Italy’s purchases in 1914 were five hundred sixty-four millions for imports against which she exported four hundred twenty-six millions; in 1915 her imports were nine hundred and seven millions against four hundred eighty-eight millions exports. When she got fully into the war in 1916 her imports were sixteen hundred and nineteen millions against five hundred and ninety-six millions exports. In 1917 her imports were fourteen hundred and twenty-nine millions; her exports four hundred and thirty-five millions. Italy’s bonds at five per cent. have been selling for eighty-six cents on the dollar, and an American dollar in New York will at current exchange buy about nine lire to the dollar, and one dollar, now (August, 1918) will actually buy ten lire of Italian bonds bearing five per cent., so that such bonds would return the investor ten per cent. payable in lire, which after the war must come back to par, and gives the investor a hundred per cent. bonus besides.

This means that brave Italy, shedding her blood lavishly on the battlefields for the liberty of mankind, is paying a hundred per cent. on top of war prices for the supplies required by her people, except goods sold her on credit by her Allies.

There are several reasons for this:

First.—To the extent that Great Britain, the United States and her Allies are not extending credits on a normal basis to Italy, Italian purchasers are compelled to rely upon private credits extended by citizens of other countries, who may or may not understand the stability of the Italian Government, nor the financial security of loans extended to Italian purchasers. The element of hazard, lack of knowledge and desire for gain of the private creditors of Italy are important elements in determining the enormous cost to Italians of credits for their purchases for war needs. To the extent that the United States, for example, furnishes credits to Italy, Italian purchasers only pay the ordinary war prices, but precisely to the extent that private credit is extended to Italy, Italy at present is paying approximately ten per cent. interest and a hundred per cent. bonus on the credits extended to her. This should be immediately corrected.

This egregious example will demonstrate the importance of obtaining for Italy sufficient credits at fair rates to cover her purchases during the war, and it illustrates precisely and fully the necessity of providing the United States with like credit facilities at fair rates for purchasing from Spain, from the European neutrals and from other nations where there is a depreciation of the currency of the United States.

The United States is paying from fifteen to forty per cent. on her purchases in nearly all the nations except in the countries of Great Britain, France and Italy or their immediate Allies, to whom the United States is extending large credits. It is perfectly obvious that there ought to be immediately organized a scientific, a well-balanced, systematic mechanism for handling this problem, for studying its details in every country in the world. We have no such organism. The Treasury Department through the Federal Reserve Board undertakes to look after the gold and silver embargo. It has a sub-committee passing on licenses to ship gold and silver. This sub-committee passes on applications for the right to ship gold and silver, and is refusing to permit many shipments without providing any means by which the foreign indebtedness intended to be covered by gold shipments can be otherwise covered by gold credits. This imposes a cost of destructive interest rates upon our business men requiring gold or foreign credits with which to settle foreign obligations.