Fort Ticonderoga: A Short History :: CHAPTER FOUR Abercromby's Defeat

CHAPTER FOUR Abercromby's Defeat

In 1758 the Fort was almost completed. General James Abercromby had gathered at the head of Lake George the greatest army ever seen on the American continent, almost 15,000 men, of which 6,000 were British regulars and the rest provincials from New England, New York and New Jersey.

In July, 1758, this great army, great for its day and place, left Fort William Henry in hundreds of batteaux and whale boats to attack Fort Carillon. It must have been an extraordinarily beautiful sight, that vast fleet of little boats filled with the Red Coats and the plaids of Highlanders. Early in the morning of July 6th the army landed on what is now known as Howe’s Cove at the northern end of Lake George. The army immediately advanced in three columns but was soon lost in the dense forest which then covered the whole country. An advance party of French under the Sieur de Trepezec had been watching the landing from what the French called Mount Pelee, but which is now called Roger’s Rock. In trying to return to the Fort they had also lost their way and met one of the advancing columns, commanded by George Augustus, Viscount Howe, a grandson of George the First of England. At the first fire Lord Howe was killed and with his death the heart went out of the army. He was the real leader of the expedition. Captain Monypenny, his aide, reported his death in the following letter:

The Marquis de Montcalm
(From a Pastel in the Museum.)

To Mr. Calcraft, dated Camp at Lake George, 11th July, 1758:

“Sir:

“It is with the utmost concern, I write you of the death of Lord Howe. On the 6th the whole army landed without opposition, at the carrying place, about seven miles from Ticonderoga. About two o’clock, they march’d in four columns, to invest the breast work, where the enemy was encamp’d, near the Fort. The Rangers were before the army and the light infantry and marksmen at the heads of the columns. We expected, and met with some opposition near a small river, which we had to cross. When the firing began on the part of the left column, Lord Howe thinking it would be of the greatest consequence, to beat the enemy with the light troops, so as not to stop the march of the main body, went up with them, and had just gained the top of the hill, where the firing was, when he was killed. Never ball had a more deadly direction. It entered his breast on the left side, and (as the surgeans say) pierced his lungs, and heart, and shattered his back bone. I was about six yards from him, he fell on his back and never moved, only his hands quivered an instant.

“The French party was about 400 men, ’tis computed 200 of them were killed, 160, whereof five are officers, are prisoners; their commanding officer, and the partizan who conducted them were killed, by the prisoner’s account, in short, very few, if any, got back.

“The loss our country has sustained in His Lordship is inexpressible, and I’m afraid irreparable. The spirit he inspired in the troops, indefatigable pains he took in forwarding the publick service, the pattern he show’d of every military virtue, can only be believed by those, who were eye witnesses of it. The confidence the army, both regular and provincial, had in his abilities as a general officer, the readiness with which every order of his, or ev’n intimation of what would be agreeable to him, was comply’d with, is almost incredible. When his body was brought into camp scarce an eye was free from tears.

“As his Lordship had chose me to act as an aide de camp to him, when he was to have commanded on the winter expedition, which did not take place, and afterwards on his being made a brigadier general, had got me appointed Brigade Major, and I had constantly lived with him since that time....”

“(Signed) Al. Monypenny.”

Brig. General Lord Howe

The three columns returned to the landing place on the 6th, and on the 7th the army again advanced, this time by way of the bridge over the small stream connecting Lake George with Lake Champlain. The French had destroyed the bridge in retreating but it was soon repaired. On the night of the 7th the whole army lay on their arms, in what is now the Village of Ticonderoga, and on the morning of the 8th advanced again in three columns to attack the Fort. In the meantime Montcalm had elected not to wait until the Fort was invested but to fight in the woods. With almost superhuman energy he threw an earthwork across the whole peninsula of Ticonderoga, about three-quarters of a mile from the Fort. It consisted of a great wall of logs, and an abatis of trees with their branches sharpened, a hundred feet or so from the trenches. He, himself, commanded the center, the Chevalier de LÉvis the right, and the Colonel de Bourlamaque the left. Early in the morning the British columns attacked. All through that hot, sultry July day the fight went on. Abercromby had established his headquarters at the French sawmill but had been deceived as to the strength of Montcalm’s defenses. In this fight the 42nd Highlanders, the famous Black Watch, suffered enormously. Many of the Highlanders fought their way through the abatis and some even reached the great log wall, only to be killed by bayonet or bullet. The Royal American, a regiment still in the British army as the King’s Royal Rifle Corps, had losses second only to the Black Watch. And at the end of the day Abercromby’s army was forced to retreat, leaving the French in command of the field. The British and Colonial losses in this fight were almost as great as the whole French defending force.

Account of the Victory Won By the Royal Troops at Carillon on the 8th Day of July, 1758

(Translated from a contemporary French manuscript report in the Museum Library)

“The Marquis de Vaudreuil, uncertain of the movements of the enemy, thought necessary at the beginning of this campaign to distribute his forces. He appointed the Chevalier de LÉvis to execute a secret expedition with a picked detachment, of which 400 men were chosen from the land troops. The rest of these troops were sent by order of the Marquis de Montcalm to defend the border of Lake Saint Sacrement [Lake George]. The Marquis de Montcalm arrived at Carillon the 30th of June. The report of prisoners made a few days before left him no doubt that the enemy had gathered, near the ruins of Fort William Henry, an army of 20,000 to 25,000 men and that their intention was to advance immediately upon him.

Duc de LÉvis

“He imparted at once this news to the Marquis de Vaudreuil and did not hesitate to take an advanced position which would deceive the enemy, retard his movement and give time for the colonial help to arrive. In consequence, le Sieur de Bourlamaque was ordered to take possession of the portage at the head of Lake Saint Sacrement, with the battalions of La Reine, of Guyenne and of Bearn. The Marquis de Montcalm, with those of La Sarre, of the Royal Roussillon, of the Languedoc Regiment and the 1st battalion of Berry, occupied personally the two banks of the Chute River, thus named because in that spot the Lake St. Sacrement, narrowed by the mountains, pours its bubbling waters into the St. Frederic River and Lake Champlain. The 2nd Berry battalion took charge of the defense and service at the Fort of Carillon.

A PLAN of
the TOWN and FORT of
CARILLON
at
TICONDEROGA;
with
the ATTACK made by the
BRITISH ARMY
Commanded by Gen^l. Abercrombie.
on July 1758
Engraved by
Tho^s. Jefferys, Geographer to his Royal Highness the
Prince of Wales.

High-resolution Map

“The Marquis de Montcalm made the Sieurs de Pontleroy and DÉsandrouins, Engineers, reconnoitre and determine a site for a fortified position which could cover this fort; and as we had only a few Canadians and only 15 savages, he took from the French battalions two troops of volunteers, the command of which was given to the Sieur Bernard, captain in the Bearn Regiment, and Duprat, captain in La Sarre Regiment.

“In the evening of the 5th scouts which we had on Lake Saint Sacrement informed us that they had seen large numbers of barges which might be and were, in fact, the vanguard of the enemy’s army. At once the order was given to the troops of the Portage and the Chute camps to take their armaments, to spend the night at the bivouac, and to clear the equipages. The volunteers of Duprat were sent to take position on a creek called the Bernetz which, flowing between the mountains that cover this part of the country, runs into the Chute River. The enemy could pass around us by the back of these mountains. It was essential to be aware of such a movement. 350 men under the command of the Sieur de Trepezec, captain in the Bearn Regiment, were detached to take a position between the Pelee Mountain and the left bank of Lake Saint Sacrement and the volunteers of Bernard occupied another post intermediary between the Pelee Mountain and the Portage camps. Measures were taken also to throw light on a possible disembarkment which the enemy might make on the right bank of the lake.

“The 6th. At four o’clock in the morning, the vanguard of the opponent’s army was located in sight of the portage. At once the Marquis de Montcalm sent orders to the Sieurs de Pontleroy and DÉsandrouins to lay out, in front of Carillon on the ground already marked, trenches and abatis and to the 2nd Battalion of Berry to work at them with its ensigns.

Major General Israel Putnam

“The enemy began to disembark at nine o’clock; the Sieur de Bourlamaque retreated then in their presence with the 3rd battalion from the portage and in the best of order. He joined the Marquis de Montcalm who was waiting for him, formed for battle, on the heights at the right bank of the Chute, with Roussillon Regiment and the first Berry Battalion; these five battalions passed the river, destroyed the bridge and combined with La Sarre and Languedoc Regiments occupied the heights which edge the left bank. This retreat would have been carried out without the loss of a single man, if the detachment of the Sieur de Trepezec had not lost its way. Abandoned by the few savages that acted as guides, it strayed in those wood-covered mountains and came, after walking 12 hours, upon an English column bound for the Chute River. Of this detachment 6 officers and about 150 soldiers were killed or made prisoners. They defended themselves a long time, but they had to retreat before a superior force. The English made an important loss in the person of Lord Howe, quartermaster general of their army and Colonel of one of the Regiments of old England.

“At six o’clock in the evening, the Sieur Duprat, having announced that the enemy was heading towards the Bernetz Creek with pioneers and that their plan was evidently to throw a bridge over it, the Marquis de Montcalm sent the order to retreat and started his own retreat towards the heights of Carillon, where he arrived at sunset. That same evening a portion of the opponents’ regular troops and Rangers occupied the two banks of the Chute River, going towards the Bernetz Creek and entrenching there. The rest of their army occupied the place of disembarkment and the portage, and entrenched there also.

“The 7th. The French army was all employed working at the abatis which had been started the day before by the 2nd Berry Battalion. The officers were setting the example and the flags were hoisted—the plan of the defences had been laid out on the heights, 650 fathoms from Carillon fort.

“On the left side it was backed up by an embankment 80 fathoms away from the Chute River, the top of which was capped by a wall. This wall was flanked by a gap back of which 6 cannon were to be placed to fire at it as well as to the river. On the right it was also backed by an embankment the slope of which was not as steep as the one on the left; the plain between this hill and Lake Saint Sacrement River was bordered by a branch of the trenches and also by a battery of 4 cannon which were only placed there the day after the battle. Also the guns of the Fort were pointed toward this plain as well as at any other disembarkment which might be effected on the left.

“The center followed the sinuosities of the ground, keeping the top of the height, and all the parts flanked one another reciprocally. Several, to tell the truth, were hit there, as well as on the right and on the left by a cross fire of the enemy, but it was because we didn’t have time to put up traverses. That kind of defence was made by tree trunks put one on top of the other, and had in front of it fallen trees the branches of which, cut and sharpened, gave the effect of a chevaux de frise.

“Between 6 and 8 o’clock in the evening the piquets of our troops, detached by order of the Chevalier de LÉvis, arrived at the camp and the Chevalier de LÉvis himself went there at night.

“All day our volunteers fired against the Rangers of the enemy. General Abercromby with the main part of the militia and the balance made up of regular troops advanced up to the falls. He had sent there several barges and pontoons mounted with two guns each. These troops built also on the same day several trenches, one in front of the other, of which the nearest one to our abatis was hardly a cannon range away. We spent the night in bivouac along side the trenches.

“The 8th. At dawn we beat the drums so as to let all the troops know their posts for the defense of the entrenchment, following the above arrangement, which was about that in which they worked. The army was composed at the right of battalions of La Reine, La Sarre, Royal Roussillon, Languedoc and Guyenne Regiments and two Berry and the one battalion of the Bearn Regiment and also of 450 Canadians or Marines which brought the total to 3,000 fighting men.

“At the left of the line they posted the Sarre and the Languedoc battalions and the two piquets that had arrived the day before. The volunteers of Bernard and Duprat were guarding the gap on the Chute River.

“The center was occupied by the first Berry Battalion, by one Royal Roussillon and by the rest of the piquets of the Chevalier de LÉvis.

“Battalions of La Reine, the Bearn and the Guyenne defended the right and in the plain between the embankment of this right [flank] and the Saint Frederic River they had posted the colonial troops and the Canadians, defended also by abatis. On the whole front of the line each battalion had back of itself a company of grenadiers and a piquet in reserve to support their battalion and also to be able to move where they might be needed. The Chevalier de LÉvis took charge of the right, the Sieur de Bourlamaque of the left, the Marquis de Montcalm kept the center for himself.

“This arrangement, fixed and known, the troops at once fell back to work, some of them busy improving the abatis, the rest erecting the two batteries mentioned above and a redoubt to protect the right.

“That day in the morning, Colonel [Sir William] Johnson joined the English army with 300 savages of the Five Nations with ‘Tchactas,’ the Wolf, and Captain Jacob with 140 more. Soon after we saw them, as well as some Rangers, standing on a mountain opposite Carillon on the other side of the Chute River. They even discharged much musketry which interrupted the work. We did not bother answering them.

“At half past twelve, the English army debouched upon us. The company of grenadiers, the volunteers and the advanced guards retreated in good order and joined the line again. At the same movement and at a given signal all the troops took their posts.

“The left was attacked first by two columns, one of which was trying to turn the trenches and found itself under the fire of La Sarre Regiment, the other directed its efforts on a salient between the Languedoc and the Berry battalions. The center, where the Royal Roussillon was, was attacked almost at the same time by a third column; a fourth attacked the right between the Bearn and La Reine battalions. All these columns were intermingled with their Rangers and their best riflemen, covered by the trees, kept up a murderous fire.

“At the beginning of the fight several barges and pontoons coming from the Chute advanced in sight of Carillon. The steadiness of the volunteers of Bernard and Duprat, supported by Sieur de Poulharies at the head of a company of grenadiers and of a piquet of the Royal Roussillon, with a few cannon shots fired from the fort, made them retreat.

“These different attacks were almost all in the afternoon and almost everywhere of the greatest intensity.

“As the Canadians and the colonial troops had not been attacked they directed their fire upon the column which was attacking our right and which from time to time was within their range. This column, made up of English grenadiers and of Scotch Highlanders, charged repeatedly for three hours without either being rebuked or broken up, and several were killed at only fifteen feet from our lines.

“At about five o’clock the column which had attacked vigorously the Royal Roussillon threw itself back on the salient defended by the Regiment of Guyenne and by the left wing of the Bearn, the column which had attacked the right wing drew back also, so that the danger became urgent in those parts. The Chevalier de LÉvis moved there with a few troops of the right [wing] at which the enemy was shooting. The Marquis de Montcalm hastened there also with some of the reserves and the enemy met a resistance which slowed up, at last, their ardor.

“The left was still standing up against the firing of two columns which were endeavoring to break through that part. The Sieur de Bourlamaque had been dangerously wounded there at about 4 o’clock and Sieur de Senezeraque and de Privast, Lieutenant Colonels of La Sarre and the Languedoc Regiments were taking his place and giving the best of orders. The Marquis de Montcalm rushed there several times and took pains to have help sent there in all critical moments.

“At 6 o’clock the two columns on the right gave up attacking the Guyenne battalions and made one more attempt against the Royal Roussillon and Berry. At last, after a last effort to the left, at 7 o’clock, the enemy retreated, protected by the shooting of the Rangers, which kept on until night. They abandoned on the battlefield their dead and some of their wounded.

“The darkness of the night, the exhaustion and small number of our troops, the strength of the enemy which, in spite of its defeat, was still in numbers superior to us, the nature of these woods in which one could not, without assistance of the savages, start out against an army which must have had from 400 to 500 of them, several trenches built in echelon from the battlefield up to their camp, those are the obstacles that prevented us following the enemy in its retreat. We even thought that they would attempt to take their revenge and we worked all night to escape attack from the neighboring heights by traverses, to improve the Canadian abatis, and to finish the batteries of the left and of the right [flanks] which had been begun in the morning.

“The 9th. Our volunteers having informed the Marquis de Montcalm that the post of the Chute and of the portage seemed abandoned, he gave orders to the Chevalier de LÉvis to go the next day at day break with the grenadiers, the volunteers and the Canadians to reconnoitre what had become of the enemy.

“The Chevalier de LÉvis advanced beyond the portage. He found everywhere the vestige of a hurried flight wounded, supplies, abandoned equipage, debris of barges and charred pontoons, unquestionable proofs of the great loss which the enemy had made. We estimate it at about 4,000 men killed or wounded. Were we to believe some of them, and judge by the promptitude of their retreat, it would be still more considerable. They have lost several officers and generals, Lord Howe, Sir Spitall, Major General Commander in Chief of the forces of New York, and several others.

“The savages of the Five Nations remained as spectators at the tail of the column; they were waiting probably to declare themselves after the result of a fight which, to the English, did not seem doubtful.

“The orders which were published in their colonies for the levying and upkeep of this army, announces the general invasion of Canada and the same statements are made in all the commissions of their officers and militia. We must do them justice in saying that they attacked us with the most ardent tenacity. It is not ordinary that trenches have stood seven hours’ attack at a stretch and almost without respite.

“We owe this victory to good manoeuvres of our generals before and during the action and to the extraordinary, unbelievable gallantry of our troops. All the officers of the army behaved in a way that each one of them deserves special praise. We have had about 350 men killed and wounded, 38 of which were officers.”

A British account of the fight from “An Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America,” London, 1759, is as follows:

“A schooner arrived, from Boston, this morning; by this vessel we had the satisfaction to receive a bag of letters, some from Europe, and others from the southward, but none from the eastward; among those which I got was the following one, from my friend in the Commander in Chief’s army, dated Albany, July the 29th, 1758.

‘I scratched a few lines to you, on the 11th instant, from Fort Edward, and, as I wrote in great pain, I think it was scarce legible;—such, as it was, shall be glad to hear it reached you safe: in a few days after I dispatched it to you, my fever abated, and I was judged to be out of danger; for some time, however, it was apprehended I should lose my arm; as all my baggage remained here since last winter, I obtained leave to remove to this place, knowing I could be better accommodated here, than in my confined situation at Fort Edward: in my last, I promised you a particular account of our unhappy storm of the 8th instant; it is a mortifying talk, but you shall be indulged, as I know you are curious after every occurrence. It will be needless to have retrospect to any events preceding the 4th of this month, as there was not any thing remarkable, except preparing for the expedition, and embarking our provisions, stores, and artillery; the latter were mounted on floats or rafts, for the protection of our armament upon the lake, and to cover us at our landing. On the 5th, the whole army, amounting to about sixteen thousand men, embarked likewise; our transports were bateaux and whaleboats, and in such numbers as to cover the lake for a considerable length of way, as may well be supposed; we proceeded soon after in great order, and, as I was in one of the foremost divisions, as soon as we were put in motion, I think I never beheld so delightful a prospect. On the 6th, we arrived early in the morning at the cove, where we were to land: here we expected some opposition; but a party of light troops having got on shore, and finding all clear, the whole army landed without loss of time, formed into columns and marched immediately; upon our approach, an advanced guard of the enemy, consisting of several hundred regulars and savages, who were posted in a strong intrenched camp, retired very precipitately, after setting fire to their camp, and destroying almost every thing they had with them; we continued our march through dark woods and swamps that were almost impassable, till at length, having lost our way, the army being obliged to break their order of march, we were perplexed, thrown into confusion, and fell in upon one another, in a most disorderly manner: it was at this time that Brigadier Lord Howe, being advanced a considerable way ahead of us, with all the light infantry, and one of our columns, came up with the before-mentioned advanced guard of the enemy, who we also suppose to have lost themselves in their retreat, when a smart skirmish ensued, in which we were victors, though with some loss; trifling, however, in comparison to that which the army sustained by his Lordship’s fall, who was killed at the first charge, and is universally regretted both by officers and soldiers; the enemy suffered much in this encounter, being very roughly handled; and we made many men and several officers prisoners. On the morning of the 7th we marched back to the landing-place, in order to give the troops time to rest and refresh themselves, being by this time not a little harrassed, as may well be conceived: here we incamped, got a fresh supply of provisions, and boiled our kettles; we had not been there many hours, when a detachment of the army (to which I belonged) were sent off under Colonel Bradstreet, to dispossess the enemy of a post they had at a saw-mill, about two miles from Ticonderoga; but they did not wait for us; for, upon receiving intelligence, by their scouts of our approach, they destroyed the mill, and a bridge that lay across the river; the latter we soon replaced, and lay, upon our arms until the evening, when we were joined by the remainder of the army. I wish I could throw a veil over what is to follow; for I confess I am at a loss how to proceed:—our army was numerous, we were in good spirits, and, if I may give you my own private opinion, I believe we were one and all infatuated with a notion of carrying every obstacle, with so great a force we had, by a mere Coup de Musqueterie; to such chimerical and romantic ideas I entirely attribute our great disaster on the 8th, in which we were confirmed by the report of our chief engineer, who had reconnoitred the enemy’s works, and determined our fate, by declaring it as his opinion, that it was very practical to carry them by a general storm; accordingly, the army being formed, and every thing in readiness, we proceeded to the attack, which was as well conducted and supported as any bold undertaking ever was;—but alas! we soon found ourselves grossly deceived;—the intrenchments were different from what we had expected, and were made to believe, their breast-works were uncommonly high, and the ground in their front, for a great length of way, was covered with an Abatis de Bois, laid so close and thick, that their works were really rendered impregnable. The troops, by the cool and spirited example of the General, made many eager efforts to no purpose; for we were so intangled in the branches of the felled trees, that we could not possibly advance; the enemy were sensible of this, and remained steady at their breast-works, repeating their fire, which, from their numbers, was very weighty, and, from a conviction of their own safety, was served with great composure. Such was our situation for almost five hours, when, at length, finding our loss considerable, and no prospect of carrying our point, we were ordered to desist, and retire;—the army retreated to the ground we had occupied on the preceding night at the sawmill, and the wounded were sent off to the bateaux without delay, where the remains of our shattered forces joined us early on the ninth, and the whole re-embarked, and continued our retreat to Lake George; there we arrived the same evening and encamped. That place is computed to be about thirty miles from Ticonderoga (though I believe it is more) and fourteen from Fort Edward, whither, as also to this town (from which I now write) all the wounded were sent the next day. Our loss is indeed very considerable, as you will see by the inclosed return. The valiant Colonels Donaldson, Bever, and Major Proby, with many other of our friends, I am heartily sorry to acquaint you, are among the slain. So that what we find so feelingly expressed by the poet is here fatally verified,

‘For, How many mothers shall bewail their sons!

How many widows weep their husbands slain!’

Replica of the Cross Erected by General Montcalm, Commemorating the French Victory at Carillon

What loss the enemy sustained, or if any, it is impossible for us to be able to give the least account of; they did not attempt to pursue us in our retreat.—Let me hear from you upon receipt of this packet, and, if anything should occur in the farther course of this campaign, you shall hear from me again; but, I presume the French general will cut out such work for us, as will oblige our forces to act on the defensive.’”

In August of this year Israel Putnam, while scouting near Fort Miller, was captured by some French and Indians, and, after being stripped of his coat, vest, stockings and shoes, was loaded with the packs of the wounded and marched toward Ticonderoga. During this trip he was stripped naked, tied to a tree, and preparations were made for burning him when a French officer interposed. Reaching Ticonderoga, he was examined by the Marquis de Montcalm and sent to Montreal as a prisoner. Afterwards exchanged, he lived to have a distinguished career in the Revolution.

Montcalm Congratulating His Victorious Troops After the Battle of July 8, 1758
(Painting by Harry A. Ogden in the Fort Ticonderoga Museum)

Major Robert Rogers’ Battle on Snowshoes in 1757
(From a Painting in the Glens Falls Insurance Co. Building)

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