C. Oscanyan

Translated from the Turkish.

In the former days of the Ottoman empire, as every one knows, the glorious precepts of the Koran and the laws of the monarchy were universally observed; and consequently the empire increased both in power and size, and all subjects, without exception, attained the highest degree of ease and prosperity. For one hundred and fifty years a succession of accidents and of divers causes have put an end to this obedience to the sacred code of the laws, and to the rules which spring from it, and our former power and prosperity have been changed into weakness and poverty; for an empire loses all stability when the laws cease to be observed.

These considerations are constantly present to our mind, and from the day of our accession to the throne, the idea of the public welfare, the amelioration of the state of the provinces, and condolence with the people, have been its sole occupations. Now, when we consider the geographical position of the Ottoman empire, the fertility of the soil, the aptitude and intelligence of the inhabitants, we are convinced that by applying ourselves to discover suitable means, the result, which by the aid of God we hope to attain, may be obtained in the space of a few years. Thus, then, full of confidence in the Most High, and relying upon the intercession of our Prophet, we have judged proper to seek by new institutions to procure for the provinces composing the Ottoman empire the benefit of a good administration.

These institutions must bear principally upon three points, to wit; 1st. The pledges which insure to our subjects a perfect security of life, honor and fortune. 2d. A regular mode of assessing and levying the taxes. 3d. A mode equally regular, for the levy of soldiers, and the duration of the service.

And are not life and honor truly the most precious goods which exist? What man, however base his situation, if his character adapt him for violence, could be prevented from having recourse to it, and thus doing injury to his government and the country, if his life and honor are endangered? If, on the contrary, he enjoys, in this respect, a perfect security, he will not wander from the paths of loyalty, and all his acts will concur to the prosperity of the government, and of his brethren. If his fortune be not secured to him, each remains cold to the voice of the prince and the country; no one is occupied with the progress of public fortune, absorbed as every one must be in his own inquietudes. But if, on the other hand, the citizen possess in confidence his property of every kind, then full of ardor in his business, the circle of which he seeks to enlarge in order to extend that of his pleasure, he finds each day redoubled in his heart the love of his prince and country, and devotion to her cause; these sentiments become in him the source of the most praiseworthy actions.

As to the regular assessment and establishment of the taxes, it is very important that this matter should be regulated, for the State that is driven to various expenses for the defense of its territory, can procure the money necessary for its armies and other services only by the contributions levied upon the subjects. Although, thanks be to God, those of our empire have for some time been delivered from the scourge of monopolies, improperly regarded in former times as a source of revenue, an injurious custom still exists, and which cannot but have disastrous consequences, I mean that practice of venal concession known as the Iltizam. By this system the civil and financial administration of a locality is delivered to the arbitration of a single man, and sometimes to the iron hand of the most violent and base passions, for if this farmer of the revenue be not good, he will only have regard to his own advantage.

It is requisite, then, that this time forward each individual of the Ottoman society be taxed his quota of his established impost, in the ratio of his fortune and possessions, and nothing farther can be required of him. Special laws too must fix and limit the expenses of our armies by sea and land.

Although, as we have said, the defense of our common country is an important matter, and although it is the duty of all the inhabitants to furnish soldiers to that effect; laws must now be established to regulate the proportion that each locality shall furnish upon the necessity of the moment, and to reduce to four or five years the term of military service. For it is both acting unjustly, and giving a death blow to agriculture and industry, to take, without regard to the respective population of the districts, from one more, and from another fewer, than they can supply; while it reduces the soldiers to despair, and contributes to the depopulation of the country to retain them all their life-time in the service.

To resume, without these different laws, the necessity for which we have just seen, the empire can possess neither power, riches, happiness nor tranquillity; while all these blessings may be obtained from the existence of the new laws. Therefore, from this time forward the cause of every accused will be publicly judged conformably to our own divine law, after thorough inquest and examination, and so long as the regular judgment is not interrupted, no one will be able in secret, or in public, to put another to death by poison, or any other punishment.

No one will be permitted to attaint the honor of another. Each individual will possess his property, of every kind, and will dispose of it with the most entire liberty, without the opposition of any one; thus, for example, the property of a criminal shall not be confiscated to his innocent heirs.

These imperial concessions, extending to all our subjects, of whatever religion or sect they may be, shall by them be enjoyed without exception. A perfect security is thus granted by us to the inhabitants of the empire in their lives, honor, and fortunes, as the sacred text of our law demands.

Upon all other points, as they must be regulated by the agreement of enlightened opinion, our Council of Justice (augmented by new members when it shall be necessary), to which will be joined, on certain days by us appointed, our Ministers and the Notables of the Empire, will assemble for the purpose of establishing regular laws, for the security of life and fortune, and the imposition of taxes. In these assemblies each man will freely express his ideas and give his opinion.

The laws for the regulation of the military service will be fixed by the military council, to hold its sessions at the Palace of the Seraskier.

As soon as a law is fixed to be forever available and executory, it shall be presented to us, and we will give it our sanction, which we shall write at the head with our own imperial hand.

As the present institutions have for their aim but the establishment of religion, government, the nation and the empire, we pledge ourselves to do nothing contrary to them. In pledge of our promise we will, after having placed them in the hall in which is kept the glorious mantle of our Prophet, in presence of all the ulema and grandees of the empire, make oath by the name of God, and afterwards the ulema and grandees shall also swear. And if, after this, any one among the ulema, or grandees of the empire, or any other person whatsoever, shall violate these institutions, he shall undergo, without regard to rank, consideration, or credit, the penalty annexed to his well-proved crime. To this effect a penal code will be re-enacted.

As all the functionaries of the empire at the present day receive suitable salaries, and as the appointments of those, whose duties are not sufficiently well remunerated as yet, will be regulated, a vigorous law will be enacted against the traffic of favor and of charges (richvet), which is reproved by the divine law, and which is one of the principal causes of the decadence of the empire.

These dispositions, above stated, being an alteration, and a complete renovation from the ancient usages, this imperial edict will be published at Constantinople, and in all the other cities of our empire, and will be communicated officially to all the Ambassadors of friendly powers residing at Constantinople, that they may be witnesses of the alteration in our institutions, which, if it please God, shall ever endure.

To this may God have us all in his holy and worthy keeping.

May those who are guilty of an act contrary to the present institutions, be the object of divine malediction, and be forever deprived of every kind of happiness.

This document, which is an official acknowledgment of the existing evils and corruptions, was read at GÜl-hanÉ, on the 3d of November, 1839, with the greatest solemnity, before a vast concourse of people, and in the presence of the foreign representatives.

In order to commemorate the occasion, and enforce these new principles, it was proposed to erect a magnificent public monument, the plans and designs of which were confided to the writer; but before the foundations could be laid, a complete

The great Napoleon has wisely pronounced that “Constantinople is the key to all Europe, and designed to be the capital of the world.” Turkey may, therefore, be divided and subdivided, but Constantinople, the great bone of contention, being indivisible, the partition of Turkey becomes an impossibility, and political equilibrium will not permit any one power to usurp its possession.

It was fortunate that it fell accidentally into the hands of the Turks, who were incapable of availing themselves of its advantages; and for the same reason it is desirable they should retain it. Hence the maintenance, or diplomatically speaking, the integrity of Turkey became an essential element in the polity of Europe.

The proclamation of the above Hatti Sherif, or Royal Edict, was therefore hailed with general satisfaction by the European states, and hopes were awakened that the impending danger would be averted by such an entire change in the administrative government.

But the Turks of the ancien rÉgime, perceiving no threatening attitude in their European neighbors, and highly offended at the ultra-liberal measures of the reform party, who even dared to insult their Mussulman prejudices, and coolly inform them that “the council chamber was not a theological school for the discussion of religious polemics, nor convertible into a mosque,” resolved to resist to the utmost, and re-establish their own party. They, therefore, in a body, protested to the sultan, who, in such a dilemma, could do nothing but dismiss the actual ministry, and organize a new one.

Rendered bold by success, the new ministry, at whose head was placed Riza Pasha, soon began to adopt fanatical measures, whereby to modify the Tanzimat, which it did not suit their policy to nullify altogether; for, by it additional security of life and property was granted even to themselves.

Besides, the lords of the realm, who only existed by the “cohesive power of public plunder,” foresaw that the Tanzimat secured equality of civil and political rights to the Christians, especially to the Armenians, who, being better educated and more enlightened than they themselves were, and in fact the ruling spirits, would soon have preceded them in all the departments, and taken the lead in the control of the country.

Schemes of oppression were formed to deprive the Rayas of their newly acquired privileges. Even the external semblance of equality was no longer tolerated. To distinguish them from the true followers of the Prophet, their dress being the same, an order was issued, that the giavours should wear a certain mark on their fesses, a piece of black tape. Even the grandees of the Christian community were stigmatized by a mock badge of honor, made of gold, to be also worn on the side of the fess. They carried their fanaticism so far as even to defy Europe in the decapitation of Ovagim, an Armenian apostate, who had abjured Mohammedanism.

Though his life was promised to Lord Stratford, no sooner had the secretary of legation, Mr. Alison, left the Porte, than the unfortunate victim was led forth and beheaded. Whatever may have been the cause of the sudden reversal of their merciful intentions, it is well known that Prince Handgery, the Russian Dragoman, was also at the Porte, and did not leave until the consummation of the sentence. His body was exposed in the streets of Constantinople at Baluk-Bazaar, the head placed between his legs, as was customary, with the European cap which he wore, upon it, as an extra insult to all Europe.

The bodies of state criminals were formerly exposed in public for three days, but the weather being at this time excessively warm, the late Sheikh-ul-Islam was advised that injurious effects might result from such a long exposure; who sagely remarked, that “the fact was indeed so, but the sad results would be still more palpably felt three years hence.” Strange to say the prediction has been fully verified by recent events.

Thus Mussulman fanaticism brought on a retrograde movement, and threatened the entire ruin of the country; and the rapacious and ambitious dispositions of those who lived on the fat of the land, by degrees so consumed its vitality that it justly merited the cognomen of the SICK-MAN.

The Eagle and the Vulture were hovering over the expiring empire, and Humanity and Civilization demanded that it should be watched over, with the hope either of prolonging its existence, or at least of giving it a decent burial.

Russia and Austria, who thought that the propitious moment had arrived to pounce upon their victim, resolved to accomplish their own plans by one sudden and effective coup-de-main, as the insulting conduct and threatening attitude of their respective emissaries fully demonstrated.

But their expectations were not to be realized; for, notwithstanding the corrupt character of those in power, the spirit of regeneration was not wholly extinct in the country. The liberal party, some of whom had retired from public life in disgust, and others, who, giving up all hope of reform, had abandoned their favorite project, and joined the powers that be, in such an emergency, like true patriots, whose moral influence had been silently exerted over the people, came to the rescue; resisting every form of bribery and fearless of menaces, they boldly took up the gauntlet, and war was declared.

The interests of Europe being involved in the fate of Turkey, “foreign interference” became inevitable. Fortunate it is not only for Turkey, but for Europe in general, that this event happened at a time when such interference was available, otherwise Turkey, like Poland, would have been ingulphed by Russia and Austria. The result is known to the world.

Although the battle has been fought, the Russian bear been driven to his den, and the congress of nations at Paris has adopted the Osmanlis into their fraternity, still the “Eastern question,” or the maintenance of Turkey, as a barrier between Russian despotism and European liberty, is far from being settled. For the problem is not solved, in as much as the ways and means for the future permanence of this empire are not proclaimed to the world.

Turkey is apparently secured from Russian animosities, but unless the country be set on a new basis, and rendered capable of maintaining itself, the future of Turkey will inevitably be only a repetition of the past, if not indeed far worse.

This difficult subject will, no doubt, engross the wisdom of Europe, but the present is the moment to be seized, while the indebtedness of the Osmanlis to their allies is fresh in their memories, and the gates of their vast empire stand open to civilization and reform.

Will the Allies again content themselves with mere scrolls, parchments, and state papers like the Tanzimat of 1839? Shall the patriots of the state again be left subject to the sway of a conceited bigotry and blind fanaticism? In a word, shall the country be permitted to feed upon its own vitals until it consumes itself?

The time has arrived when fictitious progress can no longer be tolerated, and a wholesome reaction most take place.

Turkey and its inhabitants have suffered not only from external aggressions, but internal discord has maintained an empire of misrule.

Religious animosity and party spirit have reigned supreme. Greeks and Christians hating each other, Christians denouncing Christians, and the Grand Mufti pouring out the anathemas of the Prophet upon the whole host of giavours. Whence then, in such a population, can any unity of feeling or of action spring? Amor patriÆ, philanthropy, progress are all merged in sectarianism and the rage for religious supremacy. Hitherto, Mohammedanism filling the places of authority, and possessing the only permanent foothold upon the territory itself, has left the Christian population without incentive to competition of any sort. Even in the earliest conflicts of Mohammedanism, three proposals were always made to those whose territories were invaded—to join the standard of the Prophet; to adhere to their own religious tenets as tributaries; or the trial by combat; thus evincing a wonderful spirit of liberality in a conquering power, whether the antagonism was that of conquest or propagandism.

Religious toleration was only a wise policy of the Ottoman government, for as long as the rayas were of various creeds and conflicting with each other, the Mussulmans were in no danger. As in union is strength, so in the disunion of the subjects was the safety of the rulers. The rayas, as has been said, losing their own nationality in their condition of servitude, clung to the tenets of their respective creeds, and knew no country, no nationality but that of religion. In Turkey all classes of Christians and Jews have always had freedom of religions worship with the free exercise of their peculiar rites and observances, public and private.

The proof may daily be witnessed in their funeral processions with torches, crosses, and chanting priests, preceded by kavasses or police officers, as the pages of the “Missionary Herald of the American Board for Foreign Missions” amply testify. Besides it is a well known fact that all the Christian churches are privileged to hold vakufs of their own, on the same footing as those of the mosques; the very existence of so many differing creeds, and their constant free discussions, is proof of a great degree of religious toleration.

Even the recent war was the result of this tolerance; for it is well known that the original matter of debate was whether Russia or France, or, in other words, whether the Greek church or the Catholic should control the holy places of Jerusalem!

These holy places not only are in the dominions of the Sultan, but are the objects of religious veneration to the Mussulmans themselves, who reverently style them Coods-u-Sherif, or Holy Jerusalem; yet with a remarkable spirit of conciliation, their jurisdiction was conceded to the Christians.

Travellers who have chanced to be in Jerusalem during the festivities of Easter, may remember, that when the Christians are quarrelling and contending with each other, the Mussulmans are forced to interfere to keep peace and tranquillity!

It is true that the Ottoman government has frequently refused permission to the Christians to erect or repair churches, etc. This, however, is not from a spirit of intolerance, for it soon was understood that a liberal sum might be obtained for these privileges, and the officials could not resist such occasions for increasing their revenues. The same advantage is taken of the party intrigues, at the time of the election of the new patriarchs of the Armenians and Greeks.

In the days of ignorance, this election cost the Armenians 40,000 piasters, but years of experience have raised the value of the Sultan’s sanction to 200,000 piasters, and the Greeks, amongst whom party strife is far greater, pay between two and three millions for the installation of their spiritual head.

Hence it is evident that religious toleration is a principle of the government, and the contrary an incidental abuse for the advantage of those in power. This very abuse has had its origin among the Christians themselves, who were ready to bribe the ruling power to any amount, in order to gain their own ends.

Nevertheless, Russia has endeavored to mislead the whole world, and especially the Christian population of Turkey, with the plausible pretence of a “Guarantee of Liberty of Worship to all classes of Christians in Turkey;” while her conduct at home belies her sincerity.

The cross upon the Armenian church at Odessa was, not long ago, removed by order of the government, lest the population should be misled by the impression that the edifice belonged to the established church. And in the case of intermarriage, the law orders that the children should invariably be educated in the Russian faith.

The adage “nearer the church, farther from God,” is peculiarly applicable to Russia; for we are told by Gibbon, that long before the Turks were in Constantinople, the Russians made several attempts to capture this fated city, and were only driven away by the flood discharged from the batteries. Were the Greeks of that time Mohammedans, or was there any suffering Christianity, that these philanthropic Muscovites were impelled to come to the rescue of the Christian faith?

There are some strange records in history which conflict materially with political hypocrisy! The fact is, under the pretence of being the champion of the Cross, the real object of Russia has ever been to avail herself of the existing religious fanaticism of the East, and by fanning the flames of Christian ardor, to institute a crusade of the nineteenth century!

Nations are not, however, governed by sympathy, but by interest, and the Christians have had too bitter experience of Russian protection to be again caught in the same net.

The Armenians of Erzuroum were induced to emigrate into the Russian land of Canaan, which, they were assured, flowed with milk and honey; but when they drank these honeyed waters, they found them only wormwood and gall, and all who could, eagerly burst their fetters, and returned to Turkey, preferring Moslem oppression to Moscovite despotism and systematic serfdom.

The Greeks, who were so clamorous against the Turks, when they succeeded in obtaining their independence, by raising the standard of the Cross against the Crescent of the Prophet, showed very little preference for the Hellenic government, since after a while they returned by thousands into Turkey!

The effect of Turkish policy has been such, that there is a prevalent desire among the Rayas to escape from their allegiance to such a government, and place themselves under foreign protection, not from any fear of religious intolerance whatever, but merely to obtain comparative liberty and justice. Indeed, what incentive have the people in general, either Turks or Rayas, to patriotism, or what care they for national prosperity, when they are forced to regard themselves as mere tenants of their own houses and lands?

Missak, the late Armenian banker, did not escape into Russia from any fear of religious oppression, but to avoid the vindictive persecutions of the Minister of Finance.

It is not, then, religious freedom that the Christians of Turkey require, but political franchise and unbiased justice.

The past has sadly proved that the Mohammedans are incapable even of self government, or at best, Mohammedan domination has had a demoralizing tendency over half, if not the entire population.

Is the country, then to be ruled by the other half of the inhabitants viz., the Christian population?

This is another impossibility; for this population is like a house divided against itself, and besides their incapacity in other respects, they, having so long felt the bitterest animosity towards their Mussulman masters, would in their turn become even greater oppressors than the Mohammedans themselves, as was evinced by the conduct of the Armenians of Erzuroum during the last war with Russia.

The “Eastern question” is not, however, one of propagandism, either of Christianity or of Mohammedanism, but demands, while granting perfect liberty of conscience to all classes, how political and civil equality may be maintained throughout the Ottoman dominions. Fusion, then, is the only policy that can resuscitate the Turkish Empire.

The Tanzimat was the beginning of a reform, but there were no coercive measures put into play, to overthrow the power of ancient usages, so that the proclamation soon became almost a dead letter. The blind bigotry of the people and the absolute power of the heads of government, imbued as they are with a spirit of favoritism and corruption, have hitherto excluded the unfortunate subjects of the sultan from the justice and protection which are the sacred rights of every son of Adam. There has been no security for property nor any inducement to honesty in Turkey.

A man has, under the existing laws, every temptation to injure his neighbor to any extent, and the innocent have no other means of protecting themselves and their interests, than by resorting to counter dishonesty. For instance, if a man is unjustly accused of a debt of one hundred dollars, it would naturally be inferred that he would at once deny the accusation, and call for proof. But such an honest procedure would not answer in the Turkish courts of justice, for it would immediately give the plaintiff the desired privilege of producing two hired witnesses, by whose testimony the defendant would, beyond a doubt, be condemned to pay the pretended debt.

The only alternative, in such instances, is to verify the principle “set a rogue to catch a rogue” by acknowledging the debt, at the same time declaring that it has already been paid; thus the accuser is deprived of the privilege of suborning witnesses, and the defendant avails himself of that prerogative.

Therefore the moral sense of the community is corrupted, and self-preservation impels the people only to strive to excel each other in roguery. In such a poisoned atmosphere, no salutary influence can be exercised until the axe is laid at the root of the evil. In order, then, to give a fresh stamina to this fading empire—

1. A new and complete code of justice is needed, consistent with progressive civilization, and suited to the necessities of these heterogeneous peoples.

2. To overthrow the sceptre of oppressive bigotry, the next thing to be effected is an entire separation of church and state, so as to prevent the interference of the ulema in the administration of justice. Thus also the aristocracy of religion being abolished, the animosity existing between the Moslems and Christians will be annihilated, and the hitherto excluded portion of the subjects of the sultan acknowledged as members of the great Ottoman family.

The identity of religious faith and nationality long swayed even the European states, but in those countries, this idea is now obsolete, and must of necessity become so in Turkey, since she has entered their confederacy.

3. A mixed administration must be formed, composed of representatives of the different communities, and Mussulman supremacy no longer tolerated. The mutual benefit of this combination is evident; for while the Christians, in sharing the supreme power, would lose their former incentives to cunning and self-interest, the Mussulmans, on their part, would make rapid strides in the true science of government.

The tenure by which this mutual authority is to be held, must be supported and confirmed by a superior tribunal, as it were, consisting of the powers of Europe, who, having constituted themselves the champions of Turkey, and shed their blood in her defense, are entitled to become the guardians of her interests, which are, henceforth, so identified with their own.

4. The resources of the country must be developed, and a system of internal improvements established, by which the ruinous principle of centralization will be counteracted, and the beneficial effects of this regeneration felt in the uttermost corners of the land.

A general and accurate survey of the country is indispensable, defining the exact boundaries of both public and private lands, and the idea that the natural treasures of the soil, belonging to individuals, appertain to the government, must be abandoned. Hitherto much of the wealth of the country has lain dormant, because there was no incentive to exploration of any sort.

5. The Vakuf system must be abolished, and the accumulated wealth devoted to internal improvements, thus depriving the Ulema of their great arm of power. It is true, the government has in some measure controlled these revenues, and established a Bureau of all the Vakufs, called Evkaf, but it has never dared to appropriate, or to touch any portion of this income for its own purposes.

6. Equal taxation should be levied on property, and the tariff equitably regulated.

7. A limited free press must be established as the only means of bringing into publicity the corruptions and abuses to which the officials have hitherto been addicted.

These are the most apparent means of the preservation and regeneration of Turkey.

Broad principles may be laid as the foundation, but the edifice is to be raised and the master builders must not desert their work. For, unless these salutary reforms are accomplished by the aid and influence of the European Powers, there is no hope of the preservation of Turkey, nor is there any security for the peace of all Europe and the world in general.

The only question is, Can these reformations be effected in Turkey?

The nature of the Mohammedan religion is not essentially in opposition to reform. Modern times have proved the Koran of a more elastic nature than was once supposed, as was exemplified in the establishment of quarantine regulations; when it was pretended, that it was blasphemous to interfere with the decrees of Allah to protect human life; but as it was proved that the Koran allowed self-protection, the measure was sanctioned by the expounders of that sacred book, and accepted by the Mussulmans.

Apostasy from Islamism was formerly punished with death; but when Lord Stratford de Redcliffe interfered in behalf of humanity in the case of poor Ovagim, who was beheaded in 1843, the Koran was found to be on his side. The same lenity was manifested by the Mohammedans of Hindoostan, only a few months ago, towards an apostate, on the plea that the country was now under British jurisdiction. The reason is, that the principles of Islamism are so very simple that they can be adapted to any degree of modification and reform, especially under the pressure of circumstances—besides, necessity knows no law, not even the Koran itself.

But it may be said that the government thus remodelled will no longer be Turkish or Mohammedan.

Surely the aim of the friends of this falling empire is not to re-instate a decaying faith, but to enable the Turks and all the inhabitants of the land, to gird up their strength and stand before the world a united and powerful people, freed from bigotry and superstition, a great Ottoman nation.

Turkey has been admitted into the fraternity of Europe; not as a Mohammedan power, but as one of the powers that rule the earth’s domains.

The sultan has a voice among the potentates of his times—not the voice of Mohammed the Prophet, but of the civilized and regenerated friend of his own people and the world in general.

A new era has dawned upon Mohammedanism; for, if the Christian world has for the first time received into its confederation an anti-Christian empire, the Mohammedans, by entering such a confederation, have also for the first time placed themselves on an equality with the former Giavours, whom the precepts of the Koran have proscribed, and doomed to the sword of the Faithful. Here then is a bold stride beyond the confines of a faith only suited to barbaric days, and well calculated to sway the minds of a superstitious multitude on to conquest. As consanguinity with civilization is strengthened, who can trace the pathway of the Mussulman nation through the world’s history!

The genius of the country and the condition of the people are not in opposition to the progress of reform.

The past history of this nation has been the progress of Mohammedanism—its conquests and its laws. As Moses was both the spiritual and temporal law-giver to the Jews, so has Mohammed been to the Turkomans. Such laws suited the exigencies of the times; but the sword is sheathed, and in its sheath too, must abide the darkness and barbarity of past ages.

Besides Mohammedanism in Turkey is not the same as in Arabia or Bokhara, where Imams and priests predominate. The Turkomans had, previous to embracing Islamism, a civil government of their own; and in making the Koran the rule of faith and conduct, they never lost the idea of Sovereignty independent of Religion. Hence the Turkish has never been like the Papal government, where cardinals and bishops represent all the departments of the pontifical state. The very existence of two distinct representatives of the Sultan, the Grand Vezir and the Sheikh-ul-Islam, are evidences of a separation of church and state. If the ecclesiastical has hitherto superseded the civil power, it has been through the superstitions of the people, and the chicanery of the officials.

The only real union is in the person of the Sultan, who is the proxy of Allah, and the supreme Ruler of his people. His will and his edicts are regarded by them with superstitious reverence.

The natural relations of this empire with the rest of the world, as well as its new ties of consanguinity with civilization, must, of necessity, bring about a revolution of policy as well as of action.

His majesty has already introduced many measures of reform—such as the abolishing of capital punishment—the promulgation of a new constitution, with the privilege of free deliberation in the national councils, etc.; and besides all these, he has already commenced, even in his own person and household, a renovation, which is, in reality, only a conformation to the habits of civilized life. He has become himself a salaried executive, diminished his own retinue, etc.

The Sultan well understands the imitative nature of his own people, and is aware that he is the model to the Grand Vezir and the various Pashas, who, in their turn, are the channels of his majesty’s own movements to the rest of their fellow citizens. Constantinople is the city where the game is played by high and low, “So does the Grand Mufti.”

Indeed, the very monkeys of India cannot excel them in their disposition to imitate each other. For, it is said that a merchant once carrying a large bale of fesses, or red caps on a speculation, opened his goods on the way, with the view to examine them; and taking one out and putting it upon his head laid down to repose a while under a tree. What was his astonishment on waking, to find his stock of caps had taken wings. He looked around in dismay, but happening to cast his eyes upwards, he beheld a whole colony of monkeys each sporting one of his caps! It seemed a hopeless case to catch each one of them and force him to surrender the cap. In his anger and bewilderment he seized his cap and in a passion threw it to the ground; when the whole tribe of these mimicking creatures of the grove, instinctively, with the same vehemence, divested themselves of their head-gear!

In imitation of Sultan, Pashas, and Efendi, the people in the East have already doffed their robes and turbans; and are ready for other reforms, if derived from the same honored projectors; crosses now adorn the breasts of statesmen, and his majesty, the Sultan, displays on his person the insignia of the garter. Indeed much good may be anticipated from the liberal sentiments and benevolent dispositions of the Sultan, were he but rightly advised and sustained in the exercise of his absolute power; with the requisite protection against inimical intrigues and aggressions, both foreign and domestic.

Besides, the government itself is already divided into two parties, the liberal, who are ready to throw off the yoke of ancient prejudices, and the church party, who not only with a blind zeal, but with hopes of self-aggrandizement, are resolved to maintain the rule of superstition. Now as the advancement, the maintenance of the country is dependent on the one, its retrogradation and downfall involved in the other, so Europe necessarily holds out its strong arm to the one, and leaves the other not only unsupported but threatened. The wisest of the Turkish statesmen are therefore prepared for changes; indeed, they feel themselves bound to certain compromises with their friends the Allied Powers, who engaged in the war, as they well know, not with the view to reinstate Mussulman oppression and bigoted misrule, but to set the country on a new footing—by raising the Christian population to a level with the Mussulman. Considering the almost equal proportion of the Christians to the Mohammedans, it is but just, there should at least be an equality of national rights and privileges. For in civilized countries, even a MINORITY is protected and their rights respected; how much more then should this be the case where there is not only no disproportion in numbers—but decided superiority in civilization.

Besides, should the Mohammedans resist the required concessions—the great Christian population of Turkey is ready to join their western co-religionists in any movement. Therefore it is only a wise policy in the Mohammedans, making a virtue of necessity, to submit to circumstances, rather than by opposing, to work their own ruin.

The great essential is a community of interest, which has already, in some cases, produced a legitimate action. The corps of firemen is composed of both Mussulmans and Christians, who not only unite in a common effort for mutual good, but call each other brothers, carouse together, shed their blood in each other’s defense, and never seem to remember their characteristic dissimilarities.

There is already an indisposedness towards the tenacity of religious fanaticism, which is so hostile to moral and social progress. Many of the distinguished men of Turkey having resided abroad, and acquired foreign languages, have imbibed a taste for the literature of Europe. A familiarity with the works of such authors as Voltaire, Volney, and Rousseau, has made many of them free-thinkers. Indeed, most of the younger members of the Porte are men of liberal sentiments.

They pay external deference to the religion of the state rather from motives of self-interest than from any moral conviction.

Nevertheless, some of these very men, so long habituated to power and the spoils of office, may, under the guise of religious enthusiasm, become the instigators of opposition through the superstitions of the multitude.

Hence the gazettes will occasionally report hostile demonstrations, and even bloodshed; but any attempts at insurrection must prove futile; for, with the destruction of the Janissaries, the spirit of rebellion perished in Turkey. Besides, recent events having brought the superiority and power of Europe within the immediate vision of the whole population, they have been forced to call to mind their own proverb, that “the elephant is greater than the camel,” and doubtless they will henceforth arrive at a juster appreciation of their own capabilities.

Much more might be written on so extended a theme as The Sultan and His People, and an abler pen portray the condition of this interesting Eastern empire, just emerging from barbarism into civilization. Yet it may be hoped that these humble efforts will awaken some sympathy in behalf of a country and its inhabitants, who so much need the interest and assistance of other lands; at a moment, too, when the question is of life or death; of free progressive life, under the shelter of the broad wings of civilization, or of a suffering death within the claws of the rapacious Vulture of despotism and oppression.

It may be objected that Turkey has been represented “en couleur de rose.” If that roseate hue has been given, the odorous flower has been presented with all its thorns, divested of the verdure which might have concealed their bristling points.

But the sweetest rose may preserve its pure essence and odor, even while growing amid wild and poisonous roots; and if the noxious weeds can be uprooted, Turkey may, with the requisite culture, become one of the fairest gardens which adorn our beautiful planet.

It is to be hoped, that the morning twilight is already casting its softening beams over this land of the Orient; and that the noon-tide glory of the sun of peace and regeneration, will, ere long, irradiate with its glorious effulgence, this ancient and interesting Empire!

THE END.