Apart from the initial handicap of having to fight on the defensive because of the comparative slowness of her mobilisation, Russia is the most advantageously situated of all European Powers for war on the grand scale. Britain is dependent on her command of the sea for her food and trade; the existence of both France and Germany more or less depend on supplies from the outer world. But Russia is self-contained. Her vast “lump” of empire can supply all her needs, from food and trade to an unlimited store of first-class fighting material. Mainly agricultural and possessing a comparatively small foreign trade, Russia could face with equanimity a war of any duration. Until the end of the seventeenth century Russia was the Tibet of Europe, and practically cut off from the rest of the world. She could, with very little inconvenience, retire again behind her frontiers and bid defiance to the world. Time has always been her greatest ally, and her strategy is based upon utilising that ally to the utmost.

The boundaries between the Tzar’s dominions and those of Germany and Austria are, for the most part, purely artificial. They follow no distinct line of demarcation. The great Russian plain extends far into Prussia and Austria, and along the whole length of the frontiers the only obstacles to the advance of an invading army are forests, marshes and the fact that generally speaking the roads are very poor.

Each country has had, therefore, to take defensive measures to remedy the deficiencies of nature. Russia has the chain of fortresses and fortified positions, extending from Kovno to Radom, which are intended to hold an invading force in check until the mobilisation can be completed. Special attention has of late years been given to the defence of the north-western frontier. Plans have been drawn up for the construction of more fortresses and of strategic railways and military roads. But these works are not yet in a sufficiently advanced state to serve any practical end in the present war.

Germany, realising the significance of Russia’s military reorganisation, has recently spent huge sums on strengthening her eastern frontiers. The works are by no means complete, but they are more advanced and of more practical service than those on the Russian side of the frontier. To the south where Russia and Austria meet, neither Power has taken or contemplated taking any such extensive measures for defence. Cracow, Lemberg and Przemysl are the only fortresses of any value in Galicia, and they are faced by fortifications of about equal strength on the Russian side.

Russia, however, possesses a very great advantage over Austria, and in lesser degree over Germany, in that the inhabitants of Galicia and Eastern Prussia are mostly of Slavonic origin and therefore more or less strongly in sympathy with Russia. The Poles being members of the Catholic Church and having strong nationalistic aspirations, the bond is less strong in their case. But reference has already been made to the results of the Russian Proclamation, and it will be seen therefore that both Germany and Austria are under the disadvantage of having to defend hostile territories. At the moment when war was declared, Russia had nine army corps, or about 400,000 men guarding her western frontiers. Three corps were stationed at Warsaw, and one each at Vilna, Grodno, Bialystok, Minsk, Lublin, Rovno and Vinnitza. In addition to these troops, there were three army corps at Kiev and one at Odessa. There was thus available for immediate hostilities a total of about 600,000 men. Against these Germany and Austria could muster about 400,000 men. There were German army corps at KÖnigsberg, Dantzig, Posen, Breslau, Allenstein and Stettin. The Austrian corps were at Cracow, Lemberg and Przemysl. This numerical advantage on the side of Russia was further increased by the withdrawal of some of the German corps for service in the western campaign. Russia might, therefore, have made an immediate attack on Prussia with every prospect of success. But she refrained. In the first place, time was not of such particular importance as to warrant the taking of any risks. In the second place Russia needed all her energies for the successful completion of the mobilisation. And finally there was the Austrian menace.

Theoretically Austria could muster her two and a half million men, and invade Russia long before the latter’s mobilisation was complete. To Austria, then, was assigned the task of maintaining the prestige and reputation of the Mailed Fist in Eastern Europe. Russian Poland was to be invaded, Warsaw captured and the Russian army kept at bay until the conquerors of France could come and complete their victorious work. Unfortunately for the success of the plan, however, Austria could not get her rheumatic knuckles into the famous gauntlet. Even Serbia, exhausted though she was after two hard-fought wars, proved more than a match for Austria. And when the latter attempted to advance into Russia, she found herself more or less paralysed by her old enemy—internal dissension.

In Russia the war was the signal for all internal animosities to vanish and to leave the nation pulsating with one determination. In Austria the reverse was the effect. All semblance of unity and loyalty in the eastern provinces disappeared, the crisis tore aside the artificial bonds and Austria stood revealed for what she was and always has been—a ramshackle collection of wrangling races and creeds.

Francis Joseph is the nominal ruler of a heterogeneous collection of Germans, Magyars, Czechs, Poles, Ruthenians, Serbs, Slovaks, Croatians, Rumanians and Italians. Of a total population of fifty-three millions, half are Slavs. And it was with an army drawn from all these sources that Austria sought to invade Russia, the protector of all the Slavs. She foresaw the likelihood of trouble, and took measures accordingly. The outbreak of the war was the signal for a reign of terror to begin in Dalmatia, Bosnia and Croatia and other Slav provinces. In order to get the inhabitants under military control and to take the sting out of any revolutionary movement, all the men up to the age of fifty were mobilised. The newspapers were suppressed; clubs and societies, even the most harmless, were dissolved. The people were forbidden to leave the towns and villages; the leading Slavs were seized, imprisoned and held as hostages.

But even these ruthless measures could not crush the rebellious spirit of the Slavs. In Herzegovina the murder of some government officials was followed by a wholesale slaughter of priests held by the authorities as hostages. Everywhere there were savage acts of rebellion followed by more savage acts of reprisal. In the army matters reached a climax. The Slav regiments mutinied. Concerted action was impossible owing to the fact that the authorities kept the Slav regiments separated and disposed their loyal Teuton and Magyar regiments in the most advantageous positions for quelling any mutiny on the part of their “comrades.” Nevertheless thousands of Slavs mutinied rather than fight against their brothers. They were shot to a man. In some cases whole regiments refused to serve and were promptly exterminated. The mutinous spirit spread to Poland and Bohemia. In Prague there were daily executions and the Moldava ran red with Czech blood. These measures of wholesale murder were effective. The Slav regiments were driven to the front at the points of their “comrades” bayonets. But Austria’s plans were already wrecked. The mutinous spirit of her army had caused the mobilisation to break down. Time was valuable; the Russian mobilisation was pressing forward to its triumphant conclusion. The project of invading Russia and capturing Poland became daily less likely of accomplishment.

The campaign in the east therefore, opened in the most inauspicious circumstances for the Mailed Fist. All was well with Russia and all was wrong with Austria. The troops were sullen and utterly lacking in the fighting spirit; they were badly led and their equipment left much to be desired. The Kaiser realised that in relying on Austria he had made another serious miscalculation. Instead of being a useful ally she appeared far more likely to prove a millstone about his neck. Cripples are of little use in war. Desperate efforts were made to obtain more satisfactory help. Italy and Turkey were alternately coaxed and bullied. The world was deluged with a frantic flood of wireless lies which were obviously designed to attract help from anywhere. But they were all in vain. Fate seemed to have taken especial care to have the last word.

Accordingly, Germany had to content herself with an attempt to revitalise the Austrian millions. At any rate the material was there, if only it could be forced into shape. So German officers were requisitioned for the Austrian army.

The operations during this preliminary phase of the war, during which Russian effort was concentrated upon preparing for the coming advance, were necessarily of a somewhat desultory and unimportant nature. They were interesting chiefly as showing in what way subsequent and more important fighting would be likely to develop.

For some days nothing more exciting occurred than a few collisions between patrols guarding the frontiers. Then, on August 3rd, the Germans made a definite move. A small force from Lublinitz, a town near the point where the Russian, German, and Austrian frontiers meet, crossed into Russia and occupied Tchenstochov. Further to the north other German forces seized Bendzin and Kalish, in Poland. Russia immediately answered this move by making a cavalry raid into Prussia, with the result that Johannisburg was occupied and a rather important railway was broken. The Germans, however, continued to be aggressive. Numerous raids were made at various points along the frontiers. In some quarters it was feared that these raids were the prelude to an early invasion. They were, as a matter of fact, designed to harass the Russians and keep them engaged while the Germans completed the mobilisation of the forces which were to defend Eastern Prussia and, if possible, invade Poland during the absence of the first line troops in the western theatre of war. These new forces were chiefly composed of the Landwehr, and comprised about twenty divisions of 20,000 men each, with thirty-one cavalry regiments and six batteries of artillery. This army, under the command of General von Hindenburg, was mobilised along a line about thirty miles from the frontier. Its right flank was protected by the marshes around Arys, while its left rested on Insterburg. Naturally it took some days to collect this army and prepare it for attack, and it was not until nearly the middle of August that the Germans were in a position to contemplate any serious advance.

In the meantime the Russians, who were collecting considerable forces under General Rennenkampf, were able to throw back the cavalry which was harassing them, and to make a tentative advance over the Prussian frontier. On August 5th they entered Eydtkuhnen without opposition, and proceeded to advance towards the main German army. It was not until they reached Stalluponen that they encountered serious opposition. A sharp action resulted in the Germans being turned out of the town, leaving 200 dead and some machine guns.

This advance on the part of Russia was hailed in the west as a definite invasion with the object of sweeping across Prussia to Berlin. It was nothing of the sort. Russia was only advancing because the Germans had not yet collected their full forces. Indeed, Russia was by no means ready, and she carefully refrained from pressing too far forward, pending the completion of her own preparations. After the affair of Stalluponen there was obviously the temptation to push forward. But this would have brought the attacking force dangerously near the main German army and dangerously distant from Russian support. The advance, therefore, ceased until stronger forces could be brought forward. The German preparations, too, were progressing, and they were able to deliver vigorous attacks on the small invading force. Numerous attempts were made to recapture both Stalluponen and Eydtkuhnen, but all were beaten back. Then, after an interval of about a week, the main Russian army, under General Rennenkampf pushed forward, and the advance into Eastern Prussia may be said to have definitely begun.

Meanwhile, the Germans had been active further to the south. The provinces of Kalish and Kelche in Russian Poland were invaded. The invading forces were not in any great strength, but the Russians did not attempt to offer any serious opposition to the advance, contenting themselves with pursuing the same tactics as those adopted by the Germans in Eastern Prussia. The Germans, for their part, were in no mind to hurry, and were content to advance slowly and prepare for the coming shock between the main armies. They established themselves firmly along a line extending from Sieradz in the north, through Radomsk towards Kelche.

In the preliminary operations between Russia and Germany, therefore, neither side could claim any great advantage. The Russians obtained a footing in Eastern Prussia, and the Germans penetrated into Russian Poland. As events turned out, however, the latter was the more permanent advantage.

The operations between Russia and Austria were more decisive. The invasion of Russian Poland by the Austrians was a very half-hearted affair. The mutinous spirit of the troops and the wholly unexpected success of the attack by the Serbians and Montenegrins on Bosnia and Herzegovina paralysed the Austrian advance. Nevertheless, some progress was made in Poland, thanks more to lack of opposition than to any display of military virtues. Forces from Cracow proceeded northward over the frontier, and joined the Germans between Kelche and Radomsk. This advance was described in Berlin and Vienna as a triumphant march on Warsaw, but it was not anything so serious. Warsaw was never in the slightest danger. However, it was certainly an advance.

The Russian invasion of Galicia, on the other hand, was of definite significance. As early as August 8th a Russian army advanced from Rovno, crossed the Styr, and obtained a footing across the frontier. On the 10th the Austrians had their first experience of the Cossacks. Two regiments of infantry, supported by a regiment of cavalry, occupied a position near Brody. They were attacked by a company of Cossacks, and in the course of a few minutes were in the wildest flight, leaving ample evidence of the prowess of the Cossacks.

On the 12th the Russians gained an important success by capturing Sokal, which lies on the River Bug, just across the frontier. The town is an important railway centre, and its possession was a matter of vital interest to Austria. A determined advance towards Vladimir Volynski was a definite part of the Austrian programme. If successful, the move would have had far-reaching effects, for it would have broken the railway between Rovno and Warsaw, and so seriously impeded the completion of the Russian mobilisation and render communication between her central and southern armies very difficult. For this advance Sokal was the only possible base of operations. The Austrians, therefore, defended the town to the utmost of their power. The passage of the Bug was fiercely contended, but after some hours of furious fighting, during which both sides lost heavily, the Russians managed to capture the bridge. This practically settled the engagement. The town was unfortified, and at the mercy of the attacking force. The Austrians, with the dreaded Cossacks in pursuit, were soon in headlong flight out of the town. The destruction of the railway station and bridge rendered the Austrian advance in this direction impossible for some considerable time.

When, therefore, on August 17th, a general advance was ordered, Russia had every reason to be satisfied with the state of affairs. True, the enemy had established themselves in Poland, but this was more than balanced by the advances into Eastern Prussia and Galicia. Russia indeed had achieved more than she had reckoned on. During this preliminary phase she had fully expected that Poland would be invaded. She had also expected that her right and left flanks would have been more or less seriously threatened by forces from Eastern Prussia and Galicia during the most difficult process of mobilisation. The forces at Kovno and Rovno were sent to deal with that menace, and to hold it in check until the main armies were ready. They not only achieved that object, but carried the attack into the enemies’ countries.