀge,
And was of a ladye borne,
And ill it beseems thee a false churl's sonne
To carrye her hence to scorne."]
Nowe loud thou lyest, Sir John the knight,125
Nowe thou doest lye of mee;
A knight mee gott, and a ladye me bore,
Soe never did none by thee.
But light nowe downe, my ladye faire,
Light downe, and hold my steed,130
While I and this discourteous knighte
Doe trye this arduous deede.
But light now downe, my deare ladyÈ,
Light downe, and hold my horse;
While I and this discourteous knight135
[Doe trye our valour's force.
Fair Emmeline sighed, fair Emmeline wept,
And aye her heart was woe,
While twixt her love and the carlish knight
Past many a baleful blowe.140
The Child of Elle hee fought soe well,
As his weapon he waived amaine,
That soone he had slaine the carlish knight,
And layd him upon the plaine.
And nowe the baron, and all his men145
Full fast approached nye:
Ah! what may ladye Emmeline doe?
Twere nowe no boote[646] to flye.
Her lover he put his horne to his mouth,
And blew both loud and shrill,150
And soone he saw his owne merry men
Come ryding over the hill.
"Nowe hold thy hand, thou bold barÒn,
I pray thee hold thy hand,
Nor ruthless rend two gentle hearts,155
Fast knit in true love's band.
Thy daughter I have dearly loved
Full long and many a day;
But with such love as holy kirke
Hath freelye sayd wee may.160
O give consent, shee may be mine,
And blesse a faithfull paire:
My lands and livings are not small,
My house and lineage faire:
My mother she was an earl's daughtÈr,165
And a noble knyght my sire——
The baron he frowned, and turn'd away
With mickle dole and ire."
Fair Emmeline sighed, faire Emmeline wept,
And did all tremblinge stand:170
At lengthe she sprang upon her knee.
And held his lifted hand.
Pardon, my lorde and father deare,
This faire yong knyght and mee:
Trust me, but for the carlish knyght,175
I never had fled from thee.
Oft have you called your Emmeline
Your darling and your joye;
O let not then your harsh resolves
Your Emmeline destroye.180
The baron he stroakt his dark-brown cheeke,
And turned his heade asyde
To whipe awaye the starting teare,
He proudly strave to hyde.
In deepe revolving thought he stoode,185
And mused a little space;
Then raised faire Emmeline from the grounde,
With many a fond embrace.
Here take her, Child of Elle, he sayd,
And gave her lillye white hand;190
Here take my deare and only child,
And with her half my land:
Thy father once mine honour wrongde
In dayes of youthful pride;
Do thou the injurye repayre195
In fondnesse for thy bride.
And as thou love her, and hold her deare,
Heaven prosper thee and thine:
And nowe my blessing wend wi' thee,
My lovelye Emmeline.]200

?


†‡† From the word kirke in ver. 159, this hath been thought to be a Scottish Ballad, but it must be acknowledged that the line referred to is among the additions supplied by the Editor: besides, in the Northern counties of England, kirk is used in the common dialect for church, as well as beyond the Tweed.


[The following thirty-nine lines are the whole of the fragment which Percy used as the groundwork of his poem. They are taken from Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript, vol. i. p. 133.

Sayes, Christ thee save, good child of Ell!
Christ saue thee and thy steede!
My father sayes he will noe meate,
Nor his drinke shall doe him noe good,
till he have slaine the Child of Ell
And have seene his harts blood.
I wold I were in my sadle sett,
And a mile out of the towne,
I did not care for your father
And all his merry men!
I wold I were in my sadle sett,
And a little space him froe,
I did not care for your father
And all that long him to!
He leaned ore his saddle bow
To kisse this Lady good;
The teares that went them two betweene
Were blend water and blood.
He sett himselfe on one good steed
This lady of one palfray
And sett his litle horne to his mouth
And roundlie he rode away.
He had not ridden past a mile
A mile out of the towne,
Her father was readye with her seven brether
He said, sett thou my daughter downe!
For itt ill beseemes thee, thou false churles sonne,
To carry her forth of this towne!
But lowd thou lyest, Sir John the Knight!
That now doest lye of me;
A knight me gott and a lady me bore;
Soe never did none by thee.
But light now downe, my lady gay,
Light downe and hold my horsse
Whilest I and your father and your brether
Doe play us at this crosse;
But light now downe, my owne trew loue,
And meeklye hold my steede,
Whilest your father [and your brether] bold.]

[Half a page missing.]

FOOTNOTES:

[643] [bedecked.]

[644] [churlish.]

[645] [into captivity.]

[646] [no advantage.]

XII.
EDOM O' GORDON,

A Scottish Ballad,

Was printed at Glasgow, by Robert and Andrew Foulis, MDCCLV. 8vo. 12 pages. We are indebted for its publication (with many other valuable things in these volumes) to Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., who gave it as it was preserved in the memory of a lady that is now dead.

The reader will here find it improved and enlarged with several fine stanzas, recovered from a fragment of the same ballad, in the Editor's folio MS. It is remarkable that the latter is entitled Captain Adam Carre, and is in the English idiom. But whether the author was English or Scotch, the difference originally was not great. The English Ballads are generally of the North of England, the Scottish are of the South of Scotland, and of consequence the country of ballad-singers was sometimes subject to one crown, and sometimes to the other, and most frequently to neither. Most of the finest old Scotch songs have the scene laid within twenty miles of England, which is indeed all poetic ground, green hills, remains of woods, clear brooks. The pastoral scenes remain: of the rude chivalry of former ages happily nothing remains but the ruins of the castles, where the more daring and successful robbers resided. The house or castle of the Rodes stood about a measured mile south from Duns, in Berwickshire: some of the ruins of it may be seen to this day. The Gordons were anciently seated in the same county: the two villages of East and West Gordon lie about ten miles from the castle of the Rodes.[647] The fact, however, on which the ballad is founded, happened in the north of Scotland,[648] yet it is but too faithful a specimen of the violences practised in the feudal times in every part of this Island, and indeed all over Europe.

From the different titles of this ballad, it should seem that the old strolling bards or minstrels (who gained a livelihood by reciting these poems) made no scruple of changing the names of the personages they introduced, to humour their hearers. For instance, if a Gordon's conduct was blameworthy in the opinion of that age, the obsequious minstrel would, when among Gordons, change the name to Car, whose clan or sept lay further west, and vice versÂ. The foregoing observation, which I owed to Sir David Dalrymple, will appear the more perfectly well founded, if, as I have since been informed (from Crawford's Memoirs), the principal Commander of the expedition was a Gordon, and the immediate agent a Car, or Ker; for then the reciter might, upon good grounds, impute the barbarity here deplored, either to a Gordon or a Car, as best suited his purpose. In the third volume the reader will find a similar instance. See the song of Gil Morris, wherein the principal character introduced had different names given him, perhaps from the same cause.

It may be proper to mention that, in the folio MS., instead of the "Castle of the Rodes," it is the "Castle of Bittons-borrow," and also "Dractons-borrow," and "Capt. Adam Carre" is called the "Lord of Westerton-town." Uniformity required that the additional stanzas supplied from that copy should be clothed in the Scottish orthography and idiom: this has therefore been attempted, though perhaps imperfectly.


[Percy's note, which goes to prove that the historical event referred to in this ballad occurred in the north of Scotland, negatives the view which is expressed just before, that the borders are the exclusive country of the ballad singers, at all events in this particular instance. Sir David Dalrymple appears to have altered the place of action from Towie to Rodes under a misconception. An extract from Crawford's Memoirs (an. 1571, p. 240, ed. 1706), is a proper companion to the passage from Spotswood, and explains the title in the folio MS. The person sent was "one Captain Ker with a party of foot.... Nor was he ever so much as cashiered for this inhuman action, which made Gordon share in the scandal and the guilt." Gordon, in his History of the Family of Gordon, informs us that, in the true old spirit of Scottish family feuds, the Forbes's afterwards attempted to assassinate Gordon in the streets of Paris.

Percy showed good taste in rejecting the termination given in Dalrymple's version, which certainly does not improve the ballad, and has moreover a very modern flavour. The husband is there made to end his days as follows:—

"And round and round the wa's he went
Their ashes for to view.
At last into the flames he flew
And bad the world adieu."

This ballad is found in various versions, which proves how wide-spread was the popularity of the striking story which it relates. In the version given from the Cotton MS. by Ritson in his Ancient Songs (vol. ii. p. 38, ed. 1829) the husband takes no vengeance on Captain Car. Another version, entitled Loudoun Castle, is reprinted in Child's English and Scottish Ballads (vol. vi. p. 254), from the Ballads and Songs of Ayrshire, where the scene is changed to Loudoun Castle, which is supposed to have been burnt about three hundred and sixty years ago by the clan Kennedy. In Ritson's version the castle is called Crechcrynbroghe, and in the Genealogy of the Forbes, by Matthew Lumsden, of Tullikerne, written in 1580 (Inverness, 1819, p. 44), the name is changed to Cargaffe. From this latter source we learn that the lady of Towie was Margaret Campbell, daughter of Sir John Campbell, of Calder, and that the husband, far from flying into the flames, married a second wife, a daughter of Forbes of Reires, who bare him a son named Arthur.]

It fell about the Martinmas,
Quhen the wind blew shril and cauld,
Said Edom o' Gordon to his men,
We maun draw till a hauld.[649]
And quhat a hauld sall we draw till,5
My mirry men and me?
We wul gae to the house o' the Rodes,
To see that fair ladÌe.
The lady stude on hir castle wa',
Beheld baith dale and down:10
There she was ware of a host of men
Cum ryding towards the toun.[650]
O see ye nat, my mirry men a'?
O see ye nat quhat I see?
Methinks I see a host of men:15
I marveil quha they be.
She weend[651] it had been hir luvely lord,
As he cam ryding hame;
It was the traitor Edom o' Gordon,
Quha reckt nae sin nor shame.20
She had nae sooner buskit[652] hirsel,
And putten on hir goun,
But Edom o' Gordon and his men
Were round about the toun.
They had nae sooner supper sett,25
Nae sooner said the grace,
But Edom o' Gordon and his men,
Were light about the place.
The lady ran up to hir towir head,
Sa fast as she could hie,30
To see if by hir fair speechÈs
She could wi' him agree.
But quhan he see this lady saif,
And hir yates[653] all locked fast,
He fell into a rage of wrath,35
And his look was all aghast.
Cum doun to me, ye lady gay,
Cum doun, cum doun to me:
This night sall ye lig[654] within mine armes,
To-morrow my bride sall be.40
I winnae[655] cum doun, ye fals GordÒn,
I winnae cum doun to thee;
I winnae forsake my ain dear lord,
That is sae far frae me.
Give owre your house, ye lady fair,45
Give owre your house to me,
Or I sall brenn[656] yoursel therein,
Bot and[657] your babies three.
I winnae give owre, ye false GordÒn,
To nae sik traitor as yee;50
And if ye brenn my ain dear babes,
My lord sall make ye drie.[658]
But reach my pistoll, Glaud, my man,[659]
And charge ye weil my gun:[659]
For, but an[660] I pierce that bluidy butcher,55
My babes we been undone.
She stude upon hir castle wa',
And let twa bullets flee:[659]
She mist that bluidy butchers hart,
And only raz'd his knee.60
Set fire to the house, quo' fals GordÒn,
All wood wi' dule[661] and ire:
Fals lady, ye sail rue this deid,
As ye bren in the fire.
Wae worth,[662] wae worth ye, Jock my man,65
I paid ye weil your fee;
Quhy pu' ye out the ground-wa' stane.[663]
Lets in the reek[664] to me?
And ein[665] wae worth ye, Jock my man,
I paid ye weil your hire;70
Quhy pu' ye out the ground-wa stane,
To me lets in the fire?
Ye paid me weil my hire, lady;
Ye paid me weil my fee:
But now I'm Edom o' Gordons man,75
Maun either doe or die.
O than bespaik hir little son,
Sate on the nurses knee:
Sayes, Mither deare, gi' owre this house,
For the reek it smithers me.80
I wad gie a' my gowd,[666] my childe,
Sae wald I a' my fee,
For ane blast o' the western wind,
To blaw the reek frae thee.
O then bespaik hir dochter dear,85
She was baith jimp[667] and sma:
O row[668] me in a pair o' sheits,
And tow me[669] owre the wa.
They rowd hir in a pair o' sheits,
And towd hir owre the wa:90
But on the point of Gordons spear,
She gat a deadly fa.
O bonnie bonnie was hir mouth,
And cherry were hir cheiks,
And clear clear was hir yellow hair,95
Whereon the reid bluid dreips.
Then wi' his spear he turnd hir owre,
O gin hir face was wan![670]
He sayd, ye are the first that eir
I wisht alive again.100
He turnd hir owre and owre againe,
O gin hir skin was whyte![670]
I might ha spared that bonnie face
To hae been sum mans delyte.
Busk and boun,[671] my merry men a',105
For ill dooms I doe guess;
I cannae luik in that bonnie face,
As it lyes on the grass.
Thame, luiks to freits, my master deir,[672]
Then freits wil follow thame:[672]110
Let it neir be said brave Edom o' Gordon
Was daunted by a dame.
But quhen the ladye see the fire
Cum flaming owre hir head,
She wept and kist her children twain,115
Sayd, Bairns, we been but dead.
The Gordon then his bougill[673] blew,
And said, Awa', awa';
This house o' the Rodes is a' in flame,
I hauld it time to ga'.120
O then bespyed hir ain dear lord,
As hee cam owr the lee;
He sied[674] his castle all in blaze
Sa far as he could see.
Then sair, O sair his mind misgave,125
And all his hart was wae;
Put on, put on, my wighty men,
So fast as ye can gae.
Put on, put on, my wighty[675] men,
Sa fast as ye can drie;[676]130
For he that is hindmost of the thrang,
Sall neir get guid o' me.
Than sum they rade, and sum they rin,
Fou fast out-owr the bent;[677]
But eir the foremost could get up,135
Baith lady and babes were brent.
He wrang his hands, he rent his hair,
And wept in teenefu' muid:[678]
O traitors, for this cruel deid
Ye sall weep teirs o'bluid.140
And after the Gordon he is gane,
Sa fast as he might drie;[679]
And soon i' the Gordon's foul hartis bluid,
He's wroken[680] his dear ladie.

?


[The following is the version of the ballad in the Percy Folio, which is entitled Captaine Carre. Bishop Percy's Folio MS., ed. J. W. Hales and F. J. Furnivall, 1867, vol. i., pp. 79-83.

ffaith, Master, whither you will,
whereas you like the best,
Unto the castle of Bittons borrow,
and there to take your rest.
But yonder stands a Castle faire,
is made of lyme and stone,
Yonder is in it a fayre lady,
her lord is ridden and gone.
The lady stood on her castle wall,
she looked upp and downe,
She was ware of an hoast of men
came rydinge towards the towne.
See you not my merry men all,
and see you not what I doe see?
Methinks I see a hoast of men
I muse who they shold be.
She thought it had beene her lovly Lord,
he had come ryding home:
it was the traitor, Captaine Carre
the Lord of Westerton towne
They had noe sooner super sett,
and after said the grace
but the traitor Captaine Carre
was light about the place.
Give over thy house, thou lady gay
I will make thee a band [i.e. bond]
all night within mine armes thoust lye,
to-morrow be the heyre of my land.
Ile not give over my house, shee said
neither for ladds nor man,
nor yet for traitor Captaine Carre,
Untill my lord come home.
But reach me my pistoll pee [i.e. piece]
and charge you well my gunne,
Ile shoote at the bloody bucher
the lord of westerton.
She stood uppon her castle wall
and let the bulletts flee,
and where shee mist....

[Half a page missing.]

But then bespake the little child
that sate on the nurses knee,
saies, mother deere, give ore this house
for the smoake it smoothers me.
I wold give all my gold, my childe,
soe wold I doe all my fee,
for one blast of the westerne wind
to blow the smoke from thee.
But when shee saw the fier
came flaming ore her head,
She tooke them upp her children two
Sayes, babes we all beene dead!
But Adam then he fired the house,
a sorrowfull sight to see:
now hath he burned this lady faire
and eke her children three
Then Captain Carre he rode away,
he staid noe longer at that tide,
he thought that place it was to warme
soe neere for to abide
He calld unto his merry men all
bidd them make hast away
for we have slaine his children three
all, and his lady gay.
Word came to lovly loudon[1]
to loudon[681] wheras her lord lay,
his castle and his hall was burned
all and his lady gay.
Soe hath he done his Children three,
More dearer unto him
then either the silver or the gold
that men soe faine wold win.
But when he looket this writing on,
Lord in is hart he was woe!
saies, I will find thee, Captain Carre,
wether thou ryde or goe!
Buff yee, bowne yee, my merry men all
with tempered swords of steele,
for till I have found out Captaine Carre,
My hart it is nothing weele.
But when he came to dractons Borrow,
soe long ere it was day,
and ther he found him, Captaine Carre;
that night he ment to stay.]

[Half a page missing.]

FOOTNOTES:

[647] This ballad is well known in that neighbourhood, where it is intitled Adam O'Gordon. It may be observed, that the famous freebooter whom Edward I. fought with, hand to hand, near Farnham, was named Adam Gordon.

[648] Since this ballad was first printed, the subject of it has been found recorded in Abp. Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland, p. 259, who informs us that, "Anno 1571. In the north parts of Scotland, Adam Gordon (who was deputy for his brother the earl of Huntley) did keep a great stir; and under colour of the queen's authority, committed divers oppressions, especially upon the Forbes's.... Having killed Arthur Forbes, brother to the lord Forbes.... Not long after he sent to summon the house of Tavoy pertaining to Alexander Forbes. The Lady refusing to yield without direction from her husband, he put fire unto it, and burnt her therein, with children and servants, being twenty-seven persons in all.

"This inhuman and barbarous cruelty made his name odious, and stained all his former doings; otherwise he was held very active and fortunate in his enterprizes."

This fact, which had escaped the Editor's notice, was in the most obliging manner pointed out to him by an ingenious writer who signs his name H. H. (Newcastle, May 9) in the Gentleman's Magazine for May, 1775.

[649] [to a hold.]

[650] [dwelling-house.]

[651] [thought.]

[652] [dressed.]

[653] [gates.]

[654] [lie.]

[655] [will not.]

[656] [burn.]

[657] [and also.]

[658] [suffer.]

[659] These three lines are restored from Foulis's edition, and the fol. MS., which last reads the bullets, in ver. 58.

[660] [unless.]

[661] [mad with sorrow.]

[662] [woe betide.]

[663] [ground-wall stone.]

[664] [smoke.]

[665] [even.]

[666] [gold.]

[667] [slender.]

[668] [roll.]

[669] [let me down.]

[670] Ver. 98, 102. O gin, &c. a Scottish idiom to express great admiration.

[671] [make ready to go.]

[672] V. 109, 110. Thame, &c. i.e. Them that look after omens of ill luck, ill luck will follow.

[673] [bugle.]

[674] [saw.]

[675] [nimble.]

[676] [endure.]

[677] [full fast over the meadows.]

[678] [in wrathful mood.]

[679] [bear.]

[680] [revenged.]

[681] [printed London in the edition of the MS.]

THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK.

RELIQUES OF ANCIENT POETRY, ETC.

SERIES THE FIRST.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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