The Fourth Regiment of Massachusetts Militia at Fortress Monroe—The Service It Rendered the Country—Ordered to Newport News—Battle of Great Bethel—Return to Massachusetts.

For the reasons already stated, it seems necessary to give a brief account of the doings of the Fourth Regiment while in the field, embracing as they do a part of the record of the companies of Captains Barnes, Leach, and Clarke, of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.

The Fourth Regiment was originally composed of nine companies. Of these, Norfolk County contributed four: Company “A” of Canton, Captain Ira Drake; “C” of Braintree, Captain Cephas C. Bumpus; “D” of Randolph, Captain Horace Niles; and “H” of Quincy, Captain Franklin Curtis. Bristol County, three: Company “B” of Easton, Captain Milo M. Williams; “G” of Taunton, Captain Timothy Gordon; and “F” of Foxborough, Captain David L. Shepard. And Plymouth County, two: Company “E” of South Abington, Captain Charles F. Allen; and “I” of Hingham, Captain Luther Stephenson, Jr.

The regiment mustered for duty, at the time of its departure from Massachusetts, 636 officers and enlisted men.

Its field and staff were as follows: Colonel, Abner B. Packard, Quincy; Lieutenant-Colonel, Hawkes Fearing, Jr., Hingham; Major, Horace O. Whittemore, Boston; Adjutant, Henry Walker, Quincy; Quartermaster, William H. Carruth, Boston; Surgeon, Henry M. Saville, Quincy; Surgeon’s Mate, William L. Faxon, Quincy.

As was the case with nearly all the militia regiments that entered the service of the United States in 1861, the Fourth Regiment afterwards furnished from among its officers and men, a large number of officers, some of them of high rank, for the various three years’ regiments of Massachusetts and other States.

For instance, Captain Charles F. Allen of South Abington became Major in the Thirty-eighth Massachusetts. Lieutenant-Colonel Fearing subsequently became Colonel of the Eighth New Hampshire; Major Whittemore, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Thirtieth Massachusetts; Captain Luther Stephenson, Jr. (Co. I), Lieutenant-Colonel of the Thirty-second Massachusetts; and Corporal W. D. Tripp (Co. G) became Captain of Company F of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.

While waiting at the State House, on the 17th of April, where the regiment had reported itself for duty upon only twelve hours’ notice, it was addressed by Governor Andrew in the following manner:—

“Officers and Soldiers of the Fourth Regiment:

“It gives me unspeakable pleasure to witness this array from the good Old Colony. You have come from the shores of the sounding sea, where lie the ashes of Pilgrims, and you are bound on a high and noble pilgrimage for liberty, for the Union and Constitution of your country. Soldiers of the Old Bay State, sons of sires who never disgraced their flag in civil life or on the tented field, I thank you from the bottom of my heart for this noble response to the call of your State and country. You cannot wait for words. I bid you God-speed—an affectionate farewell!”

A special train conveyed the regiment to Fall River, where it arrived on the afternoon of this day, and embarked upon the steamer “State of Maine,” for New York. Quite late in the afternoon of the 18th, it reached the latter city, and on the following morning sailed for Fortress Monroe on the same steamer.

At the time of the departure of the regiment from New York, great fears were entertained for the safety of this fortress. It was known that Colonel Dimick, its commander, had but a meagre garrison; that the fort was in a poor state for defence, and was being closely besieged by the hostile militia of Virginia, then under cunning and able officers, formerly of our regular army, who knew every weak point about the works. The fortress was momentarily expected, therefore, to fall into the hands of the enemy, and when the steamer “State of Maine” hove in sight, on the morning of the 20th of April, it was not considered prudent by the officers of the regiment to attempt a landing, till daylight should solve the troublesome mystery.

The steamer lay off and on for an hour or more; the men were all on deck, looking anxiously in the direction of the fortress, waiting with throbbing hearts for the first gleam of approaching day; questioning, doubting, the while, which flag—that of their country or the insurgents—would reveal itself to their sight.

Meanwhile the dark form of the steamer had been observed from the fortress, and doubts as to the character of the vessel, not less troublesome than those of the volunteers on board, had seized fast hold upon the garrison. The guns of the “Water Battery” were shotted and manned, and every preparation made to repel the attack of the possible foe.

At last the morning sun lighted up the low walls and green parapets of the fort, and from its tall flagstaff the Stars and Stripes were seen floating gracefully in the wind. The old flag flying from the peak of the steamer caught the watching eyes of the garrison at the same moment; the grim guns in the “Water Battery” were unshotted, and, instead of angry defiance, sent out loud peals of welcome. The men on board the steamer replied with hearty cheers; the boat hauled up to the wharf; the men immediately disembarked and marched into the fortress, where they were received with every manifestation of joy. The safety of the fort was now assured, confidence took the place of dark doubts, and the cause of the Government in that department wore a brighter hue.

By this opportune arrival of the Fourth Regiment, and the Third also, which came a little later in the day, Fortress Monroe was undoubtedly saved to the Government, and for this almost priceless service to the country, the people are largely indebted to the unsleeping vigilance of John A. Andrew, and to the ardent patriotism of the volunteers of the Third and Fourth regiments of Massachusetts Militia. From the time of the arrival of the Fourth Regiment till the 27th of May, its men were almost constantly on duty in and about the fortress, mounting cannon, and having an experience similar to that of the Third Regiment.

On the 21st of May, the steamer “Cambridge” arrived from Boston, bringing, among other troops, the companies commanded by Captains Doten, Leach, Chipman, and Barnes. Captains Leach’s and Barnes’s companies, and, subsequently, that of Captain Clarke, were assigned to the Fourth, and the others to the Third Regiment.

The number of troops in and about the fortress was now sufficient to justify the occupation of a greater extent of territory. On the 26th of May, an order was issued, directing the establishment of a camp at the mouth of the James River, at a place known as and properly written “Newport’s News,” though more commonly written Newport News,10 which spelling we adopt, as it is better known to our soldiers by that name. Newport News was a cultivated plateau of nearly two miles in length, extending back from the river a distance of half a mile, where it bordered upon an extensive forest of pine. The banks of the James here rose to a height of thirty feet, from the sides of which bubbled out numerous springs of pure water.

Colonel John W. Phelps was given charge of this expedition. He was a celebrated artillerist. Born in Vermont in 1813, he graduated at West Point in 1836, and was brevetted to the Fourth Artillery. A First Lieutenant in the Mexican war, he served with distinguished gallantry on Scott’s line. At Contreras and Churubusco, in command of a company in the storming brigade of Riley, his services were conspicuous and exceptionally brilliant. For this he was brevetted a Captain, but declined the distinction. He was the originator of the text-books for heavy artillery in use before the war, and commanded a battery in the Utah expedition of Albert Sidney Johnston, and at one time commanded Fort Brown, Texas. He was an uncompromising enemy of human slavery, and, becoming dissatisfied with what he regarded as the pro-slavery sentiment of both the army and the administration, in 1859, resigned his commission and at once settled in Brattleborough, Vt. In the spring of 1861, he was made Colonel of the First Vermont Militia, and shortly afterwards came to Fortress Monroe, as has already been stated. Colonel Phelps was a superior soldier, and a most valuable acquisition to the army in any department.

The troops which composed the expedition to Newport News were the Fourth Massachusetts Militia, First Vermont Militia, and Colonel Bendix’s Seventh New York (German),—all infantry. Captains Barnes’s and Clarke’s companies went with the Fourth Regiment, while Captain Leach’s company was, by order of General Butler, retained in the fort to perform garrison duty. The troops embarked at an early hour on the morning of the 27th. As the steamboat which had on board the Fourth Regiment was passing into the mouth of the James River, the Confederate batteries on Sewall’s Point opened a brisk fire upon it. One of the shots, a huge missile, passed over the decks, just above the heads of the men, while the others fell short.

The Fourth Regiment was sent from Fortress Monroe to this distant post with a very small supply of ammunition. Captain Barnes’s company had only twenty rounds of cartridges and ten percussion-caps to each man; while Clarke’s company, which had a kind of arm different from the rest of the command, had brought from Boston a large supply of ammunition, about 14,000 rounds of ball-cartridges and 20,000 extra percussion-caps. No tents were supplied the troops that went to Newport News until about a week after they reached there. In the meantime, the men lived in huts made of rails and covered with branches of trees and bushes.

As soon as Colonel Phelps arrived, he began the erection of earthworks. These were of semi-circular form, terminating at either extremity on the bank of the river, and were nearly half a mile long. In the ditch in front of the works were placed obstructions of the nature of chevaux-de-frise. On the main works commanding the plain and forest were mounted a number of heavy guns, while on the bluff facing the river was a battery of five large pieces, and among them a Sawyer and James rifle. Upon these works the men of the Fourth Regiment and those of Barnes’s and Clarke’s companies labored for many days, and at a time when the weather was extremely hot. The men were wholly unaccustomed to such work, being compelled, from the scarcity of draught animals in the department, to draw from the adjacent forest the logs which were used on the fortifications.

On the 5th of June, the troops here had an opportunity to witness for the first time a battle. The United States gunboat “Harriet Lane,” a low side-wheel steamer, came up the river and attacked a Confederate sand-battery on Pig Point, directly opposite Newport News. The fight was a lively one, though of short duration, in the course of which the vessel was several times struck, and a number of her men badly wounded. During the affair, the steamer captured a supply-sloop of the enemy, and towed it down to the fort.

June 6, a body of mounted Confederates made a sudden dash upon a working party near a place afterwards known as “Number Nine Picket,” in the forest, in front of the centre of our main works. The long roll was beaten, and the camp quickly put under arms. Captain Barnes was ordered out with his company, but the enemy had fled before his arrival at the place of attack. The company then went forward on the main road to “Lee’s House.” On the way out, one of Barnes’s scouts saw one of the enemy leading his horse along a road that ran near the edge of the forest. The scout fired upon the enemy, who, unhurt, mounted and fled. At Lee’s House, a large number of negroes were congregated, old and young, and considerable information was obtained from them in relation to the movements of the enemy in that vicinity, and especially in regard to the mounted men that had made the assault upon our working party. While here, and just as the company was returning, Captain Luther Stephenson of the Fourth Regiment came up rapidly with his company, having been ordered by General Phelps to go out to Barnes’s support. After a brief pause, both companies returned to camp. The information obtained was reported to the General, and Barnes and Stephenson were ordered to return after dark that night to Lee’s House with their commands, with directions to use their discretion as to how far they should proceed into the country. The two commands spent the night at this place, throwing out pickets into the fields and on the edge of the woods. The next morning, the companies of Captains Barnes and Stephenson reconnoitred in the direction of “Smith’s Farm,” about six miles up the river.

During the day, small bodies of Confederates were several times seen, but no collision occurred. When the companies were near Smith’s place, a negro was observed skulking in the bushes. He was brought before the officers and questioned by them concerning the country and the location of the enemy’s camp. From this negro the Captains obtained very valuable information relating to the enemy’s works at a place called Great Bethel. The colored man was taken to Newport News, where he was examined by Colonel Phelps and one of the staff officers of General Butler. In a few days after this reconnoissance, General Butler issued his orders for the expedition against Great Bethel.

The movement on Great Bethel occurred on the 10th of June, 1861. Great Bethel was the name of a church located in the midst of a sparsely-settled country, about nine miles on the road leading south from Hampton, in the direction of, and some twelve miles from, Yorktown, in York County. Here, and also at another place near by called Little Bethel, were bodies of Confederate troops, being a part of the command of Colonel J. Bankhead Magruder.11 The latter place was an outpost or picket-station of the camp at Great Bethel. The Federal movement was made in two columns: one from Hampton, consisting of Colonel Townsend’s Third New York Infantry, Colonel Duryea’s Fifth New York (Zouaves) Infantry, with two mountain howitzers; and the second column from Newport News, consisting of one field-piece (6-pounder), under Lieutenant Greble of the United States army, three companies of the Seventh New York12 Infantry, under Colonel Bendix, three companies of the Fourth Massachusetts Militia Infantry, namely, Companies “G” of Taunton, “F” of Foxborough, and “H” of Quincy, the companies commanded by Captains Clarke and Barnes, and five companies of the First Vermont Militia Infantry.

The last-named ten companies formed a battalion, and were commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn of the First Vermont, assisted by Major Whittemore and Adjutant Walker of the Fourth Massachusetts and Adjutant Hiram Stephens of the First Vermont. The expedition was commanded by Brigadier-General Ebenezer W. Pierce of the Massachusetts Militia. The column from Newport News marched at about midnight of the 9th, and the column from Hampton earlier in the evening, the distance being greater. The two columns were to form a junction in the vicinity of Little Bethel early on the following morning.

The advance of the column from Hampton, consisting of Duryea’s Zouaves, passed the junction of the road from Newport News with the main road from Hampton, the point designated for the two columns to unite, shortly before daybreak, moved rapidly forward, and surprised the enemy’s outpost at Little Bethel.

Immediately afterwards, at about daybreak, the column from Newport News arrived at the point named for uniting, and in the absence of any knowledge that the Zouaves had already passed the point, turned to the left, and entering upon the main road, moved rapidly forward toward Little Bethel, with the view of accomplishing what had already been done without their knowledge.

At this stage of affairs, the Vermont and Massachusetts troops being all upon the main road, following the Zouaves and the rear of the Newport News column, consisting of the three German companies (Seventh New York) and a piece of artillery, dragged by hand, being just at the junction, not having made the turn into the main road, the head of Colonel Townsend’s regiment, the rear of the Hampton column, made its appearance over the top of the hill, on the main road from Hampton, rapidly approaching the junction. A small belt of woods, without undergrowth, at the intersection of the two roads, lay between the three German companies and the main road, on which Townsend’s men were moving. At the head of Colonel Townsend’s column rode General Pierce and many other mounted officers, giving it the appearance, “in the magnifying dusk of the early morning,” of a body of cavalry. Colonel Bendix, supposing from these circumstances that the approaching column was a body of Confederate cavalry, and the column from Hampton being under a similar delusion as to the character of the Germans, partially hid as they were by the woods, the two columns immediately fired upon each other, and a brisk interchange of musketry ensued, to which the Germans added the fire of their 6-pounder, as soon as they could run it into position on the main road.

The column from Hampton then fell back behind the crest of the hill to form, leaving several of their number killed and wounded on the field. The heads of the two columns moving toward Little Bethel, as already indicated, at once countermarched on the double-quick to the scene of action. Upon arriving there, the firing had ceased. Colonel Townsend’s regiment was not in sight, and the Germans were in line of battle in an open field, having moved through the belt of woods toward their supposed enemy. The Vermont and Massachusetts troops of the advanced column, being nearest, reached the place first, and formed in line in front of the German companies, with the exception of Captain Clarke’s company of this command, which, as support to Lieutenant Greble’s gun, moved with that officer up the road to the brow of the hill. Lieutenant Greble, who was in advance, mounted, came upon the wounded of Townsend’s regiment, and the fatal error was at once apparent. Meantime Townsend’s regiment had formed behind the hill, and on the appearance of the troops at the brow of the hill, discharged their howitzer, happily without effect. Duryea’s Zouaves had also returned and taken position.

The mistake having been discovered, the several bodies united and proceeded toward Bethel. A surprise was now out of the question, the enemy having undoubtedly been alarmed by the firing.

It was well into the forenoon when our troops arrived in front of the enemy’s works at Great Bethel. As our column was moving slowly by the flank, on the main road, an officer from the front came up and informed each company commander that they were near the enemy, and directed them to keep their men well closed up. Shortly after, while our force was still on the main road and not yet in sight of the enemy’s works, a heavy gun was fired from that quarter, and the shot passed over the heads of our men, through the tops of the trees. The column at once halted, and the several regiments quickly moved out of the road. Duryea’s went to the right and halted, while the battalion of Colonel Washburn moved to the left into an open field, and formed in line of battle near a fence, a belt of woods in front shutting off a view of the enemy. Soon after this, the Zouaves were ordered forward; they went by the flank through the woods on the edge of the road, and came suddenly upon the enemy’s works, which proved to be quite formidable, being nearly a fourth of a mile in length, mounting several guns, and defended by a body of infantry and a battery of field-pieces. There was but one direct approach, and this was across a narrow wooden bridge that spanned a brook in front of the works, about three feet deep and from twelve to fifteen feet wide. The right of the enemy was protected by an impassable morass or swamp, and their left by fallen timber and other obstructions. The Zouaves attempted to charge directly across the bridge, but encountering a terrible fire of both artillery and musketry, fell back with a loss of four killed and eleven wounded, and, among the latter, Captain Kilpatrick (afterwards General Kilpatrick of cavalry fame).13 Colonel Washburn’s battalion remained in the position we have indicated for nearly thirty minutes, during all of which time there was heavy firing at the front, and was then moved by the right flank across the main road into the woods on the right of the road, and halted just inside of the edge of the woods, an open field being in their front; and although from this position the enemy’s works were still invisible, yet their bullets were coming into the woods literally in showers. To this point a considerable number of the Zouaves had retired, and were seen lying flat upon the ground. In the near vicinity was Lieutenant Greble, with his gun, actively engaged with the enemy, Captain Clarke’s company being his main support. The battalion was again put in motion, and after passing a short distance to the right, came to “a sort of dry ditch, with a high embankment in front,” opposite the left of the enemy’s position, with an open field between them and the enemy. Only three Massachusetts companies were now with the battalion; namely, Captain Barnes’s company, Company G of Taunton, and Company H of Quincy (Fourth Regiment). Captain Shepard’s company (“F”) had been left at Little Bethel as a guard. Soon the order came from Colonel Washburn to charge. The Massachusetts men climbed the embankment, and sprang forward toward the enemy’s works in their immediate front, under a severe though wild and random fire of both musketry and cannon. The ground was somewhat descending, and after a rapid run of a few minutes, the men came to the brook before referred to. Captain Barnes led his company, and jumped at once into the brook, Lieutenants Osgood and Keen doing likewise; and the men following their brave example, all were quickly on the enemy’s side, at the very foot of the works. Here they were greeted with a severe volley of musketry, mingled with grape; but our men were unharmed, and, rising from the ground, ran up the embankment and discharged their pieces among the enemy, who were now considerably confused, and in some parts of their works apparently falling back. Our soldiers were also much excited, and probably fired wildly, doing little execution, for this was the first time they had faced a hostile gun; but they kept at it till ordered to stop, running up the bank to fire, and then dropping back to load. This was the golden moment in the battle, which, had it been improved by the commanding officer of our forces, would have unquestionably resulted in the capture of the works; but instead of seconding the brave efforts of our assaulting party, all the rest of the Federal force (excepting Greble and his gun) were allowed to remain inactive. This state of things continued for several minutes,—perhaps fifteen,—when Horace Colby of Barnes’s company was instantly killed, and Frank L. Souther of Company H (Fourth Regiment) mortally wounded. There were less than two hundred men across the brook, these being mainly Massachusetts men of the companies of Barnes, Gordon, and Curtis. Colonel Washburn, Major Whittemore, and Adjutants Walker and Stephens were also there. The enemy observing the utter cessation of hostilities at all other points, had recovered from their first surprise, and now held all parts of their works. Finally, Colonel Washburn, perceiving that he was not to be supported, and that his men on the breastworks were liable at any moment to be flanked or driven into the ditch and captured (for the enemy greatly outnumbered them), gave the order to withdraw. The East Boston men seized the dead body of Colby and attempted to carry it off, but found it impossible to do so. The men fell back more deliberately than veterans, for veterans would have run; while these proud and inexperienced soldiers of Massachusetts, thinking it unmilitary to run, walked steadily backward to the woods, often pausing to load and fire. One of them, Stewart (Barnes’s company), whose gun was so foul that it could not be discharged, showed his pluck by snapping caps at the enemy as he went away.

About this time, Major Winthrop of General Butler’s staff was killed, and, shortly after, Lieutenant Greble, at his gun. No further effort was made to capture the works, and the order to retreat was given to our whole force, which now retired in good order, no pursuit whatever being attempted by the enemy. Lieutenant Greble’s gun was hauled from its exposed position into the woods, and the body of that gallant officer was lashed to it and conveyed to Fortress Monroe, where it was received with many manifestations of grief. The body of Major Winthrop, together with several others killed and wounded, were left upon the field.

The casualties among the Massachusetts troops were as follows: Horace Colby of Captain Barnes’s company, and Matthew Fitzpatrick of Captain Clarke’s company, were killed; Sergeant A. H. DeCosta of Captain Clarke’s company, and Frank L. Souther of the Fourth Regiment, were wounded, the latter mortally.

The total Union loss in this battle has been variously estimated at from twenty-five to forty, killed and wounded. The loss of the Confederates was small, one authority giving it as one killed and seven wounded. A few days after the battle, a flag of truce was sent out from our lines, to discover the condition of our dead and wounded. Major Cary of the Confederates met our flag, and informed the officer in charge that our dead had been properly buried upon the field, and our wounded suitably cared for. The personal effects of Major Winthrop, including his gold watch, were given up to our officer in charge of the flag.

The contemporary estimate of the importance of this affair is very ludicrous, when viewed in the light of the subsequent events of the war. General Butler comforted himself by saying, “Our troops have learned confidence in themselves under fire, the enemy have shown that they will not meet us in the open field, and our officers have learned wherein their organization and drill are inefficient.”14 The Northern press regarded it as “a severe engagement”; while in the South it was spoken of as “a brilliant victory,” and was even made the subject of a spirited lyric published in the New Orleans “Delta.” One Frank I. Wilson of Raleigh N. C., in 1864, published a pamphlet of twenty-eight pages, mostly devoted to a description of this skirmish, prefaced by various heroic mottoes and quotations from Halleck and other authors. The book contains many extravagant statements, and besides giving the names of some of the officers and troops engaged, is of little value as a contribution to the history of the war, which statement is well illustrated by the assertion of its author, on page 19, that the loss of the Federals “was about three hundred killed and as many more wounded.”

Some of the statements of Northern writers are nearly as much at variance with the truth as those above quoted. Mr. Abbott, in his “History of the Civil War” (Vol. I., p. 151), says of Major Winthrop, that “he fell dead nearer the enemy’s works than any other man”; while Mr. Parton says, quoting from the report of the Confederate Colonel, D. H. Hill (“Butler in New Orleans,” page 146), that Major Winthrop “was the only man in the Union force who displayed even an approximation to courage.” While the author has no desire to detract from the fame of Major Winthrop, who was unquestionably a brave man, yet these statements are grossly false, and cruelly unjust to the other officers and men who took part in the battle. Colonel Duryea’s men charged the enemy’s works with great bravery, as did also the Massachusetts troops under Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn; and had there been proper concert of action, these assaults would have doubtless led to victory. Horace Colby of Captain Barnes’s company fell on the slope of the enemy’s works, and his comrades, in endeavoring to recover his body, were obliged to drag it off by the legs; while, according to the best authority, Major Winthrop fell thirty yards from the enemy’s works, being shot while standing on a log viewing the Confederate position on their right.

Since the author has had the subject of this battle under consideration, he has consulted very high and reliable Confederate authority in regard to it, from which he has obtained the following facts: On the 8th of June, 1861, the First North Carolina Regiment of Infantry, under Colonel Daniel H. Hill (General D. H. Hill), moved down from Yorktown, where it had been in camp, to the near neighborhood of Great Bethel. On the 9th of June, Colonel Magruder (General Magruder) came from Yorktown and ordered Colonel Hill to move before day of the 10th, to rebuild a bridge near Hampton, that had been destroyed by the Federals. Colonel Hill did not like the movement, and requested Colonel Magruder, his senior, to accompany him. Magruder consented, and before daylight on the 10th, the Confederate troops, consisting of Hill’s regiment, 700 strong, some Virginia companies of infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, about 200, a company of Virginia Howitzers (Richmond Howitzers), numbering about 100 men, started on their march. After having gone three or four miles, day broke upon them, when they met a Mrs. Trumbell, who informed them that the Federals had been at her house that morning, and but for an accident which had occurred, whereby they had fired upon one another, they would have reached Bethel by daylight. Upon receiving this information, Magruder ordered the troops to halt, and then ordered them to fall back toward Great Bethel. Upon reaching the ground on the south side of the intersection of the two roads, between Little and Great Bethel, Colonel Magruder thought he would divide his force and send a portion of his command, together with the Howitzers, down the Back River road; but Colonel Hill, who was an excellent soldier, suggested that they had better keep together, occupy their works at Great Bethel, and wait for the approach of the Federals. This was finally agreed upon, and the wisdom of such a course is apparent from what followed.

When the movement was made by the Federals on the enemy’s left flank, “it created some alarm”; and when the movement on their right flank was made by Townsend’s regiment, “Magruder ordered the Virginians, who were holding the pits in advance of the creek, to abandon them”; but Colonel Hill sent Captain Bridger, with his company, to reoccupy them, which he did. About this time, Magruder, supposing his whole right flank to be enveloped, ordered a retreat of all his forces on Yorktown. This order was, however, recalled, when, soon after, Colonel M. discovered his mistake.

The Federal movement on the enemy’s left flank, “which created some alarm,” referred to by our informant, and spoken of above, was unquestionably that of the battalion of Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn, one of our Massachusetts officers engaged in it having always insisted that the enemy were retreating when our men reached their works. That the works charged by the battalion were the enemy’s main works, is beyond dispute; and the fact that the Confederates temporarily retired from them, is distinctly stated by Mr. Pollard, in his book entitled the “First Year of the War,” page 77.

The author has not gone into the numerous details of this battle with any erroneous idea of its importance, but simply because it was the first pitched battle of the war, and the facts concerning it have been much in dispute, and because it shows how the raw troops of both armies fought at that very early period.

General Butler thought the enemy cowardly because they fought behind works; but the fact that they did so, proves that they were commanded by good officers, who knew something about fighting; while the fact that General Butler failed to place some experienced officer—like General Phelps, for instance—in command of the expedition, shows that he had quite as much to learn as his troops, and even more than some of his lieutenants. The battle was, perhaps, well planned, but was fought by the Federals with very little skill. There was something of the same assurance of easy victory on our part which characterized the battle of Bull Run, that so soon followed.

On the 29th of June, a scouting party went out from Newport News and captured four of the enemy, who were in full zouave uniform, and belonged to a Louisiana regiment. On the same day, the Fourth Regiment was ordered to embark, but for some reason its departure was delayed until the second day of July, when, in pursuance of orders from General Butler, it proceeded by steamer to Hampton, and occupied that town with the Third Regiment.15 In the forenoon of the 4th, both regiments marched to Camp Hamilton, were reviewed by General Pierce, and in the afternoon by General Butler and Secretary Cameron. On the 11th of July, the regiment marched to Fortress Monroe, preparatory to embarking for home, and there exchanged their Springfield muskets “for old, altered, flint-lock guns.”16 While stopping at Fortress Monroe, the men were addressed by General Butler and Colonel Dimick.

On the 15th, the regiment went on board the steamer “S. R. Spaulding,” and after a passage of about fifty-six hours, reached Boston Harbor, landed on Long Island, and there remained till the 22d; on the latter day proceeding to the city, and being reviewed on Boston Common by Governor Andrew.

The disaster of Bull Run had so far depressed the feelings of the people, that the reception in Boston was not attended with that degree of enthusiasm which the soldiers had reason to expect; but every loyal heart was sorrow-stricken then, and the appearance of the bronzed faces of the men, and their well-worn uniforms, served only as a reminder of the sad realities of war. The local receptions given the various companies were, however, most cordial: bells were rung, flags displayed, and speeches of welcome were made.

These and other soldiers of our militia performed, in the early days of the war, a part similar to that of the Minutemen of the Revolution, and the gratitude of a liberty-loving people will ever be accorded to them.