INDEX. (2)

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All Index entries refer to items in separate files. Links lead to the top of their respective pages. Note that within each entry, subheads are generally listed in page order rather than alphabetical order.

A B C D E F G H I J K L
M N O P Q R S T U V W

A.

Adornment by Eskimo 138, 140-149

Adzes of the Eskimo, general description 165-172

of steel or iron 165-166, 168, 171

of jade 166-168, 170

of bone 168-172

Amulets of the Eskimo, how carried 434

whales of glass, wood, and stone 435-436

reindeer antler 436

parts of various animals 437-438, 441

ancient weapons and implements 438, 439

stones 437

of seal skin for catching fowls 439

of dried bees 440

Animals of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 55-59

ApÚya. (See Snow-houses of Eskimo.)

Arm clothing of Eskimo 123-125

Arrows of the Eskimo 201-207

Art of the Eskimo, incised patterns 389-391

painting 390-392

carving in various materials 392

carvings of human figures 373-398

carvings of quadrupeds 398-401, 406-407

carvings of walrus and seal 401-402

carvings of whales 402-406

carvings of various objects 406-409

pencil drawings 410

Automatons of the Eskimo 372-373

Awls of the Eskimo 181, 182

B.

Bags, for tobacco 68-69

for tools 187-190

Bailer for Eskimo umiak 340, 341

Baird, Spencer F., acknowledgments to 19, 20

Baskets of the Eskimo 326-327

Beads of the Eskimo 149

Bear, Eskimo lance for hunting 240

Bear arrows of the Eskimo 202

Beechey, Frederick W., work consulted 21

description of Eskimo bracer 210

description of Eskimo seal dart 218

cited on Eskimo seal nets 252

description of Eskimo umiak 343

cited on Eskimo superstitions 434

Beggary among Point Barrow Eskimo 42

Belt fasteners of Eskimo 138

Belts of Eskimo 135-138

Bessels, Emil, acknowledgments to 20

description of Eskimo lamp 108

cited on Eskimo bows 199

cited on fire-making by Eskimo 290

cited on Eskimo dog sledges 360

cited on Eskimo abduction 411

cited on infantcide among Eskimo 417

cited on Eskimo children 419

cited on Eskimo mourning 425

Bird-darts of the Eskimo 210-214

Birds of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 56-58

Eskimo bolas for catching 244-246

Blubber-holder for Eskimo lamp 108-109

Blubber hooks for the Eskimo 310-311

Blubber rooms of Point Barrow Eskimo 76

Boas, Franz, acknowledgments to 20

work consulted 21

cited on Eskimo harpoons 221

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 331

cited on Eskimo umiaks 338

cited on Eskimo jackstones 365

cited on Eskimo customs concerning childbirth 415

Bolas of the Eskimo 244-246

Bone-crushers of the Eskimo 93-99

Boots of Eskimo 129-135

Borers of the Eskimo 175-182

Bow and arrow making by the Eskimo 291-294

Bow cases of the Eskimo 207-209

Bowls, for meat, of the Eskimo 89

Bows of the Eskimo 195-200

Boxes of the Eskimo, for tools 185-187

for harpoon heads 247-251

for trinkets 323-326

Bracelets of the Eskimo 148-149

Bracers for Eskimo bows 209-210

Braiding and twisting, Eskimo implements for 311-312

Breeches of Eskimo 125-129

Buckets of the Eskimo 86-88

Builders’ tools of the Eskimo 302-304

Burials, Eskimo, manner of preparing the corpse 424

implements of the deceased buried with him 424, 426

protection of corpse from animals 425

disposal of the corpse 425-426

mourning for the dead 425

cremation of the dead 426

dog’s head placed near child’s grave 426

C.

Cache frames, for storage of property by Point Barrow Eskimo 75-76

sleds used for 82

Calls, for decoying seal 253-254

Canteens of the Eskimo 86

Carvings of the Eskimo 393-409

“Chiefs” of the Eskimo 429-430

Childbirth, Eskimo customs of 86, 414-415

Children, number of, among the Point Barrow Eskimo 38-39

Eskimo, number of births of 38-39, 414, 419

isolation of mother during birth of 86, 415

toys of 376-383

dolls of 380-381

sports of 383-385

term of nursing 415

method of carrying during infancy 415-416

infanticide 416-417

affection of parents for 417-419

rearing and education of 417-418

amusements of 417

adoption of 419

given away by parents 419

burial of 426-427

Chisels of the Eskimo 172-173

Climate of Point Barrow, Alaska 30-32

Clothing of Eskimo at Point Barrow, material of 109-110

style of 110-138

head clothing 112

frocks, description of 113-121

frocks, trimming of 114, 119

mantles 121-122

rain frocks 122

mittens 123, 125

arm clothing 128-125

gloves 124

leg and foot clothing 128-135

breeches 125-129

pantaloons 126-129

stockings 129

boots 129-135

shoes 129-135

ice-creepers 135

belts 135-138

belt-fasteners 138

ornaments 138

Club, used as Eskimo weapon 191

Clubhouse, or kÛ´dyigi of Eskimo 79-80

Coal of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 61

Combs, Eskimo 149-150, 189

for dressing deerskins 300, 301

Communal house of east Greenlanders 76

Cook, James, works consulted 21

description of Eskimo houses by 78

Cooking among the Point Barrow Eskimo 63

Crantz, David, work consulted 21

cited on Eskimo saws 174

cited on Eskimo bows 199

cited on Eskimo harpoons 222, 243

cited on seal catching by Greenlanders 256

cited on whale catching by Greenlanders 275, 276

cited on Eskimo fishing 284

cited on fire-making by Eskimo 290

cited on Eskimo umiak 337, 338

cited on condition of Greenland widows 414

cited on mode of carrying Eskimo infants 416

cited on Eskimo burials 426, 427

quoted on Eskimo amulets 437-440

Cremation of the dead by Eskimo 426

Crotches for harpoon in Eskimo umiak 341-343

Cups of Eskimo 101

Cups, scraper, for dressing skins 299-300

D.

Daggers of bone of the Eskimo 191-192

Dall, William H., acknowledgments to 20

works consulted 21

description of Eskimo houses by 76, 78

cited on Eskimo clothing 125

cited on Eskimo labrets 143, 144, 145, 146, 148

cited on Eskimo seal nets 252

cited on customs of Eskimo whale fishing 274

cited on Eskimo fishing 286

cited on fire-making by Eskimo 290

cited on Eskimo umiak 344

cited on Eskimo snowshoes 352

cited on Eskimo sledges 357

cited on Eskimo masks 370

cited on Eskimo dance 376

cited on Eskimo music 389

cited on personal habits of Eskimo 421

cited on mortuary customs of Eskimo 424, 425, 427

Davis, John, works consulted 21, 22

description of Eskimo house by 77

description of fire-making by Eskimo 290

quoted on Eskimo burials 426

quoted on Eskimo amulets 434

cited on Indian medicine-men 167

Deer, Eskimo lance for hunting 240-244

Demarcation Point (Alaska), called Herschel Island 26

Eskimo villages at 43

Demons, Eskimo belief concerning 431-434

Dippers of Eskimo, of horn 101, 102

of ivory 103

Diseases of the Point Barrow Eskimo 39-40

Divorce among the Eskimo 411-412

Doctors, Eskimo 422-423

Dogs of the Eskimo 357-360

Dolls of Eskimo children 380-381

Domestic life of the Eskimo 410-421

Drags for hauling seal 256-259

Drill bows of the Eskimo 176-182

Drills of the Eskimo 175-182, 189

Drinking vessels of Eskimo 101-105

Drinks of the Point Barrow Eskimo 64-65

Drums of the Eskimo 385

Drumsticks of the Eskimo 388

E.

Earrings of the Eskimo 142-143

Eating, time and frequency of, among Point Barrow Eskimo 63-64

Egede, Hans, work consulted 22

cited on Eskimo diet 64

cited on Eskimo drinks 65

description of Eskimo tents 85

cited on Eskimo saws 174

cited on Eskimo bows 199

cited on seal catching 256, 269

description of Eskimo deer hunt 265

cited on Eskimo whale hunting 272, 275

cited on Eskimo fishing 284, 286

cited on Eskimo fire making 290

cited on Eskimo umiak rowing 335

cited on Eskimo umiak oars 339, 343

quoted on Eskimo divorce 412

cited on exchange of wives by Eskimo 413

quoted on treatment of Eskimo women 414

cited on Eskimo customs in childbirth 415

quoted on personal habits of Greenlanders 421

cited on Eskimo mortuary custom 424

quoted on burial of Eskimo children 426

cited on Eskimo burials 427

Ellis, H., work consulted 22

cited on Eskimo fire making 290

Elson, —, visited Refuge Inlet, Alaska 52

visited Point Barrow 65

cited on Eskimo salutations 422

Elson Bay, Alaska, location of 27

Eskimo of Point Barrow, isolation of 26

range of 26-27

Excavating tools of the Eskimo 302-304

F.

Feces and entrails of animals eaten by Point Barrow Eskimo 62

Feather-setter for making Eskimo arrows 294

Festivals of the Eskimo 365, 373-376

Fetus of reindeer eaten by Point Barrow Eskimo 61

Files of the Eskimo 182

Finger rings of the Eskimo 149

Firearms, introduction of and use by the Point Barrow Eskimo 53

Firearms of the Eskimo 193-195

Fire making by the Eskimo, with drill 289-291

with flint and steel 291

kindlings 291

Fishery season among the Eskimo 282-283

Fishes of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 58

Fishhooks of the Eskimo 279-284

Fishing, manner of, by the Eskimo 283

Fishing implements of the Eskimo 278-287

Fish lines of the Eskimo 278-284

Fish nets of the Eskimo 284-286

Fish scaler of the Eskimo 311

Flint flakers of the Eskimo 287-289

Flint working by the Eskimo 287-289

Flipper toggles for Eskimo harpoons 247

Floats for Eskimo seal darts 215

for Eskimo whale harpoons 236, 246-247

Food of the Point Barrow Eskimo 61-63

Food, preparation of, by Point Barrow Eskimo 63

Fox, Eskimo method of hunting 264

Franklin, Sir John, works consulted 22

cited on Eskimo deer-hunting 265

cited on Eskimo mode of carrying infants 416

cited on Eskimo snowshoes 352

Frobisher, works consulted 22

cited on Eskimo bows 200

cited on Eskimo arrows 205

description of Eskimo umiak 339

Frocks of Eskimo 113-121

G.

Gambling among the Eskimo 364-365

Games of the Eskimo 364

Ghosts, Eskimo belief concerning 431-434

Gilder, W. H., work consulted 22

cited on Eskimo wolf-killer 259

quoted on exchange of wives by Eskimo 413

cited on Eskimo children 419

Gloves of Eskimo 124

Goggles, snow, of the Eskimo 260-262

Gorgets of the Eskimo 370

Government among the Eskimo, in the family 437

in the village 427

influence of elders 427

public opinion 427-428

“chiefs” are simply wealthy men 429-430

influence of property in 428-430

umialiks 429-430

Graah, W. A., works consulted 22

quoted on Eskimo ghosts or demons 431

H.

Hardisty, Wm. Lucas, letter of, regarding Rat Indians 50-51

Harness for Eskimo dogs 358-360

Harpoon boxes of the Eskimo 247-251

Harpoons of the Eskimo, for throwing 218-233

retrieving 230-231

for thrusting 233-240

Hazen, Wm. B., acknowledgments to 20

Habitations of Point Barrow Eskimo 72-86

Habits, personal, of the Point Barrow Eskimo 420-421

Hair, Eskimo, method of wearing 140-142

Hall, Charles Francis, works consulted 22

cited on Eskimo whale fishery 274

cited on Eskimo sledge shoes 353

Hammers of the Eskimo 182

Handles for Eskimo drill cords 180

for Eskimo tool bags 190

for Eskimo seal drags 237-239

for Eskimo drums 386-387

Head bands, use of, by the Eskimo 112

Head clothing of Eskimo 112

Healing among the Eskimo 422-423

Henshaw, W. H., cited on amulets of Eskimo 439

Herendeen, E. P., interpreter of Point Barrow expedition 19

cited on Eskimo reindeer-hunting 256

cited on float for whaling 247

cited on Eskimo whale-hunting 272

cited on Eskimo gambling 364

description of Eskimo dance 374-375

Holm, G., work consulted 22

description of Eskimo house by 77

description of Eskimo tattooing 139

quoted on Eskimo marriages 411, 412, 413

quoted on Eskimo children 416, 418

quoted on Eskimo burials 425, 426

quoted on Eskimo government 427

quoted on Eskimo amulets 441

Hooper, C. L., work consulted 23

description of Eskimo kÛ´dyigi 80

description of Eskimo tattooing 138

cited on Eskimo knives 159

cited on firearms among the Eskimo 193

cited on Eskimo spears 240

Hospitality, prevalence of, among Point Barrow Eskimo 42

prevents saving of food by Point Barrow Eskimo 64House, winter, of the Eskimo 72-78

plans of 72, 73, 77

entrance passage to 73

interior of 73, 74

window of 74

sleeping place of 74, 75

heating of 74

furniture of 75

number of occupants of 75

when occupied 76

built of bones 77

see caption

Fig. 214.—Walrus harpoons.

The line catch (ki´lerbwiÑ) is a little, blunt, backward-pointing hook of ivory inserted in the shaft 17 inches from the tip and projecting about one-third inch. Ten and one-fourth inches farther back and 90 225 degrees round the shaft from the line catch is the finger rest—a conical recurved piece of ivory 1 inch high, with a flat base, resting against the shaft and secured by a lashing of whalebone, which passes through two corresponding holes, one in the rest and one in the shaft. The head and line belonging to this harpoon are intended for hunting the bearded seal, and will be described below. No. 56772 [536], Fig. 214b, from UtkiavwiÑ, is fitted with fairly typical walrus gear. The head is of the typical form, 6inches long, with a conoidal body of walrus ivory, ornamented with incised lines colored with red ocher, and a blade of steel secured by a whalebone rivet. The “leader,” which is about 15 inches long, is made by passing one end of a piece of stout walrus-hide thong about one-quarter inch wide through the line hole and doubling it with the head in the bight, so that one part is about 6 inches the longer. The two parts are stopped together about 2 inches from the head with a bit of sinew braid. The ends are joined and made into a becket, as follows: The longer end is doubled back for 7 inches and a slit cut through both parts about 2 inches from the end. The shorter end is passed through this slit, and a slit is cut 5 inches from the end of this, through which the loop of the other end is passed and all drawn taut. The whole joint is then tightly seized with sinew braid so as to leave a becket 3 inches and a free end 4 inches long. This becket is looped into an eye 1½ inches long at the end of the main line, made by doubling over 5 inches of the end and stopping the two parts firmly together with sinew braid. The line is of the hide of the bearded seal, about the same diameter as the leader, and 27 feet long. It is in two nearly equal parts, spliced together with double slits, firmly seized with sinew braid. There is a becket about 8 inches long at the other end of the line for attaching the float, made by doubling over the end and tying a carrick bend, the end of which is stopped back to the standing part with sinew braid. The becket to hook upon the line catch is a bit of sinew braid, fastened to the line 2½ feet from the head, as follows: One end being laid against the line it is doubled in a bight and the end is whipped down to the line by the other end, which makes five turns round them.

I will now consider the variations of the different parts of these harpoons in detail, beginning with the head. Our series is so large, containing in all forty-eight heads, besides some spare blades, that it probably gives a fair representation of the common variations. The longest of this series is 6 inches long and the shortest 3½, but by far the greater number are from 4½ to 5 inches long. Their proportions are usually about as in the types figured, but the long head just figured (No.56772 [534]) is also unusually slender. Sheet brass is the commonest material for the blade (thirty blades are of this material), though iron or steel is sometimes used, and rarely, at present, slate. There is one slate-bladed head in the series (No.56620 [199]) figured above, and four blades for such heads. The blade is commonly of the shape of the 226 type figured, triangular with curved edges, varying from a rather long triangle like the slate blade just mentioned to a rather short one with very strongly curved edges like Fig. 215a (No.89750 [1038]), which is peculiar as the only walrus harpoon head with a body of reindeer antler. It also has an iron blade and a rivet of iron, not seldom with rounded basal angles so as to be almost heart-shaped, like Fig. 215b (No.56621 [283]). Aless common shape of blade is lanceolate, with the base cut off square as in Fig. 216a (No.89764 [940]). Only eight blades out of the series are of this shape. Astill more peculiar shape of blade, of which we saw only one specimen, is shown in Fig. 216b (No.89790 [943]). This is made of brass. It was perhaps meant for an imitation of the barbed blades used at the Mackenzie, of which I have already spoken.

see caption

Fig. 215.—Typical walrus-harpoon heads.

see caption

Fig. 216.—Typical walrus-harpoon heads.

The blade, when of metal, is generally fastened in with a single rivet. One only out of the whole number has two rivets, and three are simply wedged into the blade slit. The slate blades appear never to have been riveted; NordenskiÖld, however, figures a walrus harpoon from Port Clarence335 with a jade blade riveted in. The rivet is generally made of whalebone, but other materials are sometimes used. For instance, in the series collected two have rivets of iron, two of wood, and five of rawhide. The body is generally made of white walrus ivory, (five of those collected are of hard bone, and one already mentioned and figured, No. 89750 [1038], Fig. 215a, is of reindeer antler), and the hexagonal shape, often with rounded edges, and the line grooves continued to the tip, as in Fig. 217a, No. 89757 [947], appears to be the commonest. Three out of the forty-eight have four-sided bodies. It is unusual for the body barb to be bifurcated, as is common farther south. 227 Only three out of the forty-eight show this peculiarity, of which No. 56613 [53], Fig. 217b, is an example.

The specimens figured show the different styles of ornamentation, which always consist of incised patterns colored with red ocher or rarely with soot. These never represent natural objects, but are always conventional patterns, generally a single or double border on two or more faces with short oblique cross-lines and branches. Harpoon heads at Point Barrow are probably never ornamented with the “circles and dots,” so common on other implements and on the harpoons of the southern Eskimo.

see caption

Fig. 217.—Typical walrus-harpoon heads.

Twenty-eight of the heads still have the leaders attached to them. The object of this short line is to enable the hunter to readily detach a broken head and put on a fresh one without going to the trouble of undoing a splice, which must be made strong to keep the head from separating from the line. It is made of a stout piece of rawhide thong, the skin of the walrus or bearded seal, about one-third inch in diameter, and usually from 2 to 3 feet long. It is always passed through the line hole, as in the specimen described, and the ends are made into a becket for attaching the line, with an end left to serve as a handle for pulling the two beckets apart when the main line ends in a becket. Occasionally (two are made this way) the longer end is simply doubled in a bight, and the three parts are then seized together with sinew braid, but it is generally made with a splice, the details of which differ slightly on the different leaders.

see caption

Fig. 218.—Walrus-harpoon head, with leader.

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Fig. 220.—Walrus-harpoon head, with line.

228

see caption

Fig. 219.—Walrus-harpoon head, with line.

The commonest method is that already described. When the longer end is doubled over, aslit is cut through both parts close to the end of this through which the shorter end is passed. Aslit is then cut a few inches from the tip of this part, the bight of the becket passed through this slit and all drawn taut. This makes a very strong splice. Fourteen beckets are spliced in this way. Avariation of this splice has a slit only through the end part of the longer end, the shorter end being passed through and slit as before. In one becket the standing part of the longer end is passed through the slit of the end part before going through the line hole, while the rest of the becket is made as before. Areversed splice is found on three of the leaders, which is made as follows: When the long end is doubled over, the short end is slit as usual and the longer end passed through this and slit close to the tip. Through this slit is passed the head and all drawn taut. The splice is always firmly seized with sinew braid. The main line, which serves to attach the head to the float, is always made of stout thong, preferably the skin of the bearded seal (very fine lines are sometimes made of beluga skin), about one-third inch square, and, when properly made, trimmed off on the edges so as to be almost round. It is about 10 yards long. It is fastened into the becket of the leader with a becket hitch tied upside down (No.56771 [535], Fig. 218), or by means of a small becket, made either as on the specimen described (No.56770 [536], Fig. 219), or spliced with double slits. The long becket at the other end for attaching 229 the float is made either by tying a carrick bend with the end stopped back to the standing part (Fig. 220, No. 56767 [531]), or by splicing (Fig. 221, No. 56769).

see caption

Fig. 221.—Walrus-harpoon head, with line.

The loose shaft varies very little in shape, though it is sometimes rounded off at the butt without a shoulder, but the line which secures this to the foreshaft is put on differently on each of the six spears. Five of them have the end simply passed through the hole in the loose shaft and spliced to the standing part, but two (the type figured and No. 56768 [532]) have the other end carried down and hitched round the tip of the shaft; another has it passed through a hole in the foreshaft, taken 1½ turns round this and knotted (No.56771 [535]); another has a loop as long as the foreshaft with the short end passed under the first turn of the shaft lashing before it is spliced, and the long end secured as on the first mentioned; and the fifth has the end passed through a hole in the foreshaft and carried down and wrapped round the shaft lashing. The sixth has one end passed through a hole in the smallest part of the foreshaft and knotted at the end, the other end carried up through the hole in the loose shaft and down to a second hole in the foreshaft close to the first, then up through the loose shaft, and down through the first hole, and tucked under the two parts on the other side.

The foreshaft is made of walrus ivory or the hard bone of the walrus jaw and varies little in form and dimensions. It is sometimes ornamented by carving, as in No. 56772 [536], or by incised patterns, as in Fig. 222, No. 56538 [98], and generally has one or two deep longitudinal notches in the thickest part, in which the lines can be drawn snugly down. It usually is joined to the shaft by a stout, wedge-shaped tang, which fits into a corresponding cleft in the shaft, and is secured by wooden treenails and a wrapping of seal thong or sinew braid, sometimes made more secure by passing 230 one end through holes in the foreshaft. No. 56768 [532] is peculiar in having the tang on the shaft and the corresponding cleft in the foreshaft. The shaft itself varies little in shape and proportions, and at the present day is sometimes made of ash or other hard wood obtained from the ships. The line catch is generally a little hook of ivory or hard bone like the one described, but two specimens have small screws fastened into the shaft to serve this purpose. The finger rest is ordinarily of the same shape as on the type and fastened on in the same way, but No. 56771 [535] has this made of a knob of ivory elaborately carved into a seal’s head. The eyes are represented by round bits of ivory with pupils drilled in them inlaid in the head. This is evidently the knob of a seal drag (see below) as the longitudinal perforation from chin to nape now serves no purpose. It is fastened on by a lashing of whalebone, which runs round the shaft and through a transverse hole in the knob.

see caption

Fig. 222.—Foreshaft of walrus harpoon.

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Fig. 223.—Harpoon head for large seals.

Harpoons closely resembling these in type are used by the Eskimo of western North America wherever they habitually hunt the walrus. At many places this heavy spear is armed at the butt with a long sharp pick of ivory like the smaller seal spear. Two of these large harpoons appear to be rigged especially for the pursuit of the bearded seal, as they have heads which are of precisely the same shape and material as the small seal harpoons in the collection. Both these heads have lanceolate iron blades, conoidal antler bodies with double barbs, and are more slender than the walrus harpoon heads. No. 56770 [534], Fig. 219, has a head 4 inches long and 0.7 broad at the widest part, and fastened to a very long line (12fathoms long) without a leader, the end being simply passed through the line hole and seized down to the standing part with sinew braid. This is the method of attaching the head of the small seal harpoons. This line is so long that it may have been held in the boat and not attached to a float. No. 56768 [532], however, has a leader with a becket of the ordinary style. Fig. 223, No. 56611 [89], is a head similar to those just described, and probably, from its size, intended for large seals. It is highly ornamented with the usual reddened incised pattern.

The throwing harpoon for small seals is an exact copy in miniature of the walrus harpoon, with the addition of a long bayonet-shaped pick of ivory at the butt. The line, however, is upwards of 30 yards long, and the end never leaves the hand. The line is hitched round the shaft back of the line catch, which now only serves to keep the line from slipping forward, as the shaft is never detached from the line. This harpoon is used exclusively 231 for retrieving seals that have been shot in open holes or leads of water within darting distance from the edge of the solid ice, and is thrown precisely as the walrus harpoon is, except that the end of the line is held in the left hand. In traveling over the ice the line with the head attached is folded in long hanks and slung on the gun case at the back. The rest of the weapon is carried in the hand and serves as a staff in walking and climbing among the ice, where the sharp pick is useful to prevent slipping and to try doubtful ice, and also enables the hunter to break away thin ice at the edge of the hole, so as to draw his game up to the solid floe. It can also serve as a bayonet in case of necessity. This peculiar form of harpoon is confined to the coast from Point Barrow to Bering Strait, the only region where the seal is hunted with the rifle in the small open holes of water.336

Since my note in the Naturalist was written, I have learned from Mr. Henry Balfour, of the museum at Oxford, that their collection contains two or three specimens of this very pattern of harpoon, undoubtedly collected by some of the officers of the Blossom. Consequently, my theory that the retrieving harpoon was a modern invention, due to the introduction of firearms, becomes untenable, as the Blossom visited this region before firearms were known to the Eskimo. It was probably originally intended for the capture of seals “hauled out” on the ice in the early summer. There is no doubt, however, that it is at the present day used for nothing but retrieving.

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Fig. 224.—Retrieving seal harpoon.

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Fig. 225.—Details of retrieving seal harpoon.

Though this weapon was universally used at Point Barrow, we happened to obtain only two specimens, possibly because the natives thought them too necessary an implement to part with lightly. No. 89907 [1695], Figs. 224, 225, has a new shaft, etc., but was used several times by the maker before it was offered for sale. Such a retrieving harpoon is called naÚlig?. The shaft (ipÚa) is of ash, 4feet 5 inches long and 1 inch in diameter, tapering very slightly to each end. The ice pick (tÚu) of walrus ivory, 14 inches long and 1 inch wide, has a round tang fitting into a hole in the butt of the shaft. Close to the shaft a small hole is drilled in one edge of the pick, and through this is passed a bit of seal thong, the ends of which are laid along the shaft and neatly whipped down with sinew braid, with the end wedged into a slit in the wood. 232 The foreshaft (ukumailuta) is of walrus ivory, 4½ inches long and 1½ inches in diameter at the thickest part, and secured to the shaft by a whipping (ni´mxa) of seal thong. The loose shaft (ÍgimÛ) is also of ivory and 2 inches long and secured by a thong (ipÍuta) spliced into a loop through the hole at the butt, as previously described. The end is hitched round the tip of the shaft with a marling hitch, followed by a clove hitch below the whipping. The ivory finger rest (ti´ka) is fastened on with a lashing of whip cord (white man’s) passing round the shaft. The line catch (ki´lerbwiÑ), which was of ivory and shaped like those on the walrus harpoons, has been lost in transportation. The head differs only in size from those just described as intended for the bearded seal, except in having a hexagonal body. It is 3.3 inches long and has a blade of iron fastened into a body of walrus ivory with a single wooden rivet. While there is no detachable leader, the head is attached by a separate piece of the same material to the line (tÛkaksia), which is 86 feet 10 inches long and made of a single piece of fine seal thong about one-eighth inch thick. This shorter piece is about 27 inches long and is passed through the line hole and doubled so that one part is a little the longer. It is fastened strongly to the end of the line by a complicated splice made as follows: Aslit is cut in the end of the main line through which are passed both ends of the short line. The longer part is then slit about 2 inches from the end and the shorter part passed through the slit, and a slit cut close to the end of it, through which the longer end is passed. The whole is then drawn taut and the longer end clove hitched round the main line.

No. 89908 [1058] is one of these spears rigged ready for darting. The line is secured at about the middle of the shaft with a couple of marling hitches. This specimen, except the head, is new and was rather carelessly made for the market. It has neither line catch nor finger rest. The 233 foreshaft and ice pick are lashed in with sinew braid, which is first knotted round the tip of the shaft and then hitched round with a series of left-handed soldier’s hitches. The end of the thong which holds the loose shaft is passed through the hole in it and knotted and the other end hitched into the pulley at the smallest part of the foreshaft. The head is like that of the preceding, but has a conoidal body of reindeer antler, acommon material for seal-harpoon heads, and the line, which is of stout sinew braid 43 feet long, is attached to it simply by passing the end through the line hole and tying it with a clove hitch to the standing part 9½ inches from the head. This spear is about the same size as the preceding. These weapons are all of the same general pattern, but vary in length according to the height of the owner. The heads for these harpoons, as well as for the other form of seal harpoon, are usually about 3 inches long, and, as a rule, have lanceolate blades. The body is generally conoidal, often made of reindeer antler, and always, apparently, with a double barb. It is generally plain, but sometimes ornamented like the walrus-harpoon heads.

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Fig. 226.—Jade blade for seal harpoon.

No. 89784 [1008] was made by IlÛ´bw’ga, the NunataÑmeun, when thinking of coming to winter at UtkiavwiÑ. He had had no experience in sealing, having apparently spent all his winters on the rivers inland, and this harpoon head seems to have been condemned as unsatisfactory by his new friends at UtkiavwiÑ. It looks like a very tolerable naula, but is unusually small, being only 2½ inches long.

We saw only one stone blade for a seal harpoon, No. 89623 [1418], Fig. 226. This is of light olive green jade, and triangular, with peculiarly dull edges and point. Each face is concaved, and there is a hole for a rivet. (Compare the jade-bladed harpoon figured by NordenskiÖld and referred to above.) It is 2 inches long and 0.7 inch wide at the base. It appears to have been kept as an amulet. The other form of seal harpoon comes properly under the next head.

THRUSTING WEAPONS.

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Fig. 227.—Seal harpoon for thrusting.

Harpoons.

For the capture of seals as they come up for air to their breathing holes or cracks in the ice a harpoon is used which has a short wooden shaft, armed, as before, with an ice pick and a long, slender, loose shaft suited for thrusting down through 234 the small breathing hole. It carries a nÚal? like the other harpoon, but has only a short line, the end of which is made fast permanently to the shaft. Such harpoons are used by all Eskimo wherever they are in the habit of watching for seals at their breathing holes. The slender part of the shaft, however, is not always loose.337 The foreshaft is simply a stout ferrule for the end of the shaft. These weapons are in general use at Point Barrow and are very neatly made.

We obtained two specimens, of which No. 89910 [1694], Fig. 227, will serve as the type. The total length of this spear when rigged for use is 5 feet 3 inches. The shaft is of spruce, 20½ inches long and 1.1 inches in the middle, tapering to 0.9 at the ends. At the butt is inserted, as before, an ivory ice pick (tÚu) of the form already described, 13¾ inches long and lashed in with sinew braid. The foreshaft (kÁtÛ) is of walrus ivory, nearly cylindrical, 5¾ inches long and 0.9 inch in diameter, shouldered at the butt and fitted into the tip of the shaft with a round tang. The latter is very neatly whipped with a narrow strip of white whalebone, which makes eleven turns and has the end of the last turn forced into a slit in the wood and wedged with a round wooden peg. Under this whipping is the bill of a tern as a charm for good luck. (Asthe boy who pointed this out to me said, “Lots of seals.”)

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Fig. 228.—Diagram of lashing on shaft.

The loose shaft (ÍgimÛ) is of bone, whale’s rib or jaw, and has two transverse holes above the shoulder to receive the end of the assembling line (sÁbromia), which not only holds the loose shaft in place, but also connects the other parts of the shaft so that in case the wood breaks the pieces will not be dropped. It is a long piece of seal thong, of which one end makes a turn round the loose shaft between the holes; the other end is passed through the lower hole, then through the upper and carried down to the tip of the shaft, where it is hitched just below the whalebone whipping, as follows: three turns are made round the shaft, the first over the standing part, the second under, and the third over it; the end then is passed under 3, over 2, and under 1 (Fig. 228), and all drawn taut; it then runs down the shaft almost to the butt-lashing and is secured with the same hitch, and the end is whipped around the butt of the ice pick with five turns. The head (naÚl?) is of the ordinary pattern, 2.8 inches long, with a copper blade and antler body. The line (tÚkaktin) is a single piece of seal thong 9 feet long, and is fastened to the head without a leader, by simply passing the end through the line-hole, doubling it over and stopping it to the standing part so as to make a becket 21 inches long. The other end is made fast round the shaft and assembling line just back of the middle, as follows: An eye is made at the end of the line, by cutting a slit close to the tip and pushing a bight of the line through this. The end then makes a turn round the shaft, and the other end, with the head, is passed through this eye and drawn taut. When mounted for use, the head is fitted on the tip of the loose shaft as usual 235 and the line brought down to the tip of the shaft and made fast by two or three round turns with a bight tucked under, so that it can be easily slipped. It is also confined to the loose shaft by the end of the assembling line, which makes one or two loose turns round it. The slack of the line is doubled into “fakes” and tucked between the shaft and assembling line.

The other specimen is of the same pattern, but slightly different proportions, having a shaft 18½ inches long and a pick 19 inches long. The loose shaft is of ivory, and there are lashings of white whalebone at each end of the shaft. The assembling line is hitched round the foreshaft as well as round the two ends of the shaft, and simply knotted round the pick. The line is of very stout sinew braid, and has an eye neatly spliced in the end for looping it round the shaft. Fig. 229, No. 89551 [1082], is a model of one of these harpoons, made for sale. It is 16¼ inches long, and correct in all its parts, except that the whole head is of ivory, even to having the ends of the shaft whipped with light-colored whalebone. The shaft is of pine and the rest of walrus ivory, with lines of sinew braid. We also collected four loose shafts for such harpoons. One of these, No. 89489 [802], is of whale’s bone and unusually short, only 14 inches long. It perhaps belonged to a lad’s spear. The other three are long, 20 to 25 inches, and are made of narwhal ivory, as is shown by the spiral twist in the grain.

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Fig. 229.—Model of a seal harpoon.

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Fig. 230.—Large model of a whale harpoon.

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Fig. 231.—Model of whale harpoon with floats.

The harpoon used for the whale fishery is a heavy, bulky weapon, which is never thrown, but thrust with both hands as the whale rises under the bows of the umiak. When not in use it rests in a large ivory crotch, shaped like a rowlock, in the bow. The shaft is of wood and 8 or 9 feet long, and there is no loose shaft, the bone or ivory foreshaft being tapered off to a slender point of such a shape that the head easily unships. This foreshaft is not weighted, as in the walrus harpoon, since this is not necessary in a weapon which does not leave the hand. The harpoon line is fitted with two inflated sealskin floats.

No complete, genuine whaling harpoons were ever offered for sale, but a man at NuwÛk made a very excellent reduced model about two-thirds the usual size (No.89909 [1023], Fig. 230), which will serve as the type of this weapon 236 (a´jyÛÑ). This is 6 feet 11 inches in length when rigged for use. The shaft is of pine, 5feet 8½ inches long, with its greatest diameter (1½inches) well forward of the middle and tapered more toward the butt than toward the tip, which is chamfered off on one side to fit the butt of the foreshaft (igimÛ), and shouldered to keep the lashing in place. The foreshaft is of whale’s bone, 11½ inches long, three-sided with one edge rounded off, and tapers from a diameter of 1 inch to a tapering rounded point 1½ inches long, and slightly curved away from the flat face of the foreshaft. It will easily be seen that the shape of this tip facilitates the unshipping of the head. The butt is chamfered off on the flat face to fit the chamfer of the shaft, and the whole foreshaft is slightly curved in the same direction as the tip. It is secured to the shaft by a stout whipping of seal thong. The head is 7 inches long, and has a body of walrus ivory, which is ornamented with incised patterns colored red with ocher, and a blade of dark reddish brown jasper, neatly flaked. This blade is not unlike a large arrow head, being triangular, with curved edges, and a short, broad tang imbedded in the tip of the body, which is seized round with sinew braid. The body is unusually long and slender and is four sided, with a single long, sharp barb, keeled on the outer face. The line hole and line grooves are in the usual position, but the peculiarity of the head is that the blade is inserted with its breadth in the plane of the body barb. In other words, this head has not reached the last stage in the development of the toggle-head. The line is of stout thong (the skin of the bearded seal) and about 8½ feet long. It is passed 237 through the line hole, doubled in the middle, the two parts are firmly stopped together with sinew in four places, and in the ends are cut long slits for looping on the floats. When the head is fitted on the foreshaft the line is secured to the flat face of the foreshaft by a little stop made of a single strand of sinew, easily broken. About 28 inches from the tip of the shaft the line is doubled forward and the bight stopped to the shaft with six turns of seal thong, so that the line is held in place and yet can be easily detached by a straight pull. The ends are then doubled back over the lashing and stopped to the shaft with a single thread of sinew.

Fig. 231 is a toy model of the whale harpoon, No. 56562 [233], 18½ inches long, made of pine and ivory, and shows the manner of attaching the floats, which are little blocks of spruce roughly whittled into the shape of inflated sealskins. Apiece of seal thong 13½ inches long has its ends looped round the neck of the floats and the harpoon-line is looped into a slit in the middle of this line.

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Fig. 232.—Flint blade for whale harpoon.

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Fig. 233.—Slate blade for whale harpoon.

We collected thirteen heads for such harpoons, which have been in actual use, of which two have flint blades like the one described, two have brass blades, and the rest either blades of slate or else no blades. The flint blades are either triangular like the one described or lanceolate and are about 3 inches long exclusive of the tang. The three separate flint blades which we obtained (Fig. 232, No. 56708 [114], from UtkiavwiÑ, is one of these, made of black flint) are about 1 inch shorter and were perhaps intended for walrus harpoons, though we saw none of these with flint blades. They are all newly made for the market.

The slate blades of which we collected eleven, some old and some new, besides those in the heads, are all triangular, with curved edges, as in Fig. 233 (No.56709 [139] from UtkiavwiÑ, made of soft purple slate), except one new one, No. 56697a [188a], which has the corners cut off so as to give it a rhomboidal shape. The corners are sometimes rounded off so that they are nearly heart-shaped. These blades are usually about 2¾ inches long and 2 broad; two unusually large ones are 3 inches long and nearly 2¼ broad, and one small one 2.1 by 1.6 inches, and are simply wedged into the blade slit without a rivet. The brass blades are of the same shape.

The common material for the body seems to have been rather coarse whale’s bone, from the rib or jaw. Only two out of the thirteen have ivory bodies, and these are both of the newer brass-bladed pattern. The body is very long and slender, being usually about 8 or 8½ inches long (one is 9¼ inches long) and not over 1½ inches broad at the widest part. 238 It is always cut off very obliquely at the base, and the part in front of the line hole is contracted to a sort of shank, as in Fig. 234 (No.89747 [1044]), ahead with slate blade (broken) and bone body. This represents a very common form in which the shank is four-sided, while back of the middle the outer face of the barb rises into a ridge, making this part of the body five-sided. The edges of the shank are sometimes rounded off so as to make this part elliptical in section, and all the edges of the body except the keel, on the outer face of the barb, are frequently rounded off as in Fig. 235a, No. 89745 [1044], which has a slate blade wedged into the bone body with a bit of old cloth and a wooden wedge. Fig. 235b, No. 56602 [157], from UtkiavwiÑ, is a head of the same shape, but has a brass blade and a body of ivory. This blade is wedged in with deer hair, but the other brass-bladed harpoon, No. 56601 [137], has a single rivet of whalebone.

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Fig. 234.—Body of whale harpoon head.

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Fig. 235.—Whale harpoon heads.

The blade slit, and consequently the blade, is always in the plane of the barb, which position, as I have said before, corresponds to the last step but one in the development of the harpoon-head. When the blade is of flint and inserted with a tang, the tip of the body is always whipped with sinew braid, as in Fig. 212, No. 89748 [928], from Nuwuk. This specimen is remarkable as being the only one in the series with a double point to the barb. These bodies are sometimes ornamented with incised lines, in conventional patterns, as shown in the different figures. Ashort incised mark somewhat resembling an arrow (see above, Fig. 234, No. 89747 [1044]) may have some significance as it is repeated on several of the heads. Harpoon-heads of this peculiar pattern are to be found in the Museum collection from other localities. As we should naturally expect, they have been found at the Diomede Islands, St. Lawrence Island, and Plover Bay. It is very interesting, however, to find a specimen of precisely the same type from Greenland, where the modern harpoons are so different from those used in the west.

That the line connecting the head with the float line is not always so 239 long in proportion as represented on the two models is shown by Fig. 236, No. 89744 [969], the only specimen obtained with any part of the line attached. Apiece of stout walrus-hide thong 2 feet long is passed through the line-hole and doubled in two equal parts, which are firmly stopped together with sinew about 2 inches from the head. Another piece of similar thong 4 feet 2 inches long is also doubled into two equal parts and the ends firmly spliced to those of the short piece thus: The two ends of the long piece are slit and one end of the short piece passed through each slit. One of these ends is then slit and through it are passed the other end of the short piece and the bight of the long piece, and all is drawn taut and securely seized with sinew. The becket thus formed was probably looped directly into the bight of the float line.

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Fig. 236.—Whale harpoon head with a “leader.”

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Fig. 237.—Foreshaft of whale harpoon.

The foreshaft is much larger than that of the model, though of the same shape. No. 56537 [97], Fig. 237, from UtkiavwiÑ, is of walrus-ivory and 15.8 inches long with a diameter of 1½ inches at the butt. The oblong slot at the beginning of the chamfer is to receive the end of the lashing which secured this to the shaft. This form of foreshaft is very well adapted to insure the unshipping of the toggle-head, but lacks the special advantage of the loose-shaft, namely, that under a violent lateral strain it unships without breaking. The question at once suggests itself, why was not the improvement that is used on all the other harpoons applied to this one? In my opinion, the reason for this is the same as for retaining the form of toggle-head, which, as I have shown, is of an ancient pattern.

That is to say, the modern whale harpoon is the same pattern that was once used for all harpoons, preserved for superstitious reasons. It is a well known fact, that among many peoples implements, ideas, and language have been preserved in connection with religious 240 ceremonies long after they have gone out of use in every-day life. Now, the whale fishing at Port Barrow, in many respects the most important undertaking in the life of the natives, is so surrounded by superstitious observances, ceremonies to be performed, and other things of the same nature as really to assume a distinctly religious character. Hence, we should naturally expect to find the implements used in it more or less archaic in form. That this is the case in regard to the toggle-head I think I have already shown. It seems to me equally evident that this foreshaft, which contains the loose shaft and foreshaft, undifferentiated, is also the older form.

Why the development of the harpoon was arrested at this particular stage is not so easily determined. Anatural supposition would be that this was the form of harpoon used by their ancestors when they first began to be successful whalemen.

That they connect the idea of good luck with these ancient stone harpoons is shown by what occurred at Point Barrow in 1883. Of late years they have obtained from the ships many ordinary “whale-irons,” and some people at least had got into the habit of using them.

Now, the bad luck of the season of 1882, when the boats of both villages together caught only one small whale, was attributed to the use of these “irons,” and it was decided by the elders that the first harpoon struck into the whale must be a stone-bladed one such as their forefathers used when they killed many whales.

In this connection, it is interesting to note a parallel custom observed at Point Hope. Hooper338 says that at this place the beluga must always be struck with a flint spear, even if it has been killed by a rifle shot.

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Fig. 238.—Whale lance.

Fig. 241.—Bear lance.

Lances.

As I have said on a preceding page, some of the natives now use bomb-guns for dispatching the harpooned whale, and all the whaleboats are provided with steel whale lances obtained from the ships. In former times they used a large and powerful lance with a broad flint head. They seem to have continued the use of this weapon, probably for the same reasons that led them to retain the ancient harpoon for whaling until they obtained their present supply of steel lances, as we found no signs of iron whale lances of native manufacture, such as are found in Greenland and elsewhere. We obtained nine heads for stone lances (kaluwi?) and one complete lance, avery fine specimen (No.56765 [537], Fig. 238), which was brought down as a present from Nuwuk. The broad, sharp head is of light gray flint, mounted on a shaft of spruce 12 feet 6 inches long. It has a broad, stout tang inserted in the cleft end of the 241 shaft. The shaft is rhomboidal in section with rounded edges, and tapers from a breadth of 2 inches and a thickness of 1 at the tip to a butt of 0.7 inch broad and 1 thick. The tip of the shaft has a whipping of sinew-braid 1¾ inches deep, “kackled” down on both edges, one end of the twine on each edge, so that the hitch made by one end crosses the round turn of the other, making in all twenty-six turns. The shaft has been painted red for 1½ inches below the whipping.

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Fig. 239.—Flint head of whale lance.

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Fig. 240.—Flint heads for whale lances.

No. 89596 [1032] is the head and 5 inches of the shaft of a similar lance. The head is of black flint, and the sinew-braid forms a simple whipping. The remaining heads are all unmounted. Ihave figured several of them to show the variations of this now obsolete weapon. Fig. 239, No. 56677 [49], from UtkiavwiÑ, is of gray flint chipped in large flakes. The total length is 6.9 inches. The small lugs on the edges of the tang are to keep it from slipping out of the whipping. No. 56679 [239], also from UtkiavwiÑ, is of black flint and broader than the preceding. Its length is 6.3 inches. No. 56680 [394], from the same village, is of light bluish gray flint and very broad. It is 5.4 inches long. No. 56681 [5], from UtkiavwiÑ, is another broad 242 head of black flint, 6inches long. Fig. 240a, No. 89597 [1034], from Nuwuk, is of black flint, and unusually long in proportion, running into the tang with less shoulder than usual. Much of the original surface is left untouched on one face. This is probably very old. No. 89598 [1361] is a head of similar shape of dark gray flint from Sidaru. It is 6 inches long. Fig. 240b, No. 89599 [1373], from the same place and of similar material, is shaped very like the head of a steel lance. It is 5 inches long. Fig. 240c, No. 89600 [1069], from UtkiavwiÑ, is still broader in proportion and almost heart-shaped. It is of bluish gray flint and 4.8 inches long. These heads probably represent most of the different forms in use. Only two types are to be recognized among them, the long-pointed oval with a short tang, and the broad leaf-shaped head with a rather long tang, which appears to be the commoner form.

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Fig. 242.—Flint head for bear lance.

We obtained one newly made lance of a pattern similar to the above, but smaller, which was said to be a model of the weapon used in attacking the polar bear before the introduction of firearms. The name, pÛ´nnÛ, is curiously like the name panna given by Dr. Simpson and Capt. Parry to the large double-edged knife. The specimen, No. 89895 [1230], Fig. 241, came from UtkiavwiÑ. It has a head of gray flint 3½ inches long, exclusive of the tang, roughly convex on one face, but flat and merely beveled at the edges on the other. The edges are finely serrate. The shaft is of spruce, 6feet 8 inches long, rounded and somewhat flattened at the tip, which is 1 inch wide and tapering to a diameter of 0.7 at the butt, and is painted red with ocher. The tip has a slight shoulder to keep the whipping in place. The tang is wedged in with bits of leather and secured by a close whipping of sinew braid 1¼ inches deep. Fig. 242, No. 89611 [1034], from Nuwuk, was probably the head of such a lance, although it is somewhat narrower and slightly shorter. Its total length is 3.4 inches. The other two large lance-heads, No. 56708a [114a] and No. 56708b [114b], are both new, but were probably meant for the bear lance. They are of gray flint, 3½ inches long, and have the edges regularly serrate.

One form of lance is still in general use. It has a sharp metal head, and a light wooden shaft about 6 feet long. It is used in the kaiak for stabbing deer swimming in the water, after the manner frequently noticed among other Eskimo.339 Apair of these spears is carried in beckets on the forward deck of the kaiak. On approaching a deer one of them is slipped out of the becket and laid on the deck, with the butt resting on the combing of 243 the cockpit. The hunter then paddles rapidly up alongside of the deer, grasps the lance near the butt, as he would a dagger, and stabs the animal with a quick downward thrust. This spear is called ka´pun, which in the Point Barrow dialect exactly corresponds to the Greenlandic word kapÛt, which is applied to the long-bladed spear or long knife used for dispatching a harpooned seal.340 The word ka´pun means simply “an instrument for stabbing.”

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Fig. 50.—Socket for blubber holder.

Suitable material is not at hand for the proper comparison of the lamps used by the different branches of the Eskimo race. All travelers who have written about the Eskimo speak of the use of such lamps, which agree in being shallow, oblong dishes of stone. Dr. Bessels199 figures a lamp of soapstone from Ita, Smith Sound, closely resembling No. 89880, and a little lamp in the Museum from Greenland is of essentially the same shape, but deeper. The same form appears at Hudson Strait in the lamps collected by Mr. L.M. Turner, while those used at Iglulik are nearly semicircular.200 South of Kotzebue Sound lamps of the shape so common in the east are used, but these, Mr. Turner informs me, are never made of soapstone, but always of sandstone, shale, etc. The people of Kadiak and the Aleuts anciently used lamps of hard stone, generally oval in shape, and sometimes made by slightly hollowing out one side of a large round pebble.201 Such a rough lamp was brought by Lieut. Stoney, U.S.Navy, from Kotzebue Sound. No such highly finished and elaborate lamps as the large house lamps at Point Barrow are mentioned except by NordenskiÖld, who figures one from Siberia.202 This lamp is interesting as the only one described with a ledge comparable to the shelf of No. 89879. Lamps from the region between Point Barrow and Boothia Felix are especially needed to elucidate the distribution and development of this utensil. The rudely hollowed pebble 109 of the ancient Aleut and the elaborate lamp of the Point Barrow Eskimo are evidently the two extremes of the series of forms, but the intermediate patterns are still to be described.

Fig. 50, No. 56492 [108], is a peculiar article of which only one specimen was collected. We were given to understand at the time of purchasing it that it was a sort of socket or escutcheon to be fastened to the wall above a lamp to hold the blubber stick described above. No such escutcheons, however, were seen in use in the houses visited. The article is evidently old. It is a flat piece of thick plank of some soft wood, 11.4 inches long, 4.2 broad, and about 1½ thick, very rudely carved into a human head and body without arms, with a large round hole about 1¼ inches in diameter through the middle of the breast. The eyes and mouth are incised, and the nose was in relief, but was long ago split off. There is a deep furrow all around the head, perhaps for fastening on a hood.

CLOTHING.

MATERIAL.

The clothing of these people is as a rule made entirely of skins, though of late years drilling and calico are used for some parts of the dress which will be afterwards described. Petroff203 makes the rather surprising statement that “alarge amount of ready-made clothing finds its way into the hands of these people, who wear it in summer, but the excessive cold of winter compels them to resume the fur garments formerly in general use among them.” Fur garments are in as general use at Point Barrow as they ever were, and the cast-off clothing obtained from the ships is mostly packed away in some corner of the iglu. We landed at Cape Smyth not long after the wreck of the Daniel Webster, whose crew had abandoned and given away a great deal of their clothing. During that autumn a good many men and boys wore white men’s coats or shirts in place of the outer frock, especially when working or lounging about the station, but by the next spring these were all packed away and were not resumed again except in rare instances in the summer.

The chief material is the skin of the reindeer, which is used in various stages of pelage. Fine, short-haired summer skins, especially those of does and fawns, are used for making dress garments and underclothes. The heavier skins are used for everyday working clothes, while the heaviest winter skins furnish extra warm jackets for cold weather, warm winter stockings and mittens. The white or spotted skins of the tame Siberian reindeer, obtained from the “NunataÑmiun,” are especially valued for full-dress jackets. We heard no mention of the use of the skin of the unborn reindeer fawn, but there is a kind of dark deerskin used only for edgings, which appears to be that of an exceedingly young deer. This skin is extremely thin, and the hair so short that it is almost invisible. Siberian deerskins can always be recognized by 110 having the flesh side colored red,204 while American-dressed skins are worked soft and rubbed with chalk or gypsum, giving a beautiful white surface like pipe-clayed leather.

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Fig. 51.—Man in ordinary deerskin clothes

The skins of the white mountain sheep, white and blue fox, wolf, dog, ermine, and lynx are sometimes used for clothing, and under jackets made of eider duck skins are rarely used. Sealskin dressed with the hair on is used only for breeches and boots, and for those rarely. Black dressed sealskin—that is, with the epidermis left on and the hair shaved off—is used for waterproof boots, while the white sealskin, tanned in urine, with the epidermis removed, is used for the soles of winter boots. Waterproof boot soles are made of oil-dressed skins of the white whale, bearded seal, walrus, or polar bear. The last material is not usually mentioned as serving for sole leather among the Eskimo. NordenskiÖld,205 however, found it in use among the Chukches for this purpose. It is considered an excellent material for soles at Point Barrow, and is sometimes used to make boat covers, which are beautifully white. Heavy mittens for the winter are made of the fur of the polar bear or of dogskin. Waterproof outer frocks are of seal entrails, split and dried and sewed together. For trimmings are used deerskin of different colors, mountain-sheep skin, and black and white sealskin, wolf, wolverine, and marten fur, and whole ermine skins, as well as red worsted, and occasionally beads.

STYLE OF DRESS.

Dr. Simpson206 gave an excellent general description of the dress of these people, which is the same at the present day. While the same in general pattern as that worn by all other Eskimo, it differs in many details from that worn by the eastern Eskimo,207 and most closely resembles the style in vogue at and near Norton Sound.208 The man’s dress (Fig. 51, from a photograph of Apaidyao) consists of the usual loose hooded frock, without opening except at the neck and wrists. This reaches just over the hips, rarely about to mid-thigh, where it is cut 111 off square, and is usually confined by a girdle at the waist. Under this garment is worn a similar one, usually of lighter skin and sometimes without a hood. The thighs are clad in one or two pairs of tight-fitting knee breeches, confined round the hips by a girdle and usually secured by a drawstring below the knee which ties over the tops of the boots. On the legs and feet are worn, first, apair of long, deerskin stockings with the hair inside; then slippers of tanned sealskin, in the bottom of which is spread a layer of whalebone shavings, and outside a pair of close-fitting boots, held in place by a string round the ankle, usually reaching above the knee and ending with a rough edge, which is covered by the breeches. Dress boots often end with an ornamental border and a drawstring just below the knee. The boots are of reindeer skin, with white sealskin soles for winter and dry weather, but in summer waterproof boots of black sealskin with soles of white whale skin, etc., are worn. Overshoes of the same material, reaching just above the ankles, with a drawstring at the top and ankle strings, are sometimes worn over the winter boots. When traveling on snowshoes or in soft dry snow the boots are replaced by stockings of the same shape as the under ones, but made of very thick winter deerskins with the flesh side out.

Instead of breeches and boots a man occasionally wears a pair of pantaloons or tight-fitting trousers terminating in shoes such as are worn by the women. Over the usual dress is worn in very cold weather a circular mantle of deerskin, fastened by a thong at the neck—such mantles are nowadays occasionally made of blankets—and in rainy weather both sexes wear the hooded rain frock of seal gut. Of late years both sexes have adopted the habit of wearing over their clothes a loose hoodless frock of cotton cloth, usually bright-colored calico, especially in blustering weather, when it is useful in keeping the drifting snow out of their furs.

Both men and women wear gloves or mittens. These are of deerskin for ordinary use, but in extreme weather mittens of polar bear skin are worn. When hunting in winter it is the custom to wear gloves of thin deerskin under the bearskin mitten, so that the rifle can be handled without touching the bare hand to the cold iron. The women have a common trick of wearing only one mitten, but keeping the other arm withdrawn from the sleeve and inside of the jacket.

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Fig. 52.—Woman’s hood.

The dress of the women consists of two frocks, which differ from those of the men in being continued from the waist in two rather full rounded skirts at the front and back, reaching to or below the knee. Awoman’s frock is always distinguished by a sort of rounded bulge or pocket at the nape of the neck (see Fig. 52, from a sketch by the writer), which is intended to receive the head of the infant when carried in the jacket. The little peak at the top of the hood is also characteristic of the 112 woman’s frock. On her legs a woman wears a pair of tight-fitting deerskin pantaloons with the hair next the skin, and outside of these a similar pair made of the skins of deer legs, with the hair out, and having soles of sealskin, but no anklestrings. The outer pantaloons are usually laid aside in spring, and waterproof boots like the men’s, but fastened below the knee with drawstrings, are worn over the under pantaloons. In the summer pantaloons wholly of waterproof sealskin are often put on. The women’s pantaloons, like the men’s breeches, are fastened with a girdle just above the hips. It appears that they do not stay up very well, as the women are continually “hitching” them up and tightening their girdles.

Until they reach manhood the boys wear pantaloons like the women, but their jackets are cut just like those of the men. The dress of the girls is a complete miniature of that of the women, even to the pocket for the child’s head. Those who are well-to-do generally own several complete suits of clothes, and present a neat appearance when not engaged in dirty work. The poorer ones wear one suit on all occasions till it becomes shabby. New clothes are seldom put on till winter.

The outer frock is not often worn in the iglu, being usually taken off before entering the room, and the under one is generally dispensed with. Men habitually leave off their boots in the house, and rarely their stockings and breeches, retaining only a pair of thin deerskin drawers. This custom of stripping in the house has been noticed among all Eskimos whose habits have been described, from Greenland to Siberia. The natives are slow to adopt any modifications in the style of dress, the excellence and convenience of which has been so frequently commented upon that it is unnecessary to refer to it. One or two youths learned from association with us the convenience of pockets, and accordingly had “patch pockets” of cloth sewed on the outside of the skirt of the inner frock, and one young man in 1883 wore a pair of sealskin hip boots, evidently copies from our india-rubber wading boots. Inow proceed to the description of the clothing in detail.

Head clothing.

The only head covering usually worn is the hood of the frock, which reaches to about the middle of the head, the front being covered by the hair. Women who are carrying children in the jacket sometimes wrap the head in a cloth. (Ihave an indistinct recollection of once seeing a woman with a deerskin hood, but was too busy at the time to make a note or sketch ofit.) One man at UtkiavwiÑ (NÄgawau´ra, now deceased), who was quite bald on the forehead, used to protect the front of his head with a sort of false front of deerskin, tied round like a fillet. No specimens of any of these articles were obtained. Fancy conical caps are worn in the dances and theatrical performances, but these belong more properly under the head of Games and Pastimes (where they will be described) than under that of Clothing.

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Frocks (atige).—

Two frocks are always worn by both sexes except in the house, or in warm weather, the inner (Ílupa) with the hair next the skin, and the outer (kalÛru´r?) with the hair out. The outer frock is also sometimes worn with the hair in, especially when it is new and the flesh side clean and white. This side is often ornamented with little tufts of marten fur and stripes of red ocher. The difference in shape between the frocks of the two sexes has been already mentioned. The man’s frock is a loose shirt, not fitted to the body, widening at the bottom, and reaching, when unbelted, just below the hips. The skirts are cut off square or slightly rounded, and are a little longer behind than in front. The hood is rounded, loose around the neck, and fitted in more on the sides than on the nape. The front edge of the hood, when drawn up, comes a little forward of the top of the head and runs round under the chin, covering the ears.

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Fig. 53.—Man’s frock.

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Fig. 54.—Pattern of man’s deerskin frock.

There are in the collection three specimens, all rather elaborate dress frocks, to be worn outside. All have been worn. No. 56751 [184] (Fig.53), brown deerskin, will serve as the type. The pattern can best be explained by reference to the accompanying diagrams (Fig.54). The body consists of two pieces, front and back, each made of the 114 greater part of the skin of a reindeer fawn, with the back in the middle and the sides and belly coming at the edges. The head of the animal is made into the hood, which is continuous with the back. Each sleeve is in two pieces, front and back, of the same shape, which are sewed together along the upper edge, but separated below by the arm flap of the front, which is bent down and inserted like a gusset from the armpit nearly to the wrist. Aband of deerskin an inch broad is sewed round the edge of the hood, flesh side out. The trimming consists, first, of a narrow strip of long-haired wolfskin (taken from the middle of the back) sewed to the outer side of the binding of the hood, its ends separated by the chin piece, so that the long hairs form a fringe around the face. Similar strips are sewed round each wrist with the fur inward. The binding round the skirt (Fig. 55a) is 2¼ inches broad. The light-colored strips are clipped mountain sheep skin, the narrow pipings are of the dark brown skin of a very young fawn, the little tags on the second strip are of red worsted and the fringe is of wolverine fur, sewed on with the flesh side, which is colored red, probably with ocher, outward. Aband of similar materials, arranged a 115 little differently (Fig. 55b) and 1¼ inches broad, is inserted into the body at each shoulder seam, so that the fringe makes a sort of epaulet. This jacket is 24.5 inches long from the chin to the bottom of the skirt, 21 inches wide across the shoulders, and 24.5 inches wide at the bottom.

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Fig. 55.—Detail of trimming, skirt and shoulder of man’s frock.

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Fig. 56.—Man wearing plain, heavy frock.

Apart from the trimming this is a very simple pattern. There are no seams except those absolutely necessary for producing the shape, and the best part of each skin is brought where it will show most, while the poorer portions are out of sight under the arms.

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Fig. 57.—Man’s frock of mountain sheepskin, front and back.

The chief variation in deerskin frocks is in the trimming. All have the hood fitted to the head and throat, with cheek and throat pieces, and these are invariably white or light colored, even when the frock is made of white Siberian deer skin. When possible the head of the deer is always used for the back of the hood, as Capt. Parry observed to be the custom at Iglulik.209 Aplain frock is sometimes used for rough work, hunting, etc. This has no fringe or trimming round the hood, skirt, or wrists, the first being smoothly hemmed or bound with deerskin and the last two left raw-edged. Fig. 56 shows such a jacket, which is often made of very heavy winter deerskin. Most frocks, however, have the border to the hood either of wolf or wolverine skin, in the latter case especially having the end of the strips hanging down like tassels under the chin. The long hairs give a certain amount of protection to the face when walking in the wind.210 Instead of a fringe the hood sometimes has three tufts of fur, one on each side and one above.

116

Trimmings of edging like that above described, or of plain wolverine fur round the skirts and wrists, are common, and the shoulder straps rather less so. Frocks are sometimes also fringed on the skirts and seams with little strips of deerskin, after what the Point Barrow people called the “KÛÑmÛdliÑ” fashion.211 Nearly all the natives wear outer frocks of deerskin, but on great occasions elaborately made garments of other materials are sometimes seen. Nos. 56758 [87] (Fig. 57, a and b) and 56757 [11] (Fig. 58, a and b) are two such frocks. No. 56758 [87] is of mountain sheep skin, nearly white. As shown in the diagrams (Fig. 59, a, b,c), the general pattern is not unlike the type described, but there are more pieces in the hood and several small gussets are inserted to improve the set of the garment. The trimmings are shoulder straps, and a border round the skirt of edging like that described above, and the seams of the throat pieces are piped with the dark almost hairless deerskin, which sets them off from the rest of the coat. The wrists have narrow borders of wolf fur, and there was a wolfskin fringe to the hood, which was removed before the garment was offered for sale.

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Fig. 58.—Man’s frock of ermine skins, front and back.

No. 56757 [11] is a very handsome garment (Fig. 58). The body and sleeves are of white and brown (winter and summer) ermine skins arranged in an elegant pattern, and the hood of reindeer and mountain sheep skin. This is the only frock seen in which the hood is not fitted to the sides of the throat by curved and pointed throat pieces, after the fashion universal among the western Eskimo, from Cape Bathurst at least to Norton Sound. The pattern of the hood is shown by the diagram 117 (Fig. 60 a). The middle piece is the skin of a reindeer head, the two cheek pieces and median chin piece of mountain sheep skin. When the hood is put together the lower edge of it is sewed to the neck of the body, which has the back and front of nearly the same size and shape (diagram, Fig. 60 b), though the back is a little longer in the skirt. There is no regular seam on the shoulders, where irregular bits of white ermine skin are pieced together so as to fit. From the armpit on each side runs a narrow strip of sheepskin between back and front. The sleeve is a long piece made of three white ermine skins put together lengthwise, doubled above, with a straight strip of sheepskin let in below, and enlarged near the body by two triangular gussets (front and back) let in between the ermine and sheepskin. The wristbands are broad pieces of sheepskin. The skirts are of white ermine skins pieced together irregularly, but the skins composing the front, back, and sleeves are split down the back of the animal and neatly cut into long rectangular pieces, with the feet and tails still attached. They are arranged in a pattern of vertical stripes, two skins fastened together end to end making a stripe, which is the same on the front and the back. There is a brown stripe down the middle, then two white stripes on each side, and a brown stripe on each edge. The hood is bound round the edge with white sheepskin and bordered with wolfskin. There are shoulder straps and a border round the skirt of edging of the usual materials, but slightly different arrangement, and tagged with small red glass beads.

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Fig. 59.—Pattern of sheepskin frock.

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Fig. 60.—Pattern of ermine frock. a, hood; b, body.

118

The former owner of this beautiful frock (since dead) was always very elegantly dressed. His deerskin clothes were always much trimmed, and he owned an elegant frock of foxskins, alternately blue and white, with a hood of deerskin, which we did not succeed in obtaining for the collection. (The “jumper of mixed white and blue fox pelts,” seen by Dr. Kane at Ita,212 must have been like this.)

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Fig. 61.—Woman’s frock, front and back.

The woman’s frock differs from that worn by the men, in the shape of the hood and skirts, as mentioned above, and it is also slightly fitted in to the waist and made to “bag” somewhat in the back, in order to give room for carrying the child. The pattern is considerably different from that of the man’s frock, as will be seen from the description of the type specimen (the only one in the collection), No. 74041 [1791] (Fig. 61, a and b), which is of deerskin. The hood is raised into a little point on top and bulges out into a sort of rounded pocket at the nape. This is a holiday garment, made of strips of skin from the shanks and belly of the reindeer, pieced together so as to make a pattern of alternating 119 light and dark stripes. The pattern is shown in the diagram, Fig. 62. The sleeves are of the same pattern as those of No. 56751 [184]. The edge of the hood is bound with deerskin, hair outwards. Trimming: astrip of edging (Fig.63) in which the light stripes are clipped white mountain sheepskin, the dark pipings brown, almost hairless, fawnskin, and the tags red worsted, is inserted in the seam between 7 on each side and 6 and 2, and a similar strip between the inner edge of 3, 2, 7, 9, and 1. Abroader strip of similar insertion, fringed below with marten fur, with the flesh side out and colored red, runs along the short seam ffff. The seam between 9 and 7 has a narrow piping of thin brown deerskin, tagged with red worsted. Astrip of edging, without tags and fringed with marten fur (Fig.64), is inserted in the seam gggg. The border of the skirt is 1 inch wide (Fig.64). The dark stripe is brown deerskin, the white, mountain sheep, and the fur, marten, with the red flesh side out. The fringes are double strips of white deerskin sewed to the inside of the last seam, about 3 inches apart. The shoulder straps are of edging like that at g, but have the fur sewed on so as to show the red flesh side. The hood has a fringe of wolfskin sewed to the outside of the binding. This frock measures 45 inches in the back, 32 in the front, 19 across the shoulders, and 17 at the waist. The skirts are 21 inches wide, the front 18, and the back 20 inches long. The pieces 7, 8, and 9 of the hood are white. This is an unusually handsome garment.

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Fig. 62.—Pattern of woman’s frock.

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Fig. 63.—Detail of edging, woman’s frock.

Deerskin garments rarely have the ornamental piecing seen in this frock. Each one of the numbered parts of the pattern is generally in one piece. The pieces 8 and 9 are almost universally white, and 7 is often so. About the same variety in material and trimming is to be found as in the men’s frocks, though deer and mountain sheep skins were the only materials seen used, and the women’s frocks are less often seen without the fringe round the hood. Plain deerskin frocks are often bordered round the skirts with a fringe cut from deerskin. The 120 women nowadays often line the outer frock with drilling, bright calico, or even bedticking, and then wear it with this side out.

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Fig. 64.—Details of trimming, woman’s frock.

The frocks for both sexes, while made on the same general pattern as those of the other Eskimo, differ in many details from those of eastern America. For instance, the hood is not fitted in round the throat with the pointed throat pieces or fringed with wolf or wolverine skin until we reach the Eskimo of the Anderson River. Here, as shown by the specimens in the National Museum, the throat pieces are small and wide apart, and the men’s hoods only are fringed with wolverine skin. The women’s hoods are very large everywhere in the east for the better accommodation of the child, which is sometimes carried wholly in the hood.213

The hind flap of the skirt of the woman’s frock, except in Greenland, has developed into a long narrow train reaching the ground, while the front flap is very much decreased in size (see references just quoted). The modern frock in Greenland is very short and has very small flaps (see illustrations in Rink’s Tales, etc., pp. 8 and9), but the ancient fashion, judging from the plate in Crantz’s History of Greenland, referred to above, was much more like that worn by the western Eskimo. In the Anderson and Mackenzie regions the flaps are short and rounded and the front flap considerably the smaller. There is less difference in the general shape of the men’s frocks. The hood is generally rounded and close fitting, except in Labrador and Baffin Land, where it is pointed on the crown. The skirt is sometimes prolonged into rounded flaps and a short scallop in front, as at Iglulik and some parts of Baffin Land.214 Petitot215 gives a full description of the dress of a “chief” from the Anderson River. He calls the frock a “blouse ÉchancrÉe par cÔtÉ et terminÉe en queues arrondies par devant et par derriÈre.” The style of frock worn at Point Barrow is the prevalent one along the western coast of America nearly to the Kuskokwim. On this river long hoodless frocks reaching nearly or quite to the ground are worn.216 The frock worn in Kadiak was hoodless and long, with short sleeves and large armholes beneath these.217

The men of the Siberian Eskimo and sedentary Chukches, as at Plover Bay, wear in summer a loose straight-bottomed frock without a hood, but with a frill of long fur round the neck. The winter frock is described as having “asquare hood without trimmings, but capable of being drawn, like the mouth of a bag, around the face by a string 121 inserted in the edge.”218 According to NordenskiÖld,219 the men at Pitlekaj wear the hoodless frock summer and winter, putting on one or two separate hoods in winter. The under hood appears to be like one or two which I saw worn at Plover Bay, namely, aclose-fitting nightcap of thin reindeer skin tied under the chin. The dress of the Siberian women consists of frock and baggy kneebreeches in one piece, sewed to tightfitting boots reaching to the knees.220

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Fig. 65.—Man’s cloak of deerskin.

Mantles.

“Circular” mantles of deerskin, fastened at the neck by a thong, and put on over the head like a poncho, are worn by the men in very cold weather over their other clothes when lounging in the open air about the village or watching at a seal hole or tending the seal nets at night. The cloaks are especially affected by the older men, who, having grown-up sons or sons-in-law, do not have to go sealing in winter, and spend a great deal of their time in bright weather chatting together out of doors. There is one specimen in the collection, No. 56760 [94] (Fig.65). It is made of fine summer doe-reindeer skin, in three pieces, back and two sides of dark skin, sewed to a collar of white skin from the belly of the animal. For pattern see diagram (Fig.66). The seams at a are gored to make the cloak hang properly from the shoulder. The collar is in two pieces, joined in the middle, and the edge c is turned over toward the hair side and “run” down in a narrow hem. The points b of the collar are brought together in the middle and joined by a little strap of deerskin about an inch long, so that the edge c makes a round hole for the neck. The width of the mantle is 60 inches and its depth 39. It is worn with the white flesh side out, as is indicated by the seams being sewed “over 122 and over” on the hair side. All the mantles seen were essentially of the same pattern. The edge is sometimes cut into an ornamental fringe, and the flesh side marked with a few narrow stripes of red ocher. This garment appears to be peculiar to northwestern America. No mention is to be found of any such a thing except in Mr. MacFarlane’s MS. notes, where he speaks of a deerskin blanket “attached with a line across the shoulders in cold weather,” among the Anderson River Eskimo. We have no means at present of knowing whether such cloaks are worn by the coast natives between Point Barrow and Kotzebue Sound, but one was worn by one of the Nunata´Ñmiun who were at Nuwuk in the autumn of 1881.

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Fig. 66.—Pattern of man’s cloak.

Rain-frocks.

The rain-frock (silÛ´Ña) is made of strips of seal or walrus intestines about 3 inches broad, sewed together edge to edge. This material is light yellowish brown, translucent, very light, and quite waterproof. In shape the frock resembles a man’s frock, but the hood comes well forward and fits closely round the face. It is generally plain, but the seams are nowadays sewed with black or colored cotton for ornament. The garment is of the same shape for both sexes, but the women frequently cover the flesh side of a deerskin frock with strips of entrail sewed together vertically, thus making a garment at once waterproof and warm, which is worn alone in summer with the hair side in. These gut shirts are worn over the clothes in summer when it rains or when the wearer is working in the boats. There are no specimens in the collection.

The kaiak jacket of black sealskin, so universal in Greenland, is unknown at Point Barrow. The waterproof gut frocks are peculiar to the western Eskimo, though shirts of seal gut, worn between the inner and outer frock, are mentioned by Egede (p.130) and Crantz221 as used in Greenland in their time. Ellis also222 says: “Some few of them [i.e., the Eskimo of Hudsons Strait] wear shifts of seals’ bladders, sewed together in pretty near the same form with those in Europe.” They have been described generally under the name kamleÏka (said to be a Siberian word) by all the authors who have treated of the natives of this region, Eskimo, Siberians, or Aleuts. We saw them worn by nearly all the natives at Plover Bay. One handsome one was observed trimmed on the seams with rows of little red nodules (pieces of the beak of one of the puffins) and tiny tufts of black feathers.

The cotton frock, already alluded to as worn to keep the driving snow out of the furs, is a long, loose shirt reaching to about midleg, with a round hole at the neck large enough to admit the head. This is generally of bright-colored calico, but shirts of white cotton are sometimes worn when hunting on the ice or snow. Similar frocks are worn by the natives at Pitlekaj.223

123

ARM CLOTHING.

Mittens.

The hands are usually protected by mittens (aitka´ti) of different kinds of fur. The commonest kind are of deerskin, worn with the flesh side out. Of these the collection contains one pair, No. 89828 [973] (Fig.67). They are made of thick winter reindeer skin, with the white flesh side outward, in the shape of ordinary mittens but short and not narrowed at the wrists, with the thumb short and clumsy. The seams are all sewed “over and over” on the hair side. These mittens are about 7½ inches long and 4½ broad. The free part of the thumb is only 2¼ inches long on the outer side. Such mittens are the ordinary hand covering of men, women, and children. In extreme cold weather or during winter hunting, very heavy mittens of the same shape, but gathered to a wristband, are worn. These are made of white bearskin for men and women, for children of dogskin, with the hair out. When the hand covered with such a mitten is held upon the windward side of the face in walking, the long hair affords a very efficient protection against the wind. The long stiff hair of the bearskin also makes the mitten a very convenient brush for removing snow and hoar frost from the clothes. It is even sometimes used for brushing up the floor.

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Fig. 67.—Deerskin mittens

In the MacFarlane collection are similar mittens from the Mackenzie region. Petitot224 says the Anderson River “chief” wore pualuk “mitaines en peau de morse, aussi blanches et aussi soyeuses que de belle laine.” These were probably of bearskin, as a mitten of walrus skin is not likely to be “blanche” or “soyeuse.” Gloves are worn under these as at Point Barrow. All these mittens are short in the wrist, barely meeting the frock sleeve, and leaving a crack for the cold to get in, which is partially covered by the usual wolf or wolverine skin fringe of the sleeve. Ihave already mentioned the common habit among the women of carrying only one mitten and drawing one arm inside of the frock.225 The men, except when hunting, frequently wear only one of these heavy mittens, which are called pu´alu. Waterproof mittens of black sealskin, coming well up over the forearm, were also observed, but not obtained. Ido not remember ever seeing them in use.

124

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Fig. 68.—Deerskin gloves.

Gloves.

Gloves of thin deerskin, worn with the hair in, and often elegantly ornamented, are used with full dress, especially at the dances. As already stated, the men wear such gloves under the pualu when shooting in the winter. When ready to shoot, the hunter slips off the mitten and holds it between his legs, while the glove enables him to cock the rifle and draw the trigger without touching the cold metal with his bare hands. There are two pairs of gloves in the collection. No. 89829 [974] (Fig.68) illustrates a very common style called a´drigÛdrin. They are made of thin reindeer skin, with the white flesh side out, and are rights and lefts. The short and rather clumsy fingers and thumbs are separate pieces from the palm, which is one straight, broad piece, doubled so as to bring the seam on the same side as the thumb. The thumbs are not alike on both hands. The outside piece of the thumb runs down to the wrist on the left glove, but is shorter on the right, the lower 2 inches of the edge seam being between the edges of the palm piece. Each finger is a single piece doubled lengthwise and sewed over the tip and down one side. The wrists are ornamented with an edging of two narrow strips of clipped mountain sheep skin, bordered with a narrow strip of wolverine fur with the reddened flesh side out. These gloves were made for sale and are not well mated, one being 8½ inches, with fingers (all of the same length) 4½ inches long, while the other is 8 inches long with fingers of 3½ inches. No. 56747 [128] is a pair of gloves made in the same way but more elaborately ornamented. There is a band of deerskin but no fringe round the wrist. The back of the hand is covered with brown deerskin, hair out, into which is inserted the square ornamental pattern in which the light stripes are white deerskin and the dark pipings the usual almost hairless fawnskin. Gloves like this type are the most common and almost universally have a fringe round the wrist. They are also usually a little longer-wristed than the mittens.

125

Mittens are universally employed among the Eskimo, but gloves with fingers, which, as is well known, are a much less warm covering for the hand than mittens, are very rare. They are in use at Norton Sound226 and in the Mackenzie district227, and have even been observed among the Arctic Highlanders of Smith Sound, who, however, generally wear mittens228. Dr. Simpson229 mentions both deerskin and bearskin mittens as used at Point Barrow, but makes no reference to gloves. The natural inference from this is that the fashion of wearing gloves has been introduced since his time. It is quite probable that the introduction of firearms has favored the general adoption of gloves. The following hypothesis may be suggested as to the way the fashion reached Point Barrow: We may suppose that the Malimiut of Norton Sound got the idea directly from the Russians. They would carry the fashion to the NunataÑmiun at Kotzebue Sound, who in their turn would teach it to the Point Barrow traders at the Colville, and these would carry it on to the eastern natives.

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Fig. 69.—Man’s breeches of deerskin

LEG AND FOOT CLOTHING.

Breeches (ka´kli).—

The usual leg-covering of the men is one or two pairs of knee breeches, rather loose, but fitted to the shape of the leg. They are very low in front, barely covering the pubes, but run up much higher behind, sometimes as high as the small of the back. They are held in place by a girdle of thong round the waist, and are usually fastened below the knee, over the boots, by a drawstring. There is one pair in the collection, No. 56759 [91], Fig. 69. They are of short-haired brown reindeer skin, from the body of the animal, worn with the hair out. The waist is higher behind than in front, and each leg is slightly gathered to a band just below the knee. Pattern (see diagram, Fig.70): There are two pieces in each leg, the inside and the outside. The spaces between the edges e of the two legs is filled by the gusset, 126 made of five pieces, which covers the pubes. The crotch is reinforced by a square patch of white deerskin sewed on the inside. The trimming consists of strips of edging. The first strip (Fig.71) is 1½ inches wide, and runs along the front seam, inserted in the outside piece, to the knee-band, beginning 5 inches from the waist. The light strips are of clipped mountain sheepskin; the dark one of dark brown deerskin; the pipings of the thin fawn skin, and the tags of red worsted. The edges of the strip are fringed with narrow double strips of mountain sheepskin 2 inches long, put on about 1½ inches apart. Astraight strip, 2inches wide, is inserted obliquely across the outside piece from seam to seam. It is of the same materials, but differs slightly in pattern. The knee-band is of the same materials and 2½ inches deep. The length from waist to knee is 24 inches behind, 23 in front; the girth of the leg 24 inches round the thigh and 14 round the knee. These represent a common style of full-dress breeches, and are worn with a pair of trimmed boots held up by drawstrings. They are always worn with the hair out and usually over a pair of deerskin drawers. The ordinary breeches are of heavier deerskin, made perfectly plain, being usually worn alone, with the hair turned in. When a pair of under breeches is worn, however, the hair of the outer ones is turned out. Trimmed breeches are less common than trimmed frocks, as the plain breeches when new are often worn for full dress. The clean, white flesh side presents a very neat appearance. The skin of the rough seal is sometimes, but rarely, used for summer breeches, which are worn with the hair out. With this exception, breeches seem to be invariably made of deerskin. This garment is practically universal among the Eskimo and varies very little in pattern.

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Fig. 365.—Dancing cap.

Festivals.

The most important festivals are apparently semireligious in character and partake strongly of the nature of dramatic representations. At these festivals they make use of many articles of dress and adornment, not worn on other occasions, and even some “properties” and mechanical contrivances to add to the dramatic effect. All festivals are accompanied by singing, drumming, and dancing.

At the formal festivals, in the early winter, the performers are dressed in new deerskin clothing, with the snow-white flesh side outward, and in certain parts of the performance wear on their heads tall conical caps covered with rows of mountain sheep teeth which rattle as the wearer dances.

We brought home one of these dancing caps (ka´brÛ, kÄluka´) (No.89820 [863] Fig. 365), made of deerskin with the hair inward and 366 clipped close. The outside is painted all over with red ocher. The front is nearly all in one piece, but the back is irregularly pieced and gored. It is surmounted by a thick tuft of brown and white wolverine fur about 5 inches long, sewed into the apex. To the middle of one side at the edge is sewed a narrow strip of deerskin with the hair clipped close, which is long enough to go under the wearer’s chin and be knotted into a slit close to the edge of the other side of the cap. On the front edge is sewed a row of thirty-five incisor teeth of the mountain sheep by a thread running through a hole drilled through the root of each.

The series is regularly graduated, having the largest teeth in the middle and the smallest on the ends. Above this is a narrow strip of brown deerskin running two-thirds round the cap and sewed on flesh side out so that the hair projects as a fringe below. Above this are three ornamental bands about 2 inches apart running two-thirds round the cap, each fringed on the lower edge with sheep teeth strung as on the edge of the cap. The lower row contains 54 teeth, the middle 29, and the upper 31. The lowest band is made of 2 strips of mountain sheepskin with a narrow strip of black sealskin between them, and a narrow strip of brown deerskin with the hair out; the next is of coarse gray deerskin with the hair out; and the uppermost of brown deerskin with the flesh side out. The cap is old and dirty, and has been long in use.

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Fig. 366.—Wooden mask.

The custom of wearing this style of cap appears to be peculiar to the northwestern Eskimo, as I find no mention for it elsewhere. It is perhaps derived indirectly from the northern Indians, some of whom are represented as wearing a similar headdress.

In certain parts of the same ceremony as witnessed by Lieut. Ray the dancers also wore rattle mittens, which were shaken in time to the music. Apair of these were offered for sale once, but Lieut. Ray did not consider them sufficiently of pure Eskimo manufacture to be worth the price asked for them. They were made of sealskin and covered all over the back with empty Winchester cartridge shells loosely attached by a string through a hole in the bottom, so as to strike against each other when the mitten was shaken. The five men who wore these mittens wore on their heads the stuffed skins of various animals, the wolf, bear, fox, lynx, and dog, which they were supposed to represent. These articles were never offered for sale, as they were probably too highly valued.

We collected twelve wooden masks, which we were told were worn in some of these ceremonies, though none of our party ever witnessed any 367 performance in which they were used. Some of them are of undoubted age. No. 56499 [6] (Fig. 366) has been selected as the type of these masks (ki´nau, from ki´na, face). This is a rather good representation of a male human face, 8.8 inches long and 5.8 wide. It is quite smoothly carved out of cottonwood, and the back is neatly hollowed out, being more deeply excavated round the eyes and mouth and inside of the nose. The mouth is represented as wide open, showing the tip of the tongue attached to the underlip, and has six small teeth which look like dog’s incisors inserted in a row in the middle of the upper lip. The eyebrows and moustache are marked out with blacklead, and there are traces of red ocher on the cheeks. The holes for the strings are in the edge about on a level with the eyes. One end of a string of seal thong long enough to go around the wearer’s head is passed out through the hole on the right side, slit close to the tip, and the other end passed through this. The other end is passed out through the hole on the left and made fast with two half hitches. Arow of small holes round the edge of the mask shows where a hood has been tacked on. This mask is rather old and somewhat soiled.

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Fig. 367.—Wooden mask and dancing gorget.

A very old weathered mask (No. 56497 [235] from UtkiavwiÑ), 7.8 inches long, and made of soft wood, apparently pine, is similar to the preceding, but has no tongue, and the teeth in both jaws are represented as a continuous ridge. It has an “imperial” as well as a moustache, marked with blacklead like the eyebrows. The cheeks are colored with red ocher. The edge is much gapped and broken, but shows the remains of a deep narrow groove running round on the outside about ¼ inch from the edge, and pierced with small holes for fastening on a hood.

Figure 367 (No. 89817 [856] also from UtkiavwiÑ) is a mask much like the preceding, 7.5 inches long, and made of spruce. It is peculiar 368 in having the outer corners of the eyes rather depressed, and in addition to the moustache and imperial has a broad “whaleman’s mark” drawn with black lead across the eyes. It is grooved round the edge for fastening on a hood. The lower part of the face has been split off at the corners of the mouth and mended on with two stitches of whalebone, and a piece which was broken out at the left-hand corner of the mouth is secured by a wooden peg at the inner edge and a stitch of whalebone on the lower side. This mask has been for a long time fastened to an ornamented wooden gorget, and appeared to have been exposed to the weather, perhaps at the cemetery. The string is made of unusually stout sinew braid.

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Fig. 368.—Old grotesque mask.

The remaining four ancient human masks are all masculine, and only one has any indication of labrets. On this mask, No. 89812 [1063], there are two small holes in the position of the labrets. It is probable that the wearers of these masks are supposed to represent the ancient Eskimo, who wore no labrets. Amask which was carelessly made for sale (No.89814 [1056] from UtkiavwiÑ), however, has large plug-labrets carved out. Though roughly carved this mask is a very characteristic Eskimo face, and would almost pass as the portrait of a man of our acquaintance in UtkiavwiÑ. The two little roughly carved human faces on the top of this mask are probably merely for ornament. No such things are to be seen on any of the old masks which have been actually used. This mask seems to have been whittled out of the bottom of an old meat tray, and has a string of whalebone. Most of the genuine masks are of excellent workmanship, but two are quite roughly carved. One of these especially is such a bungling piece of work that it would be set down as commercial were it not weathered and evidently old. The painting never goes farther than marking out the beard and eyebrows with soot or black lead, and sometimes reddening the cheeks with ocher. Fig. 368 (No.89816 [1583] from UtkiavwiÑ) is a very old mask of cottonwood, blackened with age and so rudely carved that the work was probably done with a stone tool. It is grooved around the edge for fastening on a hood and is 6.8 inches long.

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Fig. 369.—Rude mask of wood.

The only female human masks seen are new and made for sale. One of these (No.89819 [1057], Fig. 369, from UtkiavwiÑ) is roughly whittled from the bottom of an old meat tray, and has the hair, eyebrows, and a single line of tattooing on the chin painted with soot. It is 8.7 inches long and has strings of whalebone.

Another (No. 56498 [73] from UtkiavwiÑ) is about the size of the common masks and tolerably well made. It has the hair and eyebrows marked with black lead. The last is a foot long, and like the one figured 369 is roughly whittled out of the bottom of an old meat tray. It has the hair, eyebrows, and a single stripe of tattooing on the chin marked with black lead. This came from UtkiavwiÑ (No.89811 [1037]).

Another “commercial” mask (No. 89813 [1074] from UtkiavwiÑ) is very elaborate, but roughly and carelessly made. It is almost flat, with the features hardly raised in relief. In each corner of the mouth is inserted a slender ivory tusk about 1 inch long, and besides the eyebrows, moustache, and imperial, there is a broad “whaleman’s mark” running obliquely across the right cheek from the bridge of the nose. Six long feathers are stuck in the edge of the forehead. Curiously enough these are the feathers of the South American ostrich, and came from the feather duster in use at our station.

Fig. 370 (No. 56496 [258] from UtkiavwiÑ) represents, rather rudely, awolf’s face and ears, and is the only animal mask we obtained or saw. It is of cottonwood, old and weathered, and is 4.7 inches long and 6.5 wide. It is painted on the edge with red ocher and has a streak of the same color down the ridge of the nose. The string is of whalebone and unbraided sinew pieced together.

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Fig. 370.—Wolf mask of wood.

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Fig. 371.—Very ancient small mask.

Fig. 371 (No. 89815 [1050] from UtkiavwiÑ) is a mask that seems almost too small to have been worn, being only 6.1 inches long and 4.7 wide. It is very old, made of blackened cottonwood, and is the rudest representation of the human face which we saw. It is simply an oval disk, concavo-convex, with holes cut for the eyes, nostrils, and mouth. The rough cutting about the chin appears to have been done with a stone tool, and the mouth seems to be smeared with blood. The string passed through the holes in the forehead to hang it up by is much newer than the mask, being braided from cotton twine and fastened to a common galvanized boat nail.

370

The more southern Eskimo of Alaska are in the habit of using in their dances very elaborate and highly ornamented and painted masks, of which the National Museum possesses a very large collection. The ancient Aleuts also used masks.485 On the other hand, no other Eskimo, save those of Alaska, ever use masks in their performances, as far as I can learn, with the solitary exception of the people of Baffin Land, where a mask of the hide of the bearded seal is worn on certain occasions.486 NordenskiÖld saw one wooden mask among the people near the Vega’s winter quarters, but learned that this had been brought from Bering Strait, and probably from America.487

The masks appear to become more numerous and more elaborate the nearer we get to the part of Alaska inhabited by the Indians of the T’linket stock, who, as is well known employ, in their ceremonies remarkably elaborate wooden masks and headdresses. It may be suggested that this custom of using masks came from the influence of these Indians, reaching in the simple form already described as far as Point Barrow, but not beyond.488 With these masks was worn a gorget or breast-plate, consisting of a half-moon shaped piece of board about 18 inches long, painted with rude figures of men and animals, and slung about the neck. We brought home three of these gorgets, all old and weathered.

No. 89818 [1132], Fig. 372a, has been selected as the type of the gorget (sÛkimÛÑ). It is made of spruce, is 18.5 inches long, and has two beckets of stout sinew braid, one to go round the neck and the other round the body under the wearer’s arms. The figures are all painted on the front face. In the middle is a man painted with red ocher; all the rest of the figures are black and probably painted with soot. The man with his arms outstretched stands on a large whale, represented as spouting. He holds a small whale in each hand. At his right is a small cross-shaped object which perhaps represents a bird, then a man facing toward the left and darting a harpoon with both hands, and a bear facing to the left. On the left of the red man are two umiaks with five men in each, awhale nearly effaced, and three of the cross-shaped objects already mentioned. Below them, also, freshly drawn with a hard, blunt lead pencil or the point of a bullet, are a whale, an umiak, and a three-cornered object the nature of which I can not make out.

Fig. 372b (No. 56493 [266] from UtkiavwiÑ) is a similar gorget, which has evidently been long exposed to the weather, perhaps at the cemetery, as the figures are all effaced except in the middle, where it was probably covered by a mask as in Fig. 367 (No.89817 [855] from the same village). There seems to have been a red border on the serrated edge. In the middle is the same red man as before standing on the 371 black whale and holding a whale in each hand. At his right is a black umiak with five men in it, and at his left a partially effaced figure which is perhaps another boat. The strings are put on as before, except that the two beckets are separate. The upper is made of sinew braid, and the lower, which is now broken, of seal thong. This gorget is 15.5 inches long and 4.7 wide. No. 89817 [855] (Fig. 367 already referredto) has a mask tied over the middle by means of the beckets, so that the figures in the middle are much fresher than those on the ends. The edges are painted red. In the middle is the same red man or giant holding the whale. The other figures are painted with soot.

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Fig. 372.—Dancing gorgets of wood.

This man or giant, able to hold out a whale, appears to be a legendary character, as we have his image carved in ivory. We unfortunately did not succeed in learning anything more about him, except that his name (apparently) was “kikÁmigo.” Hanging by the head to each elbow of this figure is a seal, and opposite its thighs two of the usual conventional 372 whale’s tails, one on each side, with the flukes turned from him. The one on his left is attached to his waist by a straight line from its upper corner. At its right hand are a number of objects irregularly grouped. At the top an umiak with five men towing at a three-cornered object, which probably represents a dead whale; then a smaller umiak containing five men and apparently “fast” to a whale, which is spouting. Afigure above this, almost obliterated, appears to be a small whale. Below are a large seal, three of the cross-shaped figures, four small whales, and one figure so much effaced that it can not be made out. On the left hand of the figure are two umiaks, and a whale with a line and float attached to him, then four crosses and a large seal in the corner. Below are four whales of different sizes, two bears, and a dog or wolf.

These gorgets appear to have gone out of fashion, as we saw none which were not very old, or which appeared to have been used recently. From the nature of the figures upon them, they were probably used in some of the ceremonies connected with the whale fishing. Kika´migo may be the “divinity” who controls the whales and other sea animals.489

Mechanical contrivances.

In one of the performances which Capt. Herendeen witnessed, there stood in the middle of the floor facing each other, the stuffed skins of a fox and a raven. These were mounted on whalebone springs and moved by strings, so that the fox sprang at the raven and the raven pecked at the fox, while the singing and dancing went on. These animals were never offered for sale, but they brought over a stuffed fox very cleverly mounted so as to spring at a lemming, which by means of strings was made to run in and out of two holes in the board on which the fox was mounted. (No. 89893 [1378] from UtkiavwiÑ.) We unfortunately did not learn the story or myth connected with this representation.490 It was the skin of an Arctic fox in the summer pelage, with the paws and all the bones removed, and clumsily stuffed with rope yarn, not filling out the legs. Astick was thrust into the tail to within about two inches of the tip, so that it was curled up over the back. The skin was taken off whole by a single opening near the vent, which was left open, and through which was thrust into the body a strip of whalebone 2 inches wide and about ? inch thick, which protruded about 4¼ inches and was fastened to the front edge of the hole by tying the flap of skin to the whalebone with three or four turns of sinew braid, kept from slipping by a notch in each edge of the whalebone.

The fox was attached to a piece of the paneling of a ship’s bulkhead, 29 inches long and 7.5 wide, by bending forward 2¾ inches of the end of the whalebone, and lashing it down parallel to the length of the board with four turns of stout thong, kept from slipping by a notch in each edge of the whalebone and running through holes in the board. 373 The fox was thus held up by the spring parallel to the length of the board with its head and forelegs raised. Astring of sinew braid 10 feet long was passed through a hole in the septum of the fox’s nose and knotted once so as to leave two equal ends. These ends were carried down through two holes, one in each edge of the board 9½ inches from the forward end, and each was tied to a roughly-rounded bit of pine stick round which it was reeled when not in use. By pulling these strings together, the fox was made to dart down his head, which was raised by the spring as soon as the string was slackened. By pulling one or the other string the fox could be made to dart to one or the other side of the board.

One man manipulated the fox, pulling a string with each hand. The lemming’s holes were about 1¼ inches in diameter, one in each edge of the board and at such a distance from the end that when the string, which was 7 feet 4 inches long, was drawn through them, it crossed the board just where the fox’s nose struck, when it was pulled down. The ends of the string were reeled round bits of stick. The lemming was a narrow strip of wolf’s fur, about 3 inches long, doubled in the middle, with the middle of the string hitched into the bight. By pulling the ends of the string alternately, the lemming was made to jump out of the hole on one side, run across the board and into the other, very much as a live lemming runs from one tunnel to another on the tundra. It took two persons, one on each side, to handle the lemming. The foxskin and spring appeared to be older than the rest of the machine. The board was originally 10 inches or 1 foot longer at each end, but had to be cut off to pack it.

Petroff mentions a similar custom among the “Nushegagmute” of Bristol Bay, of introducing stuffed animals moved with hidden strings in their performances;491 and Dall492 describes a festival at Norton Sound, where a dead seal was brought in and moved about with strings.

Description of festivals.

It is greatly to be regretted that we had not established such intimate relations with the natives, as afterwards was the case, in the winter of 1881-’82, since this was the only one of the two seasons that the great winter festival was held at UtkiavwiÑ. In the winter of 1882-’83 there had been so many deaths in the village that the natives did not feel like celebrating any regular festival, and only indulged in a few impromptu dances late in the season. These were unfortunately held in the evening when the writer’s tour of duty at the station prevented his witnessing them. Those of the party who did go over brought back only fragmentary and rather vague accounts of the performance. The confining nature of the work at the station prevented our witnessing any of the celebrations at Nuwuk or at PernyÛ, when the “NunataÑmiun” visitors were entertained.

The best accounts we have of any performance is given by Lieut. 374 Ray. He and Capt. Herendeen went over to UtkiavwiÑ by special invitation on December 3, 1881, and witnessed one scene of the “wood,” or “tree dance.” Many visitors were present from Nuwuk on the occasion of this dance, which lasted for two days and nights. On arriving at the village they found a crowd of upwards of 200 people assembled round the entrance of the kÛ´dyigi. In front of the entrance were drawn up in line five men and two women dancing to the music of a drum and two singers.

They were all dressed in new deerskin clothes, with the snow-white flesh side turned out, and wore conical dance caps like that already described. They kept time to the music with their feet, moving their bodies to right and left with spasmodic jerks. To quote from Lieut. Ray’s MS. notes:

Each dancer in turn sprang to the front and in extravagant gestures went through the motions of killing seal, walrus, and deer, and the pursuit of the whale. Each, as he finished, took his place in the line, was cheered by the crowd, then added his voice to the monotonous chant of the singers.

After all had finished as many as could get in entered the “dance house.” At one end of this a small space was partitioned off with a piece of an old sail, and from the roof in the middle hung an object intended to represent a tree. This was made of two oblong boxes about 6 inches in diameter, open at both ends, the lower about 2½ feet long and the upper about 1½, hinged together with seal thong. At one side hung a wolf’s skull, and on the other a dried raven. Two performers sat in the middle of the floor with their legs extended one between the other’s legs, with his nose touching the tree. Arow of old men beat drums and sang, while the performers chanted a monotonous song, in which could be heard the words “rum, tobacco, seal, deer, and whale.”

Presently the bottom of the curtain was lifted and out crawled five men on all fours, wearing on their heads the stuffed skins of the heads of different animals—the wolf, bear, fox, lynx, and dog. They swung their heads from side to side in unison, keeping time to the music, uttering a low growl at each swing and shaking their rattle mittens. This they kept up for fifteen or twenty minutes, while the chant still went on, and the chief performer, with excited gestures, embraced the tree and rubbed his nose against it from time to time. At last all “sprang to their feet with a howl, and ended the dance with wild gestures.” Similar scenes, with new performers, which our party did not stay to witness, succeeded this, with feasting in the different houses.

Capt. Herendeen also witnessed a small dance, lasting only one evening, which bore a curious resemblance to some of the so-called “favor figures” performed in the “German cotillon” of civilized dancers. This kind of dance was performed purely for pleasure, and had nothing 375 religious or dramatic about it. The music was furnished by the usual orchestra of old men, who beat drums and sang a monotonous song. Each person who intended to take part in the dance came provided with some small article to be given away as a “favor,” and rising in his turn, danced a few minutes, and then called out the name of the partner he wished to give it to. The latter then rose, and having received the “favor,” danced a while with him, and then both resumed their places among the spectators.

We never heard of any such elaborate “donation parties” as are described at Norton Sound and the Yukon region, where a man “saves up his property for years” to distribute it among his guests.493 Afestival, however, was held at Nuwuk in June, 1883, which apparently resembled the second kind described by Dall.494 Two men came down from Nuwuk to invite Lieut. Ray and Capt. Herendeen, telling them what presents they were expected to bring. Unfortunately it was considered that too much was asked and the invitation was declined. The messengers carried “notched sticks.”495

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Fig. 373.—Youth dancing to the aurora.

Dances in which the children only take part, entirely for amusement, sometimes take place in the kÛ´dyigi, and people occasionally amuse themselves by dancing in the iglu. Ihave often seen the natives, especially the children and young people, dancing in the open air, and the dancing was always of very much the same character. The feet were but slightly moved, keeping time to the music, while the body swayed gracefully and the arms were waved from side to side. All the dancing which I saw was rather quiet and graceful, but they told us that when they got warmed up at a great dance they went at it with tremendous vigor, throwing off their garments to the waist. The dance which accompanies the song sung by the children to the aurora, however, is more violent. The dancer clenches his fists and, bending his elbows, strikes them against the sides of his body, keeping time to the song and stamping vigorously with the right foot, springing up and down with the left knee (see Fig. 373, from a sketch by the writer).

We never heard of any of the licentious festivals or orgies described by Egede496 and Kumlien.497

376

The festivals of the eastern Eskimo appear to be less formal and elaborate than those in the west, consisting simply of singing and dancing.498

TOYS AND SPORTS FOR CHILDREN AND OTHERS.

Playthings.

Though the children amuse themselves with a great many sports and plays, we saw very few toys or playthings in use. We brought home six objects which appear to have no use except as playthings.

Fig. 374a (No. 89806 [1189] from Nuwuk) is a whirligig in principle very like that made for civilized children. It is a block of spruce, fitted with a shaft of narwhal ivory. This fits loosely in the straight tubular handle, which is a section of the branch of an antler, with the soft inside tissue cut out. Astring of seal thong passes through a hole in the middle of the handle and is fastened to the shaft. This string is about 8 feet long, and about half of it is tied up into the hank to make a handle for pulling it. It works very much like a civilized child’s whirligig. The string is wound around the shaft and a smart pull on the handle unwinds it, making the block spin round rapidly. The reaction, spinning it in the opposite direction, winds up the string again. Acouple of loose hawk’s feathers are stuck into the tip of the block, which is painted with red ocher for about an inch. Four equidistant stripes of the same color run down the sides to a border of the same width round the base. This was made for sale and appears to be an unusual toy. Ido not recollect ever seeing the children play with such a toy. It is called kai´psa (Gr.kÂvsÂk, “awhirligig or similar toy”).

Fig. 374b is a similar whirligig from UtkiavwiÑ (No. 89807 [1356]). The block, which is 4.2 inches long, is made of the solid tip of a mountain sheep’s horn, and is elaborately ornamented with a conventional pattern of lines and “circles and dots,” incised and colored red with ocher. The shaft is of hard bone, and the line has a little wooden handle at the end. The block is so heavy that it will hardly spin.

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Fig. 374.—Whirligigs.

Fig. 375 (No. 56491 [46] from UtkiavwiÑ) is a teetotum (also called kaipsa). The shaft is of pine and the disk of spruce and is ornamented with black lead marks, forming a border about one-quarter inch broad 377 on each face. The upper face is divided into quadrants by four narrow lines radiating from the hole, and each quadrant is divided into two by bands one-quarter inch broad. The order of these lines is reversed on the under face. This is spun, like a common teetotum, with the fingers, and does not seem to be common. Ido not recollect ever seeing anyone except the maker of this toy spinning one.

378

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Fig. 375.—Teetotum.

The same is true of No. 89722 [1087] (Fig. 376, from UtkiavwiÑ) which is what American boys would call a “buzz” toy. It is of pine wood, and through two round holes in the middle are passed the ends of a piece of stout sinew braid, which are knotted together. When the board is placed in the middle of the string it can be made to spin round and whiz by alternately pulling and relaxing the ends of the string. The board is rather elaborately painted. One end has a border of black lead on both faces, the other a similar border of red paint, which appears to be red lead. Broad red bands form a square 1 inch across around the holes, with lines radiating from each corner to the corners of the board, on both faces. On the spaces between these lines are figures rudely drawn with black lead. On one face, in the first space, is a goose; in the second, aman with a staff; in the third, the conventional figure of a whale’s tail; and in the fourth, awhale with line and float attached to him, pursued by a whaling umiak. On the other side, the first space contains a dog or wolf walking; the second, two of these animals, sitting on their haunches, facing each other; the third, another walking; and the fourth, areindeer in the same attitude.

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Fig. 376.—Buzz toy.

Fig. 377 (No. 89800 [1331] from UtkiavwiÑ), on the other hand, is a toy which the children often play with. It is the well known “whizzing-stick” found among savages in so many widely distant parts of the world, and often used in religious ceremonies. The Eskimo name is imiglÚta. It consists of a thin board of pine wood, fastened by a string 379 of sinew braid about 1 foot long to the end of a slender rod, which serves as a handle. When swung rapidly round by the handle it makes a loud, whizzing sound. It is very neatly made, and painted with black lead and red ocher. The tips of the board are black for about one-half inch and the rest is red, and the upper half of the handle marked with five rings about one-half inch wide and 1 inch apart, alternately black and red. This appears to be purely a child’s toy and has no mystical signification. Inever saw one in the hands of an adult. This specimen was made and brought over for sale by a lad about thirteen or fourteen years old.

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Fig. 377.—Whizzing stick.

see caption

Fig. 378.—Pebble snapper.

Fig. 378 (No. 56687 [181] from UtkiavwiÑ) is another plaything rather common with the boys, which takes the place of the American boy’s “bean snapper.” It is known by the name of miti´gligaun, and is a rod of whalebone, stiff and black, 4.8 inches long and 0.5 wide, narrowed and bent sharply up for about an inch at one end. On the upper side of this end, close to the tip, is a little hollow, large enough to hold a small pebble, and the other is cut into sharp teeth. This is purely an instrument of mischief and is used for shooting tiny pebbles at people when they are looking the other way. MÛÑialu showed us, with great glee, in an expressive pantomime, how a boy would hit a person in the eye with a little pebble, and, when the man turned round angrily, would have the snapper slipped up his sleeve and be looking earnestly in another direction. The toothed end, he said, was for mischievously scratching hairs out of a man’s coat when he was looking another way. The “snapper” is used as follows: It is held in the left hand, alittle pebble is set in the socket, and the tip of the whalebone bent back with the right hand. When this end is let go the elasticity of the whalebone drives the pebble at the mark with considerable force. As far as I can learn this mischievous toy is peculiar to the Northwest.

380

Dolls.

Though several dolls and various suits of miniature clothing were made and brought over for sale, they do not appear to be popular with the little girls. Ido not recollect ever seeing a child playing with a doll. Those in the collection, indeed, seem rather less intended for playthings than as, so to speak, works of art to catch the fancy of the strangers. Such an object is No. 89728 [1304] (Fig. 379 from UtkiavwiÑ.) This is a human head carved out of pine wood, and shouldered off at the neck into a stout round peg, which is fitted into the middle of a thick elliptical pedestal of the same wood, flat on the bottom and convex on top. The head is dressed in a neatly made hood of thin deerskin with the flesh side cut off round the shoulders and exposing only the face. The face is very neatly carved, and has bits of green oxidized copper inlaid for the eyes. The cheeks, gums, and inside of the mouth are colored with red ocher, and the hair, eyebrows, and beard with black lead. The top of the pedestal is painted red and divided into eight equal parts by shallow grooves colored with black lead. The height of the whole object is 4½ inches, and the workmanship is remarkably good.

see caption

Fig. 379.—Carving of human head.

No. 89827 [1138] (from UtkiavwiÑ), on the other hand, is very roughly and carelessly made. It is 18.2 inches long, roughly whittled out of a flat piece of redwood board into the shape of a man with his legs wide apart and holding up his hands on each side of his head. The arms are very short and broad, with five fingers all nearly of the same length, and the legs are simply two straight four-sided pegs rounded on the edges. It is dressed in a hooded frock of seal gut reaching to the knees and leaving only the face and hands uncovered, and has sealskin knee boots on the legs. The face is rudely in relief, with two narrow bits of ivory inlaid for eyes, and a long canine tusk of the same material inserted in each corner of the mouth. Three small round bits of wood are inlaid in the forehead, one in the middle and one over each eye, and one in the right cheek above the corner of the mouth. The gut frock is carelessly made of irregular pieces. It is trimmed round the bottom and the edge of the hood with a strip of dogskin, but is left with a raw 381 edge round the wrists. The boots are rather well made models of the regular waterproof boots, with soles of white sealskin and a band round the top 1 inch wide of the same material. Ashort peg projects from the top of the forehead. Astring of stout sinew braid about 2 feet long is passed through a hole in the middle of the body and a knot tied in the end in front. Though the design is elaborate the workmanship is very rude, and the clothes seem to be made of odds and ends. The maker perhaps had in mind a fabulous man with teeth like a walrus, about whom we heard some fragmentary traditions.

see caption

Fig. 380.—Mechanical doll: drum player.

Fig. 380 (No. 89826 [1358] from UtkiavwiÑ) is a clever, though somewhat roughly made, mechanical doll. It represents a man dressed in deerskins sitting with his legs outstretched and holding in his extended left hand a drum and in his right a stick, as if beating the drum. The arms are of whalebone, and by pressing them he can be made to beat the drum. The doll is made of a single piece of wood—a knot with two branches, which make the legs. (Ilearned this from Capt. Herendeen, who saw this doll at the village before it was finished.) The height of the sitting figure is 11½ inches.

see caption

Fig. 381.—Mechanical toy: kaiak paddler.

A still more ingenious mechanical toy which, however, like the preceding, was made for sale, is shown in Fig. 381 (No.89855 [1351] from UtkiavwiÑ). This is a man sitting in a kaiak in the attitude of paddling 382 on the left side with a single-bladed paddle. His arms are of whalebone, and by means of strings he can be made to paddle and turn his head from side to side. The kaiak is 29 inches long, very neatly carved from a single block of wood, and solid except at the cockpit. The bottom is flat, to allow it to stand on the floor, but it is otherwise precisely of the model of the kaiaks in the Museum from the Mackenzie and Anderson region. The nation who made it called it a “KÛÑmÛ´d’liÑ” kaiak. It is painted all over with red ocher, except on the bottom. The figure has no legs and fits into the cockpit, which is without any coaming. The head is separate and mounted on a long, slender pivot, which is fitted into a hole in the neck just loosely enough to allow it to turn easily. It is dressed in a hood of seal gut. The face is very natural, though rather rudely carved, and is lightly colored all over with red ocher, with the mouth painted deeply red, and the eyebrows, eyes, nostrils, and beard marked with black lead. The arms are narrow strips of whalebone, the ends of which protrude at the wrists, and are tied to the paddle by the ends of the strings which work it. The body is covered with a gut shirt.

see caption

Fig. 382.—Kaiak carved from a block of wood.

The paddle is of the common shape, and has the blade and the lower end of the shaft painted red. The strings for working this contrivance are of fine sinew braid. One string is tied into a little hole in the edge of the hood, where the left ear would be, the other passes round the edge of the hood, and is tied at the right ear. These strings cross back of the head, and pass through two neat little ivory eyebolts inserted in the deck, 1inch abaft the cockpit, and 1 inch apart. The strings from the hands are not crossed, but pass through two similar eyebolts, one at each edge of the deck, 2.5 inches from the cockpit. The ends of each set of strings are tied together. When the right pair and left pair of strings are pulled alternately, the man makes a stroke and looks to the right, then “recovers” and looks to the left. Both stroke and “recovery” are aided by the elasticity of the arms. This specimen shows a great deal of mechanical ingenuity, and was the only finished object of the kind seen.

Fig. 382 (No. 89856 [783] from UtkiavwiÑ) is a kaiak intended for a similar toy, which, when brought over for sale, had an unfinished armless doll in the cockpit. This was, unfortunately, lost in unpacking. The kaiak, which is 27.6 inches long, is not new, but has been freshly scraped and painted on deck. It is also a foreign kaiak, being precisely like a model brought by Mr. Nelson from Norton Sound. It is not unlikely that this boat itself came from that region through the “NunataÑmiun,” 383 unless, possibly, asouthern kaiak had passed through the hands of enough people to reach a point where some Point Barrow native might see it. As far as we know no Point Barrow natives visit the regions where this form is used, and the model seems too accurate to have been made from a description.

Juvenile implements.

We sometimes saw the children playing with little models of the implements and utensils used by their parents. Perhaps the commonest thing of this sort is the boy’s bow. As soon as a boy is able to walk his father makes him a little bow suited to his strength, with blunt arrows, with which he plays with the other boys, shooting at marks—for instance, the fetal reindeer brought home from the spring hunt—till he is old enough to shoot small birds and lemmings. We also saw children playing with little drums, and one man made his little boy an elaborate ka´moti about 4 feet long. In the collection are a number of miniature implements, spears, etc., some of which have been already described, which were perhaps intended as playthings for the children. As, however, they were all newly made, it is possible that they were merely intended to catch the fancy of the strangers.

No. 89451 [1113], from Nuwuk, is a little snow shovel 4.5 inches long, with a blade 2.1 inches wide, rather roughly carved from a piece of walrus ivory.

No. 89695 [1280] from UtkiavwiÑ, is a similar model of a deer lance, 7inches long, all in one piece and made of reindeer antler.

No. 89797 [1186] from UtkiavwiÑ, is a quite well made model of the drum used for accompanying singing and dancing, and is almost large enough to have been used for a plaything. The stick is entirely out of proportion, being merely a roughly whittled bit of lath, 13 inches long.

Games and sports.

The men have very few sports, though I have sometimes known them to amuse themselves by shooting at a mark with their rifles, and I once heard of a number of them wrestling. As far as I could learn, they wrestle “catch-as-catch-can” without any particular system. We never heard of anything like the athletic sports mentioned by Egede499 and Crantz500 or the pugilism described by Schwatka among the people of King William’s Land, when two men stand up to each other and exchange buffets till one or the other gives in.501 The women are very fond of playing “cat’s cradle” whenever they have leisure, and make a number of complicated figures with the string, many of which represent various animals. One favorite figure is a very clever representation of a reindeer, which is made by moving the fingers to run down hill from one hand to the other.502 Another favorite amusement with the women and children is tossing three bullets or small pebbles with the right hand, after the manner of a juggler, 384 keeping one ball constantly in the air. Some of the women are very skillful at this, keeping the balls up for a long time. This play is accompanied by a chant sung to a monotonous tune with very little air, but strongly marked time. Inever succeeded in catching the words of this chant, which are uttered with considerable rapidity, and do not appear to be ordinary words. It begins “yÚ? yÚ? yukÁ, yÚ? yÚ? yukÁ;” and some of the words are certainly indelicate to judge from the unequivocal gestures by which I once saw them accompanied.

In the winter the young women and girls are often to be seen tossing a snowball with their feet. Agirl wets some snow and makes a ball about as big as her two fists, which of course immediately becomes a lump of ice. This she balances on the toe of one foot and with a kick and a jump tosses it over to the other foot which catches it and tosses it back. Some women will keep this up for a number of strokes.

The young people of both sexes also sometimes play football, kicking about an old mitten or boot stuffed with rags or bits of waste skin. Inever saw them set up goals and play a regular game as they did in Greenland.503

The little girls also play with the skipping rope. I once watched three little girls jumping. Two swung the rope and the other stood in the middle and jumped. First they swung the rope under her feet to the right, then back under her feet to the left, and then once or twice wholly round under her feet and over her head, and then began again.504 They also play at housekeeping, laying sticks round to represent the sides of the house, or outlining the house by pressing up ridges of snow between their feet. Sometimes they mark out a complicated labyrinth on the snow in this way, and the game appears to be that one shall guard this and try to catch the others if they come in, as in many of the games of civilized children.

I have already spoken of the formal children’s dances. They often also dance by themselves, beating on old tin cans for drums. One night I saw a party of children having quite an elaborate performance near our station. The snow at the time was drifted up close under the eaves of the house. On the edge of the roof sat three little boys, each beating vigorously on an empty tomato can and singing at the top of his lungs, while another boy and a little girl were dancing on the snow waving their arms and singing as usual, and at the same time trying to avoid another girl about thirteen years old, who represented a demon. She was stooping forward, and moving slowly round in time with the music, turning from side to side and rolling her eyes fiercely, while she licked the blade of an open clasp knife, drawing it slowly across her lips. They seemed intensely in earnest, and were enjoying themselves hugely. After dancing a while at the station they went over to the village, and as they told me the next day spent the whole night singing in a vacant snow-house.

385

They also amuse themselves in the winter by sliding on their knees down the steepest snowdrifts under the cliffs. Agood deal of the time, however, they are following their parents or other grown people, catching little fish or fetching twigs for firewood or helping drive the dogs, though as a rule they are not made to do any regular work until they are pretty well grown.

MUSIC.

Musical instruments.

The only musical instrument in use among these people is the universal drum505 or tambourine (kelyau), consisting of a membrane stretched over a hoop with a handle on one side, and used from Greenland to Siberia. It is always accompanied by the voice singing or chanting. The player holds the handle in his left hand with the membrane away from him, and strikes alternately on each side of the rim with a short heavy piece of ivory, or a long slender wand, rotating the drum slightly at the same time to meet the stroke. This produces a loud, resonant, and somewhat musical note. There appears, however, to be no system of tuning these drums, the pitch of the note depending entirely on accident.

built of bones 77

Household utensils of the Eskimo. (See Utensils, household.)

Hunting, methods of the Eskimo, the polar bear 263

the wolf 263-264

the fox 264

the reindeer 264-268

the seal 268-272

Hunting, methods of the Eskimo, the walrus 272

the whale 272-276

fowl 276-278

Hunting scores of the Eskimo 361-364

I.

Ice, formation and movements of, at Point Barrow, Alaska 31-32

Ice creepers of Eskimo 135

Iglu (See House, winter, of Eskimo.)

IkpikpÛÑ River, Alaska, location of 29

ImÉrnya, Alaska, location of 27

Implements of the Eskimo. (See Tools of the Eskimo.)

Implements, Eskimo, for procuring and preparing food 310-316

Indians of Northern Alaska, intercourse of the Point Barrow Eskimo with 49

Indicators used in catching seal 254-255

Insects of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 59

International Polar expedition, organization and work of 19

Isolation of the Point Barrow Eskimo 26

ItkÛ´dlÎÑ, habitat and description of 49-51

J.

Jigger of Eskimo, fishing tackle 282, 283

K.

Kaiaks of the Eskimo 328-335

Kane, Elisha Kent, works consulted 23

cited on Eskimo frocks 118

cited on Eskimo harpoons 222, 243

description of Eskimo kaiak by 334

description of Eskimo dog harness 359

KilauwitawiÑ, Alaska, Eskimo village 44

Klutschak, Heinrich W., work consulted 24

cited on Eskimo wolf killers 259

cited on Eskimo deer hunting 268

cited on Eskimo customs of childbirth 415

Knives of the Eskimo, general description 150-165

method of using 150-151

of slate, for men 151-155

of whalebone 155

of iron and steel 155-160

of flint 160

for women 161-164

fish-cutters 164-165

for cutting snow and ice 304-305

Koyukun Indians of Alaska, character of 50, 51

Krause Brothers, work consulted 23

cited on Eskimo archery 207

cited on Eskimo bolas 246

cited on Eskimo fowl hunting 278

quoted on burial of Eskimo 426

quoted on Eskimo property customs 428, 429

KuÁru River, Alaska, position of 29

KÛdyigi, use of term by Eskimo 79-80

KulÚiagrua, or Meade River, Alaska, description of 29

Eskimo fishing in 58

Kumlien, Ludwig, work consulted 23

cited on Eskimo knives 161

cited on Eskimo arrows 201

cited on Eskimo archery 207

cited on Eskimo harpoons 221

cited on Eskimo lance 242

cited on seal burrows 271

cited on Eskimo fishing 287

cited on Eskimo umiak 343

cited on Eskimo snowshoes 352

cited on Eskimo masks 370

cited on marriage ceremonies of Eskimo 411

cited on exchange of wives by Eskimo 413

cited on childbirth customs of Eskimo 415

cited on Eskimo’s method of carrying infants 416

quoted on Eskimo amulets 437

KÛÑmÛdliÑ, habitat of 43, 45, 46, 47

KupÛÑmiun, habitat of 45, 48, 49

L.

Labrets of the Eskimo, description of 143-148

lancets for making incision for 144

plug for enlarging hole for 144

glass stopples used for 145

Ladles of Eskimo, of horn 104

of bone 104-105

Lamplighters of Eskimo 106

Lamps of Eskimo 105-109

Lances of the Eskimo, for whale 240-242

for bear 240

for deer 240-244

Liquors, introduction among the Point Barrow Eskimo 54

taste for, of the Point Barrow Eskimo 65

List of works consulted in preparation of paper on Point Barrow Eskimo 20-25

Lyon, G. F., work consulted 23

description of Eskimo houses 72

cited on Eskimo harpoons 221

cited on Eskimo fire-making 290

cited on Eskimo snow shovels 306

cited on Eskimo needlecases 322

cited on Eskimo basket weaving 327

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 333, 334

cited on Eskimo umiaks 339

cited on Eskimo sledge-shoes 353

M.

Maguire, commander of ship Plover, report of, consulted 23

visit of, to Point Barrow, Alaska 52

cited on Eskimo reindeer hunting 268

cited on Eskimo salutations 422

Mammals of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 55-56

Mantles of Eskimo 121-122

Marker for meat cache of the Eskimo 262-263

Marline spike of the Eskimo 291-292

Marriage customs of the Eskimo 410-413

Masks of the Eskimo 365-370

Mason, Otis T., acknowledgments to 20

cited on Eskimo basket weaving 326

Massingberd, Francis C., quoted on the Carmelites 358

Mattocks of the Eskimo 302-304

Mauls of the Eskimo, of stone 93-97

of bone 97-99

evolution of 98-99

McClure, cited on Eskimo whale fishery 276

Medicine, Eskimo 422-423

Medicine-men of the Eskimo 422-423

Mesh sticks of the Eskimo 312-315

Minerals of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 60-61

Mittens of Eskimo 123, 125

Morality of the Point Barrow Eskimo 41

Mortuary customs of the Eskimo 423-427

Mourning, Eskimo customs of 425

Mouthpiece for Eskimo drills 179

Music of the Eskimo 385-389

Musical instruments of the Eskimo 385-388

N.

Names among Point Barrow Eskimo 42-43

Narcotics, use of, by the Point Barrow Eskimo 65-72

Necklaces, of the Eskimo 148

Needles, sewing, of the Eskimo 318-319

netting, of the Eskimo 312-313

Needle cases of the Eskimo 318, 320-322

Netting needles of the Eskimo 312-313

Netting tools of the Eskimo 312-315

Netting weights of the Eskimo 315-316

Nets of the Eskimo, for catching seal 251

for catching fish 284-286

Nomenclature of the Eskimo of Northern Alaska 42-43, 46-48

NordenskiÖld, Adolf Eric, work consulted 24

describes bone-crushers of Eskimo 96

mention of Eskimo lamplighters 106

cited on clothing of Eskimo 110, 122

cited on Eskimo labrets 148

cited on Eskimo harpoons 220

cited on Eskimo bolas 246

cited on Eskimo seal rattle 254

cited on seal catching 270

cited on Eskimo fishing 283, 285, 286

cited on fire-making by Eskimo 289

cited on Eskimo skin-scrapers 298

cited on Eskimo ice picks 304

describes Eskimo ice scoop 309

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 333

cited on Eskimo sledge shoes 353

cited on Eskimo dog harness 359, 360

cited on Eskimo masks 370

cited on Eskimo drums 385

cited on Eskimo drawings 410

quoted on character of Eskimo children 418

quoted on indoor habits of Eskimo 420, 421

cited on Eskimo burials 426

cited on Eskimo government 430

cited on Eskimo superstitions 434

cited on Eskimo amulets 441

NunataÑmiun, intercourse of with the Point Barrow Eskimo 44-45, 48

Nuwuk, Alaska, location of 26

population of 43

description of 79

O.

Oars for Eskimo umiak 338-340

Oldmixon, Geo. Scott, surgeon of Point Barrow expedition 19

Ooglaamie, Alaska, name used by mistake 26

Ornaments of the Eskimo, tattooing 138-140

painting 140

earrings 142-143

labrets 143-145

necklaces 148

bracelets 148-149

finger rings 149

beads 149

Orthography of Eskimo words 20

Owen, L. C., cited on Eskimo whale fishery 276

P.

Paddles for Eskimo kaiaks 331-335

Painting of face by Eskimo 140

Painting of the Eskimo 390-392

Pantaloons of Eskimo 126-189

Parry, Wm. Edward, works consulted 24

cited on Eskimo diet 61

description of Eskimo lamp 106

cited on Eskimo frocks 115

cited on Eskimo knives 157, 160

cited on Eskimo saws 174

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 333

account of Eskimo music by 389

quoted on treatment of Eskimo women 413, 414

cited on character of Eskimo women 420

quoted on Eskimo burials 426

cited on Eskimo amulets 436, 440

Pastimes of the Eskimo 364

Petitot, E. F. J., works of, on the Eskimo 24

nomenclature of the Eskimo people 46-48, 51

description of Eskimo house by 77

description of Eskimo lamps by 106

description of Eskimo clothing by 120, 123, 129, 138

cited on Eskimo mode of wearing the hair 140, 141

cited on Eskimo labrets 143

cited on Eskimo sledge shoes 353

description of method of carrying Eskimo infants by 416

quoted on Eskimo amulets 440

Petroff, Ivan, work consulted 24

cited on Eskimo wolf-killer 259

cited on Eskimo burials 427

cited on Eskimo "chiefs" 429

Physical characteristics of Point Barrow Eskimo 33-39

Pickers for pipes, used by Point Barrow Eskimo 67

Picks and pickaxes of the Eskimo 302-304, 307-308

Pipe, extemporized, by an Eskimo 68

Pipes, description of, used by Point Barrow Eskimo 66-68, 70-71

Eskimo terms for 70

Plants of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 59-60

Point Barrow, Alaska, topography of region of 27-29

Plover, the visit of the, to Point Barrow, Alaska 52

Polygamy among the Eskimo 411

Population of Point Barrow Eskimo 43

Pots of the Eskimo, description of 90-92

Pouches, tobacco, description of, used by Point Barrow Eskimo 68-69

Property rights among the Eskimo 428-430

Prostitution among the Eskimo 419-420

Psychical characteristics of the Point Barrow Eskimo 40-42

Q.

Quiver rods of the Eskimo 209

Quivers of the Eskimo 207-209

R.

Rae, John, work consulted 24

cited on Eskimo fire-making 290

Rainfall at Point Barrow, Alaska 31

Rain-frocks of Eskimo 122

Rat Indians of Alaska 49-50

Rattles for decoying seal 254

Rau, Charles, cited on Eskimo knives 164, 165

cited on Eskimo bird darts 214

Ray, P. H., commander of Fort Barrow expedition 19

works consulted 24

description of pits for trapping reindeer 268

description of Eskimo house, kÛ´dyigi 80

cited on Eskimo diet 64

cited on Eskimo property marks 428

quoted on Eskimo ghosts 432

cited on Eskimo tabu 434

description of Eskimo dance 374

Reamers, flint bladed, of Eskimo 181-182

Reindeer, Eskimo method of hunting 264-268

Religion of the Eskimo, difficulty of gaining information concerning 430

rÔle of the wizards or shamans in 430-131

tuaÑa, or demons, of 421-434

manner of driving away evil spirits 432-433

seal and walrus heads, superstitions concerning 434

sacrifices to supernatural beings 433

Resources, natural, of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 55-61

Retrieving harpoon of the Eskimo 230-231

Richardson, Sir John, works consulted 24

cited on Eskimo burials 426

Rink, Henrik Johan, acknowledgments to 20

works consulted 24, 25

description of Eskimo kÛdyigi 80

description of Eskimo snow houses by 81

cited on Eskimo whale-fishing 274

cited on Eskimo fishing 287

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 332

quoted on property customs of the Eskimo 428, 429

cited on Eskimo demonology 431, 432

cited on Eskimo food superstitions 434

quoted on Eskimo amulets 435, 436, 437

Ross, John, works consulted 25

cited on Eskimo diet 62

Ruins of Eskimo houses near Point Barrow 79

S.

Sail of Eskimo umiak 338

Salutation among the Eskimo 422

Saws of the Eskimo 174-175

Scaffolds, for storage of property, by Point Barrow Eskimo 75-76

Schwatka, Frederick, works consulted 25

cited on Eskimo wolf-killer 259

cited on Eskimo sledge-shoes 354

Scoops, ice, of the Eskimo 308-309

Scores, hunting, of the Eskimo 361-364

Scoresby, Capt. William, work consulted 25

cited on Eskimo arrows 207

cited on Eskimo burials 426

Scrapers for dressing skins 294-300

Scratchers for decoying seal 253-254

Seal darts of the Eskimo 214-218

calls for decoying 253-254

rattles for decoying 254

indicators used in catching 254-255

stool used in catching 255

drags for hauling 256-259

methods of hunting 268-272

Eskimo superstition concerning skulls of 434

Sewing, Eskimo implements for 317-323

Shamans, Eskimo 422, 423, 431

Shoes of Eskimo 129-135

Shovels, snow, of the Eskimo 305

Sidaru, Eskimo village of, Alaska 44

Simpson, John, work consulted 25

visit to Point Barrow 52, 53

descriptions of Eskimo houses by 78

descriptions of Eskimo villages 79

cited on ownership of Eskimo dwellings 79

description of Eskimo tents 84

description of Eskimo of Point Barrow 33, 36, 38, 39

“burglar-alarm” of Eskimo described by 41

cited on Eskimo commerce 48

cited on Eskimo language 53

cited on use of tobacco among Eskimo 65

description of Eskimo tents 84

description of Eskimo clothing 110, 125, 128, 130, 138

cited on Eskimo earrings 142

cited on Eskimo labrets 143, 146

cited on Eskimo knives 157, 161

cited on Eskimo arrows 201

cited on Eskimo seal nets 252

cited on Eskimo whale fishery 274

cited on fire-making by Eskimo 289

cited on Eskimo needle cases 322

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 328

cited on Eskimo snowshoes 351, 352

cited on Eskimo festivals 376

description of Eskimo marriage customs 410, 413

cited on Eskimo divorce 412, 413

description of condition of Eskimo women 414

cited on infanticide among Eskimo 417

cited on Eskimo children 419

quoted on conduct of Eskimo women 420

cited on Eskimo "chiefs" 429

cited on Eskimo demonology 431, 433

Simpson, Thomas, work consulted 25

visit of, to Point Barrow 52

cited on use of tobacco by Eskimo 70

cited on Eskimo fishing 285

description of fire-making by Eskimo 289

cited on Eskimo umiak oars 339

quoted on Eskimo salutation 422

Sinker for Eskimo fish line 282

Skin ornamentation by Eskimo, tattooing 138-140

Skin painting 140

Skin-working, Eskimo implements for 294-301

Skulls of seals and walrus, Eskimo superstitions concerning 434

Sledges of the Eskimo 353-357

Slungshot used as Eskimo weapon 191

Smith, E. E., cited on Eskimo whale fishery 275

Smoking, methods and habits of, among Point Barrow Eskimo 69-72

Snowfall at Point Barrow, Alaska 31Snow house of Eskimo, description of 81-83

fireplace of 81

Household utensils of the Eskimo. (See Utensils, household.)

Hunting, methods of the Eskimo, the polar bear 263

the wolf 263-264

the fox 264

the reindeer 264-268

the seal 268-272

Hunting, methods of the Eskimo, the walrus 272

the whale 272-276

fowl 276-278

Hunting scores of the Eskimo 361-364

I.

Ice, formation and movements of, at Point Barrow, Alaska 31-32

Ice creepers of Eskimo 135

Iglu (See House, winter, of Eskimo.)

IkpikpÛÑ River, Alaska, location of 29

ImÉrnya, Alaska, location of 27

Implements of the Eskimo. (See Tools of the Eskimo.)

Implements, Eskimo, for procuring and preparing food 310-316

Indians of Northern Alaska, intercourse of the Point Barrow Eskimo with 49

Indicators used in catching seal 254-255

Insects of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 59

International Polar expedition, organization and work of 19

Isolation of the Point Barrow Eskimo 26

ItkÛ´dlÎÑ, habitat and description of 49-51

J.

Jigger of Eskimo, fishing tackle 282, 283

K.

Kaiaks of the Eskimo 328-335

Kane, Elisha Kent, works consulted 23

cited on Eskimo frocks 118

cited on Eskimo harpoons 222, 243

description of Eskimo kaiak by 334

description of Eskimo dog harness 359

KilauwitawiÑ, Alaska, Eskimo village 44

Klutschak, Heinrich W., work consulted 24

cited on Eskimo wolf killers 259

cited on Eskimo deer hunting 268

cited on Eskimo customs of childbirth 415

Knives of the Eskimo, general description 150-165

method of using 150-151

of slate, for men 151-155

of whalebone 155

of iron and steel 155-160

of flint 160

for women 161-164

fish-cutters 164-165

for cutting snow and ice 304-305

Koyukun Indians of Alaska, character of 50, 51

Krause Brothers, work consulted 23

cited on Eskimo archery 207

cited on Eskimo bolas 246

cited on Eskimo fowl hunting 278

quoted on burial of Eskimo 426

quoted on Eskimo property customs 428, 429

KuÁru River, Alaska, position of 29

KÛdyigi, use of term by Eskimo 79-80

KulÚiagrua, or Meade River, Alaska, description of 29

Eskimo fishing in 58

Kumlien, Ludwig, work consulted 23

cited on Eskimo knives 161

cited on Eskimo arrows 201

cited on Eskimo archery 207

cited on Eskimo harpoons 221

cited on Eskimo lance 242

cited on seal burrows 271

cited on Eskimo fishing 287

cited on Eskimo umiak 343

cited on Eskimo snowshoes 352

cited on Eskimo masks 370

cited on marriage ceremonies of Eskimo 411

cited on exchange of wives by Eskimo 413

cited on childbirth customs of Eskimo 415

cited on Eskimo’s method of carrying infants 416

quoted on Eskimo amulets 437

KÛÑmÛdliÑ, habitat of 43, 45, 46, 47

KupÛÑmiun, habitat of 45, 48, 49

L.

Labrets of the Eskimo, description of 143-148

lancets for making incision for 144

plug for enlarging hole for 144

glass stopples used for 145

Ladles of Eskimo, of horn 104

of bone 104-105

Lamplighters of Eskimo 106

Lamps of Eskimo 105-109

Lances of the Eskimo, for whale 240-242

for bear 240

for deer 240-244

Liquors, introduction among the Point Barrow Eskimo 54

taste for, of the Point Barrow Eskimo 65

List of works consulted in preparation of paper on Point Barrow Eskimo 20-25

Lyon, G. F., work consulted 23

description of Eskimo houses 72

cited on Eskimo harpoons 221

cited on Eskimo fire-making 290

cited on Eskimo snow shovels 306

cited on Eskimo needlecases 322

cited on Eskimo basket weaving 327

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 333, 334

cited on Eskimo umiaks 339

cited on Eskimo sledge-shoes 353

M.

Maguire, commander of ship Plover, report of, consulted 23

visit of, to Point Barrow, Alaska 52

cited on Eskimo reindeer hunting 268

cited on Eskimo salutations 422

Mammals of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 55-56

Mantles of Eskimo 121-122

Marker for meat cache of the Eskimo 262-263

Marline spike of the Eskimo 291-292

Marriage customs of the Eskimo 410-413

Masks of the Eskimo 365-370

Mason, Otis T., acknowledgments to 20

cited on Eskimo basket weaving 326

Massingberd, Francis C., quoted on the Carmelites 358

Mattocks of the Eskimo 302-304

Mauls of the Eskimo, of stone 93-97

of bone 97-99

evolution of 98-99

McClure, cited on Eskimo whale fishery 276

Medicine, Eskimo 422-423

Medicine-men of the Eskimo 422-423

Mesh sticks of the Eskimo 312-315

Minerals of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 60-61

Mittens of Eskimo 123, 125

Morality of the Point Barrow Eskimo 41

Mortuary customs of the Eskimo 423-427

Mourning, Eskimo customs of 425

Mouthpiece for Eskimo drills 179

Music of the Eskimo 385-389

Musical instruments of the Eskimo 385-388

N.

Names among Point Barrow Eskimo 42-43

Narcotics, use of, by the Point Barrow Eskimo 65-72

Necklaces, of the Eskimo 148

Needles, sewing, of the Eskimo 318-319

netting, of the Eskimo 312-313

Needle cases of the Eskimo 318, 320-322

Netting needles of the Eskimo 312-313

Netting tools of the Eskimo 312-315

Netting weights of the Eskimo 315-316

Nets of the Eskimo, for catching seal 251

for catching fish 284-286

Nomenclature of the Eskimo of Northern Alaska 42-43, 46-48

NordenskiÖld, Adolf Eric, work consulted 24

describes bone-crushers of Eskimo 96

mention of Eskimo lamplighters 106

cited on clothing of Eskimo 110, 122

cited on Eskimo labrets 148

cited on Eskimo harpoons 220

cited on Eskimo bolas 246

cited on Eskimo seal rattle 254

cited on seal catching 270

cited on Eskimo fishing 283, 285, 286

cited on fire-making by Eskimo 289

cited on Eskimo skin-scrapers 298

cited on Eskimo ice picks 304

describes Eskimo ice scoop 309

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 333

cited on Eskimo sledge shoes 353

cited on Eskimo dog harness 359, 360

cited on Eskimo masks 370

cited on Eskimo drums 385

cited on Eskimo drawings 410

quoted on character of Eskimo children 418

quoted on indoor habits of Eskimo 420, 421

cited on Eskimo burials 426

cited on Eskimo government 430

cited on Eskimo superstitions 434

cited on Eskimo amulets 441

NunataÑmiun, intercourse of with the Point Barrow Eskimo 44-45, 48

Nuwuk, Alaska, location of 26

population of 43

description of 79

O.

Oars for Eskimo umiak 338-340

Oldmixon, Geo. Scott, surgeon of Point Barrow expedition 19

Ooglaamie, Alaska, name used by mistake 26

Ornaments of the Eskimo, tattooing 138-140

painting 140

earrings 142-143

labrets 143-145

necklaces 148

bracelets 148-149

finger rings 149

beads 149

Orthography of Eskimo words 20

Owen, L. C., cited on Eskimo whale fishery 276

P.

Paddles for Eskimo kaiaks 331-335

Painting of face by Eskimo 140

Painting of the Eskimo 390-392

Pantaloons of Eskimo 126-189

Parry, Wm. Edward, works consulted 24

cited on Eskimo diet 61

description of Eskimo lamp 106

cited on Eskimo frocks 115

cited on Eskimo knives 157, 160

cited on Eskimo saws 174

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 333

account of Eskimo music by 389

quoted on treatment of Eskimo women 413, 414

cited on character of Eskimo women 420

quoted on Eskimo burials 426

cited on Eskimo amulets 436, 440

Pastimes of the Eskimo 364

Petitot, E. F. J., works of, on the Eskimo 24

nomenclature of the Eskimo people 46-48, 51

description of Eskimo house by 77

description of Eskimo lamps by 106

description of Eskimo clothing by 120, 123, 129, 138

cited on Eskimo mode of wearing the hair 140, 141

cited on Eskimo labrets 143

cited on Eskimo sledge shoes 353

description of method of carrying Eskimo infants by 416

quoted on Eskimo amulets 440

Petroff, Ivan, work consulted 24

cited on Eskimo wolf-killer 259

cited on Eskimo burials 427

cited on Eskimo "chiefs" 429

Physical characteristics of Point Barrow Eskimo 33-39

Pickers for pipes, used by Point Barrow Eskimo 67

Picks and pickaxes of the Eskimo 302-304, 307-308

Pipe, extemporized, by an Eskimo 68

Pipes, description of, used by Point Barrow Eskimo 66-68, 70-71

Eskimo terms for 70

Plants of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 59-60

Point Barrow, Alaska, topography of region of 27-29

Plover, the visit of the, to Point Barrow, Alaska 52

Polygamy among the Eskimo 411

Population of Point Barrow Eskimo 43

Pots of the Eskimo, description of 90-92

Pouches, tobacco, description of, used by Point Barrow Eskimo 68-69

Property rights among the Eskimo 428-430

Prostitution among the Eskimo 419-420

Psychical characteristics of the Point Barrow Eskimo 40-42

Q.

Quiver rods of the Eskimo 209

Quivers of the Eskimo 207-209

R.

Rae, John, work consulted 24

cited on Eskimo fire-making 290

Rainfall at Point Barrow, Alaska 31

Rain-frocks of Eskimo 122

Rat Indians of Alaska 49-50

Rattles for decoying seal 254

Rau, Charles, cited on Eskimo knives 164, 165

cited on Eskimo bird darts 214

Ray, P. H., commander of Fort Barrow expedition 19

works consulted 24

description of pits for trapping reindeer 268

description of Eskimo house, kÛ´dyigi 80

cited on Eskimo diet 64

cited on Eskimo property marks 428

quoted on Eskimo ghosts 432

cited on Eskimo tabu 434

description of Eskimo dance 374

Reamers, flint bladed, of Eskimo 181-182

Reindeer, Eskimo method of hunting 264-268

Religion of the Eskimo, difficulty of gaining information concerning 430

rÔle of the wizards or shamans in 430-131

tuaÑa, or demons, of 421-434

manner of driving away evil spirits 432-433

seal and walrus heads, superstitions concerning 434

sacrifices to supernatural beings 433

Resources, natural, of the Point Barrow region, Alaska 55-61

Retrieving harpoon of the Eskimo 230-231

Richardson, Sir John, works consulted 24

cited on Eskimo burials 426

Rink, Henrik Johan, acknowledgments to 20

works consulted 24, 25

description of Eskimo kÛdyigi 80

description of Eskimo snow houses by 81

cited on Eskimo whale-fishing 274

cited on Eskimo fishing 287

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 332

quoted on property customs of the Eskimo 428, 429

cited on Eskimo demonology 431, 432

cited on Eskimo food superstitions 434

quoted on Eskimo amulets 435, 436, 437

Ross, John, works consulted 25

cited on Eskimo diet 62

Ruins of Eskimo houses near Point Barrow 79

S.

Sail of Eskimo umiak 338

Salutation among the Eskimo 422

Saws of the Eskimo 174-175

Scaffolds, for storage of property, by Point Barrow Eskimo 75-76

Schwatka, Frederick, works consulted 25

cited on Eskimo wolf-killer 259

cited on Eskimo sledge-shoes 354

Scoops, ice, of the Eskimo 308-309

Scores, hunting, of the Eskimo 361-364

Scoresby, Capt. William, work consulted 25

cited on Eskimo arrows 207

cited on Eskimo burials 426

Scrapers for dressing skins 294-300

Scratchers for decoying seal 253-254

Seal darts of the Eskimo 214-218

calls for decoying 253-254

rattles for decoying 254

indicators used in catching 254-255

stool used in catching 255

drags for hauling 256-259

methods of hunting 268-272

Eskimo superstition concerning skulls of 434

Sewing, Eskimo implements for 317-323

Shamans, Eskimo 422, 423, 431

Shoes of Eskimo 129-135

Shovels, snow, of the Eskimo 305

Sidaru, Eskimo village of, Alaska 44

Simpson, John, work consulted 25

visit to Point Barrow 52, 53

descriptions of Eskimo houses by 78

descriptions of Eskimo villages 79

cited on ownership of Eskimo dwellings 79

description of Eskimo tents 84

description of Eskimo of Point Barrow 33, 36, 38, 39

“burglar-alarm” of Eskimo described by 41

cited on Eskimo commerce 48

cited on Eskimo language 53

cited on use of tobacco among Eskimo 65

description of Eskimo tents 84

description of Eskimo clothing 110, 125, 128, 130, 138

cited on Eskimo earrings 142

cited on Eskimo labrets 143, 146

cited on Eskimo knives 157, 161

cited on Eskimo arrows 201

cited on Eskimo seal nets 252

cited on Eskimo whale fishery 274

cited on fire-making by Eskimo 289

cited on Eskimo needle cases 322

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 328

cited on Eskimo snowshoes 351, 352

cited on Eskimo festivals 376

description of Eskimo marriage customs 410, 413

cited on Eskimo divorce 412, 413

description of condition of Eskimo women 414

cited on infanticide among Eskimo 417

cited on Eskimo children 419

quoted on conduct of Eskimo women 420

cited on Eskimo "chiefs" 429

cited on Eskimo demonology 431, 433

Simpson, Thomas, work consulted 25

visit of, to Point Barrow 52

cited on use of tobacco by Eskimo 70

cited on Eskimo fishing 285

description of fire-making by Eskimo 289

cited on Eskimo umiak oars 339

quoted on Eskimo salutation 422

Sinker for Eskimo fish line 282

Skin ornamentation by Eskimo, tattooing 138-140

Skin painting 140

Skin-working, Eskimo implements for 294-301

Skulls of seals and walrus, Eskimo superstitions concerning 434

Sledges of the Eskimo 353-357

Slungshot used as Eskimo weapon 191

Smith, E. E., cited on Eskimo whale fishery 275

Smoking, methods and habits of, among Point Barrow Eskimo 69-72

Snowfall at Point Barrow, Alaska 31Snow house of Eskimo, description of 81-83

fireplace of 81

plan of 82

windows of 82

plan of 82

windows of 82

used as storehouses 83

used as workshops 83

tools used in making 83

Snowshoes of the Eskimo 344-352

Social surroundings of the Point Barrow Eskimo 43-55

Song of the Eskimo 389

Spears of the Eskimo, for fishing 286-287

Spoons of Eskimo 104

Sports of Eskimo children 383-385

Staff, use of by the Eskimo 353

Stockings of Eskimo 129

Stool used by Eskimo in catching seal 255

Subsistence, means of, of the Point Barrow Eskimo 61-65

Surgery, Eskimo 423

Sutherland, P. C., work consulted 25

cited on Eskimo pathology 40

T.

Tabu among the Eskimo, concerning a woman in childbirth 415

on the occasion of a death 423-424

of certain foods to certain persons 433-434

Ta?Éo?ment, habitat of 46-47

TasyÛkpÛÑ, Great Lake, Alaska, description of 29-30

Tattooing by Eskimo 138-140

Tempering metals, Eskimo knowledge of 182-183Tents of the Eskimo, direction of front 79

used as summer dwellings 83

construction of 84

used for women during confinement 86

used for sewing rooms 86

Thimble-boxes of the Eskimo 322-323

Thimbles of the Eskimo 318-319

Thongs, manufacture of by the Eskimo 301-302

Thread, Eskimo 317-318

Throwing-boards for Eskimo seal-darts 217-218

Tobacco, use of, by the Point Barrow Eskimo 65-73

Eskimo terms for 71

introduction of among the Eskimo 71-72

Toilet articles of the Eskimo 149-150

Tool-bags of the Eskimo 187-190

Tool-boxes of the Eskimo 185-187Tools of the Eskimo, knives 150-165

adzes 165-172

chisels 172-173

whalebone shaves 173-174

saws 174-175

drills 175-182, 189

bow drills 176-182

reamers 181-182

awls 181-182

hammers 182

files 182

whetstones 185

for excavating 302-304

picks and pickaxes 302-304, 307-308

mattocks 302-304

for building 302-304

for snow and ice working 304-309

(See also Utensils.)

Toys of Eskimo children, whirligigs 376-377

teetotums 378

buzzes 378

whizzing-sticks 379

pebble-snappers 379

dolls 380-381

kaiak paddler 381-383

imitation implements 383

Transportation, means of, by the Eskimo 328-360

Traps of the Eskimo 260

Traveling, Eskimo means of 328-360

Trays used by Eskimo 99-101

TuaÑa, or demons of the Eskimo 431-434

Tubs of the Eskimo 86-88

Tunes of the Eskimo 388-389

Tupek. (See Tents of the Eskimo.)

Turner, Lucien M., acknowledgments to 20

description of Eskimo lamps 108

cited on Eskimo records 177

cited on Eskimo seal darts 214

cited on Eskimo seal nets 252

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 332

cited on Eskimo umiaks 343

cited on Eskimo ornament 390

Twisters for making Eskimo bows 292-294

U.

Umiaks of the Eskimo 335-344

Umialiks, Eskimo 429-430Utensils, household, of the Eskimo, canteens 86

wallets 86

buckets 86-88

tubs 86-88

meat bowls 89

pots 90-93

bone crushers 93-99

mauls 93-99

trays 99-101

drinking vessels 101-105

UtkiavwiÑ, Alaska, location of 26

signification of name 26

population of 43

description of 79

V.

Villages, arrangement of Eskimo 79

W.

Wallets of the Eskimo 86

Walrus, Eskimo method of hunting 272

Weapons of the Eskimo, hand-club 191

slung-shot 191

bone daggers 191-192

firearms 193-195

whaling guns 195

bows 195-200

arrows 201-207

bear arrows 202

bow cases and quivers 207

bracers 209-210

bird darts 210-214

seal darts 214-218

harpoons, for casting 218-233

harpoons, for thrusting 233-240

lances 240-244

bolas for birds 244-246

Weaving, Eskimo tools for 316-317

Whale, Eskimo lance for hunting 240-242

Whalebone shaves of the Eskimo 173-174

Whaling guns of the Eskimo 195

Whetstones of the Eskimo 183-185

Widows, Eskimo 414

Wife-beating among the Eskimo 414

Wizards, Eskimo 430-431

Wolf, Eskimo methods of killing 259

Eskimo method of hunting 263-264

Women, Eskimo, condition and treatment of 413-414

prostitution among 419

Words, foreign, introduced among the Point Barrow Eskimo 55

Error in Index

Hooper, C. L., ... description of Eskimo kÛ´dyigi
kÛ´idyigi

see caption

see caption

Fig. 243.—Deer Lance.

Fig. 245.—Deer lance, flint head.

No. 73183 [524], Figs. 243a, 243b (head enlarged), will serve as a type of this weapon, of which we have two specimens. All that we saw were essentially like this. The head is iron, 4¾ inches long exclusive of the tang, and 1½ inches broad. The edges are narrowly beveled on both faces. The shaft is 6 feet 2 inches long, and tapers from a diameter of 0.8 inch about the middle to about one-half inch at each end. The tip is cleft to receive the tang of the head, and shouldered to keep the whipping from slipping off. The latter was of sinew braid and 2 inches deep. The shaft is painted with red ocher. The other has a shaft 6 feet 4 inches long, but otherwise resembles the preceding. The heads for these lances are not always made of iron. Copper, brass, etc., are sometimes used. No. 56699 [166] is one of a pair of neatly made copper lance heads. It is 5.9 inches long and 1½ wide, and ground down on each face to a sharp edge without a bevel, except just at the point. Before the introduction of iron these lances had stone heads, but were otherwise of the same shape. Fig. 244 represents the head and 6 inches of the shaft of one of these (No.89900 [1157] from Nuwuk). The shaft is new and rather carelessly made of a rough, knotty piece of spruce, and is 5 feet 5¾ inches long. The head is of black flint and 2 inches long, exclusive of the tang, and the tip of the shaft is whipped with a narrow strip of light-colored whalebone, the end of which is secured by passing it through a slit in the side of the shaft and wedging it into a crack on the opposite side. This is an old head newly mounted for the market, and the head is wedged in with a bit of blue flannel.

No. 89897 [1324], Fig. 245, from UtkiavwiÑ, on the other hand, is an old shaft 5 feet 7½ inches long, fitted with a new head, which is very broad, and shaped like the head of a bear lance. It is of variegated 244 jasper, brown and gray, and has a piece of white sealskin lapped over the cleft of the shaft at each side of the tang so that the edges of the two pieces almost meet in the middle. They are secured by a spaced whipping of sinew braid. This shaft, which is painted red, evidently had a broad head formerly, as it is expanded at the tip. No. 89896 [1324] is the mate to this, evidently made to match it. We also obtained one other flint-headed lance. The mate to No. 89900 [1157], No. 89898 [1157], has a head of dark gray slate 2.3 inches long. This spear appears to be wholly old, except the whipping of sinew braid. The shaft is of spruce, 5feet 4¾ inches long, and painted red with ocher. We also collected three stone heads for such lances. Fig. 246, No. 38711 [148], from UtkiavwiÑ, shows the shape of the tang. It is of gray flint, and 3.7 inches long. No. 89610 [1154] is a beautiful lance head of polished olive green jade, 4.3 inches long. The hole in the tang is probably not intended for a rivet, as none of the lance heads which we saw were fastened in this way. It is more likely that it was perforated for attaching it to the belt as an amulet. We were told that this lance head was brought from the west. Alarge slate lance head found by NordenskiÖld341 in the old “Onkilon” house at North Cape is of precisely the same shape as these deer-lance heads, but from its size was probably intended for a whale lance.

see caption

Fig. 244.—Part of deer lance, with flint head.

see caption

Fig. 246.—Flint head for deer lance.

THROWING WEAPONS.

see caption

Fig. 247.—Bird bolas, looped up for carrying.

The only throwing weapon which these people use is a small bolas, designed for catching birds on the wing. This consists of six or seven small ivory balls, each attached to a string about 30 inches long, the ends of which are fastened together to a tuft of feathers, which serves as a handle and perhaps directs the flight of the missile. When not in use the strings are shortened up, as in Fig. 247, No. 75969 [1793], for convenience in carrying and to keep them from tangling, by tying them into slip knots, as follows: All the strings being straightened out and laid parallel to each other, they are doubled in a bight, with the end under the standing part, the bight of the end passed through the preceding bight, which is drawn up close, and so on, usually five or six times, till the strings are sufficiently shortened. Apull on the two ends slips all these knots and the strings come out straight and untangled.

The bolas is carried knotted up in a pouch slung round the neck, anative frequently carrying several sets. When a flock of ducks is seen approaching, the handle is grasped in the right 245 hand, the balls in the left, and the strings are straightened out with a quick pull. Letting go with the left hand the balls are whirled round the head and let fly at the passing flock. The balls spread apart in flying through the air, so as to cover considerable space, like a charge of shot, and if they are stopped by striking a duck, the strings immediately wrap around him and hamper his flight so that he comes to the ground. The natives said that the balls flew with sufficient force to stun a duck or break his wing, but we never happened to see any taken except in the way just described. Aduck is occasionally left with sufficient freedom of motion to escape with the bolas hanging to him. The weapon is effective up to 30 or 40 yards, but the natives often throw it to a longer distance, frequently missing their aim. It is universally employed, especially by those who have no guns, and a good many ducks are captured with it. In the spring, when the ducks are flying, the women and children hardly ever stir out of the house without one or more of these.

We brought home one specimen of this implement (kelauitau´tin), No. 75969 [1793], Fig. 248, which is new and has the balls rather carelessly made. The balls, which are six in number, are of walrus ivory, 1.6 to 1.8 inches long and 1 inch in diameter (except one which is flattened, 2inches long and 1.3 wide; they are usually all of the same shape). Through the larger end is drilled a small hole, the ends of which are joined by a shallow groove running over the end, into which the ends of the strings are fastened by three half-hitches each. There is one string of sinew braid to each set of two balls, doubled in the middle so that all six parts are equal and about 28 inches long. They are fastened to the feather handle as follows: Nine wing feathers of the eider duck are laid side by side, butt to point, and doubled in the middle so that the quills and vanes stand up on all sides. The middle of each string is laid across the bight of the feathers, so that the six parts come out on all sides between the feathers. The latter are then lashed tightly together with a bit of sinew braid, by passing the end over the bend of the feathers and tying with the rest of the string round the feathers.

see caption

Fig. 248.—Bird bolas, ready for use.

246

These weapons are generally very much like the specimen described, but vary somewhat in the shape and material of the balls, which are sometimes simply ovoid or spherical, and often made of single teeth of the walrus, instead of tusk ivory. Bone is also sometimes used. In former times, the astragalus bones of the reindeer, perforated through the ridge on one end were used for balls. No. 89490 [1342], is a pair of such bones tied together with a bit of thong, which appear to have been actually used. No. 89537 [1251] from UtkiavwiÑ is a very old ball, which is small (1.1 inches long) and unusually flat. It appears to have been kept as a relic.

There is very little information to be found concerning the extent of the region in which this implement is used, either in the Museum collections or in the writings of authors. Afew points, however, have been made out with certainty. The bolas are unknown among all the Eskimo east of the Anderson River, and the only evidence that we have of their use at this point is an entry in the Museum catalogue, to which I have been unable to find a corresponding specimen. Dease and Simpson, in 1837, did not observe them till they reached Point Barrow.342 They were first noticed by Beechey at Kotzebue Sound in 1826.343 Mr. Nelson’s collections show that they are used from Point Barrow along the Alaskan coast, at least as far south as the Yukon delta, and on St. Lawrence Island, while for their use on the coast of Siberia as far as Cape North, we have the authority of NordenskiÖld,344 and the Krause Brothers.345

HUNTING IMPLEMENTS OTHER THAN WEAPONS.

Floats.

I have already spoken of the floats (apotÛ´kpÛÑ) of inflated sealskin used in capturing the whale and walrus. We obtained one specimen, No. 73578 [538] Fig. 249. This is the whole skin, except the head, of a male rough seal (Phoca foetida), with the hair out. The carcass was carefully removed without making any incision except round the neck and a few inches down the throat, and skinned to the very 247 toes, leaving the claws on. All natural or accidental apertures are carefully sewed up, except the genital opening, into which is inserted a ring of ivory, which serves as a mouthpiece for inflating the skin and is corked with a plug of wood. The cut in the throat is carefully sewed up, and the neck puckered together, and wrapped with seal thong into a slender shank about 1 inch long, leaving a flap of skin which is wrapped round a rod of bone 4 inches long and 1 in diameter, set across the shank, and wound with thong. This makes a handle for looping on the harpoon line.

see caption

Fig. 249.—Seal skin float.

All the floats used at Point Barrow are of the same general pattern as this, and are generally made of the skin of the rough seal, though skins of the harbor seal (P.vitulina) are sometimes used. One of these floats is attached to the walrus harpoon, but two are used in whaling.346 Five or six floats are carried in each boat, and are inflated before starting out. Ihave seen them used for seats during a halt on the ice, when the boat was being taken out to the “lead.” The use of these large floats is not peculiar to Point Barrow. They are employed by all Eskimo who pursue the larger marine mammals.

Flipper toggles.

We collected two pairs of peculiar implements, in the shape of ivory whales about 5 inches long, with a perforation in the belly through which a large thong could be attached. We understood that they were to be fastened to the ends of a stout thong and used when a whale was killed to toggle his flippers together so as to keep them in place while towing him to the ice, by cutting holes in the flippers and passing the ivory through. We unfortunately never had an opportunity of verifying this story. Neither pair is new. Fig. 250a represents a pair of these implements (ka´gotiÑ) (No.56580 [227]). They are of white walrus ivory. In the middle of each belly is excavated a deep, oblong cavity about three-fourths of an inch long and one-half wide, across the middle of which is a stout transverse bar for the attachment of the line. One is a “bow-head” whale (BalÆna mysticetus), 4½ inches long, and the other evidently intended for a “California gray” (Rhachinectes glaucus). It has light blue glass beads inserted for eyes and is the same length as the other.

Fig. 250 (No. 56598 [407]) is a similar pair, which are both “bowheads” nearly 5 inches long. Both have cylindrical plugs of ivory inserted for eyes, and are made of a piece of ivory so old that the surface is a light chocolate color. The name, kagotiÑ, means literally “apair of toggles.”

Harpoon boxes (u´dlun or u´blun, literally “a nest.”)—

The slate harpoon blades already described were very apt to be lost or broken, so they always carried in the boat a supply of spare blades. These were kept in a small box carved out of a block of soft wood, in the shape of the animal to be pursued.

248

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Fig. 250.—Flipper toggles.

Fig. 251a represents one of these boxes (No. 56505 [138]) intended for spare blades for the whale harpoon. This is rather neatly carved from a single block of soft wood, apparently spruce, though it is very old and much weathered, in the shape of a “bowhead” whale, 9½ inches long. The ends of the flukes are broken short off, and show traces of having been mended with wooden pegs or dowels. The right eye is indicated by a simple incision, but a tiny bit of crystal is inlaid for the left. Two little bits of crystal are also inlaid in the middle of the back. The belly is flat and excavated into a deep triangular cavity, with its base just forward of the angle of the mouth and the apex at the “small.” It is beveled round the edge, with a shoulder at the base and apex, and is covered with a flat triangular piece of wood beveled on the under face to fit the edge of the cavity. About half of one side of the cover has been split off and mended on with two “stitches” of whalebone fiber. The cover is held on by three strings of seal thong passing through holes in each corner of the cover and secured by a 249 knot in the end of each string. They then pass through three corresponding holes in the bottom of the cavity, leaving outside of the back two ends 7 inches and one 15 long, which are tied together. The cover can be lifted wholly off and then drawn back into its place by pulling the string.

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Fig. 251.—Boxes for harpoon heads.

We collected seven such whale-harpoon boxes, usually about 9 to 9¾ inches long. Nearly all have bits of crystal, amber, or pyrite, inlaid for the eyes and in the middle of the back, and the cover is generally rigged in the way described. No. 56502 [198], from UtkiavwiÑ, is a 250 large whale, afoot long, and has the tail bent up, while the animal is usually represented as if lying still. It has good-sized sky-blue beads inlaid for the eyes.

Fig. 251b (No. 89733 [1161], from Nuwuk) represents a small box 4? inches long, probably older than the others, and the only one not carved into the shape of a whale. It is roughly egg-shaped and has no wooden cover to the cavity, which is covered with a piece of deerskin, held on by a string of seal thong wrapped three times around the body in a rough, deep groove, with the end tucked under. In this box are five slate blades for the whale harpoon.

We also collected two boxes for walrus harpoons made in the shape of the walrus, with ivory or bone tusks. No. 89732 [860], Fig. 251c, from Nuwuk, is old, and 7 inches long, and has two oval bits of ivory, with holes bored to represent the pupils, inlaid for the eyes. There is no cover, but the cavity is filled with a number of slate blades, carefully packed in whalebone shavings. There is a little eyebolt of ivory at each end of the cavity. One end of a bit of sinew braid is tied to the anterior of these, and the other carried down through the hinder one, and then brought up and fastened round the body with a marling hitch. The other, No.56489 [127], is new and rather roughly made, 5inches long and painted all over with red ocher. It has a cover, but no strings.

No. 56501 [142], Fig. 251d, from UtkiavwiÑ, is for carrying harpoon blades for the chase of the bearded seal (Erignathus barbatus), and is neatly carved into the shape of that animal. It is 7.4 inches long and has ivory eyes like the walrus box, No. 89732 [860]. The cover is fitted to the cavity like those of the whale boxes, but is held on by one string only, apiece of seal thong about 3 feet long passing through the middle of the cover and out at a hole on the left side, about one-fourth inch from the cavity. The box is filled with raveled rope-yarns. Fig. 251e (No.89730 [981], from UtkiavwiÑ) is like this, but very large, 9.3 inches long. The cover is thick and a little larger than the cavity, beveled on the upper face and notched on each side to receive the string, which is a bit of sinew braid fastened to two little ivory hooks, one on each side of the body. It is fastened to the right hook, carried across and hooked around the left-hand one, then carried over and hooked round the other, and secured by tucking a bight of the end under the last part. The box contains several slate blades. We also collected one other large seal box (No.89731 [859], from Nuwuk), very roughly carved, and 9.8 inches long. The cover is fitted into the cavity and held on by a narrow strip of whalebone running across in a transverse groove in the cover and through a hole in each side of the box.

Nets (ku´bra).—

The smaller seals are captured in large-meshed nets of rawhide. We brought home one of these, No. 56756 [109], Figs 252a-252b (detail of mesh). This is a rectangular net, eighteen meshes long and twelve deep, netted of fine seal thong with the ordinary netting knot. The length of the mesh is 14 inches.

251

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Fig. 252.—Seal net.

Such nets are set under the ice in winter, or in shoal water along the shore by means of stakes in summer. In the ordinary method of setting the net under the ice two small holes are cut through the ice the length of the net apart, and between them in the same straight line is cut a third large enough to permit a seal to be drawn up through it. Aline with a plummet on the end is let down through one of the small holes, and is hooked through the middle hole, with a long slender pole of willow, often made of several pieces spliced together, with a small wooden hook on the 252 end. The line is then detached from the plummet and fastened to one upper corner of the net, and a second line is let down through the other small hole and made fast in the same way to the other upper corner. By pulling on these lines the net is drawn down through the middle and stretched like a curtain under the ice, while a line at the middle serves to haul it up again. The end lines are but loosely made fast to lumps of ice, so that when a seal strikes the net nothing hinders his wrapping it completely around him in his struggles to escape. When the hunter, who is usually watching his net, thinks the seal is sufficiently entangled he hauls him up through the large hole and sets the net again.

I had no opportunity of observing whether any weights or plummets were used to keep down the lower edge of the net. These nets are now universally employed, but one native spoke of a time “long ago” when there were no nets and they captured seals with the spear (u´n?) alone. The net was used in seal catching in Dr. Simpson’s time, though he makes but a casual reference to it,347 and Beechey found seal nets at Kotzebue Sound in 1826.348 The net is very generally used for sealing among the Eskimo of western America and in Siberia. We observed seal nets set with stakes along the shore of the sandspit at Plover Bay, and NordenskiÖld speaks of seal nets “set in summer among the ground ices along the shore,”349 and at open leads in the winter, but gives no description of the method of setting these nets beyond mentioning the “long pole which was used in setting the net,”350 as none of his party ever witnessed the seal fishery.351 Iam informed by Mr. W.H. Dall that the winter nets in Norton Sound are not set under the ice as at Point Barrow, but with stakes in shoal water wherever there are open holes in the ice. “Ice nets” are spoken of as in use for sealing in Greenland, but I have been able to find no description of them. As they are not spoken of by either Egede or Crantz I am inclined to believe that they were introduced by the Europeans.352 Mr. L.M. Turner informs me that such is the case at Ungava Bay on the southern shore of Hudson Strait, where they use a very long net set under the ice very much as at Point Barrow. Ican find no mention of the use of seal nets among any other of the eastern Eskimo.

It is well known that seals have a great deal of curiosity, and are easily attracted by any unusual sounds, especially if they are gentle and long-continued. It is therefore easy to entice them into the nets by making such noises, for instance, gentle whistling, rattling on the ice with the pick, and so forth. Two special implements are also used for this purpose. The first kind I have called:

253

Seal calls (adrigautin).—

This implement consists of three or four claws mounted on the end of a short wooden handle, and is used to make a gentle noise by scratching on the ice. It is a common implement, though I never happened to see it in use. We obtained six specimens, of which No. 56555 [90] Fig. 253a, is the type. It is 11½ inches long. The round handle is of ash, the claws are those of the bearded seal, secured by a lashing of sinew braid, with the end brought down on the under side to a little blunt, backward-pointing hook of ivory, set into the wood about 1 inch from the base of the arms.

Fig. 253b (No. 56557 [93] from UtkiavwiÑ is 9½ inches long and has four prongs. The haft is of spruce, and instead of an ivory hook there is a round-headed stud of the same material, which is driven wholly through the wood, having the point cut off flush with the upper surface. It has a lanyard of seal twine knotted into the hole in the haft. The other two specimens of this pattern, Nos. 56556 [100] and 56558 [51] have each three claws, and hafts of soft wood, painted with red ocher, with lanyards, and are respectively 10.4 and 10.7 inches long. One has an ivory hook, but the other in place of this has a small iron nail, and is ornamented with a medium-sized sky-blue glass bead inlaid in the back. The other two are both new and small, being respectively 7.5 and 7.6 inches long. The hafts are made of reindeer antler and have only two prongs. No. 89467 [1312] from UtkiavwiÑ, has the haft notched on each side, and has an irregular stud of bone for securing the lashing.

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Fig. 253.—Scratchers for decoying seals.

No. 89468 [1354], Fig. 253c, from UtkiavwiÑ, has no stud and the claws are simply held on by a slight lashing of twisted sinew. Both of these were made for the market, but may be models of a form once used. There are two old seal calls in the Museum from near St. Michaels, made of a piece of reindeer antler, apparently the spreading brow antler, in which the sharp points of the antler take the place of claws. 254 The use of this implement, as shown by Mr. Nelson’s collection, extends or extended from Point Barrow to Norton Sound. He collected specimens from St. Lawrence Island and Cape Wankarem in Siberia. NordenskiÖld speaks of the use of this implement at Pitlekaj and figures a specimen.353 The other instrument appears to be less common. Ihave called it a seal rattle.

Seal rattle.

We obtained only two specimens, No. 56533 [409], which seem to be a pair. Fig. 254 is one of these. It is of cottonwood and 4 inches long, roughly carved into the shape of a seal’s head and painted red, with two small transparent blue glass beads inlaid for the eyes. The neat becket of seal thong consists of three or four turns with the end wrapped spirally around them. The staple on which the ivory pendants hang is of iron. This is believed to be a rattle to be shaken on the ice by a string tied to the becket for the purpose of attracting seals to the ice net. It was brought in for sale at a time during our first year when we were very busy with zoological work, and as something was said about “netyi” and “kubra” (“seal” and “net”) the collector concluded that they must be floats for seal nets, and they were accordingly catalogued as such and laid away. We never happened to see another specimen, and as these were sent home in 1882 we learned no more of their history. The late Dr. Emil Bessels, however, on my return called my attention to the fact that in the museum at Copenhagen there is a single specimen very similar to these, which was said to have been used in the manner described above. It came from somewhere in eastern America. There is one, he told me, in the British Museum from Bering Strait. The National Museum contains several specimens collected by Mr. Nelson at Point Hope. It is very probable that this is the correct explanation of the use of these objects, as it assigns a function to the ivory pendants which would otherwise be useless. They have been called “dog bells,” but the Eskimo, at Point Barrow, at least, are not in the habit of marking their dogs in any way.

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Fig. 254.—Seal rattle.

Seal indicators.

When watching for a seal at his breathing hole a native inserts in the hole a slender rod of ivory, which is held loosely in place by a cross piece or a bunch of feathers on the end. When the seal rises he pushes up this rod, which is so light that he does not notice it, and thus warns the hunter when to shoot or strike with his spear. Most of the seal hunting was done at such a distance from the station that I remember only one occasion when this implement was 255 seen in use. We collected two specimens, of which No. 56507 [104], Fig. 255a, will serve as the type. It is of walrus ivory, 14½ inches long and 0.3 in diameter, with a small lanyard of sinew. The curved cross piece of ivory, 1? inches long, is inserted into a slot one-fourth of an inch from the end and secured by a little treenail of wood.

Fig. 255b (No. 89454 [1114], from Nuwuk) is a similar indicator, 13½ inches long and flat (0.3 inch wide and 0.1 thick). The upper end is carved into scallops for ornament and has a small eye into which was knotted a bit of whalebone fiber. The tip is beveled off with a concave bevel on both faces to a sharp edge, so that it can be used for a “feather setter” (igugwau) in feathering arrows. Such implements are mentioned in most popular accounts of the Eskimo of the east, and Capt. Parry describes it from personal observation at Iglulik.354 Ihave been unable to find any mention of its use in western America, and have seen no specimens in the National Museum.

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Fig. 255.—Seal indicators.

Sealing stools.

When a native is watching a seal-hole he frequently has to stand for hours motionless on the ice. His feet would become exceedingly cold, in spite of the excellence of his foot covering, were it not for a little three-legged stool about 10 inches high upon which he stands. This stool is made of wood, with a triangular top just large enough to accommodate a man’s feet, with the heels together over one leg of the stool, and the other two legs supporting the toes of each foot, respectively. The stool is neatly made, and is as light as is consistent with strength. It is universally employed and carried by the hunter, slung on the gun cover with the legs projecting behind.

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Fig. 256.—Sealing stool.

When the hunter has a long time to wait he generally squats down so as almost to sit on his heels, holding his gun and spear in readiness, and wholly covered with one of the deerskin cloaks already described. They sometimes use this stool to sit on when waiting for ducks to fly over the ice in the spring.

256

We brought home two specimens of this common object (nigawaÚotin). No. 89887 [1411], Fig. 250, will serve as the type. The top is of spruce, 8¾ inches long and 10¾ wide. The upper surface is flat and smooth, the lower broadly beveled off on the edges and deeply excavated in the middle, so that there are three straight ridges joining the three legs, each of which stands in the middle of a slight prominence. The object of cutting away the wood in this way is to make the stool lighter, leaving it thick only at the points where the pressure comes. The large round hole in the middle, near the front, is for convenience in picking it up and hanging it on the cache frame, where it is generally kept. The three legs are set into holes at each corner, spreading out so as to stand on a base larger than the top of the stool. Where they fit into the holes they are 0.7 inch in diameter, tapered slightly to fit the hole, and then tapering down to a diameter of one-third inch at the tip. On the under side of the top they are braced with a lashing of stout seal thong. Asplit on the right-hand edge of the top has been mended, as usual, with a stitch of whalebone. This stool is quite old and has been actually used.

No. 89888 [1412], from the same village, is new and a little larger, but differs from the type only in having a triangular instead of a round hole in the top and no lashing. Those of our party who landed at Sidaru September 7, 1881, saw one of these stools hanging up in the then vacant village, and there is a precisely similar stool in the Museum from the Anderson region.

MacFarlane, in his manuscript notes, describes the use of these stools as follows: “Both tribes kill seals under ice; that is, they watch for them at their holes (breathing) or wherever open water appears. At the former they generally build a small snow house somewhat like a sentinel’s box, on the bottom of which they fix a portable three-cornered stool, made of wood. They stand on this and thereby escape getting cold feet, as would be the case were they to remain for any time on ice or snow in the same immovable position.” Beyond this I find no mention of the use of any such a utensil, east or west, except in Greenland, where, however, they used a sort of one-legged chair to sit on, as well as a footstool, which Egede pictures (Pl.9) as oval, with very short legs.355

Seal drags (uksiu´tiÑ.)—

Every seal hunter carries with him a line for dragging home his game, consisting of a stout thong doubled in a bight about 18 inches long, with an ivory handle or knob at the other end. The bight is looped into an incision in the seal’s lower jaw, while the knob serves for attaching a longer line or the end of a dog’s harness. The seal is dragged on his back and runs as smoothly as a sled. We 257 collected eight of these drag lines, from which I have selected No. 56624 [44], Fig. 257a, as the type.

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Fig. 257.—Seal drags and handles.

This consists of a stout thong of rawhide (the skin of the bearded seal) 0.3 inch wide and 37 inches long, and doubled in a bight so that one end is about 2½ inches the longer. These ends are fastened into a handle of walrus ivory, consisting of three pieces, namely: apair of 258 neatly carved mittens, respectively 1.9 and 1.8 inches long, put together wrist to wrist with the palms up; and lying across the joint above, alittle seal 1¼ inches long, belly down. Ahole runs through each wrist and through the belly of the seal. The mittens are ornamented on the back with a blackened incised pattern, and the seal has blue glass beads for eyes and blackened incised spots on the back. The longer end of the thong runs up through the right mitten, across through the seal, and down through the left mitten. It is then passed through a slit 1 inch from the end of the shorter part and slit itself. Through this slit is passed the bight of the thong, all drawn up taut and seized with sinew braid.

No. 89467 [755], from UtkiavwiÑ, is a similar drag, put together in much the same way, but it has the mittens doweled together with two wooden pins, and a seal’s head with round bits of wood inlaid for eyes, ears, and nostrils, in place of the seal. The longitudinal perforation in this head shows that it was originally strung lengthwise on one of these lines. The “double slit splice” of the two ends of the thong is worked into a complicated round knot, between which and the handle the two parts of the line are confined by a tube of ivory 1 inch long, ornamented with deeply incised patterns. Fig. 257b is the upper part of a line (No.56622 [36], from UtkiavwiÑ), with a similar tube 1¾ inches long, and a handle carved from a single piece into a pair of mittens like the others.

No. 56625 [81], also from UtkiavwiÑ, is almost exactly similar to the one first described, but has the seal belly up. Fig. 257c (No.89470 [1337], from the same village) has a seal 2.3 inches long for the handle, and No. 56626 [212], from UtkiavwiÑ, is like it. No. 89469a, [755a] Fig. 257d, from UtkiavwiÑ, has for a handle the head of a bearded seal 1.6 inches long, neatly carved from walrus ivory, with round bits of wood inlaid for the eyes and ears. It is perforated longitudinally from the chin to the back of the head, and a large hole at the throat opens into this. The longer end of the thong is passed in at the chin and out at the back of the head; the shorter, in at the back of the head and out at the throat; the two ends brought together between the standing parts and all stopped together with sinew braid.

No. 56627 [45], Fig. 257e, has a handle made of two ivory bears’ heads, very neatly carved, with circular bits of wood inlaid for eyes, and perforated like the seal’s head just described. The thong is doubled in the middle and each end passed through one of the heads lengthwise, so as to protrude about 7 inches. About 4 inches of end is then doubled over, thrust through the throat hole of the opposite head, and brought down along the standing parts. All the parts are stopped together with sinew braid. This makes a small becket above the handle.

We collected seven knobs for these drag lines, of which six are seals’ heads and one a bear’s. They are all made of walrus ivory, apparently each a single tooth, and not a piece of tusk, and are about 1½ inches to 2 inches long. They are generally carved with considerable skill, and 259 often have the ears, roots of the whiskers, nostrils, and outline of the mouth incised and blackened, while small blue beads, bits of ivory, or wood are inlaid for the eyes. Implements of this sort are in common use among Eskimo generally wherever they are so situated as to be able to engage in seal-hunting. Mr. Nelson’s collection contains specimens from as far south as Cape Darby.

Whalebone wolf-killers (isibru).—

Before the introduction of the steel traps, which they now obtain by trade, these people used a peculiar contrivance for catching the wolf. This consists of a stout rod of whalebone about 1 foot long and one-half inch broad, with a sharp point at each end. One of these was folded lengthwise in the form of a Z,356 wrapped in blubber (whale’s blubber was used, according to our informant, NikawÁalu), and frozen solid. It was then thrown out on the snow where the wolf could find and swallow it. The heat of the animal’s body would thaw out the blubber, releasing the whalebone, which would straighten out and pierce the walls of the stomach, thus causing the animal’s death. NikawÁalu says that a wolf would not go far after swallowing one of these blubber balls.

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Fig. 258.—Whalebone wolf-killers.

We collected four sets of these contrivances, one set containing seven rods and the others four each. Fig. 258a gives a good idea of the shape of one of these. It belongs to a set of seven, No. 89538 [1229], Fig. 258b, from UtkiavwiÑ, which are old and show the marks of having been doubled up. It is 12½ inches long, 0.4 broad, and 0.2 thick. The little notches on the opposite edges of each end were probably to hold a lashing of sinew which kept the folded rod in shape while the blubber was freezing, being cut by thrusting a knife through the partially frozen blubber, as is stated by Schwatka.357 Two of the sets are new, but made like the others.

This contrivance is also used by the Eskimo of Hudson Bay358 and at Norton Sound, where, according to Petroff,359 the rods are 2 feet long and wrapped in seal blubber. The name isi´bru appears to be the same as the Greenlandic (isavssok), found only in the diminutive isavssora?, aprovincial name for the somewhat similar sharp-pointed stick baited with blubber and used for catching gulls. The diminutive form of this 260 word in Greenlandic may indicate that their ancestors once used the large wolf-killer, when they lived where wolves were found. The definition of uju´kua?, the ordinary word for the gull-catcher (see below)—in the GrØnlandske Ordbog—is the only evidence we have of the use of this contrivance in Greenland. This is one of the several cases in which we only learn of the occurrence of customs, etc., noted at Point Barrow, in Greenland, by finding the name of the thing in question defined in the dictionary.

Traps.

Foxes are caught in the winter by deadfalls or steel traps (nÄnori´a), set generally along the beach, where the foxes are wandering about in search of carrion thrown up by the sea. In setting the deadfalls a little house about 2 feet high is built, in which is placed the bait of meat or blubber. Aheavy log of driftwood is placed across the entrance, with one end raised high enough to allow a fox to pass under it, and supported by a regular “figure of four” of sticks. The fox can not get at the bait without passing under the log, and in doing so he must touch the trigger of the “figure of four” (4), which brings down the log across his back. When a steel trap is used it is not baited itself, but buried in the snow at the entrance of a similar little house, so that the fox can not reach the bait without stepping on the plate of the trap and thus springing it. Many foxes are taken with such traps in the course of the winter.

The boys use a sort of snare for catching setting birds. This is simply a strip of whalebone made into a slip-noose, which is set over the eggs, with the end fastened to the ground, so that the bird is caught by the leg. Once or twice, when there was a light snow on the beach, we saw a native catching the large gulls as follows: He had a stick of hard wood, pointed at each end, to the middle of which was fastened one end of a stout string about 6 feet long. The other end was secured to a stake driven into the frozen gravel, and the stick wrapped with blubber and laid on the beach, with the string carefully hidden in the snow. The gull came along, swallowed the lump of blubber, and as soon as he tried to fly away the string made the sharp stick turn like a toggle across his gullet, the points forcing their way through, so that he was held fast. Asimilar contrivance, but somewhat smaller and made of bone, is used at Norton Sound for catching gulls and murres, anumber of them being attached to a trawl line and baited with fish. Mr. Nelson collected a large number of these.360 In regard to the use of this contrivance in Greenland, see above under “wolf-killers.”

Snow-goggles.

The wooden goggles worn to protect the eyes from snow-blindness may be considered as accessories to hunting, as they are worn chiefly by those engaged in hunting or fishing, especially when deer-hunting in the spring on the snow-covered tundra or when in the whaleboats among the ice. They are simply a wooden cover for the 261 eyes, admitting the light by a narrow horizontal slit, which allows only a small amount of light to reach the eye and at the same time gives sufficient range of vision. Such goggles are universally employed by the Eskimos everywhere361 except in Siberia, where they use a simple shade for the eyes.362

We brought home four pairs of these goggles (Í´dyigÛÑ), of which No. 89894 [1708], Fig. 259, represents the common form. These are of pine wood, 5.8 inches long and 1.1 inches broad, and deeply excavated on the inside, with a narrow horizontal slit with thin edges on each side of the middle. In the middle are two notches to fit the nose, the one in the lower edge deep and rounded, the upper very shallow. The two holes in each end are for strings of sinew braid to pass round the head. They are neatly made and the outside is scraped smooth and shows traces of a coat of red ocher.

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Fig. 259.—Wooden snow goggles.

The history of this particular pair of goggles is peculiarly interesting. Though differing in no important respect from those used at the present day, they were found on the site of the ancient village of IsÛ´tkwa, where our station stood, buried at a depth of 27 feet in undisturbed frozen ground, and were uncovered in digging the shaft sunk by Lieut. Ray for obtaining earth temperatures.363 The layer in which they were found was evidently an old sea beach, consisting of sand and gravel mixed with broken shells, among which Mya truncata was recognized. The amount of the superincumbent gravel and similar material above this object does not necessarily indicate any very great length of time since they were first buried, as will be readily understood from what I have said above (p.28) about the rapidity with which high hummocks of gravel are pushed up by the ice. The unbroken layer of turf, however, nearly a foot thick, with which the ground was covered at this point, shows that a considerable period must have elapsed since the gravel had reached nearly to its present level.

The pattern of these goggles is to my mind a very decided proof that at that early date this region was inhabited by Eskimo not essentially different from its present inhabitants. Goggles worn at the present day are almost always of the shape of these, though I remember seeing one pair made in two pieces joined by short strings of beads across the nose. They are, Ithink, universally painted with red ocher on the outside and 262 blackened inside. They were not always made of wood, as there are two specimens in the collection made of a piece of antler, following the natural curve of the beam, divided longitudinally, with the softer inside tissue hollowed out.

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Fig. 383.—Drum.

We collected four of these drums, of which every household possesses at least one. They are all of essentially the same construction, but vary in size. No. 56741 [79], Fig. 383, has been selected as the type. The frame is a flat strip of willow 67 inches long, 1inch wide, and 0.3 inch thick, bent till the two ends meet, thus making a hoop 22.2 inches long and 19 inches wide. The ends are fastened together by a strap of walrus ivory on the inside of the hoop, secured to the wood by neat stitches of black whalebone. The handle is of walrus ivory 5.2 inches long. The larger end is rather rudely carved into a human face. Back of this head and 1 inch from the large end of the handle is a square transverse notch, deep and sufficiently wide to fit over both rim and strap at the joint. It is held on by a lashing of sinew braid passing through holes in rim and strap, one on each side of the handle, and a large transverse hole in the latter, below and a little in front of the notch. The membrane, which appears to be a sheet of the peritoneum of a seal, is stretched over the other side of the hoop, which is beveled on the outside edge, and its edge is brought down to a deep 386 groove 0.2 inch from the edge of the hoop and 0.3 inch wide, running round the hoop, where it is secured by three or four turns of sinew braid. The end of this string is crossed back and forth four or five times round the handle, where it is fitted to the hoop and then wrapped around it and finished off with a knot.

No. 56742 [514], from UtkiavwiÑ, is a similar drum, but somewhat larger, the hoop being 24.6 inches long and 22 inches wide. It is of the same materials, except that the strap at the joint is of reindeer antler. Opposite the joint the hoop appears to have shown signs of weakness, as it has been strengthened with two straps of walrus ivory, one on the inside and one on the outside of the hoop, fastened together by stitches of sinew which pass through the wood and through both straps. The inside strap is 4.7 inches long, the outer 3.5 inches long, and only half the width of the rim, and is let into the latter. This strap appears to have been put on first, as at each end there is a stitch which only runs through the wood. The handle is fastened on as before, but has two transverse holes instead of one, and has four deep rounded notches for the fingers. (See Fig. 384.) The joint is tightened by driving a thin sliver of wood in at the bottom of the notch.

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Fig. 384.—Handle of drum secured to rim.

No. 56743 [31], from UtkiavwiÑ, closely resembles the type, but has a notch for the thumb as well as for the forefinger on the handle. The hoop is 23.5 inches long and 21 wide. No. 56740 [80] from the same village is rather smaller than the ordinary drums, having a hoop 16.2 inches long and 14.7 wide. The handle is of antler, but has the usual face on the large end.

We also brought home eight handles for these drums, which exhibit but slight variations. The commonest material for the handle is walrus ivory. Only two out of the twelve are of antler. They are usually about 5 inches long (the longest is 5.4 inches and the shortest 4.6). Handles with grooves for the fingers and sometimes for the thumb seem to be quite as common as the plain handles. Fig. 385a represents an ivory handle from Nuwuk (No.89267 [898]), which has a groove for each finger and a shallow one on the right side for the thumb. It is 5 inches long.

With one exception all these handles have the large end more or less neatly carved into a human face, with the mouth open as if singing, 387 probably from an idea similar to that which makes the decorative artists of civilized countries ornament the pipes of a great organ with singing faces. This face is usually in the position shown in the specimens figured, but No. 89266 [784] (Fig. 385b), a handle of antler from UtkiavwiÑ, has the axis of the face parallel to that of the handle. Nos. 89269 [975] and 56515 [76], both from UtkiavwiÑ, are peculiar in their ornamentation. They are both of walrus ivory. The former has a well-carved face at the large end with small blue beads inlaid for eyes. In addition to this the small end has been rather freshly carved into a rather rude seal’s head, and an ornamental pattern has been incised round the middle. This specimen exhibits the grooves for the fingers very well. The latter is a plain handle, but has a little sharp tusk inserted at each corner of the mouth. The only handle without a human face on the large end (No.56514 [65] Fig. 385c, from UtkiavwiÑ) is peculiar in many respects. It is the butt end of a small walrus tusk, with a large pulp cavity, the edges of which are much notched and irregularly broken. The notch for fitting it to the handle is at the smaller end, which is neatly carved into a very good figure of a walrus head, with the tusks bent back to the under side of the handle. The head has oval bits of wood inlaid for eyes. None of the drums or handles in the collection are newly made.

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Fig. 385.—Drum handles.

The stick employed for beating these drums is commonly a slender elastic wand about 2½ feet long, but they also sometimes use a short 388 thick stick of ivory resembling that used by the eastern Eskimo.506 We brought home two of these sticks, both of which belong with the drum No. 56743 [31]. Fig. 386a (No.56540 [31]) is a roughly cylindrical rod of ivory with a hole for a lanyard. The larger end is ornamented by rudely incised and darkened lines which represent the eyes and outline of the mouth of a “bow-head” whale. Fig. 386b (No.56540 [31a]) is a plain round stick of ivory 9.4 inches long. It is rather roughly made and somewhat warped. The use of the long stick is perhaps derived from Siberia, where the short thick stick does not appear to be used.507

Holes in the membrane of the drum are sometimes mended with pieces of the crop of the ptarmigan. At any rate, this is what I was told by a native, who begged from me the crops of two of these birds that I was skinning, saying that he wanted them to mend his drum. These drums are always beaten as an accompaniment to invocations of spirits or incantations. This practice is so common that some authors are in the habit of always speaking of them as “shaman drums”. As I have already stated, their most common use is purely as a musical instrument, and they are used not only by the so-called “shamans” but by everybody.

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Fig. 386.—Ivory drumsticks.

Character and frequency of music.

Their music consists of monotonous chants, usually with very little perceptible air, and pitched generally in a minor key. Icould not perceive that they had any idea of “tune,” in the musical sense, but when several sang together each pitched the tune to suit himself. They, however, keep excellent time. The ordinary songs are in “common” or time.508 The words are often extemporaneous, and at tolerably regular intervals comes the refrain, “AyÁÑa yÁÑa, ayÁÑa ya,” which takes the place of the “Ámna aja” of the eastern Eskimo. Sometimes, when they are humming or singing to themselves, the words are nothing but this refrain. Their voices, as a general thing, are musical.

Like all Eskimo, they are very fond of music, and are constantly 389 singing and humming to themselves, sometimes, according to Capt. Herendeen, waking up in the night to sing. Besides their regular festivals they often amuse themselves in their houses by singing to the drum. They are fond of civilized music, and, having usually very quick and rather acute ears, readily catch the tunes, which they sing with curiously mutilated words. We found “Shoo Fly” and “Little Brown Jug” great favorites at the time of our arrival, and one old woman from Nuwuk, told us with great glee, how Magwa (Maguire) used to sing “Tolderolderol.” Our two violins, the doctor’s and the cook’s, were a constant source of delight to them.

Capt. Parry509 gives an excellent account of the music of the people of Fury and Hecla Straits.510

I regret extremely that I was not enough of a musician to write down on the spot the different tunes sung by these people. The ordinary monotonous chant is so devoid of air that I can not possibly recollect it, and the same is true of the chant which accompanies the game of pebble-tossing. Iwas able, however, to catch by ear the song sung by the children when they dance to the aurora. Inever had the whole of this song, which we were told had a large number of stanzas. The first three are as follows:

1. KiÓya ke, kiÓya ke,

A, yÁÑ?, yaÑ?, ya,

Hwi, hwi, hwi, hwi!

2. TÚdlimanÁ, tÚdlimanÁ,

A yÁÑ?, yaÑ?, ya,

Hwi, hwi, hwi, hwi!

3. KÁlutanÁ, kalutanÁ,

A yÁÑ?, yÁÑ?, ya,

Hwi, hwi, hwi, hwi!

We did not succeed in learning the meaning of these words, except, of course, that the first word, kiÓya, is aurora. When there is a bright aurora, the children often keep on dancing and singing this song till late into the night. Atune was introduced in the spring of 1883 by a party of men from KilauwitÁwiÑ, who came up to take part in the whale-fishing at UtkiavwiÑ. It became at once exceedingly popular, and everybody was singing or humming it. It is peculiar in being in waltz or time, and has considerably more air than the ordinary tunes. Iheard no words sung to it except: “Ohai hai yÁÑa, Ohai yÁÑa, OhaÍja he, haÍja he.” Mr. Dall informs me that he recognizes this tune as one sung by the Indians on the Yukon.

ART.

The artistic sense appears to be much more highly developed among the western Eskimo than among those of the east. Among the latter, 390 decoration appears to be applied almost solely to the clothing, while tools and utensils are usually left plain, and if ornamented are only adorned with carving or incised lines.511 West of the Mackenzie River, and especially south of Bering Strait, Eskimo decorative art reaches its highest development, as shown by the collections in the National Museum. Not only is everything finished with the most extreme care, but all wooden objects are gaily painted with various pigments, and all articles of bone and ivory are covered with ornamental carvings and incised lines forming conventional patterns.

There are in the collections also many objects that appear to have been made simply for the pleasure of exercising the ingenuity in representing natural or fanciful objects, and are thus purely works of art. Want of space forbids any further discussion of these interesting objects. There is in the Museum sufficient material for a large monograph on Eskimo art. As would naturally be expected, art at Point Barrow occupies a somewhat intermediate position between the highly developed art of the southwest and the simple art of the east. Ihave given sufficient figures in my description of their clothing and various implements to illustrate the condition of purely decorative art. Afew words may be added by way of rÉsumÉ. It will be noticed that whenever the bone or ivory parts of weapons are decorated the ornamentation is usually in the form of incised lines colored with red ocher or soot. These lines rarely represent any natural objects, but generally form rather elegant conventional patterns, most commonly double or single borders, often joined by oblique cross lines or fringed with short, pointed parallel lines.

A common ornament is the incised “circle and dot,” so often referred to in the foregoing descriptions. This is a circle about one-quarter inch in diameter, described as accurately as if done with compasses, with a deeply incised dot exactly in the center. This ornament is much more common south of Bering Strait, where, as Mr. L.M. Turner informs me, it is a conventionalized representation of a flower. Some of the older implements in our collection, ornamented with this figure, may have been obtained by trade from the southern natives, but the Point Barrow people certainly know how to make it, as there are a number of newly made articles in the collection thus ornamented. Unfortunately, we saw none of these objects in the process of manufacture, as they were made by the natives during odd moments of leisure, and at the time I did not realize the importance of finding out the process. No tool by which these figures could be made so accurately was ever offered for sale.

Neither Mr. Turner nor Mr. Dall, both of whom, as is well known, spent long periods among the natives of the Yukon region, ever observed the process of making this ornament. The latter, however, suggests that it is perhaps done with an improvised centerbit, made by sticking 391 two iron points close together in the end of a handle. While weapons are decorated only with conventional patterns, other implements of bone or ivory, especially those pertaining to the chase, like the seal drags, etc., already mentioned, are frequently carved into the shape of animals, as well as being ornamented with conventional patterns. Carvings of animals’ heads usually have the mouth, nostrils, etc., indicated by blackened incisions, and often have small, colored beads, bits of wood, or ivory inlaid for the eyes. When beads are used, the perforation of the bead is generally made to represent the pupil of the eye. Beads were also used for ornamenting dishes and other wooden objects.

The harpoon blade boxes of wood carved into the shape of the animal to be pursued have been already described. Other wooden objects, like the shafts of lances, and arrows, paddles, boxes, dishes, the woodwork of snowshoes, sledges, umiaks, etc., are frequently painted either all over, or in stripes or bands. The pigment generally used is red ocher, sometimes set off with stripes of black lead. The only case in which a different pigment is used is that of some arrows from Sidaru, which, in addition to the usual black or red rings, have a rather dingy green ring round the shaft. This green looks as if it might have been derived from the “green fungus or peziza,” mentioned by Dall as in use among the ancient Aleuts.512 The red ocher is applied smoothly in a rather thin coat which looks as if it were always put on in the manner observed by Capt. Herendeen, who saw a man painting a new sled at UtkiavwiÑ. He licked the freshly scraped wood with his tongue, so as to moisten it with saliva and then rubbed it with a lump of red ocher. The custom of painting wooden objects with red ocher seemed to be rather more common among the “NunataÑmiun,” from whom perhaps the Point Barrow people borrowed the fashion, which is not mentioned among the eastern Eskimo. NordenskiÖld states that red is the favorite color among the natives of Pitlekaj.513

The painting of the arrow shafts in many cases curiously resembles the marks used by modern archers to distinguish the ownership of their shafts, and may have formerly served the same purpose. We made no inquiries about the matter on the spot, and there is no certain evidence in the series of arrows collected that these are or are not marks of ownership. Some arrows, apparently the property of the same man, have different marks, while arrows from different villages are similarly marked. On examining our series of fifty arrows from the three villages (fourteen from Nuwuk, twenty from UtkiavwiÑ, and sixteen from Sidaru) it will be seen that the commonest style of painting is to have the shaft painted red from the beginning or middle of the feathering to about one-fifth of its length from the head. Twenty arrows are marked in this way—eleven from Nuwuk, belonging to at least two distinct sets, and nine from UtkiavwiÑ, belonging to three sets. Nine have 392 about 8 inches of the middle of the shaft painted red, with a black ring at the middle of the feathering. Seven of these are from Sidaru, one from Nuwuk, and one from UtkiavwiÑ. Five from Sidaru have a red ring round the middle, and a green one about the middle of the feathering, and four of the same set have also a red ring in front of the green one. Three from UtkiavwiÑ, belonging to different sets, have the shaft painted red from the middle to the beginning of the feathering, and three red rings 2 inches from the nock. Seven belonging to these sets from the two northern villages are unpainted.

A set of two small arrows which belong with the boy’s bow No. 89904 [786] are peculiar in their marking. About 5½ inches of the middle of the shaft is painted red, there is a black ring round the middle, and a black spiral running the whole length of the feathering.

The only decorative work in metal is to be seen in the pipes and their accompanying picks and fire steel which have already been described.

In addition to these illustrations of decorative art, we brought home a series of seventy-nine objects which may be considered as purely works of art without reference to decoration. Some of the older objects in this series perhaps also served the purpose of amulets or charms,514 but a number of the new ones were made simply as works of fancy for sale to us. These objects are all carvings of various materials, sometimes very rude and sometimes very neatly finished, but in most cases even when rudely made highly characteristic of the object represented.515 Walrus ivory, usually from the tusks, but sometimes from the teeth, is the commonest material for these carvings. Thirty-six of the series are made of this material, which is very well suited for the purpose, being worked with tolerable ease, and capable of receiving a high finish. Soapstone, from the ease with which it can be cut, is also rather a favorite material. Seventeen of these carvings are made of soapstone, in many cases evidently pieces of an old lamp or kettle. Other mineral substances appear to be rarely used. Three images, all made for sale and by the same hand, are of soft white gypsum and one tiny image of a bear is rudely flaked out of gray flint. (There are in the collection a number of rude images of whales, made by flaking from flint, jasper, and glass, but as these were ascertained without doubt to be amulets, they will be described under that head.) Eleven are made of wood, nine of bone, one of antler, and one of the tooth of the polar bear. Twenty-three of these carvings represent human beings, sometimes intentionally grotesque and caricatured; twenty-one, bowhead whales; fourteen, polar bears; five, seals; three, walruses; one, abeluga; one, afish; and seven, fanciful monsters. Four are ornamented objects made for sale; not, strictly speaking, images.

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Fig. 387.—Ancient carving, human head.

Six of the representations of the human face or figure are of wood, 393 and with one exception were all freshly made for sale. Fig. 387 represents the only antique specimen of this kind (No.56496 [655]). This was found among the dÉbris in one of the old ruined houses in UtkiavwiÑ by Lieut. Ray, and is very old, blackened, and dirty. The carving was evidently done with a blunt instrument, probably a stone tool. This specimen, which was perhaps the head of a doll, is 7.1 inches in total length, with a head 3.4 inches long. We saw no similar object of modern construction.

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Fig. 388.—Wooden figures.

Figs. 388a and 388b (Nos. 89726 [1192] and 89727 [1193], from UtkiavwiÑ) are a pair of rather roughly whittled human figures, aman and woman, respectively, both without clothes (except that the woman has a black-lead mark round the calf of each leg to indicate the tops of the boots). They were made for sale, and are perhaps unfinished dolls. The man (No.89726 [1192]) is 11 inches long and tolerably well proportioned, except about the feet, which are very clumsily made. The eyes and mouth are incised and the hair colored with black-lead. The woman (No.89727 [1193]) is a very similar figure, but only 9.2 inches long. She has prominent breasts, and her legs are shorter in proportion than the man’s.

No. 89725 [1185], from UtkiavwiÑ, is a clumsy image of a man, rudely whittled out of a flat, hardwood stick, 7¼ inches long. The body and legs are long, the latter somewhat straddling, with clumsy feet. The outstretched arms are very short and stumpy. It has been painted all 394 over with a thin coat of red ocher, and the legs and feet have a coat of black lead over this. The hair also is marked out with black lead, and a small opaque white bead is fastened with a peg to the middle of the breast. This image was made for the market.

No. 56495a [203], from UtkiavwiÑ, is of a pair of very rude images, also made solely for the market. Each is 8 inches long, and is merely an oblong piece of board, flat and rough on the back, roughly beveled from the middle to each side in front. One end is surmounted by a rather rudely carved human head, with the features in relief and the eyes and mouth incised. The eyebrows are marked out with black lead, and there is a longitudinal line of black lead down the middle of the front.

Fig. 389 (No. 89724 [1123] from Nuwuk) is the face of a male Eskimo, 3.2 inches long, carved out of a flat piece of some coniferous wood weathered to a dark, reddish brown. The labrets are represented by two small, red glass beads with white centers, fastened on in the proper position with wooden pegs. There is a deep groove around the edge of the face into which is fastened a strip of yellowish wolfskin with long fur to represent the trimming around the hood of the jacket. This specimen was made for sale, and the carving is well executed. It is a characteristic Eskimo face, and would pass for a portrait of ApaidyÁo, awell known young Eskimo, who was employed by Lieut. Ray as a guide and hunter.

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Fig. 389.—Carving, face of Eskimo man.

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Fig. 390.—Grotesque soapstone image, “walrus man.”

We collected only two soap-stone carvings representing men, both of which were newly made. One of these, Fig. 390 (No.89569 [1095] from Nuwuk), is a grotesque image 2.9 inches long, roughly carved from a flat piece of an old lamp or pot. This is almost exactly the form in which the Eskimo, especially the children, usually draw a man. The writer’s portrait 395 has been drawn in very much the same shape. The features are very rudely indicated, and a long projecting tusk of bone is inserted at each corner of the mouth and glued in with refuse oil. This figure is probably meant to represent the “man with tusks,” before referred to, who figures in several of the legendary fragments which we obtained.

No. 89568 [1108], from UtkiavwiÑ, probably represents the same being. It is a mask of soapstone, apiece of an old lamp, 2.8 inches long, with very characteristic features in low relief, and a pair of sharp, projecting, decurved tusks, about 1 inch long, which appear to be made of the vibrissÆ of the walrus. The back of the mask is roughly hollowed out. No. 89575 [1014], from Nuwuk, is a clumsy and carelessly made image of a man, 3.4 inches long, whittled out of a flat, rough piece of soft, white gypsum. The arms are short and clumsy and the legs straddling, and there is a large elliptical hole through the middle of the body. The features are indicated only by digging little cavities for the eyes, nostrils, and mouth. This and two other images of the same material, abear equally rude, and a very well carved and characteristic beluga, were made by the ingenious young native, YÖksa, previously mentioned.

The best bone figure of a man is shown in Fig. 391 (No. 89353 [1025], from Nuwuk), also newly made. This is an image, 5inches long, of the giant “KikÁmigo,” previously mentioned, and is a very excellent piece of workmanship. The material is rather vascular compact bone. On the head is a conical dancing cap, 1.4 inches high, made of deerskin, with the flesh side out, and colored with red ocher, with a tuft of wolf hairs, 3inches long, protruding from the apex. Around the middle of the cap is a narrow strip of the same material fringed on the lower edge with fifteen flat, narrow pendants of ivory, made to represent mountain-sheep teeth. To the back of this strip is fastened a half-downy feather nearly 4 inches long. Aslender wooden stick is stuck into the strip behind, so that the tip reaches just above the apex of the cap. To a notch in the end of this is tied a bit of dressed deerskin, 1¼ inches long, cut into three strips.

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Fig. 391.—Bone image of dancer.

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Fig. 392.—Bone image of man.

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Fig. 393.—Grotesque bone image.

Fig. 392 (No. 89348 [1127], from UtkiavwiÑ) is an image neatly carved from whale’s bone, which may have been meant for an amulet, or possibly the handle of a drill cord, as it is not new, and has two oblique holes in the middle of the back, which meet so as to form a longitudinal channel for a string. The eyes, mouth, and labret holes are incised and filled with black dirt. The total length is 3.3 inches.

396

Fig. 393 (No. 89344 [1272], from UtkiavwiÑ) is a very grotesque image of a naked man, rudely carved from compact, rather porous bone, impregnated with oil, but scraped smooth. It is 5 inches long. The mouth and eyes are incised and blackened, and the nostrils simply bored out.

The ivory carvings representing human figures are all of rather rude workmanship. No. 89352 [1100], Fig. 394, from Nuwuk, is a tolerably good figure, 3.3 inches long, of a sitting man holding up his hands before his face. This specimen is old and is made of walrus ivory yellow from age and oil. No. 89351 [1085] from Nuwuk, is a similar image, 3.8 inches long, newly made, with the arms at the sides, roughly carved from coarse walrus ivory. The eyes and mouth are incised and filled with dark colored dirt. Fig. 395 (No.89349 [980], from Nuwuk) is an old image made of yellow walrus ivory and closely resembling the bone image (No.89348 [1127]) already figured, but with the hands by the sides. It is 2.7 inches long and has a string 4 inches long tied into the channel in the back.

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Fig. 394.—Ivory image, sitting man.

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Fig. 395.—Human figure carved from walrus ivory.

Nos. 89346 and 89347 [990], from Nuwuk, are a pair of little men, standing erect, about 2 inches high, rather roughly carved, of slightly yellow walrus ivory. Both have large, clumsy feet and legs, and the eyes, nostrils, and mouth incised and filled in as usual with dark colored dirt. The arms are in high relief. No. 89346 [990b] has his hands clasped in front of him, while No. 89347 [990a] has them clasped behind his back. The legs of the latter are excavated on the inside as if to fit it upon the end of some object. It is more probable, however, that this image was carved from the foreshaft of a seal-dart, and that the excavation is merely the slot in the end of the latter. These two images are evidently modern, but do not appear freshly made. No. 89345 [1273] from UtkiavwiÑ is a very rude image, 2.6 inches long, having a very small head and no arms. It is somewhat discolored walrus ivory and quite dirty, and though evidently modern, from the appearance of the ivory, does not appear to 397 be freshly made. This figure is even ruder in design than those from Siberia figured by NordenskiÖld.516

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Fig. 396.—Ivory carving, three human heads.

The best of our human figures from Point Barrow show much greater art, both in workmanship and design, than those just mentioned, but can not compare with the elegant figures in the museum from the more southern parts of Alaska. The four remaining ivory carvings represent the human face alone. No. 89342 [989], Fig. 396, from Nuwuk, is a thick piece of walrus ivory 3.3 inches long and 1.6 wide, carved into three human faces, aman in the middle and a woman on each side, joined together at the side of the head. Though the workmanship is rough, the faces are characteristic. The man has labrets and a curved line of tattooing at each corner of the mouth, indicating the successful whaleman, and the women, the usual tattooing on the chin. The eyes, nostrils, mouths, labrets, and tattooing are incised and blackened as usual. This specimen, though apparently modern, does not seem fresh enough to have been made for sale. The seller called it “aman and his two wives” without giving them any names. It may be intended as a portrait of some celebrated whaleman.

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Fig. 397.—Human head carved from a walrus tooth.

Fig. 397 is one of a pair of very rude faces (No. 56523 [52] from UtkiavwiÑ), 1½ inches long, which were made for sale. It is simply a walrus-tooth cut off square on the ends and on one side rudely carved into a face, with the eyes and mouth incised and filled in with dark colored dirt. Fig. 398 (No.89343 [1124] from Nuwuk) is a flat piece of ivory (abit of an old snow shovel edge), 4inches long and 1.2 inches wide, roughly carved and covered with incised figures. The upper edge is carved into five heads: First, arude bear’s head, with the eyes and nostrils incised and blackened as usual; then four human heads, with a face on each side. The front faces have the noses and brows in low relief and the eyes, nostrils, and mouths incised and blackened; the back ones are flat, with the last three features indicated as before. At the end is a rude figure of a bear, heading toward the right, with the ears in relief, the eyes and mouth roughly incised and blackened, and the legs indicated by roughly incised and blackened lines on the obverse face. Both faces are covered with rudely incised and blackened lines.

On the obverse there is a single vertical line between each pair of heads. Below the bear’s head is a bear heading toward the right; 398 under the first human head, an umiak with four men; under the second, a“killer” (Orca) heading toward the right; under the third, two of the usual conventionalized whales’ tails suspended from a cross-line; and under the last, a“killer” with very large “flukes” heading toward the left.

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Fig. 398.—Elaborate ivory carving.

On the reverse there are, below the bear, a bear heading toward the right, below each of the human heads a whale’s tail with the flukes up, and under the bear’s head a bear heading toward the right. This end is perforated with a large round hole, into which is knotted a bit of deer sinew about 3 inches long, the other end of which is tied round the junction of two little bowhead whales, each about 1 inch long and carved out of a single piece of ivory, head to head. They are rather rudely carved and have the spiracles incised and blackened. This object appears freshly made, but perhaps commemorates the exploits of some four hunters. It was purchased along with other objects and its history was not learned at the time.

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Fig. 399.—Bear carved of soapstone.

Perhaps the best image of a polar bear is No. 89566 [1252], Fig. 399, from UtkiavwiÑ, which is quite characteristic. It represents the bear standing and was carved out of soft, gray soapstone with a knife, and finished off smoothly with a file. It is 4 inches long. No. 89571 [116b], from Nuwuk, is a very rude flat soapstone bear, 1.9 inches long, in profile, showing only one fore and one hind leg. It was made for sale, but No. 89576 [966], from the same village, which is almost exactly like this, though smaller, is old. No. 89574 [1027], from Nuwuk, is the gypsum carving of a bear, above referred to, which is very like 399 the preceding two specimens. It is 2.5 inches long and has a large tail and large clumsy legs.

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Fig. 400.—Bear flaked from flint.

No. 89578 [1051], Fig. 400, from UtkiavwiÑ, is a thin profile figure of a polar bear, made by flaking from dark gray flint. It is 1.4 inches long, and the tail is disproportionately long. The specimen does not appear to be new, and was perhaps intended for an amulet, like the flint whales already mentioned.

The only bone figure of a bear in the collection, No. 89335 [1275], Fig. 401a, from UtkiavwiÑ, is very crude. It has a very long, slim body and neck, and short, slender legs. The mouth, eyes, and nostrils are incised and are blackened as usual. The carving is rudely done, but the specimen, which was made for sale, has been scraped smooth. It is 5.5 inches long, and made of whale’s bone, soaked in oil to make it appear old.

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Fig. 401.—Bone figures: (a)bear; (b)bear’s head.

Fig. 401b (No. 89471 [997], from UtkiavwiÑ) is the end of some old implement, 6inches long, one end of which is carved into a rather rude bear’s head, with the ears, nostrils, outline of the mouth, and the vibrissÆ incised and blackened. Sky-blue glass beads are inlaid for the eyes and bits of tooth for the canine tusks. On the throat is a conventional figure with two “circles and dots,” all incised and blackened. The carving is freshly done, but soiled, to make it look old.

The three newly made ivory bears are all represented standing and are quite characteristic. All have the eyes, nostrils, and mouth incised and blackened. Fig. 402a (No.89337 [1274], from UtkiavwiÑ) is the best in execution. It is made of white ivory and is 3.3 inches long. No. 56524, [92], from Nuwuk, is a small bear, 1.7 inches long, not quite so well carved, and disproportionally long-legged. The left hind leg has been broken off close to the body and doweled on with a wooden peg. Another little bear from Nuwuk (No.89841 [992]) is still more rudely carved, but closely resembles the preceding.

400

A larger carving, rather roughly executed (No. 89338 [1098], from Nuwuk), represents a standing bear 3.2 inches long, holding a whale crosswise in his mouth. The whale is a separate piece, held in by a wooden peg driven through the bear’s lower jaw. This specimen is newly made from rather coarse walrus ivory.

Fig. 402b (No. 89340 [953], from UtkiavwiÑ) is a very ancient ivory image of a bear, 3.4 inches long, which was evidently intended for an amulet, as there is a stout lug on the belly, into which are bored two oblique holes, so as to make a longitudinal channel for a string. Into this is knotted a stout cord of loosely twisted sinew. The execution of the image is particularly good, but the design is very rude. The specimen is so ancient that the ivory of which it is made has become almost black.

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Fig. 402.—Ivory figures of bears.

No. 56528a [56a] from UtkiavwiÑ is a walrus tooth, 1.6 inches long, carved into the shape of a bear’s head. Both design and execution are very rude. Light blue glass beads are inlaid for the eyes, and the nostrils and outline of the mouth are incised and filled in with black dirt. It was made for sale. Astill more rude carving, also made for sale, is No. 56528, from UtkiavwiÑ, which is an old and weathered canine tooth of the polar bear, with the point freshly whittled so as to look something like a bear’s head. Two sky-blue glass beads are inlaid to represent the eyes and one for the nose, and the mouth is incised and blackened.

The walrus does not appear to be a favorite subject for representation. The part of the collection already described shows that it occurs very seldom as a decoration, and we obtained only three images of this animal, one in soapstone and two in ivory, all small and very rude, both in design and execution. They are all newly made. The best image is shown in Fig. 403a (No.89333 [1384] from UtkiavwiÑ). This is 2.3 inches long and made of coarse walrus ivory. The head is rather good, but the body simply tapers to a broken point. Abit of wood is inlaid for the left eye, but the right is merely represented by a hole.

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Fig. 403.—Rude ivory figures of walrus.

Fig. 403b (No. 89334 [1067], from UtkiavwiÑ) is exceedingly rude. The eyes, nostrils, and mouth are incised and blackened as usual, and the vibrissÆ (“whiskers”) are represented by rather large round pits on the snout, also filled in with black dirt. It is 2.9 inches long, and appears 401 to have been dipped in the oil-bucket to make it look old. Both the images bear a strong resemblance to the rude carvings of walruses from Siberia figured by NordenskiÖld.517a No. 89570 [1271] from Nuwuk is of soapstone, 2inches long, with tusks rudely carved from walrus ivory. The head is but roughly indicated, while the body is shaped like a slug, and is bifid at the pointed end to represent the hind flippers. The eyes and nostrils are roughly incised.

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Fig. 404.—Images of seal—wood and bone.

The seal, on the other hand, is a favorite object for artistic representation. It is seen often, as already described, as a decoration on various implements, especially the drag lines, generally in a very characteristic shape, and the five seal images in the collection are excellent in design and execution. Almost all are decidedly superior to those from Pitlekaj, figured by NordenskiÖld.517b All are newly made except No. 89737 [857a]. Fig. 404a, from UtkiavwiÑ, which is 4.2 inches long, and made of spruce, very old, weathered, and discolored with dirt and grease. It is nicely carved and scraped smooth, and is very good in its general proportions, though the details are not represented as in the other images.

402

The best figure (No. 89330 [999] figured in the Point Barrow Rept. Ethnol., Pl. V, Fig. 6, from UtkiavwiÑ) is carved from walrus ivory and is 4.3 inches long. It represents a male rough seal, and is exceedingly accurate and highly finished. The lower jaw is perforated and a bit of sinew thread tied in to represent the drag line. Small red glass beads with white centers are inlaid for the eyes. The other three are all of bone and represent dead male seals stretched on their backs with the drag line in their jaw as they are dragged home.

No. 56579 [75], Fig. 404b, from UtkiavwiÑ, is 5.7 inches long, and very smoothly carved from walrus jaw bone, with round bits of wood inlaid for the eyes. The proportions are excellent, but the details are not strongly brought out. This specimen is a little older than the rest, and may have been an amulet for good luck in seal catching. The other two are of compact white bone, perhaps that of the reindeer.

No. 89331 [1143], from UtkiavwiÑ, is 3.4 inches long, and has the breast and back flattened and the flippers in high relief. The anus, genital opening, and eyes are incised, the latter two filled in, as usual, with black dirt. The drag line is of sinew braid and has an ivory cylinder slipped over it.

No. 89328 [1167], from UtkiavwiÑ, is the poorest in design. It is 5.6 inches long and has the neck bent up as in dragging. The back of a freshly caught seal is always somewhat flattened by dragging it over the ice, and this flattening is very much exaggerated in this carving by the natural shape of the bone. The fore flippers are in high relief, with three toes to each flipper, colored round the edge with red ocher. The tips of the hind flippers are joined together, and each has only two toes. The eyes, genital opening, and the spots on the back and belly are indicated by shallow round pits colored with red ocher. The drag line is a double bit of sinew braid, which has on it two ivory cylinders, one ornamented with an incised pattern.

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Fig. 405.—White whale carved from gypsum.

We found but a single figure of the beluga, which is such a favorite subject for Eskimo artists farther south. This is the gypsum carving already mentioned (No.89573 [1015], Fig. 405, from Nuwuk). It is 3.5 inches long and is very characteristic, though rather short in proportion to its girth. It was neatly carved with a knife.

The “bow-head” whale (BalÆna mysticetus), is a very favorite subject, appearing often as a decoration and represented by 21 carvings. Three of these are of wood, very much resembling in design and execution the harpoon boxes already described. They are all very old, and 403 perhaps were charms to be carried in the boat to secure good luck in whaling. No. 89736 [857b], Fig. 406, from UtkiavwiÑ, is perhaps the best proportioned of these figures, though the only details represented are the flukes (which are broken), and the incised spiracles. It is 5.4 inches long and made of spruce or hemlock, stained almost black by dirt, grease, and weathering. Along string of sinew braid is tied round the “small.”

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Fig. 406.—Wooden carving—whale.

No. 89735 [1036] from UtkiavwiÑ, is also a rather well proportioned figure, rude in execution, with no details carved out except the flukes, one of which is broken. An angular bit of iron pyrites is inlaid to represent the left eye, and a similar piece appears to have been lost from the right eye. The anus is represented by a light blue glass bead inlaid in the belly. It is 8.8 inches long and made of soft wood, probably cottonwood, weathered and stained to a dark brown. It is very old and much chipped and cracked. Two small oblique holes in the middle of the back make a transverse channel for a string. This specimen was said by the man who sold it to have been dug up among the ruins of one of the old houses in the village.

No. 89734 [987] from Nuwuk, is 12 inches long, very broad in proportion to its length, and rather rude in design, with a flat belly, though neatly carved and scraped smooth. The spiracles and the outline of the mouth are incised and little angular bits of brown quartz are inlaid for the eyes. Both flukes have been split off and part of the right fluke has been fastened on again with a single wooden treenail. It is of spruce or hemlock and has weathered to a brown color.

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Fig. 407.—Whale carved from soapstone.

Fig. 407 (No. 89561 [1253] from UtkiavwiÑ) represents the best image of a whale in the collection. It is very well proportioned, though perhaps a little clumsy about the flukes, with the external details correctly represented. It is 4.5 inches long, neatly carved from soapstone, scraped smooth and oiled. It was made for sale. There are five other round soapstone carvings of whales in the collection, but none so good 404 as this except a little one from Nuwuk, (No.89563 [986]) 2inches long, which is almost an exact miniature of the preceding. This specimen is not new. Fig. 408 (No.89557 [1267] from UtkiavwiÑ) is a rude flat representation of a whale seen from above. It is 5.2 inches long and roughly whittled out of the bottom of an old stone pot. The flippers are large and clumsy, and the spiracles slightly incised. The specimen appears to be old, as does a similar one from Nuwuk (No.89559 [1188a]).

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Fig. 408.—Rude flat image of whale.

No. 89558 [1266] from UtkiavwiÑ, and No. 89572 from Nuwuk, both flat images, are carelessly made for sale. The latter is simply a representation in soapstone of the conventional “whale’s tail” with the “small” cut off to an angular point. No. 89325 [1160] from UtkiavwiÑ is a clumsy, broad whale with a flat belly, 4.1 inches long, freshly carved from whale’s bone, and soaked in oil to make it look old. The eyes, spiracles, and outline of the mouth are incised and filled in with dark oil lees.

None of the ivory carvings of whales have any special artistic merit. Fig. 409 (No.89323 [1024a] from Nuwuk) is the best of these. It is a little better in design and execution than the preceding, which it resembles considerably. It is the female of a pair of little whales made of old brown walrus ivory, which is much cracked. The male differs from the female only in the shape of the external sexual organs, the male having a little round pit and the female a long sulcus. This, as well as the eyes, spiracles, and outline of the mouth, is incised and filled in with dark colored dirt. The female is 3.1 inches long, the male (No.89324 [1024b]) 0.1 inch longer. These specimens appear to be quite ancient.

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Fig. 70.—Pattern of man’s breeches.

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Fig. 71.—Trimming of man’s breeches.

Pantaloons (kÛmÛÑ).—

The women and children, and occasionally the men, wear pantaloons (strictly speaking), i.e., tight-fitting trousers continuous with the foot covering. Of the two pairs of pantaloons in the collection, No. 74042 [1792] (Fig.72) will serve as the type. The shoes with sealskin moccasin soles and deerskin uppers are sewed at the ankles to a pair of tight-fitting deerskin trousers, reaching above the hips and higher behind than in front. Pattern (diagram, Fig. 73a): Each leg is composed of four long pieces (front 1, outside 2, back 3, and inside4), five gussets (one on the thigh 5, and four on the calf, 6, 6, 6,6), which enlarges the garment to fit the swell of the calf and thigh and the half-waistband (7). The two legs are put together by 127 joining the edges d d d of the opposite legs and sewing the gusset (8) into the space in front with its base joined to the edges e e of the two legs. The sole of each shoe is a single piece of white tanned sealskin with the grain side out, bent up about 1¼ inches all round the foot, rounded at the toe and heel and broadest across the ball of the foot. The toe and heel are “gathered” into shape by crimping the edge vertically. Aspace of about 3½ inches is left uncrimped on each side of the foot. (The process of crimping these soles will be described under the head of boots and shoes, where it properly belongs). Around the top of this sole is sewed a narrow band of white sealskin, sewed “over and over” on the edge of the uncrimped space, but “run” through the gathers at the ends, so as to draw them up. The upper is in two pieces (heel, 9, and toe,10). The heel piece is folded round the heel, and the toe piece doubled along the line f, and the curved edges g g joined to the straight edges h h, which makes the folded edge f, fit the outline of the instep. The bottom is then cut off accurately to fit the sole and sewed to the edge of the band. The trousers and shoes are sewed together at the ankles. The whole is made of the short-haired skin from the deer’s legs. Pieces 2, 4, 7, 8, 9, and 10 are of dark brown skin (10put on so that the tuft of coarse hair on the deer’s ankle comes on the outside of the wearer’s ankle), while the remaining pieces are white, making a pleasing pattern of broad stripes. The inner edge of 5 is piped with dark brown fawnskin, and a round piece of white skin is inserted at the bottom of 2. No. 56748 [136] is a pair of pantaloons of nearly the same pattern (see diagram, Fig. 73b) and put together in a similar way. These pantaloons have soles of sealskin with the hair left on and worn inside, and are made of deer leg skin, wholly dark brown, except the gussets on the calf, which are white. There is a piece of white skin let out, 2, as before, and the ankle tuft is in the same position.

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Fig. 72.—Woman’s pantaloons.

From the general fit of these garments they appear to be all made on essentially the same pattern, probably without greater variations than those already described. When worn by the women the material is usually, if not always, the skin of reindeer legs, and most commonly of 128 the pattern of No. 56748 [136], namely, brown, with white leg gussets. Pantaloons wholly of brown skin are quite common, especially for everyday wear, while striped ones, like No. 74042 [1792], are much less usual and worn specially for full dress. Children’s pantaloons are always brown, and I have seen one pair, worn by a young lad, of lynx skin. The two or three pairs which we saw worn by men were wholly brown. These pantaloons of leg skin with sealskin soles are always worn with the hair out and usually over a pair of under pantaloons of the same shape, but made of softer skins with longer hair, which is worn next the skin, and with stocking feet. The outer pantaloons are discarded in summer and the inner ones only worn, the feet being protected by sealskin waterproof boots, as already stated. The waterproof sealskin pantaloons mentioned in the same connection do not fit so neatly, as they are made with as few seams as possible (usually only one, up the leg) to avoid leakage. They are sewed with the waterproof seam, and held up round the ankle by strings, like the waterproof boots to be described further on. This last-mentioned garment seems to be peculiar to the Point Barrow region (including probably Wainwright Inlet and perhaps the rest of the coast down to Kotzebue Sound). No mention of such a complete protection against wet is to be found in any of the published accounts of the Eskimo elsewhere, nor are there any specimens in the Museum.230

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Fig. 73.—Patterns of woman’s pantaloons.

129

Boots and breeches united in this way so as to form pantaloons are peculiar to the west of America, where they are universally worn from the Mackenzie district westward and southward. We have no specimens of women’s leg coverings from the Mackenzie district, but Petitot231 describes them thus: “Le pantalon *** fait corps avec la chaussure.” In the east the women always wear breeches separate from the boots, which usually differ from those of the men in their size and length, often reaching to the hips.232

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Fig. 74.—Pattern of stocking.

Stockings.

Next to the skin on the feet and legs the men wear stockings of deerskin, usually of soft, rather long-haired skin, with the hair in. These are usually in three pieces, the leg, 1, toe piece, 2, and sole, 3(see diagram, Fig.74). Astraight strip about 1 inch wide often runs round the foot between the sole and the other pieces. Stockings of this pattern, but made of very thick winter deerskin, are substituted for the outer boots when deer-hunting in winter in the dry snow, especially when snowshoes are used. They are warm; the flesh side sheds the snow well and the thick hair acts as a sort of wadding which keeps the feet from being galled by the bars and strings of the snowshoes. Many of the deer-hunters in 1883 made rough buskins of this pattern out of the skins of freshly killed deer simply dried, without further preparation.

Boots and shoes.

Over the stockings are worn boots or shoes with uppers of various kinds of skin, with the hair on, or black tanned sealskin, always fitted to heelless crimped moccasin soles of some different leather, of the pattern which, with some slight modifications of form, is universal among the Eskimo. These soles are made as follows: A“blank” for the sole is cut out, of the shape of the foot, but a couple of inches larger all round. Then, beginning at one side of the ball of the foot, the toe part is doubled over toward the inside of the sole, so that the edges just match. The two parts are then pinched together with 130 the teeth along a line parallel to the folded edge and at a distance from it equal to the depth of the intended fold. This bitten line runs from the edge of the leather as far as it is intended to turn up the side of the sole. Aseries of similar folds is carried round the toe to a point on the other side of the sole opposite the starting point. In the same way a series of crimps is carried round the heel, leaving an uncrimped space of 2 or 3 inches on each side of the foot. The sole is then sewed to a band or to the edge of the upper, with the thread run through each fold of the crimps. This gathers the sole in at the heel and toe and brings the uncrimped part straight up on each side of the shank. When the folds are all of the same length and but slightly gathered the sole is turned up nearly straight, as at the heel usually, and at the toe also of waterproof boots. When the folds are long and much gathered the sole slopes well in over the foot. Some boots, especially those intended for full dress, have the sole deeper on the sides than at the toe, so that the top of the sole comes to a point at the toe. The ordinary pattern is about the same height all round and follows the shape of the foot, being rather more gathered in over the toe than at the heel. The “blank” for the sole is cut out by measuring the size of the foot on the leather and allowing by eye the margin which is to be turned up. The crimping is also done by eye. Any irregularity in the length of the crimps can be remedied by pressing out the crease. Ihave never seen at Point Barrow the ivory knives, such as are used at Norton Sound for arranging the crimps.

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Fig. 75.—Man’s boot of deerskin.

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Fig. 76.—Pattern of deerskin boot.

Different kinds of leather are used for the soles, and each kind is supposed to be best suited for a particular purpose. The beautiful white urine-tanned sealskin is used for winter wear when the snow is dry, but is not suited for standing the roughness and dampness of the salt-water ice. For this purpose sealskin dressed with the hair on and worn flesh side out is said to be the very best, preferable even to the various waterproof skins used for summer boot soles. For waterproof soles are used oil-dressed skins233 of the walrus, bearded seal, polar bear, or, best of all, the white whale. This last makes a beautiful light yellow translucent leather about 0.1 inch thick, which is quite durable and keeps out water for a long time. It is highly prized and quite an article of trade among the natives, apair of soles usually commanding a good price. These Eskimo appear to be the only ones who have discovered the excellence of this material for waterproof soles, as there is no mention to be found of its use elsewhere. The “narwhal skin” spoken of by Dr. Simpson234 is probably this material, as he calls it “Kel-lel´-lu-a,” which is the ordinary word for white whale at Point Barrow. The narwhal is very rare in these waters, while the white whale is comparatively abundant. Dr. Simpson appears not to have seen the animal from which the skin was obtained. It is, however, by no means impossible that some skins of the narwhal, which when dressed would be indistinguishable 131 from the white whale skins, are obtained from the eastern natives or elsewhere. Such crimped soles are in use among the Eskimo everywhere, varying but little in general pattern. The Greenland boots are specially noticeable for the neatness of the crimping, while specimens in the Museum from the central region are decidedly slovenly in their workmanship. The boots worn by the natives of Plover Bay have the sole narrowed at the shank and hardly coming over the foot except at the toe and heel, where they are crimped, but less deeply than usual. This style of sole very much resembles those of a pair of Kamchatdale boots in the National Museum, which, however, are turned up without crimping, as is the case with the boots used by the Aleuts on the Commander Islands, of which Dr. L.Stejneger has kindly shown me a specimen. There is a folded “welt” of sealskin in the seam between the upper and sole of the Plover Bay boots. Iam informed by Capt. Herendeen that the natives have been taught to put this in by the whalemen who every year purchase large numbers of boots on the Siberian coast, for use in the Arctic. Similar welts, which are very unusual on Eskimo boots, are to be seen on some brought by Mr. Nelson from Kings Island and Norton Sound. The winter boots usually have uppers of deerskin, generally the short-haired skin from the legs. Mountain-sheep skin is sometimes used for full-dress boots, and sealskin with the hair out for working boots. The latter is not a good material, as the snow sticks to it badly. There are four pairs of men’s winter boots in the collection, from which No. 56750 [111] (Fig.75) has been selected as the type of the everyday pattern. They are made of deer-leg skin with white sealskin soles. Leg and upper are in four pieces,235 back 1, two sides 2 2, and front 3; 1and 3 are gored at a a a to fit the swell of the calf; 1and 3 are of dark skin, and 2 2 lighter colored, especially along the middle. The bottom is cut off accurately to fit the sole but the top is left irregular, as this is concealed by the breeches. The boots are 132 held up round the ankles by two tie-strings of sealthong, sewed in between the sole and the band, one on each side just under the middle of the ankle. They are long enough to cross above the heel, pass once or twice round the ankle, which fits more loosely than the rest of the boot, and tie in front. On each heel is a large round patch of sealskin with the hair on and pointing toward the toe (toprevent slipping). These patches are carefully “blind-stitched” on so that the stitches do not show on the outside.

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Fig. 77.—Man’s dress boot of deerskin.

Boots of this style are the common everyday wear of the men, sometimes made wholly of dark deerskin and sometimes variegated. They are often made of a pattern like that of the lower part of the women’s pantaloons; that is, with the uppers separate from the leg pieces, which are brown, with four white gussets on the calf. Fig. 77, No. 56759 [91], is one of a pair of full-dress boots of a slightly different pattern. The leg pieces are the same in number as in No. 56750, and put together in the same way, but 2 and 3 are of a different shape.236 They are made of deer-leg skins, each piece with a lighter streak down the middle. The soles are of white sealskin, finely crimped, with the edge coming to a point at the toe, and the five ornamental bands are of sealskin, alternately black and white. Astrip of edging three-fourths of an inch wide is inserted in the seam between 2 and 3 on each side. The light stripes are mountain-sheep skin and the dark ones the usual young fawnskin, tagged with red worsted. The leg reaches to just below the knee, and is hemmed over on the inside, to hold the drawstring, which comes out behind. There are strings at the ankles as before.

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Fig. 78.—Pattern of man’s dress boot of deerskin.

Fig. 79, No. 89834 [770], is one of a pair of almost precisely the same pattern as the last, but made of mountain-sheep skin. The soles are more deeply turned up all round and have three ornamental bands of sealskin around the edge, black, white, and black. Edging is inserted into both the seams on each side. It is strips of mountain-sheep 133 skin and a dark brown deerskin, tagged with red worsted, with the edge which laps over the side piece cut into oblique tags. There are no tiestrings, as the soles are turned up high enough to stay in place without them. These boots were brought from the east by one of the Nuwuk trading parties in 1882. Fig. 80, No. 56749 [110], is also a full-dress boot, with soles like the last and no tiestrings. The leg is of two pieces of dark brown deerskin with the hair clipped short. These pieces are shaped like 2 in No. 56750, and the inner is larger, so that it laps round the leg, bringing the seam on the outside. The leg is enlarged to fit the swell of the calf by a large triangular gusset from the knee to the midleg, meeting the inside piece in an oblique seam across the calf. Instead of a hem, the top of the leg has a half-inch band sewed round it and a binding for the drawstring above this. Edging is inserted in the front seam, and obliquely across the outside of the leg. That in the front seam is three narrow strips of deerskin, dark in the middle and light on each side. The other is of mountain-sheep skin in three strips, piped with fawnskin and tagged with worsted.

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Fig. 79.—Man’s dress boot of skin of mountain-sheep.

The boots belong with the breeches, No. 56759. They fairly represent the style of full-dress boots worn with the loose-bottomed breeches. They all have drawstrings just below the knee, and often have no tie-strings at the ankles. The eastern Eskimo are everywhere described as wearing the boots tied at the top with a drawstring and the bottoms of the breeches usually loose and hanging down on them. Tying down the breeches over the tops of the boots, as is done at Point Barrow, is an improvement on the eastern fashion, as it closes the garments at the knee so as to prevent the entrance of cold air. The same result is obtained in an exactly opposite way by the people of Smith Sound, who, according to Bessels (Naturalist, vol. 18, p.865), tie the boots over the breeches.

All fur garments, including boots, are sewed in the same way, usually with reindeer sinew, by fitting the edges together and sewing them “over and over” on the “wrong” side. The waterproof boots of black sealskin, however, are sewed with an elaborate double seam, which is quite waterproof, and is made as follows: The two pieces are put together, flesh side to flesh side, so that the edge of one projects beyond 134 the other, which is then “blind-stitched” down by sewing it “over and over” on the edge, taking pains to run the stitches only part way through the other piece. The seam is then turned and the edge of the outer piece is turned in and “run” down to the grain side of the under with fine stitches which do not run through to the flesh side of it. Thus in neither seam are there holes through both pieces at once. The sewing is done with fine sinew thread and very fine round needles (the women used to ask for “little needles, like a hair”), and the edge of the leather is softened by wetting it in the mouth. Asimilar waterproof seam is used in sewing together boat covers.

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Fig. 80.—Pair of man’s dress boots of deerskin.

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Fig. 81.—Woman’s waterproof sealskin boot.

There is one pair of waterproof boots in the collection (No. 76182 [1794] Fig.81). The tops are of black dressed sealskin, reaching to the knee and especially full on the instep and ankle, which results from their being made with the least possible number of seams, to reduce the chance of leaking. The soles are of white whale skin, turned up about 1½ inches all around. The leg and upper are made all in one piece so that the double water-tight seam runs down the front of the leg to the instep, and then diagonally across the foot to the quarter on one side. The bottom is cut off accurately to fit the top of the sole. The edges of the upper and the sole are put together so that the inside of the former comes against the inside of the latter, and the two are “run” together with fine stitches, with a stout double under-thread running through them along the surface of the upper. The ornamental band at the top is of white sealskin “run” on with strong dark thread, and the checkered pattern is made by drawing a strip of black skin through slits in the white. Round the top of the band is sewed a binding of black sealskin, which holds a drawstring of sinew braid. The sole is kept up in shape and the boot made to fit round the ankle by a string of sealskin twine passed through four loops, one on each side just back of the ball of the foot, and one on each quarter. These loops are made of little strips of white whale skin, doubled over and sewed to the edge of the sole on the outside. The ends of the string are passed through the front loop so that the bight 135 comes across the ball of the foot, then through the hinder loops, and are crossed above the heel, carried once or twice around the ankle, and tied in front.

Such boots are universally worn in summer. The men’s boots are usually left with an irregular edge at the top, and are held up by the breeches, while the women’s usually have white bands around the tops with drawstrings. Half-boots of the same material, reaching to midleg, without drawstrings, or shoes reaching just above the ankle with a string round the top are sometimes worn over the deerskin boots. Similar shoes of deerskin are sometimes worn in place of boots.

Waterproof boots of black sealskin are universally employed by Eskimo and by the Aleuts. These boots stand water for a long time without getting wet through, but when they become wet they must be turned inside out and dried very slowly to prevent them from shrinking, and worked soft with a stone skin-dressing tool or the teeth. The natives prefer to dry them in the sun. When the black epidermis wears off this leather is no longer waterproof, so that the women are always on the watch for white spots, which are mended with water-tight patches as soon as possible.

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Fig. 82.—Sketch of “ice-creepers” on boot sole

In the early spring, before it thaws enough to render waterproof boots necessary, the surface of the snow becomes very smooth and slippery. To enable themselves to walk on this surface without falling, the natives make a kind of “creeper” out of strips of sealskin. These are doubled lengthwise, and generally bent into a half-moon or horseshoe shape, with the folded edges on the outside of the curve, sewed on the toe and heel of the sealskin sole, as represented in Fig. 82.

PARTS OF DRESS.

Belts (tapsi).—

The belt which is used to hold up the pantaloons or breeches is simply a stout strip of skin tied round the waist. The girdle, which is always worn outside of the frock, except when the weather is warm or the wearer heated by exercise, is very often a similar strap of deerskin, or perhaps wolfskin. Often, however, and especially for 136 full dress, the men wear a handsome belt woven from feathers, and the women one made of wolverines’ toes. There are in the collection two the former and one of the latter.

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Fig. 83.—Man’s belt woven of feathers. The lower cut shows detail of pattern.

No. 89544 [1419] (Fig. 83a) has been chosen as the type of a man’s belt. It is 35 inches long and 1 inch broad, and made of the shafts of feathers woven into an elegant pattern, bordered on the edges with deerskin, and terminating in a leather loop at one end and a braided string at the other. The loop is a flat piece of skin of the bearded seal, in which is cut a large oblong eye. The weaving begins at the square end of the loop. The warp consists of nine long strands sewed through the inner face of the leather so as to come out on the hinder edge. The middle strand is of stout sinew braid, ending in a knot on the inner side of the leather. The four on each side are of fine cotton twine or stout thread, each two being one continuous thread passing through the leather and out again. The woof is the shafts of small feathers regularly woven, the first strand woven over and under, ending over the warp, the next under and over, ending under the warp, and so on alternately, each strand extending about one-fourth inch beyond the outer warp-strand on each side. This makes the pattern shown in Fig. 83b, a long stitch on each side, three very short ones on each side of the middle, and a slightly longer one in the middle. The strips of feathers forming the woof are not joined together, but one strip is woven in as far as it will go, ending always on the inner side of the belt, anew strip beginning where the other ends. The shafts of black feathers, with a few of the barbs attached, are 137 woven into the woof at tolerably regular intervals. Each black strand starts under the first strand of the warp, making the outer and inner of the three short stitches on each side black. This produces a checkered pattern along the middle of the belt (see enlarged section, Fig. 83b). The woof strands are driven home tightly and their ends are secured on each side by a double thread of cotton sewed into the corner of the leather loop. One thread runs along the outside of the belt and the other along the inside, passing between the ends of the feathers about every ten feathers and making a turn round the outer thread, as in Fig. 84. The edges of the belt are trimmed off even and bound with a narrow strip of deerskin with the flesh side out and painted red. The binding of the upper edge makes an irregular loose lining on the inside of the belt. Across the end of the belt is sewed on each side a narrow strip of sealskin, and the ends of the warp are gathered into a three-ply braid 16 inches long, which is used to fasten the belt by drawing it through the loop and knotting it. An ancient bone spearhead is attached to the belt as an amulet by a stout strap.

see caption

Fig. 84.—Diagram showing method of fastening the ends of feathers in belt.

No. 89543 [1420] is a similar belt worn in precisely the same way, but with the black feathers introduced in a different pattern. The weaving is done by hand with the help of some little tools, to be described under implements for making and working fiber. Belts of this style appear to be peculiar to the Point Barrow region. Indeed, girdles of any kind are seldom worn over the jacket by the men in the eastern regions.

see caption

Fig. 85.—Woman’s belt of wolverine toes.

The women never wear anything except a simple strip of skin or the wolverine belt mentioned above. No. 89542 [1421], Fig. 85, is one of these. It is made of nine strips of dark brown skin from round the foot of the wolverine, sewed together end to end. Each strip, except the one at the end, has a claw at the lower corner (onsome of the strips the bit of skin bearing the claws is piecedin) so that there are 138 eight nearly equidistant claws making a fringe round the lower edge of the belt. There is a hole at each end into which is half-hitched the end of a narrow strip of deerskin about 8 inches long. These strings serve to tie the girdle. This belt is 33 inches long and 1½ inches wide, and has been worn so long that the inside is very dirty. Such belts are very valuable and highly prized, and are worn exclusively by the women.

see caption

Fig. 86.—Belt-fastener.

Fig. 86, No. 89718 [1055], is an object which is quite uncommon and seldom if ever now seen in use. It is of walrus ivory, very old and yellow. It served as a belt-fastener (tÁpsig?). Ihave seen a brass clock wheel used on a girl’s belt for the same purpose. This specimen is very old, neatly made, and polished smooth, probably from long use.

Ornaments.

In addition to the trimmings above described there are certain ornamental appendages which belong to the dress, but can not be considered as essential parts of any garments, like the trimmings. For instance, nearly every male in the two villages wears dangling from his back between the shoulders an ermine skin either brown or white, or an eagle’s feather, which is transferred to the new garment when the old one is worn out. This is perhaps an amulet as well as an ornament, as Dr. Simpson states.237 An eagle’s feather is often worn on the outside of the hood, pendant from the crown of the head. Attached to the belt are various amulets (tobe described under the head of “Religion”) and at the back always the tail of an animal, usually a wolverine’s. Very seldom a wolf’s tail is worn, but nearly all, even the boys, have wolverine tails, which are always saved for this purpose and used for no other. This habit among the Eskimo of western America of wearing a tail at the girdle has been noticed by many travelers, and prevails at least as far as the Anderson River, since Petitot,238 in describing the dress of the Anderson River “chief,” says: “par derriÈre il portait aux reins une queue Épaisse et ondoyante de renard noir.” According to him239 it is the women of that region, who wear, “Àtitre de talismans, des defroques empaillÉes de corbeau, de faucon, ou d’hermine.” The custom of wearing an ermine skin on the jacket was observed by Dr. Armstrong of the Investigator at Cape Bathurst.240

PERSONAL ADORNMENT.

SKIN ORNAMENTATION.

Tattooing.

The custom of tattooing is almost universal among the women, but the marks are confined almost exclusively to the chin and form a very simple pattern. This consists of one, three, five, or perhaps as 139 many as seven vertical lines from the under lip to the tip of the chin, slightly radiating when there are more than one. When there is a single line, which is rather rare, it is generally broad, and the middle line is sometimes broader than the others. The women as a rule are not tattooed until they reach a marriageable age, though there were a few little girls in the two villages who had a single line on the chin. Iremember seeing but one married woman in either village who was not tattooed, and she had come from a distant settlement, from Point Hope, as well as we could understand.

Tattooing on a man is a mark of distinction. Those men who are, or have been, captains of whaling umiaks that have taken whales have marks to indicate this tattooed somewhere on their persons, sometimes forming a definite tally. For instance, AÑoru had a broad band across each cheek from the corners of the mouth (Fig. 87, from a sketch by the writer), made up of many indistinct lines, which was said to indicate “many whales.” Amaiyuna had the “flukes” of seven whales in a line across his chest, and MÛ´Ñialu had a couple of small marks on one forearm. NiaksÁra, the wife of AÑoru, also had a little mark tattooed in each corner of her mouth, which she said were “whale marks,” indicating that she was the wife of a successful whaleman. Such marks, according to Petitot (Monographie, etc., p.xv) are a part of the usual pattern in the Mackenzie district—“deux traits aux commissures de la bouche.” One or two men at Nuwuk had each a narrow line across the face, over the bridge of the nose, which were probably also “whale marks,” though we never could get a definite answer concerning them.241

see caption

Fig. 87.—Man with tattooed cheeks.

The tattooing is done with a needle and thread, smeared with soot or gunpowder, giving a peculiar pitted appearance to the lines. It is rather a painful operation, producing considerable inflammation and swelling, which lasts several days. The practice of tattooing the women is almost universal among the Eskimo, from Greenland to Kadiak, including the Eskimo of Siberia, the only exception being the 140 natives of Smith Sound, though the custom is falling into disuse among the Eskimo who have much intercourse with the whites.242

The simple pattern of straight, slightly diverging lines on the chin seems to prevail from the Mackenzie district to Kadiak, and similar chin lines appear always to form part of the more elaborate patterns, sometimes extending to the arms and other parts of the body, in fashion among the eastern Eskimo243 and those of Siberia, St. Lawrence Island, and the Diomedes.

see caption

Fig. 88.—Woman with ordinary tattooing.

Fig. 88, from a sketch made on the spot by the writer, shows the Point Barrow pattern.

Painting.

On great occasions, such as dances, etc., or when going whaling, the face is marked with a broad streak of black lead, put on with the finger, and usually running obliquely across the nose or one cheek.244 Children, when dressed up in new clothes, are also frequently marked in this way. This may be compared with the ancient custom among the people of Kadiak of painting their faces “before festivities or games and before any important undertaking, such as the crossing of a wide strait or arm of the sea, the sea-otter chase, etc.”245

HEAD ORNAMENTS.

Method of wearing the hair.

The men and boys wear their hair combed down straight over the forehead and cut off square across in front, but hanging in rather long locks on the sides, so as to cover the ears. There is always a small circular tonsure on the crown of the head, and a strip is generally clipped down to the nape of the neck. (See Fig. 89, from a sketch from life by the writer.) The natives believe that this clipping of the back of the head prevents snow blindness in the spring. The people of the Mackenzie district have a different theory. “La large 141 tonsure que portent nos Tchiglit a pour but, m’ont-ils dit, de permettre au soleil de rechauffer leur cerveau et de transmettre par ce moyen sa bienfaisante chaleur À leur coeur pour les faire vivre.”246 Some of the NunataÑmiun and one man from KilauwitaiwiÑ that we saw wore their front hair long, parted in the middle, and confined by a narrow fillet of leather round the brow. The hair on the tonsure is not always kept clipped very close, but sometimes allowed to grow as much as an inch long, which probably led Hooper to believe that the tonsure was not common at Point Barrow.247 It is universal at the present day, as it was in Dr. Simpson’s time.248 The western Eskimo generally crop or shave the crown of the head, while those of the east allow their hair to grow pretty long, sometimes clipping it on the forehead. The practice of clipping the crown appears to be general in the Mackenzie district,249 and was occasionally observed at Iglulik by Capt. Parry (2dVoy., p.493). The natives of St. Lawrence Island and the Siberian coast carry this custom to an extreme, clipping the whole crown, so as to leave only a fringe round the head.250 The women dress their hair in the fashion common to all the Eskimo except the Greenlanders and the people about the Mackenzie and Anderson Rivers, where the women bring the hair up from behind into a sort of high top-knot, with the addition in the latter district of large bows or pigtails on the sides.251 The hair is parted in the middle from the forehead to the nape of the neck, and gathered into a club on each side behind the ear. The club is either simply braided or without further dressing twisted and lengthened out with strips of leather, and wound spirally for its whole length with a long string of small beads of various colors, alarge flat brass button being stuck into the hair above each club. The wife of the captain of a whaling umiak wears a strip of wolfskin in place of the string of beads when the boat is “in commission” (asCapt. Herendeen observed).

see caption

Fig. 89.—Man’s method of wearing the hair.

Some of the little girls wear their hair cut short behind. The hair is not arranged every day. Both sexes are rather tidy about arranging their hair, but there is much difference in this between individuals. The marrow of the reindeer is sometimes used for pomatum. Baldness 142 in either sex is rare. Ido not remember ever seeing a bald woman, and there were only two bald men at the two villages. Neither of these men was very old.

Head-bands.

Some of the men and boys wear across the forehead a string of large blue glass beads, sometimes sewed on a strip of deerskin. Occasionally, also a fillet is worn made of the skin of the head of a fox or a dog, with the nose coming in the middle of the forehead. Such head-dresses are by no means common and seem to be highly prized, as they were never offered for sale. MacFarlane (MS.) speaks of a similar head-dress worn at the Anderson River, “generally made of the skin of the fore part of the head skins of wolves, wolverines, and marmots. Very often, however, astring of beads is made use of instead.” Another style of head-dress is the badge of a whaleman, and is worn only when whaling (and, Ibelieve, at the ceremonies in the spring preparatory to the whaling). This seems to be very highly prized, and is, perhaps, “looked upon with superstitious regard.”252 None were ever offered for sale and we had only two or three opportunities of seeing it. It consists of a broad fillet of mountain-sheep skin, with pendants of flint, jasper, or crystal, rudely flaked into the shape of a whale (see under “Amulets,” where specimens are described and figured), one in the middle of the brow and one over each ear. Some of them are also fringed with the incisor teeth of the mountain sheep attached by means of a small hole drilled through the end of the root, as on the dancing cap (see under “Games and Pastimes”). The captain and harpooner of a whaling crew which I saw starting out in the spring of 1882 each wore one of these fillets. The harpooner’s had only the whale pendants, but the captain’s was also fringed with teeth. This ornament closely resembles the fillet fringed with deer’s teeth, observed by Capt. Parry at Iglulik,253 which “was understood to be worn on the head by men, though we did not learn on what occasions.”

Earrings (nÓgolu).—

Nearly all the women and girls perforate the lobes of the ears and wear earrings. The commonest pattern is a little hook of ivory to which are attached pendants, short strings of beads, etc. Large, oblong, dark-blue beads and bugles are specially desired for this purpose. Cheap brass or “brummagem” earrings are sometimes worn nowadays. The fashion in earrings seems to have changed somewhat since Dr. Simpson’s time, as I do not remember ever having seen the long strings of beads hanging across the breast or looped up behind as he describes them.254 At present, one earring is much more frequently worn than a pair. There are in the collection two pairs of the ivory hooks for earrings, which, though made for sale, are of the ordinary pattern. Of these No. 89387 [1340] (Fig.90) will serve as the type. They are of coarse, white walrus ivory.

143

No. 89386 [1340] is a similar pair of earrings, in which the hook projects at right angles and terminates in a flat, round button. Both of the specimens are of the usual pattern, but very roughly made. The custom of wearing earrings is very general among the Eskimo. Ineed only refer to the descriptions of dress and ornaments already quoted.

see caption

Fig. 90.—Earrings.

Labrets.

As has been stated by all travelers who have visited Point Barrow since the time of Elson, all the adult males wear the labrets or stud-shaped lip ornaments. The discussion of the origin and extent of this habit, or even a comparison of the forms of labrets in use among the Eskimo, would lead me far beyond the scope of the present work.255 They are or have been worn by all the Eskimo of western America, including St. Lawrence Island and the Diomedes, from the most southern point of their range to the Mackenzie and Anderson district, and were also worn by Aleuts in ancient times.256 East of the Mackenzie district no traces of the habit are to be observed. Petitot257 says that Cape Bathurst is the most eastern point at which labrets are worn. The custom of wearing them at this place is perhaps recent, as Dr. Armstrong, of the Investigator, expressly states that he saw none there in 1850. At Plover Bay, eastern Siberia, however, Inoticed one or two men with a little cross or circle tattooed under each corner of the mouth, just in the position of the labret. This may be a reminiscence of an ancient habit of wearing labrets, or may have been done in imitation of the people of the Diomedes and the American coast.

At Point Barrow at the present day the lip is always pierced for two labrets, one at each corner of the mouth, though one or both of them are frequently left out. They told us, however, that in ancient times a single labret only was worn, for which the lip was pierced directly in the middle. Certain old and large-sized labrets in the collection are said to have been thus worn. The incisions for the labrets appear to be made about the age of puberty, though I knew one young man who had been married for some months before he had the operation performed. From the young man’s character, Ifancy shyness or timidity, as suggested by Dr. Simpson,258 had something to do with the delay. Contrary to Dr. Simpson’s experience, Idid not see a single man above the age of 18 or 19 who did not wear the labrets. It seems hardly probable that ability 144 to take a seal entitles a boy to wear labrets, as he suggests. We knew a number of boys who were excellent seal hunters and even able to manage a kaiak, but none had their lips pierced under the age of 14 or 15, when they may be supposed to have reached manhood. The incisions are at first only large enough to admit a flat-headed pin of walrus ivory, about the diameter of a crow quill, worn with the head resting against the gum. These are soon replaced by a slightly stouter pair, and these again by stouter ones, until the holes are stretched to a diameter of about one-half inch, when they are ready for the labrets.

We heard of no special ceremonies or festivals connected with the making of these incisions, such as Dall observed at Norton Sound,259 but in the one case where the operation was performed at the village of UtkiavwiÑ during our stay, we learned that it was done by a man outside of the family of the youth operated upon. We were also informed that the incisions must be made with a little lancet of slate. The employment of an implement of ancient form and obsolete material for this purpose indicates, as Dall says in the passage referred to above, “some greater significance than mere ornamentation.”

The collection contains two specimens of such lancets. No. 89721 [1153] (figured in Rept. Point Barrow Expedition, Ethnology, Pl. V, Fig.4) is the type. Alittle blade of soft gray slate is carefully inclosed in a neat case of cottonwood. The blade is lanceolate, 1.3 inches long, 0.6 broad, and 0.1 thick, with a short, broad tang. The faces are somewhat rough, and ground with a broad bevel to very sharp cutting edges. The case is made of two similar pieces of wood, flat on one side and rounded on the other, so that when put together they make a rounded body 3 inches long, slightly flattened, and tapering toward the rounded ends, of which one is somewhat larger than the other. Round each end is a narrow, deep, transverse groove for a string to hold the two parts together. Ashallow median groove connects these cross grooves on one piece, which is hollowed out on the flat face into a rough cavity of a shape and size suitable to receive the blade, which is produced into a narrow, deep groove at the point, probably to keep the point of the blade from being dulled by touching the wood. The other piece, which serves as a cover, has merely a rough, shallow, oval depression near the middle. The whole is evidently very old, and the case is browned with age and dirt.

used as storehouses 83

used as workshops 83

tools used in making 83

Snowshoes of the Eskimo 344-352

Social surroundings of the Point Barrow Eskimo 43-55

Song of the Eskimo 389

Spears of the Eskimo, for fishing 286-287

Spoons of Eskimo 104

Sports of Eskimo children 383-385

Staff, use of by the Eskimo 353

Stockings of Eskimo 129

Stool used by Eskimo in catching seal 255

Subsistence, means of, of the Point Barrow Eskimo 61-65

Surgery, Eskimo 423

Sutherland, P. C., work consulted 25

cited on Eskimo pathology 40

T.

Tabu among the Eskimo, concerning a woman in childbirth 415

on the occasion of a death 423-424

of certain foods to certain persons 433-434

Ta?Éo?ment, habitat of 46-47

TasyÛkpÛÑ, Great Lake, Alaska, description of 29-30

Tattooing by Eskimo 138-140

Tempering metals, Eskimo knowledge of 182-183Tents of the Eskimo, direction of front 79

used as summer dwellings 83

construction of 84

used for women during confinement 86

used for sewing rooms 86

Thimble-boxes of the Eskimo 322-323

Thimbles of the Eskimo 318-319

Thongs, manufacture of by the Eskimo 301-302

Thread, Eskimo 317-318

Throwing-boards for Eskimo seal-darts 217-218

Tobacco, use of, by the Point Barrow Eskimo 65-73

Eskimo terms for 71

introduction of among the Eskimo 71-72

Toilet articles of the Eskimo 149-150

Tool-bags of the Eskimo 187-190

Tool-boxes of the Eskimo 185-187Tools of the Eskimo, knives 150-165

adzes 165-172

chisels 172-173

whalebone shaves 173-174

saws 174-175

drills 175-182, 189

bow drills 176-182

reamers 181-182

awls 181-182

hammers 182

files 182

whetstones 185

for excavating 302-304

picks and pickaxes 302-304, 307-308

mattocks 302-304

for building 302-304

for snow and ice working 304-309

(See also Utensils.)

Toys of Eskimo children, whirligigs 376-377

teetotums 378

buzzes 378

whizzing-sticks 379

pebble-snappers 379

dolls 380-381

kaiak paddler 381-383

imitation implements 383

Transportation, means of, by the Eskimo 328-360

Traps of the Eskimo 260

Traveling, Eskimo means of 328-360

Trays used by Eskimo 99-101

TuaÑa, or demons of the Eskimo 431-434

Tubs of the Eskimo 86-88

Tunes of the Eskimo 388-389

Tupek. (See Tents of the Eskimo.)

Turner, Lucien M., acknowledgments to 20

description of Eskimo lamps 108

cited on Eskimo records 177

cited on Eskimo seal darts 214

cited on Eskimo seal nets 252

cited on Eskimo kaiaks 332

cited on Eskimo umiaks 343

cited on Eskimo ornament 390

Twisters for making Eskimo bows 292-294

U.

Umiaks of the Eskimo 335-344

Umialiks, Eskimo 429-430Utensils, household, of the Eskimo, canteens 86

wallets 86

buckets 86-88

tubs 86-88

meat bowls 89

pots 90-93

bone crushers 93-99

mauls 93-99

trays 99-101

drinking vessels 101-105

UtkiavwiÑ, Alaska, location of 26

signification of name 26

population of 43

description of 79

V.

Villages, arrangement of Eskimo 79

W.

Wallets of the Eskimo 86

Walrus, Eskimo method of hunting 272

Weapons of the Eskimo, hand-club 191

slung-shot 191

bone daggers 191-192

firearms 193-195

whaling guns 195

bows 195-200

arrows 201-207

bear arrows 202

bow cases and quivers 207

bracers 209-210

bird darts 210-214

seal darts 214-218

harpoons, for casting 218-233

harpoons, for thrusting 233-240

lances 240-244

bolas for birds 244-246

Weaving, Eskimo tools for 316-317

Whale, Eskimo lance for hunting 240-242

Whalebone shaves of the Eskimo 173-174

Whaling guns of the Eskimo 195

Whetstones of the Eskimo 183-185

Widows, Eskimo 414

Wife-beating among the Eskimo 414

Wizards, Eskimo 430-431

Wolf, Eskimo methods of killing 259

Eskimo method of hunting 263-264

Women, Eskimo, condition and treatment of 413-414

prostitution among 419

Words, foreign, introduced among the Point Barrow Eskimo 55

Error in Index

Hooper, C. L., ... description of Eskimo kÛ´dyigi
kÛ´idyigi

Missing . in figure captions has been silently supplied. Spelling in citations, including all French sources, is unchanged unless otherwise noted.

Unexpected Forms

A few words have Ä (a with umlaut) where  or a (long a) was expected:

nÄ´nu (polar bear: both occurrences of the word)
wooden partitions called sÄ´potin
NÄgawau´ra, now deceased
deadfalls or steel traps (nÄnori´a)
dancing caps (ka´brÛ, kÄluka´)

The spelling “slungshot” is used consistently.

Inconsistencies

The spellings “Inuit” and “Innuit” (including “an Innuit” in one quoted passage) both occur.

The word “Arctic” is generally capitalized, but exceptions were too frequent to regularize.

Names of ships such as Vega are rarely italicized, and scientific names never. All are shown as printed.

Hyphenization

Forms were only changed when there was a clear pattern. This list is not meant to be comprehensive:

northeast, northwest; southeast, southwest never hyphenated

ridgepole; tiestring, bowstring, drawstring

woodenware, smoothbore, midleg, handboard

pipestem, sealthong, centerbit

whale-fish, whale-skin, whale-iron, whale-harpoon
but whalebone, whaleman/whalemen

breechloader but muzzle-loader, -loading

foreshaft and fore-shaft, treenail and tree-nail

Words in -skin are generally hyphenated, but exceptions are not marked. The forms “needlecase” (one word, no hyphen) and “needle case” (two words) both occur.

see caption

Fig. 260.—Bone snow goggles.

see caption

Fig. 261.—Wooden snow goggles, unusual form.

Fig. 260 (No. 89701 [763], from UtkiavwiÑ) represents one of these specimens. Ido not recollect ever seeing goggles of this material in actual use. No. 89703 [754], Fig. 261, is an unusual pattern, having along the top a horizontal brim about one-half inch high, which serves for an additional shade to the eyes. Above this are two oblique holes opening into the cavity inside, which are probably for the purpose of ventilation, to prevent the moisture from the skin from being deposited as frost on the inside of the goggles or on the eyelashes. Ido not remember having seen such goggles worn. Dall figures a similar pair from Norton Sound, and those brought by Mr. Turner from Ungava have a similar brim and ventilating holes. The snow goggles mentioned in Parry’s Second Voyage (p.547) as occasionally seen at Iglulik, but more common in Hudson’s Strait, appear to have resembled these, but had a brim 3 or 4 inches deep.

see caption

Fig. 262.—Marker for meat cache.

Meat-cache markers.

We purchased a couple of little ivory rods, each with a little bunch of feathers tied to one end, which we were told were used by the deer hunters to mark the place where they had buried the flesh of a deer in the snow. This implement is called tÛ´kusia.

Fig. 262, represents one of these (No. 89531 [978] from Nuwuk). It is a flat, slender rod of white walrus ivory, 11½ inches long, and evidently broken off at the tip. The 263 other end is cut into ornamental notches, and ornamented with an incised pattern colored with red ocher, consisting of conventional lines and the figure of a reindeer on each face, abuck on one face and a doe on the other. Tied by a bit of sinew to the uppermost notch are four legs and three wing tips (three or four primaries, with the skin at the base) of the buff-breasted sandpiper (Tryngites subruficollis). This was evidently longer when new and perhaps was originally used for a seal indicator (which see above). Fig. 263 (No.89453 [1581] from UtkiavwiÑ) is a similar rod, the tip of which has been brought to an edge so that it can be used as a “feather-setter” in feathering arrows. The remains of two wing tips of some small bird are tied to one of the notches at the upper end.

see caption

Fig. 263.—Marker for meat cache.

METHODS OF HUNTING.

Having now described in detail all the weapons and other implements used in hunting, Iam prepared to give an account of the time and methods of pursuing the different kinds of game.

The polar bear.

Bears are occasionally met with in the winter by the seal hunters, roaming about the ice fields at some distance from the shore. They usually run from a man and often do not make a stand even when wounded. Occasionally, however, abear rendered bold by hunger comes in from the sea and makes an attack on some native’s storehouse of seal meat even in the midst of the village. Of course, in such a case he has very little chance of escape, as the natives all turn out with their rifles and cut off his retreat. Two bears were killed in this way at UtkiavwiÑ in the winter of 1882-’83. The bear is always attacked with the rifle, often with the help of dogs to bring him to bay. The umiaks when walrus hunting sometimes meet with bears among the loose ice. If the bear is caught in the water, there is very little difficulty in paddling up close enough to him to shoot him.

The wolf.

The wolf can hardly be considered a regular object of pursuit. Wolves are often seen and occasionally shot by deer hunters in the winter, and one family in the summer of 1883 managed to catch a couple of young wolf cubs alive, somewhere between Point Barrow and the Colville. These they brought home with them and kept them picketed on the tundra just outside of the village, with a little kennel of snow to shelter them, carefully feeding them till winter, when their fur had grown long enough for use in trimming hoods. They were then 264 killed with a stone-headed arrow, which we were told was necessary for the purpose, and their skins dressed and cut into strips which were sold around the village. Superstition required that the man who killed these wolves should sleep outside of the house in a tent or snow hut for “one moon” after killing them. We did not learn the reason for this practice beyond that it would be “bad” to do otherwise.

The fox.

Foxes are sometimes shot, but are generally taken in the traps described above, which are usually set some distance from the village so as to avoid catching prowling dogs. Though generally exceedingly shy, the fox is sometimes rendered careless by hunger. One of the women at the deer-hunters’ camp in the spring of 1882 caught one in the little snow house built to store the meat and killed him with a stick.

The reindeer.

Reindeer are comparatively scarce within the radius of a day’s march from Point Barrow, though solitary animals and small parties are to be seen almost any day in the winter a few miles inland from the seacoast. In the autumn, which is the rutting season, they occasionally wander down to the lagoons back of the beach. Nearly every day in the autumn and winter, when the weather is not stormy, one or more natives are out looking for reindeer, usually traveling on snowshoes and carrying their rifles slung on their backs. The deer are generally very wild and often perceive a man and begin to run at a distance of a mile or two, though a rutting buck will sometimes fancy that a skin-clad Eskimo is a rival buck, and come toward him, especially if the hunter crouches down and keeps perfectly still.

The usual method of hunting is to walk off inland until a deer is sighted, when the hunter moves directly toward him at a rapid pace, without regard to the wind or attempting to conceal himself, which would be almost hopeless in such open country. As soon as the deer starts to run, the hunter quickens his pace—to a run, if he has “wind” enough—and follows the game as long as he can keep it in sight, trusting that the well known curiosity of the deer will induce it to “circle” round, in order to see what it is that is following him with such pertinacity. Should the deer turn, as often happens, especially if there is more than one of them, the hunter alters his course so as to head him off, and as soon as he gets within long rifle range opens fire, and keeps it up till the animal is hit or escapes out of range. Strange as it may seem, anumber of deer are killed every winter in this way.

If a deer be killed, the hunter usually “butchers” him on the spot, and brings in as much of the meat as he can carry on his back, leaving the rest, carefully covered with slabs of snow to protect it from the foxes, to be brought in as soon as convenient by a dog sled, which follows the hunter’s tracks to the place.

During the spring the deer retire some distance from the Point, and the does then drop their fawns. At this season nearly all the natives are busily engaged in the whale fishery, and pay little attention to the 265 reindeer, so that we did not learn where they went to. When the fawns are perhaps a month old a small party, say a young man and his wife, sometimes makes a short journey to the eastward to procure fawn skins for clothing. They say that the fawns at this age can be caught by running them down. During the summer again the deer come down to the coast in small numbers, taking to the water in the lagoons, or even in the sea, when the flies become troublesome.

Sometimes in warm, calm weather the flies are so numerous that the deer is driven perfectly frantic, and runs along without looking where he is going, so that, as the natives say, ahunter who places himself in the deer’s path has no difficulty in shooting him. Flies were unusually scarce both summers that we were at the station, so that we never had an opportunity of seeing this done. When a deer is seen swimming he is pursued with the kaiak and lanced in the manner already described. In July, 1883, one man from UtkiavwiÑ made a short journey inland, “carrying” his kaiak from lake to lake, and killed two deer in this way without firing a shot. Ibelieve this method of hunting is frequently practiced by the parties who go east for trading in the summer, and those who visit the rivers for the purpose of hunting.

The natives seemed to expect deer in summer at the lagoons, as along the isthmus between ImÊ´kpÛÑ and ImÊkpÛniglu they had set up a range of stakes, evidently intended to turn the deer up the beach where he would be seen from the camp at PernijÛ. Only one deer, however, came down either summer, and he escaped without being seen. This contrivance of setting up stakes to guide the deer in a certain direction is very commonly used by the Eskimo. Egede gives a curious description of the practice in Greenland in his day: They “chase them [i.e., the reindeer] by Clap-hunting, setting upon them on all sides and surrounding them with all their Women and Children to force them into Defiles and Narrow Passages, where the Men armed lay in wait for them and kill them. And when they have not People enough to surround them, then they put up white Poles (tomake up the Number that is wanted) with Pieces of Turf to head them, which frightens the Deer and hinders it from escaping.”364 Pl. 4, of the same work, is a very curious illustration of this style of hunting.

A similar method is practiced at the Coppermine River, where the deer are led by ranges of turf toward the spot where the archer is hidden.365 Franklin also noticed between the Mackenzie and the Colville similar ranges of driftwood stumps leading across the plain to two cairns on a hill,366 and Thomas Simpson mentions a similar range near Herschel Island,367 and double rows of turf to represent men leading down to a small lake near Point Pitt, for the purpose of driving the deer into the water where they could be speared.368 This is 266 similar to the practice described by Schwatka369 among the “Netschilluk” of King William’s Land, where a line of cairns as high as a man and 50 to 100 yards apart is built along a ridge running obliquely to the water. When deer are seen feeding near the water the men form a skirmish line from the last cairn to the water and advance slowly. The deer mistake the cairns for men and take to the water, where they are easily speared.

The most important deer hunt takes place in the late fall and early spring, when the natives go inland 50 or 75 miles to the upper waters of Kuaru and Kulugrua, where the deer are exceedingly plentiful at this season. Capt. Herendeen, who went inland with the deer hunters in the autumn of 1882, reports that the bottom lands of Kulugrua “looked like a cattle yard,” from the tracks of the reindeer. They start as soon as it is possible to travel across the country with sledges, usually about the first of October, taking guns, ammunition, fishing tackle, and the necessary household utensils for themselves and their families, and stay till the daylight gets too short for hunting. In 1882, many parties got home about October 27 or 28. At this season there is seldom snow enough to build snow huts, so they generally live in tents, always close to the rivers from which they procure water for household use. The men spend their time hunting the deer, while the women bring in the game, attend to drying the skins and the household work, and catch whitefish and burbot through the ice of the rivers, which are now frozen hard enough for this purpose. Some of the old men and those who have not a supply of ammunition engage in the same pursuit.

A comparatively small number of the people go out to this fall deer hunt, which appears to be a new custom, adopted since Dr. Simpson’s time. It was probably not worth while to go out after deer at seasons when there was not enough snow for digging pitfalls, since they depended chiefly on these for the capture of the reindeer before the introduction of firearms. Fully half of each village go out on the spring deer hunt, as they did in Maguire’s time, the first parties starting out with the return of the sun, about January 23, and the others following in the course of two or three weeks, and remain out till about the middle of April, when it is time to come back for the whale fishery. The people of UtkiavwiÑ always travel to the hunting grounds by a regular road, which is the same as that followed by Lieut. Ray in his exploring trips. They travel along the coast on the ice wherever it is smooth enough till they reach Si´Ñaru, and then strike across country, crossing Kuaru and reaching Kulugrua near the hill Nuasu´knan. (See map, Pl. II.)

The people from Nuwuk travel straight across Elson Bay to the south till they reach nearly the same region. Some parties from Nuwuk also hunt in the rough country between Kulugrua and IkpikpÛÑ. As the sledges are heavily laden with camp equipage, provisions and oil for the lamps, they travel slowly, taking four or five days for the journey, 267 stopping for the night with tolerable regularity at certain stations where the first party that travels over the trail build snow huts, which are used by those who follow them. At the rivers they are scattered in small camps of four or five families, about a day’s journey apart. As well as we could learn these camps are in regularly established places, where the same people return every year, if they hunt at all. It even seemed as if these localities were considered the property of certain influential families, who could allow any others they pleased to join their parties.370 It is certain, at all events, that the people of UtkiavwiÑ did not hunt on the IkpikpÛÑ with the men of Nuwuk. At this season they live entirely in snow huts, often excavated in the deep drifts under the river bluffs, and the men hunt deer while the women, as before, catch fish in Kuaru and Kulugrua. None are taken in IkpikpÛÑ. (See above, p.58.)

Deer are generally very plentiful at this season, though sometimes, as happened in February, 1883, there comes a warm southerly wind which makes them all retreat farther inland for a few days. They are generally hunted by chasing them on snowshoes, in the manner already described, but with much better chances of success, since when a number of hunters are out in the same region the deer are kept moving, so that a herd started by one hunter is very apt to run within gunshot of another. The natives have generally very good success in this spring hunt. Two men who were hunting on shares for the station killed upward of ninety reindeer in the season of 1883. Agreat deal of the meat is, of course, consumed on the spot, but a good many deer are brought home frozen. They are skinned and brought home whole, only the heads and legs being cut off. The latter are disjointed at the knee and elbow. These frozen carcasses are usually cut up with a saw for cooking. At this season the does are pregnant, and many good-sized fetuses are brought home frozen. We were told that these were excellent food, though we never saw them eaten. For the first two or three days after the return of the deer hunters to the village all the little boys are playing with these fetuses, which they set up as targets for their blunt arrows.

Before starting for the deer hunt the hunters generally take the movable property which they do not mean to carry with them out of the house and bury it in the snow for safe keeping, apparently thinking that while a dishonest person might help himself to small articles left around the house, he could hardly go to work and dig up a cache without attracting the attention of the neighbors. If both families from a house go deer hunting, they either close it up entirely or else get some family who have no house of their own to take care of it during their absence. During the season, small parties, traveling light, with very little baggage, make flying trips to the village, usually to get a fresh supply of 268 ammunition or oil, and at the end of the season a lucky hunter almost always sends in to borrow extra dogs and hire women and children to help bring in his game. The skins, which at this season are very thick and heavy, suitable only for blankets, heavy stockings, etc., are simply rough dried in the open air, and brought in stacked up on a flat sled. Lieut. Ray met a Nuwuk party returning in 1882 with a pile of these skins that looked like a load of hay. With such heavy loads they, of course, travel very slowly. Afew natives, especially when short of ammunition, still use at this season the snow pitfalls mentioned by Capt. Maguire.371

The following is the description of those seen by Lieut. Ray in 1883: Around hole is dug in the drifted snow, along the bank of a stream or lake. This is about 5 feet in diameter and 5 or 6 feet deep, and is brought up to within 2 or 3 inches of the surface, where there is only a small hole, through which the snow was removed. This is carefully closed with a thin slab of snow and baited by strewing reindeer moss and bunches of grass over the thin surface, through which the deer breaks as soon as he steps on it. The natives say that they sometimes get two deer at once.

This method of hunting the reindeer appears uncommon among the Eskimo. Ifind no mention of it except at Repulse Bay,372 and among the Netsillingmiut, where dogs’ urine is said to be sprinkled on the snow as a bait to attract the deer by its “Salzgehalt.”373 Lieut. Ray was informed by the natives that the “NunataÑmiun” also captured deer by means of a rawhide noose set across a regular deer path, when they discovered such. The noose is held up and spread by a couple of sticks, and the end staked to the ground with a piece of antler. Asimilar method was practiced by the natives of Norton Sound.374 Afew parties visit the rivers in summer for the purpose of hunting reindeer, but most of the natives are either off on the trading expeditions previously mentioned or else settled in the small camps along the coast, 3or 4 miles apart, whence they occasionally go a short distance inland in search of reindeer.

The seal.

The flesh of the smaller seals forms such a staple of food, and their blubber and skin serve so many important purposes, that their capture is one of the most necessary pursuits at Point Barrow, and is carried on at all seasons of the year and in many different methods. During the season of open water many seals are shot from the umiaks engaged in whaling and walrus hunting or caught in nets set along the shore at Elson Bay. This is also the only season when seals can be captured with the small kaiak darts.

The principal seal fishery, however, begins with the closing of the sea, usually about the middle of October. When the pack ice comes in there are usually many small open pools, to which the seals resort for air. Most of the able-bodied men in the village are out every day armed 269 with the rifle and retrieving harpoon, traveling many miles among the ice hummocks in search of such holes. When a seal shows his head he is shot at with the rifle, and the hunter, if successful, secures his game with the harpoon. This method of hunting is practiced throughout the winter wherever open holes form in the ice. Anative going to visit his nets or to examine the condition of the ice always carries his rifle and retrieving harpoon, in case he should come across an open hole where seals might be found. The hunt at this season is accompanied with considerable danger, as the ice pack is not yet firmly consolidated and portions of it frequently move offshore with a shift of the wind, so that the hunter runs the risk of being carried out to sea. The natives exercise considerable care, and generally avoid crossing a crack if the wind, however light, is blowing offshore; but in spite of their precautions men are every now and then carried off to sea and never return.

The hunters meet with many exciting adventures. On the morning of November 24, 1882, all the heavy ice outside of the bar broke away from the shore, leaving a wide lead, and began to move rapidly to the northeast, carrying with it three seal hunters. They were fortunately near enough to the village to be seen by the loungers on the village hill, who gave the alarm. An umiak was immediately mounted on a flat sled and carried out over the shore ice with great rapidity, so that the men were easily rescued. The promptness and energy with which the people at the village acted showed how well the danger was appreciated.

At this season of the year a single calm night is sufficient to cover all the holes and leads with young ice strong enough to support a man, and occasionally before the pack comes in the open sea freezes over. In this young ice the seals make their breathing holes (adlu), “about the Bigness of a Halfpenny,” as Egede says, and the natives employ the stabbing harpoon for their capture. At the present day this is seldom used alone, but the seal is shot through the head as he comes to the surface, and the spear only used to secure him. Seals which have been shot in this way are sometimes carried off by the current before they can be harpooned. As far as I can learn, this practice of shooting seals at the adlu is peculiar to Point Barrow (including probably the rest of the Arctic coast as far as Kotzebue Sound), though the use of the una, as already stated, is very general.

This method of hunting can generally be prosecuted only a few days at a time, as the movements of the pack soon break up the fields of young ice, though new fields frequently form in the course of the season. After the January gales the pack is so firmly consolidated that there are no longer any open holes or leads, and when the spring leads open young ice seldom forms, so that this method of hunting is as a rule confined to the period between the middle of October and the early part of January.

With the departure of the sun, about the middle of November, begins 270 the netting, which is the most important fishery of the year, but which can be prosecuted with success only in the darkest nights. The natives say that even a bright aurora interferes with the netting. At this season narrow leads of open water are often formed parallel to the shore, and frequently remain open for several days. The natives are constantly reconnoitering the ice in search of such leads, and when one is found nearly all the men in the village go out to it with their nets. Aplace is sought where the ice is tolerably level and not too thick for about a hundred yards back from the lead, at which distance the nets are set, often a number of them close together, in the manner already described, so that they hang like curtains under the ice, parallel to the edge of the open water. When darkness comes on the hunters begin to rattle on the ice with their ice picks, scratch with the seal call, or make some other gentle and continuous noise, which soon excites the curiosity of the seals that are swimming about in the open lead. One at length dives under the ice and swims in the direction of the sound, which of course leads him directly into the net, where he is entangled.

On favorable nights a great many seals are captured in this way. For instance, on the night of December 2, 1882, the netters from UtkiavwiÑ alone took at least one hundred seals. Such lucky hauls are not common, however. As the weather at this season is often excessively cold, the seals freeze stiff soon after they are taken from the net, and if sufficient snow has fallen they are stacked up by sticking their hind flippers in the snow. This keeps them from being covered up and lost if the snow begins to drift. Ihave counted thirty seals, the property of one native, piled up in this way into a single stack. The women and children go out at their convenience with dog sleds and bring in the seals. Awoman, however, who is at work on deerskin clothing must not touch a hand to the seals or the sled on which they are loaded, but may lend a hand at hauling on the drag line. When the seals are brought to the edge of the beach they must not be taken on land till each has been given a mouthful of fresh water. We did not learn the object of this practice, but NordenskiÖld, who observed a similar custom at Pitlekaj, was informed that it was to keep the leads from closing.375

When the lead keeps open for several days, or there is a prospect of its opening again, the hunter leaves his gear out on the ice, sometimes bringing his ice pick, scoop, and setting pole part way home and sticking them up in the snow alongside of the path. In 1884 a lead remained open for several days about 3 or 4 miles from the village, and the natives made a regular beaten trail out to it. When we visited the netting ground the lead had closed, but nearly all the men had left their gear sticking up near it, with the nets tied up and hung upon the ice picks. They had built little walls of snow slabs as a protection against the wind. The season for this netting ends with the January gales, which close the leads permanently.

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Later in the winter the seals resort to very inconsiderable cracks among the hummocks for air, and nets are set hanging around these cracks, so that a seal can not approach the crack without being caught. There was such a crack just in the edge of the rough land floe, not half a mile from UtkiavwiÑ, in February, 1883, from which two men took several seals, visiting the nets every day or two. Those men who do not go off on the deer hunt keep one or more seal nets set all winter, either in this way or in the third method, which can be practiced only after the daylight has come back, when the ice is thick. At this season there are frequently to be found among the hummocks what the natives call i´glus, dome-shaped snow houses about 6 feet in diameter and 2 or 3 feet high, with a smooth round hole in the top, and communicating with the water. These are undoubtedly the same as the snow burrows described by Kumlien,376 which the female seal builds to bring forth her young in.377 They are curious constructions, looking astonishingly like a man’s work. The natives told me that nets set at these places were for the capture of young seals (netyiÁru). It appears that these houses are the property of a single female only until her young one is able to take to the water, as a net is kept set at one of these holes, as well as I could understand, sometimes capturing several seals. The net is set flat under the hole, the corners being drawn out by cords let down through small holes in a circle round the main opening, through which the net is drawn. Aseal rising to the surface runs his head through the meshes of the net. The small holes and sometimes the middle one are carefully covered with slabs of snow.

The officers of the revenue steamer Corwin, who made the sledge journey along the northeast coast of Siberia in the early summer of 1881, saw seal nets set in this way, flat, under air holes in the ice, with a hole for each corner of the net. When a seal was caught the net was drawn up through the middle hole with a hooked pole.378 In 1883 they began setting these nets at Point Barrow about March 4, and probably about the same date the year before, though we did not happen to observe this method of netting until considerably later.

In June and July, when the ice becomes rotten and worn into holes, the seals “haul out” to bask in the sun, and are then stalked and shot. They are exceedingly wary at this season. The seal usually taken in the methods above described is the rough or ringed seal (Phoca foetida), but in 1881 a single male ribbon seal (Histriophoca fasciata) was netted, and in 1882 a native shot one at the breathing hole, but it was carried away by the current before he could secure it. The natives said that they sometimes caught the harbor seal (P.vitulina) in the shore nets in Elson Bay. The bearded seal (Erignathus barbatus), whose skin is especially prized for making harpoon lines, boot soles, umiak covers, 272 etc., is never very abundant, and occurs chiefly in the season of open water, when it is captured from the umiak with harpoon and rifle, but they are sometimes found in the winter, as two were killed at breathing holes in the rough ice January 8, 1883.

The walrus.

The walrus occurs only during the season of open water, and is almost always captured from the umiak with the large harpoon and rifle. The whaling boats usually find a few, especially late in the season, and after the trading parties have gone in the summer the natives who remain are generally out in the boats a good deal of the time looking for walrus and seals. As a general thing walrus are especially plenty in September, when much loose ice is moving backwards and forwards with the current, frequently sleeping in large herds upon cakes of ice. The boats, which are out nearly every day at this season with volunteer crews, not regularly organized as for whaling, paddle as near as they can to these sleeping herds and try to shoot them in the head, aiming also to “fasten” to as many as they can with the harpoon and float as they hurry into the water. Aharpooned walrus is followed up with the boat and shot with the rifle when a chance is offered. Swimming walruses are chased with the boat and “fastened to” by darting the harpoon. When a walrus is killed it is towed up to the nearest cake of ice and cut up on the spot. We never knew of the kaiak being used in walrus-hunting, as is the custom among the eastern Eskimo.

The whale.

The pursuit of the “bowhead” whale (BalÆna mysticetus), so valuable not only for the food furnished by its flesh and “blackskin” and the oil from its blubber, but for the whalebone, which serves so many useful purposes in the arts of the Eskimo and is besides the chief article of trade with the ships, is carried on with great regularity and formality. In the first place all the umialiks (boat-owners) or those who are to be the captains of whaling umiaks, before the deer hunters start out in January, bring all the gear to be used in the whale fishery to the kÛ´dyigi, where it is consecrated by a ceremony consisting of drumming and singing, perhaps partaking of the nature of an incantation.

Capt. Herendeen was the only one of our party who witnessed this ceremony, which took place at UtkiavwiÑ on January 9, 1883, and he did not bring back a detailed account of the proceedings. During part of the ceremony all the umialiks were seated in a row upon the floor, and a woman passed down the line marking each across the face with an oblique streak of blacklead. As soon as the deer hunters return in the spring they begin getting ready for the whales, covering the boats, fitting lines to harpoons, and putting gear of all sorts in perfect order. Every article to be used in whaling—harpoons, lances, paddles, and even the timbers of the boats—must be scraped perfectly clean.379 This work is generally done by the umialik himself and his 273 family, as the crews do not enter on their duties till the whaling actually commences. The crews are regularly organized for the season, and are made up during the winter and early spring. They consist of eight or ten persons to each boat, including the captain, who is always the owner of the boat, and sits in the stern and steers, using a larger paddle than the rest, and the harpooner, who occupies the bow. When a bombgun is carried it is intrusted to a third man, who sits in the waist of the boat, and whose duty it is to shoot the whale whenever he sees a favorable opportunity, whether it has been harpooned or not. The rest are simply paddlers.

When used for whaling, the umiak is propelled by paddles alone, sails and oars never being even taken on board. Men are preferred for the whaling crews when enough can be secured, otherwise the vacancies are filled by women, who make efficient paddlers. Some umialiks hire their crews, paying them a stipulated price in tobacco and other articles, and providing them with food during the season. Others ship men on shares. We did not learn the exact proportions of these shares in any case. They appear to concern the whalebone alone, as all seem to be entitled to as much of the flesh and blubber as they can cut off in the general scramble. At this season exploring parties are out every day examining the state of the ice to ascertain when the pack is likely to break away from the landfloe, and also to find the best path for the umiaks through the hummocks.

In 1882 the condition of the ice was such that the boats could be taken out directly from UtkiavwiÑ, by a somewhat winding path, to the edge of the land floe about five or six miles from the shore. This path was marked out by the seal-hunters during the winter, and some of the natives spent their leisure time widening and improving it, knocking off projecting points of ice with picks and whale spades, and filling up the worst of the inequalities. Much of the path, however, was exceedingly rough and difficult when it was considered finished. In 1883 the land floe was so rough and wide abreast of the village that no practicable path could be made, so all the whalemen with their families moved up to ImÊ´kpÛÑ and encamped in tents as already described (see p.84) for the season. From this point a tolerably straight and easy path was made out to the edge of the land floe. The natives informed me as early as April 1 that it would be necessary for them to move up to ImÊ´kpÛÑ, adding that the ice abreast of the village was very heavy and would move only when warm weather came. This prediction was correct, as the season of 1883 was so late that no ships reached the station until August 1.

About the middle of April the natives begin anxiously to expect an east or southeast wind (nÍgy?) to drive off the pack and open the leads, and should it not speedily blow from that quarter recourse is had to supernatural means to bring it. Aparty of men go out and sit in a semicircle facing the sea on the village cliff, while one man in the middle 274 beats a drum and sings a monotonous chant, interrupted by curious vibrating cries, accompanied with a violent shaking of the head from side to side. This ceremony is conducted with great solemnity, and the natives seemed disinclined to have us witness it, so that we learned very little about it. They, however, told us that the chant was addressed to a tuaÑa or spirit, requesting him to make the desired wind blow.380 It does not appear to be necessary that the man who delivers the invocation should be a regular magician or “doctor.” Asuccession of unsuccessful attempts were made in 1882, some of them by men who never to our knowledge practiced incantations on other occasions. During this period, and while the whaling is going on, no pounding must be done in the village, and it is not allowable even to rap with the knuckles on wood for fear of frightening away the whales.381 It is interesting to find that at Norton Sound, where the whale is not pursued, this superstition has been transferred to the salmon fishery, one of the most important industries of the year. Mr. Dall382 says: “While the fishery lasts no wood must be cut with an axe, or the salmon will disappear.”

As soon as the lead opens, and sometimes before when the prospect looks promising, the boats are taken out to the edge of the land floe and kept out there during the season, which lasts till about the last week in June, when they are brought in and got ready for the summer expeditions. When the lead closes, as often happens, the boats are hauled up on the ice and many or all of the crews come home until there are prospects of open water. When there is open water, the boats are always on the lookout for whales, either cruising about in the lead or lying up at the edge of the floe, the crews eating and sleeping when they can get a chance and shooting seals and ducks when there are no whales in sight. The women and children travel back and forth between the village and the boats, carrying supplies of food for the whalemen.

In 1883, there was a regular beaten trail along the smooth shore ice between ImÊ´kpÛÑ and UtkiavwiÑ, where people were constantly traveling back and forth. When the boats are out no woman is allowed to sew, as was noticed by Dr. Simpson.383 To carry the umiak out over the ice it is lashed on a flat sled and drawn by dogs and men. Adescription of one of these boats which I accompanied for part of its journey out to the open water, will show how a whaleboat is fitted out. The rifles, harpoons, lances, and other gear of the party were sent on ahead on a sled drawn by half a dozen dogs, with a woman to lead them. After these had made a short stage, they were unfastened from this 275 sled and brought back and harnessed to the flat sled on which the umiak was lashed. The party, which consisted of five men and two women, one of whom remained with the sled load of gear, then started ahead, the women running in front of the dogs and the men pushing at the sides of the boat. The boat travels very easily and rapidly on smooth ice, but among the hummocks the men have hard work pushing and scrambling, and occasional stops have to be made to widen narrow places in the path and to chisel off projecting points of ice which might pierce the skin cover of the boat. When they came up to the first sled the women were again sent on with this while the men rested. The inflated sealskin floats, five or six in number, the whale harpoon, and whale spades, and ice picks were carried in the boats.

A whaling umiak always carries a number of amulets to insure success. These consisted in this case of two wolf skulls, adried raven, the axis vertebra of a seal, and numerous feathers. The skin of a golden eagle is considered an excellent charm for whaling, and Nikawaalu was particularly desirous to secure the tip of a red fox’s tail, which he said was a powerful amulet. The captain and harpooner wore fillets of mountain sheepskin, with a little crystal or stone image of a whale dangling at each side of the face, and the captain’s fillet was also fringed with the incisor teeth of the mountain sheep. Both wore little stone whales attached to the breast of the jacket, and one woman and one or two of the men had streaks of black lead on their faces.384

When they are on the watch for whales the great harpoon is kept always rigged and resting in a crotch of ivory in the bow of the boat. When a whale is sighted they paddle up as close as possible and the harpooner thrusts the harpoon into him. The whale dives, with the floats attached to him, and the shaft, which is retained, is rigged for striking him when he rises again. The other boats, if any are near, join in the chase until the whale is so wearied that he can be lanced or a favorable opportunity occurs for shooting him. All boats in sight at the time the whale is struck, as I understood, are entitled to an equal share of the whalebone.

As soon as the whale is killed he is towed up to the edge of the land floe and everybody standing on the edge of the ice and in the boats begins hacking away, at random, at the flesh and blubber, some of them going to work more carefully to cut out the whalebone. The “cutting in” is managed without order or control, everybody who can be on the spot being apparently entitled to all the meat, blubber, and blackskin he or she can cut off. The same custom was practiced in Greenland, and is to this day in eastern Siberia.

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While they are very particular in all superstitious observances regarding the whales, they are less careful about certain things, such as loud talking and firing guns at seals and fowl when they are waiting for whales, which really hurt their chances with the timid animals. They are less energetic than one would suppose in pursuit of the whale, according to Capt. Herendeen, who spent several days each season with the whaleboats. Instead of cruising about the lead in search of whales they are rather inclined to lie in wait for them at the edge of the floe, so that when the open water is wide many whales escape.

When the leads are very narrow the whales are sometimes shot with the bombgun from the edge of the ice. Success in this appears to be variable. In 1882 only one small whale was secured, and in 1883 one full-grown one, though several were struck and lost each season. The veteran whaling-master, Capt. L.C. Owen, informs me that one season the boats of these two villages captured ten. The season of 1885 was very successful. The natives of the two villages are reported to have taken twenty-eight whales. Capt. E.E. Smith, however, informs me that only seven of these were full-grown.

When actually engaged in whaling the umialik exercises a very fair degree of discipline, but at other times he seems hardly able to keep his men from straggling off to go home or to visit their seal nets, etc., so that he sometimes has to chase a whale “short-handed.”

Nowhere else among the Eskimo does the whale fishery appear to be conducted in such regular manner with formally organized crews as upon this northwest coast. From all accounts the animal is only casually pursued elsewhere with fleets of kaiaks or umiaks manned by volunteer crews.385

The beluga or white whale is only casually pursued, and as far as I could learn is always shot with the rifle. It is not abundant.

Fowl.

During the winter months a few ptarmigan are occasionally shot, but the natives pay no special attention to birds until the spring migrations. The first ducks appear a little later than the whales, about the end of April or the first week of May, and from that time till the middle of June scarcely a day passes when they are not more or less plenty. The king ducks (Somateria spectabilis) are the first to appear, while the Pacific eiders (S.v-nigra) arrive somewhat later, and are more abundant towards the end of the migrations. At this season all women and children, and many men, go armed with the bolas, and everybody is always on the lookout for flocks of ducks. On four or five favorable days each season, at intervals of a week or ten days, there are great flights of eiders coming up in huge flocks of two or three hundred, stretched out in long diagonal lines. These flocks follow one another in rapid succession and keep the line of the coast, apparently striking straight across Peard Bay from the Seahorse Islands to a point 277 four or five miles below UtkiavwiÑ, and most of them fly up along the smooth shore-ice to PernyÛ or Point Barrow. Some flocks always fly up among the hummocks of the land floe, and a few others turn eastward below the village and continue their course to the northeast across the land.

On the days between the great flights there are always a few flocks passing, and some days when there is no flight along shore they are very abundant out at the open water, where the whalemen shoot them in the intervals of whaling. When a great flight begins the people at the village hasten out and form a sort of skirmish line across the shore ice from the shore to the hummocks, afew sometimes stationing themselves among the latter. They take but little pains to conceal themselves, frequently sitting out on the open ice-field on sealing stools or squares of bearskins. The ducks generally keep on their course without paying much attention to the men, and in fact one may often get a shot by running so as to head off an approaching flock. Firing, however, frightens them and makes them rise to a considerable height, often out of gunshot. Many ducks are taken with guns and bolas in these flights.

Rather late in the season the old squaws (Clangula hyemalis) pass to the northeast in large flocks, but usually go so high than none are taken. Agood many of these, however, with a few eiders, geese, brant, and loons, remain and breed on the tundra, and are occasionally shot by the natives, though most of them are too busy with whaling and seal and walrus hunting to pay much attention to birds. Small parties of two or three lads or young men, sometimes with their wives, make short excursions inland to the small streams and sand islands east of Point Barrow, after birds and eggs, and the boys from the small camps along the coast towards Woody Inlet are always on the lookout for eggs and small birds, such as they can kill with their bows and arrows or catch in snares. They say that the parties which go east, and those which visit the rivers in summer, get many eggs and find plenty of ducks, geese, and swans, which have molted their flight feathers so that they are unable fly.

About the end of July the return migration of the ducks begins. At this season the flocks, which are generally smaller and more compact than in the spring, come from the east along the northern shore, and cross out to sea at the isthmus of PernyÛ, where the natives assemble in large numbers to shoot them as well as to meet with the NunataÑmiun. All the people who have been scattered along the coast in small camps gradually collect at this season at PernyÛ, and the returning eastern parties generally stop there two or three days; while, after they have brought their families back to the village, the men frequently walk up to PernyÛ for a day or two of duck shooting. The tents are pitched just in the bend of Elson Bay, and north of them is a narrow place in the sandspit over which the ducks often pass. Here the 278 natives dig shallow pits in the gravel, in which they post themselves with guns and bolas. Aline of posts is set up along the bend of the beach from the tents almost to the outlet of ImÊkpÛniglu.

When a light breeze is blowing from the northeast the ducks, no matter how far off shore they are when first seen, always head for the point of land on the other side of this outlet, probably with the intention of following the line of lagoons and going out to sea farther down the coast, as they sometimes do. When, however, they reach this critical point they catch sight of the posts, and the natives who are watching them sharply set up a shrill yell. Frightened by this and by the line of posts, nine times out of ten, if the cry is given at the right moment, the ducks will falter, become confused, and, finally, collecting into a compact body will whirl along the line of posts, past the tents, flying close to the water, and turn out to sea at the first open space, which is just where the gunners are posted. This habit of yelling to frighten the ducks and bring them within gunshot has been observed on the Siberian coast in places where the ducks are in the habit of flying in and out from lagoons over low bars.386 Should the wind blow hard from the east, however, or blow from any other quarter, the ducks do not fly in such abundance, nor do they pay much attention to the posts or the yelling, but often keep on their course down the lagoons, or head straight for the beach and cross wherever they strike it. The latter is generally the habit with the old squaws, who come rather late in the migrations, while the black brant (Branta nigricans) are more apt to go down the lagoons. Afew pintail ducks (Dafila acuta), are occasionally shot at this season, and are sometimes found in the two little village ponds (TÛseraru). The shooting at PernyÛ usually lasts till the middle or end of September, during which month the natives also shoot a good many gulls (Larus barrovianus and Rhodostethia rosea) as they fly along the shore.

IMPLEMENTS FOR FISHING.

Hooks and lines.

The streams and lakes in the immediate neighborhood of Point Barrow contain no fish, and there is comparatively little fishing in the sea. When the water first closes in the autumn narrow tide cracks often form at the very edge of the beach. At these cracks the natives frequently catch considerable numbers of Polar cod (Boreogadus saida) and small sculpins (Cottus quadricornis and C.decastrensis), with the hook and line. The tackle for this fishing consists of 279 a short line of whalebone, provided with a little “squid” or artificial bait of ivory, and fastened to a wooden rod about 18 inches or 2 feet long. The lure, which is apparently meant to represent a small shrimp, is kept moving, and the fish bite at it. We brought home two complete sets of tackle for this kind of fishing, two lines without rods and twelve lures or hooks. No. 89548 [1733] Fig. 264, has been selected for description.

The line is 40 inches long and made of four strips of whalebone 0.1 inch wide, fastened together with what appear to be “waterknots.” Two of these strips are of black whalebone, respectively 4½ and 9 inches long; the other two are of light colored whalebone and 15½ and 11 inches long. The light colored end is made fast to the eye in the small end of the hook as follows: The end is passed through the eye, doubled back and passed through a single knot in the standing part, and knotted round the latter with a similar knot (Fig. 265). This knot is the one generally used in fastening a fishing line to the hook. The other end is doubled in a short bight into which is becket-hitched one end of a bit of sinew thread about 3 inches long, and the other end is knotted into a notch at one end of the rod, as the whalebone would be too stiff to tie securely to the stick. The rod is a roughly whittled splinter of California redwood, 14½ inches long. The body of the lure is a piece of walrus ivory 1½ inches long. Through a hole in the large end of this is driven the barbless brass hook, with a broad thin plate at one end bent up, flush with the convex side. When not in use the line is reeled lengthwise on the rod, secured by a notch at each end of the latter, and the hook stuck into the wood on one side of the rod. The hook is wedged into the body of the lure with a bit of whalebone. The other specimen, No. 89547, [1733] from the same village, is almost exactly like this, but has a slightly shorter line, made of three strips of bone, of which the lower two, as before, are of light colored whalebone. The object of using this material is probably to render the part of the line which is under water less conspicuous, as we use leaders and casting lines of transparent silkworm gut. The body of the lure is made of old brown walrus ivory. These lures are 1 inch to 1½ inches long, and vary little in the shape of the body which is usually made of walrus ivory, in most cases darkened on the surface by age or charring, so that when carved into shape it is parti-colored, black and white. The body is often ornamented with small colored beads inlaid for eyes and along the back (Fig. 266a, No. 56609 [153], from UtkiavwiÑ).

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Fig. 264.—Tackle for shore fishing.

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Fig. 409.—Ivory image of whale.

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Fig. 410.—Ivory image of whale.

Fig. 410 (No. 89326 [1086] from Nuwuk) is very long and slender—4.3 inches long and only 0.7 inch wide—with the belly perfectly flat, 405 but otherwise a very good representation, neatly carved. The flukes in particular are especially well done, and the flippers are in high relief. The eyes, the spiracles, and the outline of the mouth are incised and the first blackened. The material is a rather poor quality of walrus ivory, about half “core.” The specimen was made for sale. No. 89327 [991] from Nuwuk was also made for sale. It is a little whale 1.6 inches long, rudely carved in walrus ivory.

Fig. 411 (No. 56619 [66] from UtkiavwiÑ) represents a pair of little whales, each carved from a walrus tooth, which probably served for buttons or toggles of some sort, though I do not recollect ever seeing such objects in use. The belly of each is flat and has in the middle a stout lug perforated with a transverse eye, and they are tied together by a piece of thong about 14 inches long. They are quite well designed and executed, but rather “stumpy” in outline, with the outline of the mouth and the spiracles incised and blackened, and little round bits of tooth inlaid for eyes. In the middle of the back of each was inlaid a small blue glass bead, which still remains in one of them. They are old and dirty and somewhat chipped about the flukes.

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Fig. 411.—Pair of little ivory whales.

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Fig. 412.—Soapstone image of imaginary animal.

Fig. 412 (No. 89567 [904] from Nuwuk) represents an imaginary quadruped 2.5 inches long, with a short, thick body and legs, no neck, and a human head, with the eyes and mouth incised. It is roughly carved from light gray soapstone, and ground pretty smooth. This figure is not new, and has probably connected with it some story which we did not succeed in learning. The seller called it an “old man.” No. 89332 [994] from Nuwuk, is a fanciful monster, 4.2 inches long, carved in ivory. It has a human head with the tusks of a walrus, the body, tail, and flippers of a seal, with human arms. The hands, each of which has four fingers, clasp some round object against the belly. It is not old, but apparently was not made 406 for the market. It was called a “walrus man;” but we did not learn whether it was simply a fancy figure or whether there was any story connected with it.

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Fig. 413.—Ivory carving, seal with fish’s head.

Fig. 413 (No. 89329 [1101] from Nuwuk) is another monster, 3.9 inches long, carved in ivory. It has a fish’s head with large canine teeth, and a seal’s body, tail, and hind flippers. The eyes, nostrils, gill slits, the outlines of the tail, and the toes, of which there are six on each flipper, are incised and blackened. Arow of nineteen small round pits, filled with dark colored dirt runs nearly straight from the nape to the tail.

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Fig. 414.—Ivory carving, ten-legged bear.

Fig. 414 (No. 89339 [1099] from Nuwuk) is a newly made ivory figure, which is interesting from its resemblance to one of the fabulous animals which figure in the Greenland legends. It is 4 inches long and represents a long-necked bear with ten legs, an animal which the maker gave us to understand had once been seen at Point Barrow. The resemblance of this animal to the “kiliopak” or “kilifvak” of the Greenland stories, which is described as “an animal with six or even ten feet”518 is quite striking.

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Fig. 415.—Ivory carving, giant holding whales.

Fig. 415 (No. 89723 [1084] from Nuwuk) is another representation of the giant who holds a whale in each hand. He was called in this instance “KaiÓasu,” and not “KikÁmigo.” This image is carved from very old pale brown walrus ivory, and is 2.3 inches high. Atransverse incised line across each cheek from the wing of the nose, indicates the whaleman’s tattoo mark of the Eastern fashion. The image is ancient, but is mounted in a socket in the middle of a newly made wooden stand, which has a broad border of red ocher and a broad streak of the same paint along each diameter.

Fig. 416 (No. 89336 [1369]) is a curious piece of carving, which Nikawdalu said he found in one of the ruined houses on the river Kulugrua. 407 The carving is well executed and really seems to be old, although it has evidently been retouched in a good many places. It is made from an irregularly flattened bit of reindeer antler, 3.6 inches long, blackened by the weather on the flat surfaces, and represents an animal with four legs, which appear to be dog’s legs, and at each end what appears to be a dog’s head. One of these is smaller than the other and both have the ears in relief, and the eyes, nostrils, and outlines of the mouth incised.

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Fig. 416.—Double-headed animal, carved from antler.

Fig. 417 (No. 56520 [85] from Nuwuk) is a fanciful object made solely for the market. It consists of the rudely carved head of some carnivorous animal, made of ivory, and 2.6 inches long, fitted to the broad end of a flat pointed wooden handle, painted red. The head was called a “dog”, but it looks more like a bear. Small bits of wood are inlaid for the eyes, and the outline of the mouth is deeply incised and colored with red ocher, having bits of white ivory inlaid to represent the canine teeth. The ears, nostrils, vibrissÆ, and hairs on the muzzle are indicated by blackened incisions. There is an ornamented collar round the neck, to which is joined a conventional pattern of triangular form on the throat, and a somewhat similar pattern on the top of the head between the ears.

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Fig. 417.—Ivory carving, dog.

One of the natives at UtkiavwiÑ, in May, 1882, conceived the fancy of smoothing off the tip of a walrus tusk into the shape of a pyramid, surmounted by a little conical cap and ornamenting it with incised figures, which he colored with red ocher. It appears to have been purely an individual fancy, as it has no utility, nor are such objects made by the Eskimo elsewhere, as far as I know. Having succeeded in finding a sale for this object, either he or one of his friends, Ido not 408 now recollect which, made another, which was brought over for sale about ten days later. We saw no others afterwards.

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Fig. 418.—Engraved ivory: (a)piece engraved with figures; (b)development of pattern.

Fig. 418a (pattern developed in Fig. 418b, No. 56530 [220]) represents the first of these. It is made of solid white walrus ivory. The workmanship is quite rude, and the cap has been broken off and neatly fastened on with a wooden dowel. The other, Fig. 419a, 419b (No.56529 [254]) is 3.7 inches long.

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Fig. 419.—Engraved ivory: (a)piece with engraving; (b)development of pattern.

409

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Fig. 420.—Ivory doll.

Fig. 420 (No. 89741 [1012] from Nuwuk) is an ivory cross 15.5 inches long. The cross is ornamented by incised rings and dots colored with red ocher. The shaft of the cross is surmounted by a female human head neatly carved from soapstone, fastened on by a lashing of sinew braid, which passes through a transverse hole in the head and round the crosspiece. No. 89742 [1091], also from Nuwuk, closely resembles the preceding, but is slightly shorter and has a four-sided shaft. The head, moreover, which is made of bone, represents a man, as is shown by the little pits, which indicate the labrets. The cheeks and crown of the head are colored slightly red with red ocher.

The ingenious YÖksa, so often mentioned, made the first image and brought it down for sale. All he could or would tell us about it was that it was “tuna´ktÛp kuni´a,” “Akuni´a (jargon for woman) of soapstone.” The successful sale of this first cross encouraged him to make the second, but we saw no others before or after. Other natives who saw these objects only laughed. The whole may be simply a fanciful doll, perhaps meant for a caricature, the shaft representing the body, and the crosspiece the outstretched arms. The object is very suggestive of a crucifix, and there is a bare possibility that the maker may have seen something of the sort in the possession of some of the eastern natives who have been visited by a missionary of the Roman Catholic Church (Father Petitot).

Under the head of works of art may properly be included No. 89823 [1130], from UtkiavwiÑ. This is the skeleton of the jaws of a polar bear, cut off just back of the nose, neatly sewed up in a piece of sealskin with the hair out, so as to leave uncovered only the tips of the jawbones and the canine teeth. This specimen was put up by the same quick-witted young native after his removal from Nuwuk to UtkiavwiÑ, evidently in imitation of the work of preparing specimens of natural history, which he had seen done at the station. For the same reason he dried and carefully preserved in a little box whittled out of a block of wood and tied up with sinew a little fresh-water sculpin (Cottus quadricornis), which he had caught at Kulugrua (No.89536 [1145]).

410

I regret much that we did not save and bring home any of the pencil drawings made by these people. The children especially were anxious to get lead pencils, and made themselves rather a nuisance by covering the painted walls of the observatory with scrawls of ships and various other objects, perhaps rather more accurately done than they would have been by white children of the same age. The style of the figures on the hunting scores already described, however, is very like that of the pencil drawings.519

DOMESTIC LIFE.

Marriage.

As far as we could learn, the marriage relation was entered upon generally from reasons of interest or convenience, with very little regard for affection, as we understand it, though there often appeared to be a warm attachment between married people. Aman desires to obtain a wife who will perform her household duties well and faithfully, and will be at the same time an agreeable companion, while he often plans to marry into a rich or influential family. The woman, on the other hand, appears to desire a husband who is industrious and a good hunter. There were, nevertheless, some indications that real love matches sometimes took place. Marriages are usually arranged by the parents of the contracting parties, sometimes when the principals are mere children. We knew of one case when a young man of about twenty-two offered himself as the prospective husband of a girl of eight or ten, when she should reach a marriageable age. This practice of child betrothal seems to be practically universal among the Eskimo everywhere.520

Dr. Simpson, in describing the marriage customs at Point Barrow, says:

The usual case is, that as soon as the young man desires a partner and is able to support one, his mother selects a girl according to her judgment or fancy, and invites her to the hut, where she first takes the part of a “kivgak” or servant, having all the cooking and other kitchen duties to perform during the day, and returns to her home at night. If her conduct proves satisfactory, she is further invited to become a member of the family.521

We only knew this to be done on one occasion; and on the contrary knew of several cases where the bridegroom became a member of the wife’s family.

One youth, who had had his lips pierced for the labrets just previously to our arrival, was, we soon learned, betrothed to a young girl at Nuwuk. This girl frequently came down from Nuwuk and visited her lover’s family, staying several days at a time, but we could not 411 discover that she was treated as a servant. She went with them to the spring deer hunt, but we were distinctly given to understand that the young couple would not be married till after the return from this hunt, and that no intercourse would take place between them before that time. When the season came for catching reindeer fawns, the couple started off together, with sled and dogs and camp equipage in pursuit of them, and always afterwards were considered as man and wife.

Most of the marriages took place before we heard of them, so that we had no opportunity for learning what ceremony, if any, occurred at the time. Some of the party, however, who went over to make a visit at UtkiavwiÑ one evening, found the house full of people, who were singing and dancing, and were told that this was to celebrate the marriage of the daughter of the house. Marriage ceremonies appear to be rare among the Eskimo. Apretended abduction, with the consent of the parents, is spoken of by Bessels at Smith Sound522 and Egede in Greenland (p.142), and Kumlien was informed that certain ceremonies were sometimes practiced at Cumberland Gulf.523 Elsewhere I have not been able to find any reference to the subject. Aman usually selects a wife of about his own age, but reasons of interest sometimes lead to a great disparity of age between the two. Ido not recollect any case where an old man had a wife very much younger than himself, but we knew of several men who had married widows or divorced women old enough to be their mothers,524 and in one remarkable case the bride was a girl of sixteen or seventeen, and the husband a lad apparently not over thirteen, who could barely have reached the age of puberty.

This couple were married late in the winter of 1882-’83, and immediately started off to the rivers, deer hunting, where the young husband was very successful. This union, however, appeared to have been dissolved in the summer, as I believe the girl was living with another and older man when we left the station. In this case, the husband came to live with the wife’s family.

As is the case with most Eskimo, most of the men content themselves with one wife, though a few of the wealthy men have two each. Ido not recollect over half a dozen men in the two villages who had more than one wife each, and one of these dismissed his younger wife during our stay. We never heard of a case of more than two wives. As well as we could judge, the marriage bond was regarded simply as a contract entered into by the agreement of the contracting parties and, without any formal ceremony of divorce, easily dissolved in the same way, on account of incompatibility of temper, or even on account of temporary disagreements.

We knew of one or two cases where wives left their husbands on 412 account of ill treatment. One of these cases resulted in a permanent separation, each of the couple finally marrying again, though the husband for a long time tried his best to get his wife to come back to him. In another case, where the wife after receiving a beating ran away to Nuwuk, and, as we were told, married another man, her first husband followed her in a day or two and either by violence or persuasion made her come back with him. They afterwards appeared to live together on perfectly good terms.

On the other hand, we know of several cases where men discarded wives who were unsatisfactory or made themselves disagreeable. For instance, the younger TuÑazu, when we first made his acquaintance, was married to a widow very much his senior, who seemed to have a disagreeable and querulous temper, so that we were not surprised to hear in the spring of 1882 that they were separated and TuÑazu married to a young girl. His second matrimonial venture was no more successful than his first, for his young wife proved to be a great talker. As he told us: “She talked all the time, so that he could not eat and could not sleep.” So he discarded her, and when we left the station he had been for some time married to another old widow.

In the case above mentioned, where the man with two wives discarded the younger of them, the reason he assigned was that she was lazy, would not make her own clothes, and was disobedient to the older wife, to whom he was much attached. As he said, Kakaguna (the older wife) told her, “Give me a drink of water,” and she said, “No!” so Kakaguna said, “Go!” and she went. He did not show any particular concern about it.

Dr. Simpson says, “A great many changes take place before a permanent choice is made;” and again, “Aunion once apparently settled between parties grown up is rarely dissolved.”525 And this agrees with our experience. The same appears to have been the case in Greenland. Crantz526 says, “Such quarrels and separations only happen between people in their younger years, who have married without due forethought. The older they grow, the more they love one another.”

Easy and unceremonious divorce appears to be the usual custom among Eskimo generally, and the divorced parties are always free to marry again.527 The only writer who mentions any ceremony of divorce is Bessels, who witnessed such among the so-called “Arctic Highlanders” of Smith Sound (Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p.877). Dr. Simpson, 413 in the paragraph referred to above, says that “Aman of mature age chooses a wife for himself and fetches her home, frequently, to all appearance, much against her will.” The only case of the kind which came to our notice was in 1883, when one of the KilauwitawiÑmeun attempted by blows to coerce AdwÛ´na, an UtkiavwiÑ girl, to live with him, but was unsuccessful.

A curious custom, not peculiar to these people, is the habit of exchanging wives temporarily. For instance, one man of our acquaintance planned to go to the rivers deer hunting in the summer of 1882, and borrowed his cousin’s wife for the expedition, as she was a good shot and a good hand at deer hunting, while his own wife went with his cousin on the trading expedition to the eastward. On their return the wives went back to their respective husbands.

The couples sometimes find themselves better pleased with their new mates than with the former association, in which case the exchange is made permanent. This happened once in UtkiavwiÑ to our certain knowledge. This custom has been observed at Fury and Hecla Straits,528 Cumberland Gulf,529 and in the region around Repulse Bay, where it seems to be carried to an extreme.

According to Gilder530 it is a usual thing among friends in that region to exchange wives for a week or two about every two months. Among the Greenlanders the only custom of the kind mentioned is the temporary exchange of wives at certain festivals described by Egede.531

Holm also describes “the game of putting out the lamps,” or “changing wives,” as a common winter sport in East Greenland. He also, however, speaks of the temporary exchange of wives among these people much as described elsewhere.532

I am informed by some of the whalemen who winter in the neighborhood of Repulse Bay, that at certain times there is a general exchange of wives throughout the village, each woman passing from man to man till she has been through the hands of all, and finally returns to her husband. All these cases seem to me to indicate that the Eskimo have not wholly emerged from the state called communal marriage, in which each woman is considered as the wife of every man in the community.

Standing and treatment of women.

The women appear to stand on a footing of perfect equality with the men both in the family and in the community. The wife is the constant and trusted companion of the man in everything except the hunt, and her opinion is sought in every bargain or other important undertaking.533

414

Dr. Simpson’s description534 of the standing of the women at Point Barrow in his time is so true at the present day that I may be pardoned for quoting the whole of it:

A man seems to have unlimited authority in his own hut, but, as with few exceptions his rule is mild, the domestic and social position of the women is one of comfort and enjoyment. As there is no affected dignity or importance in the men, they do not make mere slaves and drudges of the women; on the contrary, they endure their full share of fatigue and hardship in the coldest season of the year, only calling in the assistance of the women if too wearied themselves to bring in the fruits of their own industry and patience; and at other seasons the women appear to think it a privation not to share the labors of the men. Awoman’s ordinary occupations are sewing, the preparation of skins for making and mending, cooking, and the general care of the supplies of provisions. Occasionally in the winter she is sent out on the ice for a seal which her husband has taken, to which she is guided by his footmarks; and in spring and summer she takes her place in the boat if required.

The statement in the first sentence that the husband’s rule is mild is hardly consistent with that on the following page that “obedience seems to be the great virtue required, and is enforced by blows when necessary, until the man’s authority is established.” According to our experience the first statement is nearer the truth. We heard of few cases of wife-beating, and those chiefly among the younger men. Two brothers, who habitually ill-treated their wives, were looked upon with disfavor, by some of our friends at least. We heard of one case where a stalwart wife turned the tables on her husband who attempted to abuse her, giving him a thorough beating and then leaving his house.

Wife-beating was not uncommon among the Greenlanders.535 We did not learn whether a woman brought anything like a dowry, but Simpson536 says: “The woman’s property, consisting of her beads and other ornaments, her needlecase, knife, etc., are considered her own; and if a separation takes place the clothes and presents are returned and she merely takes away with her whatever she brought.” According to Crantz537 awidow in Greenland had no share of her husband’s property, but owns only what she brought with her, and I am inclined to believe that this is the case at Point Barrow.

One widow of my acquaintance, who appeared to have no relatives in the village, was reduced almost to beggary, though her husband had been quite well-to-do. All his property and even his boy were taken from her by some of the other natives. Widows who have well-to-do relatives, especially grown-up sons, are well taken care of and often marry again. According to Captain Parry,538 unprotected widows were robbed at Iglulik.

Children.

From the small number of births which occurred during our stay at Point Barrow, we were able to ascertain little in regard to this subject. When a woman is about to be confined, she is isolated in 415 a little snow hut in winter or a little tent in summer, in which she remains for some time—just how long we were unable to learn. Captain Herendeen saw a pregnant woman in UtkiavwiÑ engaged, on March 31, in building a little snow house, which she told him was meant for her confinement, but she had evidently somehow miscalculated her time, as her child was not born till much later, when the people had moved into the tents. She and her child lived in a little tent on the beach close to her husband’s tent, evidently in a sitting position, as the tent was not large enough for her to lie down in. Her husband was desirous of going off on the summer deer hunt, but, under the circumstances, custom forbade his leaving the neighborhood of the village till the ice at sea broke up. The same custom of isolating the women during childbirth has been observed by Kumlien and Boas at Cumberland Gulf539, and in Greenland the mother was not allowed to eat or drink in the open air.540 Lisiansky describes a similar practice in Kadiak in 1805,541 and Klutschak also notes it among the Aivillirmiut.542

The custom of shutting up the mother and child in a snow house in winter must be very dangerous to the infant, and, in fact, the only child that was born in winter during our stay lived but a short time. Capt. Herendeen visited this family at Nuwuk shortly after the death of the child, and saw the snow house in which the woman had been confined. He was about to take a drink of water from a dipper which he saw in the iglu, but was prevented by the other people, who told him that this belonged to the mother and that it was “bad” for anyone else to use it. In Greenland the mother had a separate water pail.543 For a time, our visitors from UtkiavwiÑ were very much afraid to drink out of the tin pannikin in our washroom, for fear it had been used by Niaksara, awoman who had recently suffered a miscarriage. One man told us that a sore on his face was caused by his having inadvertently done so. This same woman was forbidden to go out among the broken ice of the land floe, during the spring succeeding her miscarriage, though she might go out on the smooth shore ice. Her husband also was forbidden to work with a hammer or adz or to go seal-catching for some time after the mishap.

Children are nursed until they are 3 or 4 years old, according to what appears to be the universal habit among Eskimo, and which is probably due, as generally supposed, to the fact that the animal food on which the parents subsist is not fit for the nourishment of young children. The child is carried naked on the mother’s back under her clothes, and held up by the girdle, tied higher than usual. When she wishes to nurse it, she loosens her girdle and slips it round to the breast 416 without bringing it out into the air. Children are carried in this way until they are able to walk and often later.

A large child sits astride of his mother’s back, with one leg under each of her arms, and has a little suit of clothes in which he is dressed when the mother wishes to set him down. When the child is awake, this hood is thrown back and the child raised quite high so that he looks over his mother’s shoulder, who then covers her head with a cloth or something of the sort. The woman appears to be very little inconvenienced by her burden, and goes about her work as usual, and the child does not seem to be disturbed by her movements. The little girls often act as nurses and carry the infants around on their backs, in the same way. It is no unusual sight to see a little girl of ten or twelve carrying a well grown, heavy child in this way.

This custom or a very similar one seems to prevail among the Eskimo generally. In Greenland, the nurse wears a garment especially designed for carrying the child, an amaut, i.e., agarment that is so wide in the back as to hold a child, which generally tumbles in it quite naked and is accommodated with no other swaddling clothes or cradle.544 In East Greenland, according to Capt. Holm, “Saa lÆnge BØrnene ere smaa, bÆres de i det fri paa Moderens Ryg.”545

Petitot’s description of the method of carrying the children in the Mackenzie district is so naÏve that it deserves to be quoted entire.546

Les mÈres qui allaitent portent une jaquette ample et serrÉe autour des reins par une ceinture. Elles y enferment leur chÈre progÉniture qu’elles peuvent, par ce moyen, allaiter sans l’exposer À un froid qui lui serait mortel. Ces jeunes enfants sont sans aucun vÊtement jusqu’À l’Âge d’environ deux ans. Quant aux incongruitÉs que ces petites crÉatures peuvent se permettre sur le dos de leur mÈre, qui leur sert de calorifÈre, l’amour maternel, le mÊme chez tous les peuples, les endure patiemment et avec indiffÉrence.

At Fury and Hecla Straits, according to Parry547, the children are carried in the hood, which is made specially large on purpose, but sometimes also on the back, as at Point Barrow. The enormous hoods of the Eskimo women in Labrador also served to hold the child. The same custom prevails at Cumberland Gulf.548 In some localities, for instance the north shore of Hudson’s Straits, where the woman wear very long and loose boots, the children are said to be carried in these.549 Franklin550 refers to the same custom “east of the Mackenzie River.” The Siberian children, however, are dressed in regular swaddling clothes of deerskin, with a sort of diaper of dried moss.551

We never heard of a single case of infanticide, and, indeed, children 417 were so scarce and seemed so highly prized that we never even thought of inquiring if infanticide was ever practiced. Nevertheless, Simpson speaks of the occurrence of a case during the Plover’s visit; “but a child, they say, is destroyed only when afflicted with disease of a fatal tendency, or, in scarce seasons, when one or both parents die.552” Infanticide, according to Bessels, is frequently practiced among the Eskimo of Smith Sound, without regard of sex,553 and Schwatka speaks of female infanticide to a limited extent among the people of King William’s Land.554

The affection of parents for their children is extreme, and the children seem to be thoroughly worthy of it. They show hardly a trace of the fretfulness and petulance so common among civilized children, and though indulged to an extreme extent are remarkably obedient. Corporal punishment appears to be absolutely unknown and the children are rarely chidden or punished in any way. Indeed, they seldom deserve it, for, in spite of the freedom which they are allowed, they do not often get into any mischief, especially of a malicious sort, but attend quietly to their own affairs and their own amusements.

The older children take very good care of the smaller ones. It is an amusing sight to see a little boy of six or seven patronizing and protecting a little toddler of two or three. Children rarely cry except from actual pain or terror, and even then little ones are remarkably patient and plucky. The young children appear to receive little or no instruction except what they pick up in their play or from watching their elders.

Boys of six or seven begin to shoot small birds and animals and to hunt for birds’ eggs, and when they reach the age of twelve or fourteen are usually intrusted with a gun and seal spear and accompany their fathers to the hunt. Some of them soon learn to be very skillful hunters. We know one boy not over thirteen years old who, during the winter of 1881-’82, had his seal nets set like the men and used to visit them regularly, even in the roughest weather. Lads of fourteen or fifteen are sometimes regular members of the whaling crews. In the meantime the little girls are learning to sew, in imitation of their mothers, and by the time they are twelve years old they take their share of the cooking and other housework and assist in making the clothes for the family. They still, however, have plenty of leisure to play with the other children until they are old enough to be married.

Affection for their children seems a universal trait among the Eskimo and there is scarcely an author who does not speak in terms of commendation of the behavior and disposition of the Eskimo children. Some of these passages are so applicable to the people of Point Barrow that I can not forbear quoting them. Egede says:555

They have a very tender Love for their Children, and the Mother always carries the infant Child about with her upon her back. *** They suck them till they are 418 three or four years old or more, because, in their tender Infancy, they cannot digest the strong Victuals that the rest must live upon. The Education of their Children is what they seem little concerned about, for they never make use of whipping or hard words to correct them when they do anything amiss, but leave them to their own Discretion. Notwith­standing which, when they are grown, they never seem inclined to Vice or Roguery, which is to be admired. It is true, they show no great Respect to their Parents in any outward Forms, but always are very willing to do what they order them, though sometimes they will bid their Parents do it themselves.

According to Capt. Holm,556 in East Greenland, “De opvoxe i den mest ubundne Frihed. ForÆldrene nÆre en ubeskrivelig KjÆrlighed til dem og straffe dem derfor aldrig, selv om de ere nok saa gjenstridige. Man maa imidlertid beundre, hvor velopdragne de smaa alligevel ere.”

Parry speaks still more strongly:557

The affection of parents for their children was frequently displayed by these people, not only in the mere passive indulgence and abstinence from corporal punishment for which Esquimaux have been before remarked, but by a thousand playful endearments also, such as parents and nurses practice in our own country. Nothing, indeed can well exceed the kindness with which they treat their children. *** It must be confessed, indeed, that the gentleness and docility of the children are such as to occasion their parents little trouble and to render severity towards them quite unnecessary. Even from their earliest infancy, they possess that quiet disposition, gentleness of demeanor, and uncommon evenness of temper, for which in more mature age they are for the most part distinguished. Disobedience is scarcely ever known; aword or even a look from a parent is enough; and I never saw a single instance of that frowardness and disposition to mischief which, in our youth, so often requires the whole attention of a parent to watch over and to correct. They never cry from trifling accidents, and sometimes not even from very severe hurts, at which an English child would sob for an hour. It is, indeed, astonishing to see the indifference with which, even as tender infants, they bear the numerous blows they accidentally receive when carried at their mothers’ backs.

I should be willing to allow this passage to stand as a description of the Point Barrow children. It is interesting to compare with these passages NordenskiÖld’s account558 of the children at Pitlekaj, who, if not as he and other writers believe, of pure Chukch blood, are at any rate of mixed Chukch and Eskimo descent:

The children are neither chastised nor scolded. They are, however, the best behaved I have ever seen. Their behavior in the tent is equal to that of the best brought up European children in the parlor. They are not perhaps so wild as ours, but are addicted to games which closely resemble those common among us in the country. Playthings are also in use. *** If the parents get any delicacy they always give each of their children a bit, and there is never any quarrel as to the size of each child’s portion. If a piece of sugar is given to one of the children in a crowd it goes from mouth to mouth round the whole company. In the same way the child offers its father and mother a taste of the bit of sugar or piece of bread it has got. Even in childhood the Chukchs are exceedingly patient. Agirl who fell down from the ship’s stairs head foremost and thus got so violent a blow that she was almost deprived of hearing scarcely uttered a cry. Aboy three or four years of age, much rolled up in furs, who fell down into a ditch cut in the ice on the ship’s deck, and in consequence of his inconvenient dress could not get up, lay quietly still until he was observed and helped up by one of the crew.

419

The only extraordinary thing about the Chukch children is their large number, mentioned by the same author.559 This looks as if the infusion of new blood had increased the fertility of the race. All authors who have described Eskimo of unmixed descent agree in regard to the generally small number of their offspring. Other accounts of Eskimo children are to be found in the writings of Bessels,560 Crantz,561 Schwatka,562 Gilder,563 J.Simpson,564 and Hooper.565

The custom of adoption is as universal at Point Barrow as it appears to be among the Eskimo generally, and the adopted children are treated by the parents precisely as if they were their own flesh and blood. Orphans are readily provided for, as there are always plenty of families ready and willing to take them, and women who have several children frequently give away one or more of them. Families that have nothing but boys often adopt a girl, and, of course, vice versa, and we know of one case where a woman who had lost a young infant had another given her by one of her friends.

This very general custom of giving away children, as well as the habit already mentioned of temporarily exchanging wives, rendered it quite difficult to ascertain the parentage of any person, especially as it seems to be the custom with them to speak of first cousins as “milu ataÚzik” (“one breast,” that is, brothers and sisters). While a boy is desired in the family, since he will be the support of his father when the latter grows too old to hunt, agirl is almost as highly prized, for not only will she help her mother with the cares of housekeeping when she grows up, but she is likely to obtain a good husband who may be induced to become a member of his father-in-law’s family.566

RIGHTS AND WRONGS.

I have already spoken of the feelings of these people in regard to offenses against property and crimes of violence. As to the relations between the sexes there seems to be the most complete absence of what we consider moral feelings. Promiscuous sexual intercourse between married or unmarried people, or even among children, appears to be looked upon simply as a matter for amusement. As far as we could learn unchastity in a girl was considered nothing against her, and in fact one girl who was a most abandoned and shameless prostitute among the sailors, and who, we were told, had had improper relations with some of her own race, had no difficulty in obtaining an excellent husband.

Remarks of the most indecent character are freely bandied back and forth between the sexes in public, and are received with shouts of laughter by the bystanders. Nevertheless, some of the women, especially 420 those of the wealthier class, preserve a very tolerable degree of conjugal fidelity and certainly do not prostitute themselves to the sailors. Ibelieve that prostitution for gain is unknown among themselves, but it is carried to a most shameless extent with the sailors of the whaling fleet by many of the women, and is even considered a laudable thing by the husbands and fathers, who are perfectly willing to receive the price of their wives’ or daughters’ frailty, especially if it takes the form of liquor. Dr. Simpson567 says: “It is said by themselves that the women are very continent before marriage, as well as faithful afterward to their husbands; and this seems to a certain extent true.” But he goes on to add: “In their conduct toward strangers the elderly women frequently exhibit a shameless want of modesty, and the men an equally shameless indifference, except for the reward of their partner’s frailty.” It seems to me that he must have been deceived by the natives concerning the first statement, since the immorality of these people among themselves, as we witnessed it, seems too purely animal and natural to be of recent growth or the result of foreign influence. Moreover, asimilar state of affairs has been observed among Eskimo elsewhere, notably at Iglulik at the time of Parry’s visit.568

SOCIAL LIFE AND CUSTOMS.

Personal habits, cleanliness, etc.

Though the idea of cleanliness among these people differs considerably from our ideas, they are as a rule far from being as filthy as they appear at first sight. Considering the difficulty of obtaining water, even for purposes of drinking, in the winter season, the iglu, unless dirty work, like the dressing of skins, etc., is going on, is kept remarkably clean. The floor and walls are scrupulously scraped and all dirt is immediately wiped up. They are particularly careful not to bring in any snow or dirt on their feet, and the snow and hoar frost is carefully brushed off from the outer garment, which is often removed before entering the room and left in the passage. They are also careful not to spit on the floor or in the passage, but use for this purpose the large urine tub. This is practically the only offensive object in the house, as it is freely used by both sexes in the presence of the rest. This is done, however, with less exposure and immodesty than one would suppose.569

421

The contents of this vessel, being mixed with feces, is not fit for tanning skins, etc., and is consequently thrown out doors. The men use a small tub (kuovwiÑ) as a urinal, and the contents of this is carefully saved. Though the interior of the house is thus kept clean, as much can not be said for its surroundings. All manner of rubbish and filth is simply thrown out upon the ground, without regard to decency or comfort, and this becomes exceedingly offensive when the snow melts in summer. The only scavengers are the dogs, who greedily devour old pieces of skin, refuse meat, and even feces. In regard to personal cleanliness, there is considerable difference between individuals. Some people, especially the poorer women and children, are not only careless about their clothes, going about dressed in ragged, greasy, filthy garments, but seldom wash even their faces and hands, much less their whole persons. One of these women, indeed, was described by her grown-up daughter as “That woman with the black on her nose.”

On the other hand most of the wealthier people appear to take pride in being neatly clad, and, except when actually engaged in some dirty work, always have their faces and hands, at least, scrupulously clean and their hair neatly combed. Even the whole person is sometimes washed in spite of the scarcity of water. Many are glad to get soap (Í?kakun) and use it freely. Lieut. Ray says that his two guides, MÛ´Ñialu and ApaidyÀo, at the end of a day’s march would never sit down to supper without washing their faces and hands with soap and water, and combing their hair, and I recollect that once, when I went over to the village to get a young man to start with Lieut. Ray on a boat journey, he would not start until he had hunted up a piece of soap and washed his face and hands. These people, of course, practice the usual Eskimo habit of washing themselves with freshly passed urine. This custom arises not only from the scarcity of water and the difficulty of heating it, but from the fact that the ammonia of the urine is an excellent substitute for soap in removing the grease with which the skin necessarily becomes soiled.570 This fact is well known to our whalemen, who are in the habit of saving their urine to wash the oily clothes with. The same habit is practiced by the “Chukches” of eastern Siberia.571 All, however, get more or less shabby and dirty in the summer, when they are living in tents and boats. All are more or less infested with lice, and they are in the habit of searching each others’ heads for these, which they eat, after the fashion of so many other savages. They have also another filthy habit—that of eating the mucus from the nostrils. Asimilar practice was noticed in Greenland by Egede,572 who goes on quaintly to say: “Thus they make good the old proverb, ‘What drips from the nose falls into the mouth, that nothing may be lost.’”

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Salutation.

We had no opportunity of witnessing any meeting between these people and strange Eskimo, so that it is impossible to tell whether they practice any particular form of salutation on such occasions. We saw nothing of the kind among themselves. White men are saluted with shouts of “NakurÚk!” (good), and some Eskimo have learned to shake hands. They no longer practice the common Eskimo salutation of rubbing noses, but say that they once did. Sergt. Middleton Smith, of our party, informs me that he once saw a couple of natives in Capt. Herendeen’s trading store give an exhibition of the way this salutation was formerly practiced.

This custom was perhaps falling into disuse as early as 1837, since Thomas Simpson,573 in describing his reception at Point Barrow, says: “We were not, however, either upon this or any other occasion, favored with the kooniks or nose-rubbing salutations that have so annoyed other travelers.” Mr. Elson, however, expressly states that the people, probably UtkiavwiÑmiun, whom he met at Refuge Inlet eleven years before, rubbed noses and cheeks with him574 and Maguire575 narrates how the head of the party of visitors from Point Hope saluted him. He says: “He fixed his forehead against mine and used it as a fulcrum to rub noses several times.”

Healing.

As is the case with Eskimo generally, these people rely for curing disease chiefly upon the efforts of certain persons who have the power of exorcising the supernatural beings by whom the disease is caused. Alarge number of men and, Ibelieve, some women were supposed to have this power and exercise it in cases of sickness, in some instances, at least, upon the payment of a fee. These people correspond closely to the angekut of the Greenlanders and Eastern Eskimo, and the so-called “shamans” of southern Alaska, but, as far as we could see, do not possess the power and influence usually elsewhere ascribed to this class.

It was exceedingly difficult to obtain any definite information concerning these people, and we only discovered casually that such and such a person was a “doctor” by hearing that he had been employed in a certain case of sickness, or to perform some ceremony of incantation. We did not even succeed in learning the name of this class of people, who, in talking with us, would call themselves “tÛkte,” as they did our surgeon. On one occasion some of the party happened to visit the house of a sick man where one of these “doctors” was at work. He sat facing the entrance of the house, beating his drum at intervals, and making a babbling noise with his lips, followed by long speeches addressed to something down the trapdoor, bidding it “go!” We were given to understand that these speeches were addressed to a tu?Ña or supernatural being.576 Their only idea of direct treatment of disease is 423 apparently to apply a counterirritant by scarification of the surface of the part affected.

We know of one case where a sufferer from some liver complaint had inflicted on himself, or had had inflicted upon him, quite a considerable cut on the right side with a view of relieving the pain. We also know of several cases where the patients had themselves cut on the scalp or back to relieve headache or rheumatism, and one case where the latter disorder, Ibelieve, had been treated by a severe cut on the side of the knee. Asimilar practice has been observed at Plover Bay, Siberia, by Hooper,577 who also mentions the use of a kind of seton for the relief of headache.

They also practice a sort of rough-and-ready surgery, as in the case of the man already mentioned, whose feet had both been amputated. One of the men who lost the tip of his forefinger by the explosion of a cartridge was left with a stump of bone protruding at the end of the finger. Our surgeon attempted to treat this, but after two unsuccessful trials to etherize the patient he was obliged to give it up. When, however, the young man’s father-in-law, who was a noted “doctor,” came home he said at once that the stump must come off, and the patient had to submit to the operation without ether. The “doctor” tried to borrow Dr. Oldmixon’s bone forceps, and when these were refused him cut the bone off, Ibelieve, with a chisel. They appear to have no cure for blindness. We heard nothing of the curious process of “couching” described by Egede in Greenland, p.121. We had no opportunity of observing their methods of treating wounds or other external injuries. Sufferers were very glad to be treated by our surgeon, and eagerly accepted his medicines, though he had considerable difficulty in making them obey his directions about taking care of themselves.

After they had been in the habit of receiving the surgeon’s medicine for some time, one of the UtkiavwiÑ natives gave Capt. Herendeen what he said was their own medicine. It is a tiny bit of turf which they called nuna kiÑmÖlq, and which, therefore, probably came from the highland of the upper Meade River, which region bears the name of KiÑmÖlq. We were able to get very little information about this substance, but my impression is that it was said to be administered internally, and I believe was specially recommended for bleeding at the lungs. Possibly this is the same as “the black moss that grows on the mountain,” which, according to Crantz578 was eaten by the Greenlanders to stop blood-spitting.

CUSTOMS CONCERNING THE DEAD.

Abstentions.

From the fact that we did not hear of any of the deaths until after their occurrence, we were able to learn very few of their 424 customs concerning the dead. The few observations we were able to make agree in the main with those made elsewhere. For instance, we learned with tolerable certainty that the relatives of the dead, at least, must abstain from working on wood with an ax or hammer for a certain period—I believe, four or five days. According to Dall,579 in the region about Norton Sound the men can not cut wood with an ax for five days after a death has occurred. In Greenland the household of the deceased were obliged to abstain for a while from certain kinds of food and work.580

A woman from UtkiavwiÑ, who came over to the station one day in the autumn of 1881, declined to sew on clothing, even at our house, because, as she told Lieut. Ray, there was a dead man in the village who had not yet been carried out to the cemetery and “he would see her.” After consulting with her husband, however, she concluded she could protect herself from him by tracing a circle about her on the floor with a snow-knife. In this circle she did the sewing required, and was careful to keep all her work inside of it.

One of the natives informed me that when a man died his labrets were taken out and thrown away. Iremember, however, seeing a young man wearing a plug labret of syenite, which he said had belonged to an old man who died early in the winter of 1881-’82. It was perhaps removed before he actually died.

Manner of disposing of the dead.

The corpse is wrapped up in a piece of sailcloth (deerskin was formerly used), laid upon a flat sled, and dragged out by a small party of people—perhaps the immediate relatives of the deceased, though we never happened to see one of these funeral processions except from a distance—to the cemetery, the place where “they sleep on the ground.” This place at UtkiavwiÑ is a rising ground about a mile and a half east of the village, near the head of the southwest branch of the IsÛtkwa lagoon. At Nuwuk the main cemetery is at “NexeurÁ,” between the village and PernyÛ. The bodies are laid out upon the ground without any regular arrangement apparently, though it is difficult to be sure of this, as most of the remains have been broken up and scattered by dogs and foxes. With a freshly wrapped body it is almost impossible to tell which is the head and which the feet. We unfortunately never noticed whether the heads were laid toward any particular point of the compass, as has been observed in other localities. Dr. Simpson says that the head is laid to the east at Point Barrow.

Various implements belonging to the deceased are broken and laid beside the corpse, and the sled is sometimes broken and laid over it. Sometimes, however, the latter is withdrawn a short distance from the cemetery and left on the tundra for one moon, after which it is brought back to the village. Most people do not seem to be troubled at having the 425 bodies of their relatives disturbed by the dogs or other animals,581 but we know of one case where the parents of two children who died very nearly at the same time, finding that the dogs were getting at the bodies, raised them on stages of driftwood about 4 or 5 feet high. Similar stages were observed by Hooper at Plover Bay;582 but this method of disposing of the dead appears to have gone out of use at the present day, since Dall583 describes the ordinary Siberian method of laying out the dead in ovals of stone as in use at Plover Bay at the time of his visit.

The cemetery at UtkiavwiÑ is not confined to the spot I have mentioned, though most of the bodies are exposed there. Afew bodies are also exposed on the other side of the lagoon, and one body, that of a man, was laid out at the edge of the higher tundra, about a mile due east from the station. The body was covered with canvas, staked down all round with broken paddles, and over it was laid a flat sledge with one runner broken.584 At one end of the body lay a wooden dish, and under the edge of the canvas were broken seal-darts and other spears. The body lay in an east and west line, but we could not tell which end was the head. All sorts of objects were scattered round the cemetery—tools, dishes, and even a few guns—though we saw none that appeared to have been serviceable when exposed, except one Snider rifle. If, as is the case among Eskimo in a good many other places, all the personal property of the deceased is supposed to become unclean and must be exposed with him, it is probable that his friends manage to remove the more valuable articles before he is actually dead.585

The method of disposing of the dead varies slightly among the Eskimo in different localities, but the weapons or other implements belonging to the deceased are always laid beside the corpse. The custom at Smith Sound, as described by Bessels,586 is remarkably like that at Point Barrow. The corpse was wrapped in furs, placed on a sledge, and dragged out and buried in the snow with the face to the west. The sledge was laid over the body and the weapons of the deceased were deposited beside it. Unlike the Point Barrow natives, however, they usually cover the body with stones. In the same passage Dr. Bessels describes a peculiar symbol of mourning, not employed, so far as I can learn, elsewhere. The male mourners plugged up the right nostril with hay and the females the left, and these plugs were worn for several days. 426 The custom of covering the body with stones appears to be universally prevalent east of the Mackenzie region.587

The bodies seen by Dr. Richardson in the delta of the Mackenzie were wrapped in skins and loosely covered with driftwood,588 and a similar arrangement was noticed at Kotzebue Sound by Beechey, who figures589 asort of little wigwam of driftwood built over the dead man. At Port Clarence NordenskiÖld590 saw two corpses “laid on the ground, fully clothed, without protection of any coffin, but surrounded by a close fence consisting of a number of tent-poles driven crosswise into the ground. Alongside one of the corpses lay a kayak with oars, aloaded double-barreled gun with locks at half-cock and caps on, various other weapons, clothes, tinder-box, snowshoes, drinking-vessels, two masks, *** and strangely shaped animal figures.” On the Siberian coast the dead are sometimes burned.591

NordenskiÖld believes that the coast Chukches have perhaps begun to abandon the custom of burning the dead, but I am rather inclined to think that is a custom of the “deermen,” which the people of the coast of pure or mixed Eskimo blood never fully adopted. Dall, indeed, was explicitly informed that the custom was only used with the bodies of “good” men, and at the time of NordenskiÖld’s visit he found it “at least certain that the people of Pitlekaj exclusively bury their dead by laying them out on the tundra.” The body is surrounded by an oval of stones, but apparently not covered with them as in the east.592 The Krause brothers observed by the bodies, besides “die erwÄhnten GerÄthschaften” [Lanzen, Bogen und Pfeile fÜr die MÄnner, Koch- und HausgerÄthe fÜr die Weiber], “unter einen kleinen Steinhaufen ein Hunde-, Renthier-, BÄren- oder Walross-SchÄdel.” This custom shows a curious resemblance to that described by Egede593 in Greenland: “When little Children die and are buried, they put the Head of a Dog near the Grave, fancying that Children, having no Understanding, they can not 427 by themselves find the Way, but the Dog must guide them to the Land of the Souls.” The body is usually laid out at full length upon the ground. Among the ancient Greenlanders,594 however, and in the Yukon region the body was doubled up. In the latter region the body was laid on its side in a box of planks four feet long and raised on four supports595 or wrapped up in mats and covered with rocks or driftwood.596 The custom of inclosing the dead in a short coffin, to judge from the figures given by the latter writer in P1. VI. of his report, appears also to prevail at the mouth of the Kuskokwim. In the island of Kadiak, according to Dall and Lisiansky,597 the dead were buried.

see caption

Fig. 91.—Plug for enlarging labret hole.

No. 89579 [1200] is a similar blade of reddish purple slate, mounted in a rough haft of bone. Fig. 91, No. 89715 [1211], is one of a pair of bone models, made for sale, of the ivory plugs used for enlarging the holes for the labrets, corresponding in size to about the second pair used. It is roughly whittled out of a coarse-grained compact bone, and closely 145 resembles the plugs figured by Dall from Norton Sound,260 but lacks the hole in the tip for the transverse wooden peg, which is not used at Point Barrow. One youth was wearing the final size of plugs when we landed at the station. These were brought to a point like the tip of a walrus tusk, and had exactly the appearance of the tusks of a young walrus when they first protrude beyond the lip. The labrets worn at Point Barrow at the present day are usually of two patterns. One is a large, flat, circular disk about 1½ inches in diameter, with a flat stud on the back something like that of a sleevebutton, and the other a thick cylindrical plug about 1 inch long, and one-half inch in diameter, with the protruded end rounded and the other expanded into an oblong flange, presenting a slightly curved surface to the gum. These plug labrets are the common fashion for everyday wear, and at the present day, as in Dr. Simpson’s time, are almost without exception made of stone, Granite or syenite, porphyry, white marble, and sometimes coal (rarely jade) are used for this purpose.

see caption

Fig. 92.—Labret of beads and ivory.

One of the NunataÑmiun wore a glass cruet-stopper for a labret, and many natives of UtkiavwiÑ took the glass stopples of Worcestershire sauce bottles, which were thrown away at the station, and inserted them in the labret holes for everyday wear, sometimes grinding the round top into an oblong stud. There is one specimen of the plug labret in the collection. Labrets of all kinds are very highly prized, and it was almost impossible to obtain them.261 Though we repeatedly asked for them and promised to pay a good price, genuine labrets that had been worn or that were intended for actual use were very rarely offered for sale, though at one time a large number of roughly made models or imitations were brought in. The single specimen of the plug labret (tu´t?) is No. 89700 [1163] (figured in Point Barrow Report, Ethnology, Pl. V, Fig.3). It is a cylindrical plug of hard, bright green stone (jade or hypochlorite), 1.1 inches long and 0.6 in diameter at the outer end, which is rounded off, tapering slightly inward and expanded at the base into an elliptical disk 1.2 inches long and 0.9 broad, slightly concave on the surface which rests against the teeth and gum. The specimen is old and of a material very unusual at Point Barrow. Fig. 92, No. 89719 [1166], from Nuwuk, may also be called a plug labret, but is of a very unusual pattern, and said to be very old. It has an oblong stud of walrus ivory surmounted by a large, transparent, slightly greenish glass bead, on top of which is a small, translucent, sky-blue bead. The beads are held on by a short wooden peg, running through the perforations of the beads and a hole drilled through the ivory. There is a somewhat similar labret in the Museum collection (No.48202) 146 from Cape Prince of Wales, also very old. It is surmounted by a single oblong blue bead.

I saw but one other labret made of whole beads, and this had three good sized oval blue beads, in a cluster, projecting from the hole. It was worn by a man from Nuwuk. This may be compared with a specimen from the Mackenzie district, No. 7714, to which two similar beads are attached in the same way. The disk labret is the pattern worn on full-dress occasions, seldom when working or hunting. One disk and one plug labret are frequently worn. Disk labrets are made of stone, sometimes of syenite or porphyry, but the most fashionable kind is made of white marble, and has half of a large, blue glass bead cemented on the center of the disk. These are as highly prized as they were in Dr. Simpson’s time, and we consequently did not succeed in procuring a specimen.

I obtained one pair of syenite disk labrets, No. 56716 [197] (figured in Point Barrow Rept., Ethnology, Pl. V, Fig.2). Each is a flat circular disk (1.7 and 1.6 inches in diameter, respectively) of rather coarse-grained black and white syenite, ground very smooth, but not polished. On the back of each is an elliptical stud, like that of a sleeve-button, 1.2 and 1.1 inches long and 0.8 and 0.6 broad, respectively.

see caption

Fig. 93.—Blue and white labret from Anderson River.

Fig. 93, No. 2083, is one of the blue and white disks said to come from the Anderson River. This is introduced to represent those worn at Point Barrow, which are of precisely the same pattern. The disk is of white marble, 1½ inches in diameter, and in the center of it is cemented, apparently with oil dregs, half of a transparent blue glass bead, three-quarters of an inch in diameter, around the middle of which is cut a shallow groove. Similar marble disks without the bead are sometimes worn. These blue and white labrets appear to be worn from Cape Bathurst to the Kaniag peninsula, including the Diomede Islands (see figure on p.140 of Dall’s Alaska). There are specimens in the Museum from the Anderson River and from the north shore of Norton Sound and we saw them worn by the NunataÑmiun, as well as the natives of Point Barrow and Wainwright Inlet. The beads, which are larger than those sold by the American traders, were undoubtedly obtained from Siberia, as Kotzebue, in 1816, found the people of the sound which bears his name wearing labrets “ornamented with blue glass beads.”262 The high value set on these blue-bead labrets has been mentioned by Franklin263 and T.Simpson,264 as well as by Dr. Simpson.265 The last named seems to be the 147 first to recognize that the disks were made of marble. All previous writers speak of them as made of walrus ivory.

There are still at Point Barrow a few labrets of a very ancient pattern, such as are said to have been worn in the middle of the lip. These are very rarely put on, but are often carried by the owners on the belt as amulets. All that we saw were of light green translucent jade, highly polished. Iobtained one specimen, No. 89705 [866] (figured in Point Barrow Rept., Ethnology, Pl. V, Fig.1), athin oblong disk of light green, translucent, polished jade, 2.6 inches long, 1.1 wide in the middle, and 0.8 wide at the ends, with the outer face slightly convex. On the back is an oblong stud with rounded ends, slightly curved to fit the gums.

Labrets of this material and pattern do not seem to be common anywhere. Beechey saw one in Kotzebue Sound 3 inches long and 1½ wide,266 and there is a large and handsome one in the Museum brought by Mr. Nelson from the lower Yukon. Asimilar one has recently been received from Kotzebue Sound.

see caption

Fig. 94.—Oblong labret of bone.

Fig. 94, No. 89712 [1169], from Sidaru is a labret of similar shape, 3inches long and 1½ broad, but made of compact bone, rather neatly carved and ground smooth. It shows some signs of having been worn. There are marks on the stud where it appears to have been rubbed against the teeth, and it is probably genuine. The purchase of this specimen apparently started the manufacture of bone labrets at UtkiavwiÑ, where no bone labrets, old or new, had previously been seen. For several days after we bought the specimen from Sidaru the natives continued to bring over bone labrets, but all so newly and clumsily made that we declined to purchase any more than four specimens. About the same time they began to make oblong labrets out of soapstone (amaterial which we never saw used for genuine labrets), like Fig. 95, No. 89707 [1215]. The purchase of three specimens of these started a wholesale manufacture of them, and we stopped purchasing.

see caption

Fig. 95.—Oblong labret of soapstone.

The oblong labret appears to have been still in fashion as late as 1826, for Elson saw many of the men at Point Barrow wearing oblong labrets of bone (cf. No. 89712 [1169] and stone, 3inches long and 1 broad.267 Unfortunately, he does not specify whether they were worn in pairs or 148 singly, and if singly, as would be natural from their size and shape, whether in the middle of the lip or at one side.

see caption

Fig. 96.—Ancient labrets.

Nos. 89304 [1713], 89716 [1042], and 89717 [1031] (Fig. 96) are very old labrets, which are interesting from their resemblance to the ancient Aleutian single labrets found by Dall in the cave on Amaknak Island.268 No. 89304 [1713] is an elliptical plug of bituminous coal, with a projecting flange round the base, which is slightly concave to fit the curve of the jaw. This labret is very old and was said to have been found in one of the ruined houses in UtkiavwiÑ. The other two labrets are of walrus ivory and of similar shape, but have the flange only at the ends of the base. All of these three are large, the largest being 2.2 inches wide and 0.7 thick, and the smallest 1.3 by 0.5, so that they required a much larger incision in the lip than is at present made. In connection with what has been said of the ancient habit of wearing labrets in the middle of the lip, it is interesting to note that NordenskiÖld saw men at Port Clarence who had, besides the ordinary labret holes, “asimilar hole forward in the lip.”269 The various portraits of natives previously inserted show the present manner of wearing the labrets at Point Barrow.

NECK ORNAMENTS.

Most of the women and girls wear necklaces made of strings of beads, large or small, frequently strung together with much taste. The tobacco pouch is often attached to this necklace.

ORNAMENTS OF THE LIMBS.

Bracelets.

The women all wear bracelets, which are sometimes strings of beads, but more commonly circles of iron, brass, or copper wire, of which several are often worn on the same wrist, after the fashion of bangles. The men also sometimes wear bracelets. These consist of circles 149 of narrow thong, upon which are strung one or two large beads or a couple of Dentalium shells (pÛ´tÛ).270

We brought home one pair of men’s bracelets (newly made), one of which (89388 [1355]) is figured in Point Barrow Rept. Ethnology, Pl. I, Fig.4. They are made of strips of seal thong 0.2 inch broad, bent into rings (9.4 and 8.6 inches in circumference, respectively), with the ends slightly overlapping and sewed together. On each is strung a cylindrical bead of soapstone about one-half inch long and of the same diameter. Asingle bracelet is generally worn.

Finger-rings.

Both sexes now frequently wear brass finger-rings, called katÛ´kqlerÛÑ, from katÛ´kqlÛÑ, the middle finger, upon which the ring is always worn.

MISCELLANEOUS ORNAMENTS.

see caption

Fig. 97.—Beads of amber.

Beads.

In addition to the ornaments already described, the women use short strings of beads, buttons, etc., to ornament various parts of the dress, especially the outer side of the inner frock (i´lupa), and strings of beads are often attached to various objects, such as pipes, tobacco pouches, etc. One or two women were also observed to wear large bunches of beads and buttons attached to the inner girdle in front so as to hang down between the legs inside of the pantaloons. Asimilar strange custom was observed by Beechey at Hotham Inlet, where a young woman wore a good-sized metal bell in the same uncomfortable manner.271 These people appear to have attempted the manufacture of beads in former times, when they were not so easily obtained as at present. There is in the collection a string of four small beads made from amber picked up on the beach (Fig. 97, No. 89700 [1716]). They are of dark honey-colored transparent amber, about one-third inch long and one-half inch diameter at the base. Such beads are very rare at the present day. The above specimens were the only ones seen.

TOILET ARTICLES.

The only object in use among these people that can be considered a toilet article is the small hair comb (idlai´utin), usually made of walrus ivory.

The collection contains ten specimens, from which No. 56566b [182] (Fig. 98a) has been selected as the type. It is made of walrus ivory (from near the root of the tusk). When in use, it is held with the tip of the forefinger in the ring, the thumb and middle finger resting on each 150 side of the neck. This is perhaps the commonest form of the comb, though it is often made with two curved arms at the top instead of a ring, as in Fig. 98b, No. 56569 [194], or sometimes with a plain top, like No. 56572 [210] (Fig. 98c). Nine of the ten combs, all from UtkiavwiÑ, are of walrus ivory, but No. 89785 [1006], which was the property of IlÛ´bwga, the NunataÑmiun, who spent the winter of 1882-’83 at UtkiavwiÑ, is made of reindeer antler. This was probably made in the interior, where antler is more plentiful than ivory. All these combs are made with great care and patience. The teeth are usually cut with a saw, but on one specimen the maker used the sharp edge of a piece of tin, as we had refused to loan him a fine saw. This kind of comb is very like that described by Parry from Iglulik.272

see caption

Fig. 98.—Hair combs.

Footnotes 1-272

1. Report of the International Polar Expedition to Point Barrow, Alaska, by Lieut. P.H. Ray, Washington, 1885.

2. Parl. Reports, 1854, vol. 42, p. 186.

3. Further Papers, &c., Parl. Rep. (1855).

4. Report on the population, etc., of Alaska.

5. Capt. E. E. Smith, who in command of a steam whaler penetrated as far east as Return Reef in the summer of 1885, says that the natives told him there was no permanent village west of Herschel Island.

6. Arctic papers, p. 233.

7. Report U.S. International Polar Expedition to Point Barrow, p.28.

8. Op. cit., p. 235.

9. Parl. Rop., 1854, vol. 42, opp. p. 186.

10. Op. cit., p. 265.

11. Corwin Report, p. 72.

12. Op. cit., p. 264.

13. Simpson, op. cit., p. 238.

14. See Report of Point Barrow Expedition, p. 50, for a table of measurements of a number of individuals selected at random from the natives of both villages and their visitors.

15. Op. cit., p. 238.

16. Davis (1586) speaks of the “small, slender hands and feet” of the Greenlanders. Hakluyt’s Voyages, etc. (1589), p.782.

“Their hands and feet are little and soft.” Crantz, vol. 1, p.133 (Greenland).

Hands and feet “extremely diminutive,” Parry 1st Voy., p. 282 (Baffin Land).

“Their hands and feet are small and well formed.” Kumlien Contrib., p.15 (Cumberland Gulf).

“Feet extraordinarily small.” Ellis, Voyage, etc., p. 132 (Hudson Strait).

Franklin (1st Exp., vol. 2, p. 180) mentions the small hands and feet of the two old Eskimo that he met at the Bloody Fall of the Coppermine River.

“. . . boots purchased on the coast were seldom large enough for our people.” Richardson Searching Exp., i, p.344 (Cape Bathurst).

“Their hands and feet are small.” Petroff, Report, etc., p. 134 (Kuskoquim River).

Chappell (Hudson Bay, pp. 59, 60) has a remarkable theory to account for the smallness of the extremities among the people of Hudson Strait. He believes that “the same intense cold which restricts vegetation to the form of creeping shrubs has also its effect upon the growth of mankind, preventing the extremities from attaining their due proportion”!

17. Op. cit., p. 238.

18. One young man at Point Barrow looks remarkably like the well known “Eskimo Joe,” as I remember him in Boston in the winter of 1862-’63.

19. The expression of obliquity in the eyes, mentioned by Dr. Simpson (op.cit., p.239), seems to me to have arisen from the shape of the cheek bones. Imay be mistaken, however, as no careful comparisons were made on the spot.

20. Frobisher says of the people of Baffin Land: “Their colour is not much unlike the sunburnt countrie man.” Hakluyt’s Voyages, etc. (1589), p.627.

21. Journey, etc., p. 289.

22. Op. cit., p. 238.

23. Cf. Simpson, op. cit., p. 240.

24. Op. cit., p. 254.

25. Op. cit. p. 254.

26. Journ. Ethnol. Soc., vol. 4, p. 206.

27. Compare what Davis wrote in 1586 of the Greenlanders: “These people are much given to bleed, and, therefore, stoppe theyr noses with deere hayre or the hayre of an elan.” Hakluyt, Voyages, etc., 1589, p.782.

28. Egede, Greenland, p. 120; Crantz, vol. 1, p. 234 (Greenland); Southerland. Journ. Ethnol. Soc., vol. IV, p.207 (Baffin Land); Chappell, “Hudson Bay,” p.74 (North Shore of Hudson Strait); Lyon, Journal, p.18 (Hudson Strait); Franklin, 1st Exp., I, p.29 (Hudson Strait); Parry, 2d Voy., p.544 (Igluilik); Hooper, Tents of the Tuski, p.185 (Plover Bay, Siberia).

29. I have an indistinct recollection of having once seen a left-handed person from Nuwuk.

30. Holm calls the East Greenlanders “et meget livligt FolkefÆrd” Geogr. Tidskrift, vol. 8, p.96.

31. Simpson, op. cit., p. 248.

32. Op. cit., p. 247.

33. Compare NordenskiÖld’s experience in Siberia. The “Chukches” sold him skinned foxes with the head and feet cut off for hares, (Vega, vol. 1, p.448), young ivory gulls for ptarmigan, and a dog’s skull for a seal’s (vol. 2, p.137). Besides, “While their own things were always made with the greatest care, all that they did especially for us was done with extreme carelessness” (ibid). The Eskimos at Hotham Inlet also tried to sell Capt. Beechey fishskins sewed together to represent fish. (Voyage, p.285.)

34. Compare Vega, vol. 1, p. 489. The Chukches were “so courteous as not to correct but to adopt the mistakes in the pronunciation or meaning of words that were made on the Vega.”

35. See “Approximate Census, etc.,” Report of Point Barrow Exp., p.49.

36. Op. cit., p. 237.

37. Petroff’s estimate (Report, etc., p. 4) of the number of natives on this part of the Arctic coast is much too large. He gives the population of “Ootiwakh” (UtkiavwiÑ) as 225. Refuge Inlet (where there is merely a summer camp of UtkiavwiÑmiun), 40, and “Kokmullit,” 200. The supposed settlement of 50 inhabitants at the Colville River is also a mere summer camp, not existing in the winter.

38. Maguire, NW. Passage, p. 384.

39. It is to be regretted that the expedition was not supplied with a copy of Dr. Simpson’s excellent paper, as much valuable information was missed for lack of suggestions as to the direction of inquiries.

40. Op. cit., pp. 234 and 236.

41. This was the name of a girl at Nuwuk.

42. Op. cit., p. 269.

43. Second Exp., p. 142.

44. Tents of the Tuski, p. 255.

45. All the published information there is about them from personal observation can be found in Franklin, Second Exp., p.142; T.Simpson, Narrative, pp. 118-123; and Hooper, Tents, etc., pp. 255-257 and 260.

46. Monographie, p. xi.

47. Ibid, p. xvi.

48. Bull. de la SociÉtÉ de GÉographie, 6e sÉr., vol. 10, p.256.

49. See also Monographie, etc., p. xi, where the name is spelled K?amalit.

50. Vocabulaire, etc., p. 76.

51. Bull. Soc. de GÉog., 6e sÉr., vol. 10, p. 39.

52. T. Simpson, Narrative, p. 112.

53. Hooper, Tents, etc., p. 264.

54. ibid, p. 263.

55. Bull. Soc. de GÉog., 6e sÉr., vol. 10, p.182.

56. Petitot, Monographie, etc., pp. xvi and xx.

57. Franklin, 2d Exp., pp. 99-101, 105-110, 114-119 and 128; T.Simpson, Narrative, pp. 104-112; Hooper, Tents, etc., pp. 263-264. There is also a brief note by the Rev. W.W. Kirkby, in a “Journey to the Youcan.” Smithsonian Report for 1864. These, with Petitot’s in many respects admirable Monographie, comprise all the information regarding these people from actual observation that has been published. Richardson has described them at second hand in his “Searching Expedition” and “Polar Regions.” The “Kopagmute” of Petroff (Report, etc., p.125) are a purely hypothetical people invented to fill the space between “the coast people in the north and the Athabascans in the south.”

58. Franklin, 2d Exp., p. 203.

59. Ibid., p. 269.

60. Franklin, 2d Exp., pp. 193, 203 and 230; Searching Exp., and Polar Regions, p.300.

61. N. W. Passage, pp. 84-98.

62. Personal Narrative, p. 176.

63. Tents, etc., pp. 343-348.

64. Compare what Petitot has to say—Monographie, etc., p.xiii and passim—about the turbulent and revengeful character of the “Tchiglit.”

65. Dr. Simpson, op. cit., p. 264.

66. Op. cit., p. 265.

67. In the Plover’s time they were left a day’s journey in the rear.

68. Op. cit., p. 266.

69. T. Simpson saw iron kettles at Camden Bay which had been purchased from the western natives at two wolverine skins apiece. Narrative, p.171.

70. “The inland Eskimo also call them Ko´-yu-kan, and divide them into three sections or tribes. ***

One is called I´t-ka-lyi [apparently the plural of ItkÛdliÑ], *** the second It-kal-ya´-ruin [different or other ItkÛdliÑ],” op. cit., p.269.

71. Dall, Cont. to N. A. Ethn., vol. 1, p. 30, where they are identified with Itkalyaruin of Simpson.

72. Ibid., p. 31.

73. Arctic Papers, p. 119.

74. Further papers, etc., pp. 905 et seq.

75. Arctic Papers, p. 144.

76. Koyu´-ku´kh-ota´na, Dall, Cont. to N. A. Eth., p.27.

77. Ibid., p. 28.

78. Hooper, Tents, etc. p. 276.

79. Ibid., p. 273.

80. Crantz, vol. 1, p. 208.

81. Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1885, p. 244.

82. Dall, Alaska, p. 28 and Contrib., vol. 1, p. 25.

83. Monographie, p. xxiv.

84. Op. cit., p. 264.

85. Narrative, pp. 146-168.

86. Op. cit., p. 251.

87. Op. cit., p. 271.

88. Report, etc., p. 125.

89. See list of “New Words,” Rep. Point Barrow Exp., p.57.

90. The history of this word, which also appears as a Chuckch word in some of the vocabularies collected by NordenskiÖld’s expedition, is rather curious. Chamisso (Kotzebue’s Voyage, vol. 2, p.392, foot-note) says that this is a Hawaiian corruption of the well-known “Pigeon-English” (hecalls it Chinese) word “chow-chow” recently (in1816-’17) adopted by the Sandwich Islanders from the people with whom they trade. Iam informed that the word is not of Chinese origin, but probably came from India, like many other words in “Pigeon-English.” Chamisso also calls pÛni-pÛni a Chinese word, but I have been able to learn nothing of its origin.

91. GrØnlandsk Ordbog, p. 386.

92. “The oil had acted as a manure on the soil, and produced a luxuriant crop of grass from 1 to 2 feet high” (village at Point Atkinson, east of the Mackenzie). Richardson Searching Exp., vol. 1, p.254.

93. U.S. Geol. Surv., Bull. 9, p. 9, 1884.

94. Op. cit., p. 266.

95. Op. cit., p. 266.

96. Hooper found coal on the beach at Nuwuk in 1849, showing that this coal has not necessarily been thrown over from ships. Tents of the Tuski, p.221.

97. Discovery of the Northwest Passage, p. 100.

98. The Eskimo of Iglulik “prefer venison to any kind of meat.” Parry, 2d Voyage, p.510.

99. Compare Hooper, Tents, etc. “This, which the Tuski call their sugar,” p.174; and Hall, Arctic Researches, p.132 (Baffin Land).

100. Egede, Greenland, p. 136.

101. Appendix to Ross’s 2d Voyage, p. xix.

102. Compare the passage from Egede, just quoted, and also Kumlien, Contributions, etc., p.20, at Cumberland Gulf.

103. For instance, Schwatka says that the Netcilik of King William Land devour enormous quantities of seal blubber, “noticeably more in summer than the other tribes,” viz, those of the western shores of Hudson’s Bay (Science, vol. 4, p.544). Parry speaks of the natives of the Savage Islands, Hudson’s Strait, eating raw blubber and sucking the oil remaining on the skins they had emptied (2dVoyage, p.14).

104. See for example Egede’s Greenland, p. 134; Crantz, History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.144; Dall, Alaska, passim; Hooper, Tents of the Tuski, p.170; NordenskiÖld, Vega, p.110.

105. Lieut. Ray’s MS. notes.

106. “They have no set Time for Meals, but every one eats when he is hungry, except when they go to sea, and then their chief Repast is a supper after they are come home in the Evening.” (Egede, Greenland, p.135. Compare also, Crantz, vol. 1, p.145.)

107. See, for instance, Egede: “Their Drink is nothing but Water” (Greenland, p.134), and, “Furthermore, they put great Lumps of Ice and Snow into the Water they drink, to make it cooler for to quench their Thirst” (p.135). “Their drink is clear water, which stands in the house in a great copper vessel, or in a wooden tub. *** They bring in a supply of fresh water every day *** and that their water may be cool they choose to lay a piece of ice or a little snow in it” *** (Crantz, vol. 1, p.144). Compare, also, Parry, 2d voy., p.506, where the natives of Iglulik are said to drink a great deal of water, which they get by melting snow, and like very cold. The same fondness for water was observed by NordenskiÖld in Siberia (Vega, vol. 2, p.114).

108. Beechey, Voyage, p. 308.

109. Third Voyage, vol. 2, p. 437.

110. Ibid, 2, p. 479.

111. Second Exp., p. 130.

112. See T. Simpson, Narrative, p. 156.

113. Op. cit., pp. 235, 236, 266.

114. Compare J. Simpson, op. cit., p. 250, and NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p.116.

115. Tents, etc., p. 83; Vega, vol. 2, p. 116.

116. The numbers first given are those of the National Museum; the numbers in brackets are those of the collector.

117. Op. cit., p. 243.

118. See T. Simpson: “Not content with chewing and smoking it, they swallowed the fumes till they became sick, and seemed to revel in a momentary intoxication.” Point Barrow (1837), Narrative, p.156. Also Kotzebue: “They chew, snuff, smoke, and even swallow the smoke.” Kotzebue Sound (1816) Voyage, vol. 1, p.237. Beechey also describes the people of Hotham Inlet in 1826 as smoking in the manner above described, obtaining the hair from a strip of dogskin tied to the pipe. Their tobacco was mixed with wood. Voyage, p.300. Petitot (Monographie, etc., p.xxix) describes a precisely similar method of smoking among the Mackenzie Eskimos. Their tobacco was “melangÉ À de la rÁclure de saule” and the pipe was called “kwiÑe?k.” (Vocabulaire, p.54).

119. See Hooper, Tents, etc., p. 177, and Dall, Alaska, p.81.

120. This is an interesting fact, as it shows that the Eskimo from Demarcation Point east learned to smoke from the people of Point Barrow, and not from the English or the northern Indians, who use pipes “modeled after the clay pipes of the Hudson Bay Company.” (Dall, Alaska, p.81, Fig. A.) They acquired the habit some time between 1837, when T.Simpson found them ignorant of the use of tobacco (see reference above, p.65), and 1849, when they were glad to receive it from Pullen and Hooper. (Tents, etc., p.258.) Petitot (Monographie, etc., p.xxvi) states that the Eskimo of the Mackenzie informed him that the use of tobacco and the form of the pipe, with blue beads, labrets, and other things, came through the neighbors from a distant land called “Nate´?ovik,” which he supposes to mean St. Michaels, but which, from the evidence of other travelers, is much more likely to mean Siberia.

The Eskimo geography, on which Fr. Petitot relies so strongly, is extremely vague west of Barter Island, and savors of the fabulous almost as much as the Point Barrow stories about the eastern natives. The evidence which leads Fr. Petitot to believe “Nate´?ovik” to be St. Michaels is rather peculiar. The Mackenzie natives call the people who are nearest to Nate´?ovik on the north “the Sedentary.” Now, the people who live nearest to St. Michaels on the north are the “Sedentary American Tchukatchis”(!); therefore Nate´?ovik is probably St. Michaels. (“Le nom NatÉ?ovik semble convenir À l’ancien fort russe MichaËlowski, en ce que la tribu iunok la plus voisine de ce poste, vers le nord, est dÉsignÉe par nos Tchiglit sous le nom d’ Apkwam-mÉut ou de SÉdentaires; or telle est la position gÉographique qui convient aux sÉdentaires Tchukatches amÉricains, dont la limite la plus septentrionale, selon le capitaine Beechey, est la pointe Barrow.”) Aslight acquaintance with the work of Dall and other modern explorers in this region would have saved Fr. Petitot from this and some other errors.

121. See Wrangell, Narrative of an Expedition, etc., p.58. “The Russians here [at Kolymsk, 1820] smoke in the manner common to all the people of northern Asia; they draw in the tobacco smoke, swallow it, and allow it to escape again by the nose and ears(!).” The tobacco is said to be mixed with “finely powdered larch wood, to make it go further” (ibid.). See also Hooper, Tents, etc.: “Generally, Ibelieve, about one-third part of wood is used” (pp.176 and 177; and NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p.116.)

122. Vega, vol. 2, p. 116.

123. See also Petitot, Monographie, etc., p. xxix.

124. See Beechey, Voyage, p. 323; T. Simpson, Narrative, p.156—“tobacco, which *** they call tawac, or tawakh, aname acquired of course from Russian traders;” Hooper, Tents, etc., p.239; also Maguire and J.Simpson, loc. cit. passim. Petitot calls ta´wak “mot franÇais corrompu”!

125. Since the above was written, the word for pipe, “kuiny?,” has been found to be of Siberian origin. See the writer’s article “On the Siberian origin of some customs of the Western Eskimos” (American Anthropologist, vol. 1, pp. 325-336).

126. In some of the older houses, the ruins of which are still to be seen at the southwest end of the village of UtkiavwiÑ, whales’ bones were used for timbers. Compare Lyon Journal, p.171, where the winter huts at Iglulik are described as “entirely constructed of the bones of whales, unicorns, walruses, and smaller animals,” with the interstices filled with earth and moss.

127. Op. cit., p. 256.

128. Compare Hooper, Tents, etc., p. 46: “Small lattice shelves *** on which moccasins *** are put to dry.” Plover Bay. See also plate to face p.160 Parry’s Second Voyage.

129. Monographie, etc., p. xxiii.

130. See for instance, Crantz, History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.141; Franklin, 1st Exped., vol. 2, p.194 (Coppermine River); 2d Exped., p.121 (Mouth of the Mackenzie, where they are made of drift logs stuck up so that the roots serve as crotches to hold the cross pieces); Hooper, Tents, etc., pp. 48, 228, and 343 (Plover Bay, Point Barrow, and Toker Point); J.Simpson, op. cit., p.256 (Point Barrow); NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p.92 (Pitlekaj).

131. Dall, Alaska, p. 13.

132. Egede, Greenland, p. 114; Crantz, History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.139; Rink, Tales and Traditions, p.7.

133. Hakluyt, Voyages, etc. (1589), p. 788.

134. Lyon, Journal, p. 171.

135. See Fig. 13, ground plan and section, copied from Petitot, Monographie, etc., p. XXIII.

136. Monographie, etc., p. XXI.

137. See also Franklin, 2d Exped., p. 121 (Mouth of the Mackenzie), and pp. 215 and 216 (Atkinson Island, Richardson. Aground plan and section closely resembling Petitot’s are given here); and Hooper, Tents, etc., p.243 (Toker Point).

138. See ante.

139. Op. cit., p. 258.

140. Dall, Alaska, pp. 13 and 14, diagram on p. 13.

141. Petroff, Report, etc., p. 15.

142. See Dall, Cont. to N. A. Ethn., vol. 1, p. 105. Mr. E.W. Nelson tells me, however, that the village at East Cape, Siberia, is composed of real iglus.

143. Third Voyage, vol. 2, p. 450.

144. Op. cit., p. 256.

145. For example, I find it mentioned in Greenland by Kane, 1st Grinnell Exp., p.40; at Iglulik by Parry, 2d Voy., p.499; and at the mouth of the Mackenzie by Franklin, 2d Exp., p.121, as well as by Dr. Simpson at Nuwuk, op. cit., p.256.

146. Frobisher says the tents in Meta Incognita (in1577) were “so pitched up, that the entrance into them, is alwaies South, or against the Sunne.” Hakluyt’s Voyages, etc., (1589) p.628.

147. Geographische BlÄtter, vol. 5, p. 27.

148. Op. cit., p. 259.

149. Petroff, Report, etc., p. 128.

150. Dall, Alaska, p. 16.

151. See Rink, Tales and Traditions, p. 8; also Geografisk Tidskrift, vol. 8, p.141. Speaking of buildings of this sort, Dr. Rink says: “Men i GrØnland kjendes de vel kun af Sagnet. Paa Øer Disko vil man have paavist Ruinen af en saadan Bygning, som besynderlig nok sÆrlig sagdes at have vÆret benyttet til Festligheder af erotisk Natur.” Boas, “The Central Eskimo,” passim; Lyon, Journal, p.325 (Iglulik); Richardson, in Franklin’s 2d Exp., pp. 215-216 (Atkinson Island); Petitot, Monographie, etc., xxx; “KÊchim, ou maison des assemblÉes;” Beechey, Voyage, p.268 (Point Hope); Dall, Alaska, p.16 and elsewhere; Petroff, Rep. p.128 and elsewhere.

152. Tents, etc., p. 136.

153. See references to Dall and Petroff, above.

154. Parry, 2nd Voy., p. 160 and plate opposite; Franklin, 1st Exped. vol. 2, pp. 43-47, ground plan, p.46; Boas, “Central Eskimo,” pp. 539-553; Kumlien, Contributions, etc., p.31; Petitot, Monographie, etc., p.xvii (afull description with a ground plan and section on p.xix), and all the popular accounts of the Eskimo.

155. GrØnlandsk Ordbog, p. 404; Kane’s 1st Grinnell Exp., p.40, calls it a “skin-covered door.” Compare, also, the skin or matting hung over the entrance of the houses at Norton Sound, Dall, Alaska, p.13, and the bear-skin doors of the NunataÑmiun and other Kotzebue Sound natives, mentioned by Dr. Simpson, op. cit., p.259.

156. Compare Dr. Simpson’s description, op. cit., p. 259.

157. Compare the woodcut on p. 406, vol. 1, of Kane’s 2d Exp., where two sleds are represented as stuck up on end with their “upstanders” meeting to form a platform—Smith Sound.

158. Firearms can not be carried into a warm room in cold weather, as the moisture in the air immediately condenses on the cold surface of the metal.

159. Journal, p. 204; see also the plate opposite p.358 of Parry’s 2d Voyage.

160. Beechey’s Voyage, p. 315.

161. Tents, etc., pp. 216, 225.

162. Op. cit., p. 260.

163. MacFarlane MSS. and Petitot, Monographie, etc., p.xx, “des tentes coniques (tuppe?k) en peaux de renne.”

164. See Rink, Tales, etc., p. 7 (“skins” in this passage undoubtedly means sealskins, as they are more plentiful than deerskins among the Greenlanders, and were used for this purpose in Egede’a time—Greenland, p.117; and Kumlien, op. cit., p.33.). In east Greenland, according to Holm, “Om Sommeren bo Angsmagsalikerne i Telte, der ere betrukne med dobbelte Skind og have Tarmskinds ForhÆng.” Geogr. Tids., vol. 8, p.89. In Frobisher’s description of Meta Incognita (in1577), he says: “Their houses are tents made of seale skins, pitched up with 4 Firre quarters, foure square, meeting at the toppe, and the skinnes sewed together with sinewes, and layd thereupon.” Hakluyt’s Voyages, etc. (1589), p.628. See also Boas, “Central Eskimo.”

165. Petroff, op. cit., p. 128.

166. Dall, Alaska, p. 13.

167. Egede, Greenland, p. 117; Crantz, vol. 1, p. 141; Rink, Tales, etc., p.7.

168. Kumlien, op. cit., p. 33.

169. See Parry’s 2nd Voyage, p. 271 and plate opposite. Compare also Chappell, “Hudson Bay,” pp. 75-77, figure on p.75.

170. “When out traveling, they mostly carry their water supply in a seal’s stomach, prepared for the purpose.” Kumlien, op. cit., p.41. Compare also Hall, Arctic Researches, p.584.

171. GrØnl. Ordbog., p. 135.

172. Franklin, 1st Exp., vol. 2, p. 181.

173. First Voy., p. 286.

174. Second Voy., p. 503.

175. GrØnl. Ordbog., p. 293.

176. Vega, vol. 2, p. 124.

177. Op. cit., p. 266.

178. Hooper, Tents, etc., p. 147.

179. Beechey’s Voyage, p. 572.

180. This specimen was broken in transportation, and the pieces received different Museum numbers. It is now mended with glue.

181. Compare these pots with the two figured in Parry’s 2d Voyage (plate opposite p.160). The smaller of these has a ridge only on the end, but on the larger the ridge runs all the way round. The plate also shows how the pots were hung up. See also Fig. 1, plate opposite p.548.

182. 2d Voyage, p. 502.

183. I need only refer to Crantz, who describes the “bastard-marble kettle,” hanging “by four strings fastened to the roof, which kettle is a foot long and half a foot broad, and shaped like a longish box” (vol. 1, p.140); the passage from Parry’s 2d Voyage, referred to above; Kumlien, op. cit., p.20 (Cumberland Gulf); Boas, “Central Eskimo,” p.545; and Gilder, Schwatka’s Search, p.260 (West Shore of Hudson Bay).

184. Op. cit., pp. 267-269.

185. Compare the cement for joining pieces of soapstone vessels mentioned by Boas (“Central Eskimo,” p.526) consisting of “seal’s blood, akind of clay, and dog’s hair.”

186. See Further Papers, etc., p. 909.

187. Hooper, Tents, etc., p. 57.

188. We saw this done on No. 56634 [83], the head and haft of which were brought in separate and put together by an Eskimo at the station.

189. Figured in Ray’s Point Barrow Report, Ethnology, Pl. II, Fig.6.

190. Vega, vol. 2, p. 113; figures on p. 112.

191. See for example, Crantz, vol. 1, p. 144, Greenland; Parry, 2d. Voy., p.503, Iglulik; and Hooper, Tents, etc., p.170, Plover Bay.

192. Bessels, Naturalist, Sept. 1884, p. 867.

193. Second Voyage, p. 503.

194. See Fig. 26, plate opposite p. 550.

195. See Figs. 8 and 9, opposite p. 548.

196. Narrative, p. 148.

197. Compare the custom noticed by Parry, at Iglulik, of hanging a long thin strip of blubber near the flame of the lamp to feed it (2dVoyage, p.502). According to Petitot (Monographie, etc., p.xviii), the lamps in the Mackenzie district are fed by a lump of blubber stuck on a stick, as at Point Barrow.

198. Compare NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p. 119: “The wooden pins she uses to trim the wick ... are used when required as a light or torch ... to light pipes, etc. In the same way other pins dipped in train-oil are used” (Pitlekaj), and foot-note on same page: “Ihave seen such pins, also oblong stones, sooty at one end, which, after having been dipped in train-oil, have been used as torches ... in old Eskimo graves in northwestern Greenland.”

199. Naturalist, September, 1884, p. 867, Fig. 2.

200. Parry, Second Voyage, Pl. opposite p. 548, Fig. 2.

201. See Dall, Alaska, p. 387; and Petroff Report, etc., p.141. See also the collections of Turner and Fischer from Attu and Kadiak.

202. Vega, vol. 2, p. 23, Fig. b on p. 22, and diagrams, p.23.

203. Report, etc., p. 125.

204. Compare NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol 2. p. 213.

205. Vega, vol. 2, p. 98.

206. Op. cit., pp. 241-245.

207. See for example, Egede, p. 219; Crantz, vol. 1, p.136; Bessels, Op. cit., pp. 805 and 868 (Smith Sound); Kane, 1st Grinnell Exp., pp. 45 (Greenland) and 132 (Cape York); Brodbeck, “Nach Osten,” pp. 23, 24, and Holm, Geografisk Tidskrift, vol. 8, p.90 (East Greenland); Parry, 2d Voy., pp. 494-6 (Iglulik); Boas. “Central Eskimo,” pp. 554-6; Kumlien, loc. cit., pp. 22-25 (Cumberland Gulf); also, Frobisher, in Hakluyt’s Voyages, 1589, etc., p.628.

208. Dall, Alaska, pp. 21 and 141.

209. Second Voy., p. 537.

210. Compare Dall, Alaska, p. 22.

211. There are several frocks so trimmed in the National Museum, from the Mackenzie and Anderson region.

212. Second Grinnell Exp., vol. 1, p. 203.

213. Egede, p. 131; Crantz, i, p. 137 and Pl. III. (Greenland); Bessels, op. cit., p.865 (Smith Sound—married women only); Parry, 2nd Voy., p.491, and numerous illustrations, passim (Iglulik); Packard. Naturalist Vol. 19, p.6, Pl. XXIII (Labrador), and Kumlien, l.c., p.33 (Cumberland Gulf). See also several specimens in the National Museum from Ungava (collected by L.M. Turner) and the Mackenzie and Anderson rivers (collected by MacFarlane). The hoods from the last region, while still much larger and wider than those in fashion at Point Barrow, are not so enormous as the more eastern ones. The little peak on the top of the woman’s hood at Point Barrow may be a reminiscence of the pointed hood worn by the women mentioned by Bessels, op. cit.

214. Parry, 2d Voy., p. 494, and 1st Voy., p. 283.

215. Monographic, etc., p. xiv.

216. Petroff, op. cit., p. 134, Pls. 4 and 5. See also specimens in the National Museum.

217. Petroff, op. cit., p. 139, and Liscansky, Voy., etc., p.194.

218. Dall, Alaska, p. 379.

219. Vega, vol. 2, p. 98.

220. NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p. 100 and Fig. on p.57; Dall, Alaska, p.379 and plate opposite. Ialso noticed this dress at Plover Bay in 1881. Compare also Krause Brothers, Geogr. BlÄtter, vol. 5, No. 1, p.5, where the dress along the coast from East Cape to Plover Bay is described as we saw it at Plover Bay.

221. Vol. 1, p. 137.

222. Voyage to Hudsons Bay, p. 136.

223. NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p. 98.

224. Monographie, etc., p. xv.

225. Compare Parry, 2d Voy., p. 494, where a similar habit is mentioned at Iglulik.

226. Dall, Alaska, pp. 23, 152, and 153. He speaks of the thumb (p.23) as “atriangular, shapeless protuberance”; adescription which applies well to those in our collection.

227. MacFarlane MS., and Petitot, Monographie, etc., p.xv.

228. Bessels, Naturalist, vol. 18, p. 865.

229. Op. cit., p. 242.

230. Dr. Simpson’s language (op. cit., p. 243) is a little indefinite (“The feet and legs are incased in water-tight sealskin boots”), but probably refers to these as well as to the knee boots. The “outside coat of the same material,” and the boots and outside coat “made all in one, with a drawing string round the face,” mentioned in the same place, appears to have gone wholly out of fashion since his time. At all events, we saw neither, though we continually saw the natives when working in the boats, and these garments, especially the latter, could hardly have failed to attract our attention.

231. Monographie, etc., p. xv.

232. Bessels, Naturalist, vol. 18, p. 865, Smith Sound; Egede, p.131, and Crantz, vol. 1, p.138, Greenland; Parry, 2d Voy., p.495 and 496, Iglulik, and Kumlien, op. cit., p.23, Cumberland Gulf. Also in Labrador, see Pl. XVII, Naturalist, vol. 19, No.6. The old couple whom Franklin met at the Bloody Fall of the Coppermine appear to have worn pantaloons, for he speaks of their “tight leggings sewed to shoes” (1st Exp., vol. 2, p.180).

233. Probably prepared like the boat covers described by Crantz, vol. 1, p.167, by drying them without removing all of their own blubber.

234. Op. cit., pp. 242-266.

235. See diagram, Fig. 76.

236. See diagram, Fig. 78.

237. Op. cit., p. 243.

238. Monographie, etc., p. xiv.

239. Ibid.

240. Personal Narrative, p. 176.

241. Compare the custom observed by H.M.S. Investigator, at Cape Bathurst, where, according to McClure (Discovery of the Northwest Passage, p.93), asuccessful harpooner has a blue line drawn across his face over the bridge of the nose; or, according to Armstrong (Personal Narrative, p.176), he has a line tattooed from the inner angle of the eye across the cheek, anew one being added for every whale he strikes. Petitot, however (Monographie, etc., p.xxv), says that in this region whales are “scored” by tattooing crosses on the shoulder, and that a murderer is marked across the nose with a couple of horizontal lines. It is interesting to note in this connection that one of the “striped” men at Nuwuk told us that he had killed a man. According to Holm, at Angmagsalik (east Greenland), “MÆndene ere kun undtagelsvis tatoverede og da kun med enkelte mindre Streger paa Arme og Haandled, for at kunne harpunere godt” (Geogr. Tids., vol. 8, p.88). Compare also Hooper, Tents, etc., p.37, “Men only make a permanent mark on the face for an act of prowess, such as killing a bear, capturing a whale, etc.;” and Parry, 2d Voyage, p.449, where some of the men at Iglulik are said to be tattooed on the back of the hand, as a souvenir of some distant or deceased person.

242. Bessels, Naturalist, vol. 18, p. 875 (Smith Sound); Egede, p.132, and Crantz, vol. 1, p.138, already given up by the Christian Greenlanders (Greenland); Holm. Geogr. Tids., vol. 8, p.88, still practiced regularly in east Greenland; Parry, 1st Voyage, p.282 (Baffin Land); 2d Voyage, p.498 (Iglulik); Kumlien, Contrib., p.26 (Cumberland Gulf, aged women chiefly); Boas, “Central Eskimo,” p.561; Chappell, “Hudson Bay,” p.60 (Hudson Strait); Back, Journey, etc., p.289 (Great Fish River); Franklin, 1st Exped., vol. 2, p.183 (Coppermine River); 2d Exped., p.126 (Point Sabine); Petitot, Monographie, etc., p.xv (Mackenzie district); Dall, “Alaska,” pp. 140, 381 (Norton Sound, Diomede Islands, and Plover Bay); Petroff, Report, etc., p.139 (Kadiak); Lisiansky, Voyage, p.195 (Kadiak in 1805, “the fair sex were also fond of tattooing the chin, breasts, and back, but this again is much out of fashion”); NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, pp. 99, 100, 251, and 252, with figures (Siberia and St. Lawrence Island); Krause brothers, Geographische BlÄtter, vol. 5, pp. 4, 5(East Cape to Plover Bay); Hooper, Tents, etc., p.37, “Women were tattooed on the chin in diverging lines” (Plover Bay); Rosse, Cruise of the Corwin, p.35, fig. on p.36 (St.Lawrence Island).

Frobisher’s account, being the earliest on record, is worth quoting: “*** The women are marked on the face with blewe streekes downe the cheekes and round about the eies” (p.621). *** “Also, some of their women race their faces proportionally, as chinne, cheekes, and forehead, and the wristes of their hands, whereupon they lay a colour, which continueth dark azurine” (p.627). Hakluyt’s Voyages, etc., 1589.

243. Holm (East Greenland) says: “et Paar korte Streger paa Hagen” (Geogr. Tids. vol. 8, p.88).

244. Compare Kotzebue’s Voy., vol. 3, p. 296, where Chamisso describes the natives of St. Lawrence Bay, Siberia, as having large quantities of fine graphite, with which they painted their faces.

245. Petroff Report, etc., p. 139.

246. Petitot, Monographie, etc., p. xxxi.

247. Tents, etc., p. 225.

248. Op. cit., p. 238.

249. Petitot, Monographie, etc., p. xxxi. See also Franklin, 2d Exp., p.118.

250. See also NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, pp. 9 and 252, and figures passim, especially pp. 84 and 85; Hooper, Tents, etc., p.27; and Dall, Alaska, p.381.

251. See Kane, 2d Grinnell Exp. Many illustrations, passim, Smith Sound; Egede, p.132, and Crantz, vol. 1, p.128, Greenland; Brodbeck, “Nach Osten,” p.23, and Holm, Geogr. Tids., vol. 8, p.90, East Greenland; Frobisher, in Hakluyt, Voyages, etc. (1589), p.627, Baffin Land; Parry, 2d Voy., p.494, and Lyon, Journal, p.230, Iglulik; Petitot, Monographie, etc., p.xxix, Mackenzie district; Hooper, Tents, etc., pp. 257, Icy Reef, and 347, Maitland Id.; Franklin, 2d Exp., p.119, Point Sabine; Dall, Alaska, pp. 140 and 381, Norton Sound and Plover Bay. See also references to NordenskiÖld, given above, and Krause Bros., Geographische BlÄtter, vol. 5, pt. 1, p.5.

252. See Dr. Simpson, op. cit., p. 243. Compare also Brodbeck, “Nach Osten” (p.23). Speaking of “ein Kopf- oder Stirnband,” he says: “Vielleicht gilt es ihnen als eine Art von ZauberschÜtzmittel, denn es ist um kein Geld zu haben. DrÄngt man sie, so sagen sie wohl, es sei nicht ihr eigen.”

253. Second Voy., p. 498 and Fig. 7, pl. opposite p.548.

254. Op. cit., p. 211.

255. This subject has been thoroughly treated by Mr. W.H. Dall in his admirable paper in the Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, No. 3for 1881-’82, pp. 67-203.

256. See Dall, Contrib., etc., vol. 1, p. 87, and the paper just referred to.

257. Monographie, etc., p. xxvi.

258. Op. cit., p. 241.

259. Alaska p. 141.

260. Alaska, p. 140.

261. The men whom Thomas Simpson met at or near Barter Island sold their labrets, but demanded a hatchet or a dagger for a pair of them (Narrative, p.119).

262. Voyage, vol. 1, p. 210. Labrets of precisely the same pattern as the one described are figured in the frontispiece of this volume. (See also Choris, Voyage Pittoresque).

263. 2d Exp., p. 118.

264. Narrative, p. 119.

265. Op. cit., p. 239.

266. Voyage, p. 249.

267. Beechey’s Voy., p. 308.

268. See Contrib., etc., vol. 1, p. 89, and the two copper figures on the plate opposite.

269. Vega, vol. 2, p. 233.

270. There is in the collection a bunch of five of these shells (No.89530 [1357], which are scarce and highly valued as ornaments. Mr. R.E.C. Stearns, of the U.S. National Museum, has identified the species as Dentalium Indianorum Cpr. (probably = D.pretiosum, Sby.), called “alikotci´k” by the Indians of northwest California, and “hiqua” (J.K. Lord) or “hya-qua” (F.Whymper) by the Indians round Queen Charlotte Sound.

271. Voyage, p. 295.

272. 2nd Voyage, p. 194, Fig. 12, Pl. opp. p. 548.

Missing . in figure captions has been silently supplied. Spelling in citations, including all French sources, is unchanged unless otherwise noted.

Unexpected Forms

A few words have Ä (a with umlaut) where  or a (long a) was expected:

nÄ´nu (polar bear: both occurrences of the word)
wooden partitions called sÄ´potin
NÄgawau´ra, now deceased
deadfalls or steel traps (nÄnori´a)
dancing caps (ka´brÛ, kÄluka´)

The spelling “slungshot” is used consistently.

Inconsistencies

The spellings “Inuit” and “Innuit” (including “an Innuit” in one quoted passage) both occur.

The word “Arctic” is generally capitalized, but exceptions were too frequent to regularize.

Names of ships such as Vega are rarely italicized, and scientific names never. All are shown as printed.

Hyphenization

Forms were only changed when there was a clear pattern. This list is not meant to be comprehensive:

northeast, northwest; southeast, southwest never hyphenated

ridgepole; tiestring, bowstring, drawstring

woodenware, smoothbore, midleg, handboard

pipestem, sealthong, centerbit

whale-fish, whale-skin, whale-iron, whale-harpoon
but whalebone, whaleman/whalemen

breechloader but muzzle-loader, -loading

foreshaft and fore-shaft, treenail and tree-nail

Words in -skin are generally hyphenated, but exceptions are not marked. The forms “needlecase” (one word, no hyphen) and “needle case” (two words) both occur.





<

Holm, G., and Garde, V.
G. and

ihrem VerhÄltnisse zu den Übrigen EskimostÄmmen.
ubrigen

Footnote 12: Op. cit., p. 264.
footnote printed on following page (new section) and numbered as 1 on that page

The retrieving harpoon; an undescribed type of Eskimo weapon.
final . missing

Footnote 49: ... spelled K?amalit.
final . missing

Footnote 55: ... 6^e sÉr., vol. 10, p. 182.
6 sÉr.,

Petitot also gives this word as itkpe´lit in his vocabulary (p. 42.)
printed as shown, with “p” for expected ?
(p. 42.)

C’Ést pourquoi nous les nommons Itk?e´le´it.’”
inner close quote missing

Footnote 107: observed by NordenskiÖld in Siberia (Vega, vol. 2, p. 114).
final . missing

Footnote 113: Op. cit., pp. 235, 236, 266.
pp.,

A slight acquaintance with the work of Dall
text has “of of” at line break

“Epi´ana” (Vernon), who had “lots of guns.”
(Vernon,)

Mammals.—The wolf, amÁxo (Canis lupus griseo-albus)
printed as shown, but may be meant for ‘ama?o’ (chi for x)

have abandoned the old underground houses
abandonded

The man said he intended to build a wooden house
built

Kumlien, Contributions, etc., p. 31
Kumlien Contributions

Footnote 157: ... Kane’s 2d Exp., where two sleds
Exp,

Contents (separate file)
List of Illustrations (separate file)

pages 19-150
pages 150-294 (separate file)
pages 294-end (separate file)

General Index (separate file)

Two lines near the bottom of the page were reversed in print:

page image

GOVERNMENT.

In the family.

I can hardly do better than quote Dr. Simpson’s words, already referred to (op.cit. page 252), on this subject: “Aman seems to have unlimited authority in his own hut.” Nevertheless, his rule seems to be founded on respect and mutual agreement, rather than on despotic authority. The wife appears to be consulted, as already stated, on all important occasions, and, to quote Dr. Simpson again (ibid.): “Seniority gives precedence when there are several women in one hut, and the sway of the elder in the direction of everything connected with her duties seems never disputed.” When more than one family inhabit the same house the head of each family appears to have authority over his own relatives, while the relations between the two are governed solely by mutual agreement.

In the village.

These people have no established form of government nor any chiefs in the ordinary sense of the word, but appear to be ruled by a strong public opinion, combined with a certain amount of respect for the opinions of the elder people, both men and women, and by a large number of traditional observances like those concerning the whale fishery, the deceased, etc., already described. In the ordinary relations of life a person, as a rule, avoids doing anything to his neighbor which he would not wish to have done to himself, and affairs which concern the community as a whole, as for instance their relations with us at the station, are settled by a general and apparently informal discussion, when the opinion of the majority carries the day. The majority appears to have no means, short of individual violence, of enforcing obedience to its decisions, but, as far as we could see, the matter is left to the good sense of the parties concerned. Respect for the opinions of elders is so great that the people may be said to be practically under what is called “simple elder rule.”598 Public opinion has 428 formulated certain rules in regard to some kinds of property and the division of game, which are remarkably like those noticed among Eskimo elsewhere, and which may be supposed to have grown up among the ancestors of the Eskimo, before their separation.

For instance, in Greenland,599 “Anyone picking up pieces of driftwood or goods lost at sea or on land was considered the rightful owner of them; and to make good his possession he had only to carry them up above high-water mark and put stones upon them, no matter where his homestead might be.” Now, at Point Barrow we often saw the natives dragging driftwood up to the high-water mark, and the owner seemed perfectly able to prove his claim. Lieut. Ray informs me that he has seen men mark such sticks of timber by cutting them with their adzes and that sticks so marked were respected by the other natives. On one occasion, when he was about to have a large piece of drift-timber dragged up to the station, awoman came up and proved that the timber belonged to her by pointing out the freshly cut mark. Ihave myself seen a native claim a barrel which had been washed ashore, by setting it up on end.

As far as we could learn, the smaller animals, as for instance, birds, the smaller seals, reindeer, etc., are the property of the hunter, instead of being divided as in some other localities, for example at Smith Sound,600. The larger seals and walruses appeared to be divided among the boat’s crew, the owner of the boat apparently keeping the tusks of the walrus and perhaps the skin. Abear, however, both flesh and skin, is equally divided among all who in any way had a hand in the killing. We learned this with certainty from having to purchase the skin of a bear killed at the village, where a number of men had been engaged in the hunt. When a whale is taken, as I have already said, the whalebone is equally divided among the crews of all the boats in sight at the time of killing. All comers, however, have a right to all the flesh, blubber, and blackskin that they can cut off.601

Dr. Rink, in describing the social order of the ancient Greenlanders,602 says: “Looking at what has been said regarding the rights of property and the division of the people into certain communities, in connection with the division of property into the classes just given, we are led to the conclusion that the right of any individual to hold more than a certain amount of property was, if not regulated by law, at least jealously watched by the rest of the community, and that virtually 429 the surplus of any individual or community, fixed by the arbitrary rate which tradition or custom had assigned, was made over to those who had less.” At Point Barrow, however, the idea of individual ownership appears to be much more strongly developed. As far as we could learn, there is no limit to the amount of property which an individual, at least the head of a family, may accumulate. Even though the whalebone be, as already described, divided among all the boats’ crews “in at the death,” no objection is made to one man buying it all up, if he has the means, for his own private use.

This has given rise to a regular wealthy and aristocratic class, who, however, are not yet sufficiently differentiated from the poorer people to refuse to associate on any terms but those of social equality. The men of this class are the umialiks, aword which appears in many corrupted forms on the coast of Western America and is often supposed to mean “chief.” Dr. Simpson603 says: “The chief men are called O-mÉ-liks (wealthy),” but “wealthy” is an explanation of the position of these men, and not a translation of the title, which, as we obtained it, is precisely the same as the Greenland word for owner of a boat, umialik (from umia(k), and the termination lik or li-Ñ.This is one of the few cases in which the final k is sounded at Point Barrow as in Greenland).

Dr. Rink has already observed604 that the word used by Simpson “no doubt must be the same as the Greenlandish umialik, signifying owner of a boat,” and as I heard the title more than once carefully pronounced at Point Barrow it was the identical word. The umialiks, as Simpson says,605 “have acquired their position by being more thrifty and intelligent, better traders, and usually better hunters, as well as physically stronger and more daring.”606 They have acquired a certain amount of influence and respect from these reasons, as well as from their wealth, which enables them to purchase the services of others to man their boats, but appear to have absolutely no authority outside of their own families.607 Petroff608 considers them as a sort of “middlemen or spokesmen,” who make themselves “prominent by superintending all intercourse and traffic with visitors.”

This sort of prominence, however, appears to have been conferred upon them by the traders, who, ignorant of the very democratic state of Eskimo society, naturally look for “chiefs” to deal with. They pick out the best looking and best dressed man in the village and endeavor to win his favor by giving him presents, receiving him into the cabin, and conducting all their dealings with the natives through him. The chief, 430 thus selected, is generally shrewd enough to make the most of the greatness thrust upon him, and no doubt often pretends to more influence and power than he actually possesses.609

As to the story of the whalemen, that the “chieftainship” is the reward of the best fighter, who holds it like a “challenge cup,” subject to being called out at any time to defend his rank in a duel, as far as concerns Point Barrow, this is a sheer fable, perhaps invented by the Eskimo to impose upon the strangers, but more likely the result of misunderstanding and a vivid imagination on the part of the whites. Among umialiks, one or two appear to have more wealth and influence than the rest. TcuÑaura in UtkiavwiÑ and the late Katiga at Nuwuk were said, according to Captain Herendeen, to be “great umialiks” and TcuÑaura was always spoken of as the foremost man in UtkiavwiÑ. We knew of one party coming up from Sidaru with presents for TcuÑaura, and were informed that the other Eskimo never sold to him, but only gave him presents. It was also said that Katiga’s infant son would one day be a “great umialik.”

All these men are or have been captains of whaling umiaks, and the title umialiks appears to be applied to them in this capacity, since many of the poorer men, who, as far as we could learn, were not considered umialiks, own umiaks which they do not fit out for whaling, but use only to transport their families from place to place in the summer.

RELIGION.

General ideas.

It was exceedingly difficult to get any idea of the religious belief of the people, partly from our inability to make ourselves understood in regard to abstract ideas and partly from ignorance on our part of the proper method of conducting such inquiries. For instance, in trying to get at their ideas of a future life, we could only ask “Where does a man go when he dies?” to which we, of course, received the obvious answer, “To the cemetery!” Moreover, such a multitude of other and easier lines of investigation presented themselves for our attention that we were naturally inclined to neglect the difficult field of religion, and besides under the circumstances of our intercourse it was almost impossible to get the attention of the natives when their minds were not full of other subjects.

Nevertheless, many of the fragments of superstition and tradition that we were able to collect agree remarkably with what has been observed among the Eskimo elsewhere, so that it is highly probable that their religion is of the same general character as that of the Greenlanders, namely, abelief in a multitude of supernatural beings, who are to be exorcised or propitiated by various observances, especially by the performances of certain specially gifted people, who are something of the nature of wizards. So much has been written by many authors 431 about these wizards or “doctors,” the angekut of the eastern Eskimo, the so-called “shamans” of Alaska and Siberia, that I need make no special reference to their writings except where they happen to throw light on our own observations. Dr. Simpson succeeded in obtaining more information concerning the religious belief of these people than our party was able to do, and his observations,610 to which ours are in some degree supplementary, tend to corroborate the conclusion at which I have arrived.

Our information in regard to the special class of wizards was rather vague. We learned that many men in the village, distinguishable from the rest by no visible characteristics, were able to heal the sick, procure good weather, favorable winds, plenty of game, and do other things by “talking” and beating the drum. We did not learn the number of these men in either village, but we heard of very many different men doing one or the other of these things, while others of our acquaintance never attempted them. Neither did we learn that any one of these men was considered superior to the rest, as appears to be the case in some regions, nor how a man could attain this power. Some of these men, who appeared to give particular attention to curing the sick, called themselves “tÛ´kte” (“doctor”), but, probably for want of properly directed inquiries, we did not learn the Eskimo name of these people. We were definitely informed, however, that their “talk,” when treating disease or trying to obtain fair weather, etc., was addressed to “tu´?Ña,” or a supernatural being. This name, of course, differs only in dialectic form from that applied in other places to the universal familiar spirits of Eskimo superstition.

We at first supposed that “tu?Ña” meant some particular individual demon, but Dr. Simpson is probably right in saying that the Point Barrow natives, like the rest of the Eskimo, recognize a host of tu?Ñain, since “tu?Ña” was described to us under a variety of forms. Most of the natives whom we asked if they had seen tu?Ña, said that they had not, but that other men, mentioning certain “doctors,” had seen him. One man, however, said that he had seen tu?Ña in the kÛdyigi, when the people “talked” sitting in the dark, with their heads bowed and faces covered, and tu?Ña came with a noise like a great bird.611 He had raised his head and saw tu?Ña, like a man with bloodless cheeks.612 Tu?Ña again was called “abad man, dead” (apparently 432 a ghost), sometimes as large as a man and sometimes dwarfish, sometimes a fleshless skeleton, while one man, to describe him, made the same grimace that a white man would use to indicate a hobgoblin, with staring eyes, gaping mouth, and hands outstretched like claws. Apparently “tu?Ña” in conversation with us was used to designate all the various supernatural objects of their belief, ghosts as well as familiar spirits. For instance, in Greenland, according to Rink,613 aghost “manifests himself by whistling or singing in the ears.” Now, Lieut. Ray was walking rapidly one day in the winter with an Eskimo and his wife, and the woman suddenly stopped and said she “heard tu?Ña”—that he made a noise like singing in the ears.

The people generally have a great dread of “tu?Ña,” who they say would kill them, and are very averse to going out alone in the dark. One of each party that came over from the village in the evening usually carried a drawn knife, preferably one of the large double-edged knives, supposed to be Siberian and already described, in his hand as defense against tu?Ña, and a drawn knife was sometimes even carried in the daylight “nanumunlu tu?Ñamunlu,” “for bear and demon.” Notwithstanding their apparently genuine dread of “tu?Ña,” they are by no means averse to talking or even joking about him.

The knife also serves as a protection against the aurora, which most of them agree is bad, and when bright likely to kill a person by striking him in the back of the neck. However, brandishing the knife at it will keep it off. Besides, as a woman told me one night, you can drive off a “bad” aurora by throwing at it dog’s excrement and urine.614

Lieut. Ray saw in one of the houses in UtkaiwiÑ, a contrivance for frightening away a “tu?Ña” from the entrance to a house should he try to get in. The man had hung in the trapdoor the handle of a seal-drag by means of a thong spiked to the wall with a large knife, and told Lieut. Ray that if “tu?Ña” tried to get into the house he would undoubtedly catch hold of the handle to help himself up, which would pull down the knife upon his head and frighten him off. We never had an opportunity of witnessing the ceremony of summoning “tu?Ña,” nor did we ever hear of the ceremony taking place during our stay at the station, but we were fortunate enough to observe several other performances, though they do not appear to be frequent. The ceremony of healing the sick and the ceremonies connected with the whale-fishery have already been described.

On the 21st of February, 1883, Lieut. Ray and Capt. Herendeen happened to be at the village on time to see the tu?Ña, who had been causing the bad weather, expelled from the village. Some of the natives said the next day that they had killed the tu?Ña, but they said at the same time he had gone “along way off.” When Lieut. Ray reached 433 the village, women were standing at the doors of the houses armed with snow-knives and clubs with which they made passes over the entrance when the people inside called out. He entered one house and found a woman vigorously driving the tu?Ña out of every corner with a knife. They then repaired to the kÛdyigi, where there were ten or twelve people, each of whom, to quote from Lieut. Ray’s note book, “made a charge against the evil spirit, telling what injuries they had received from it.” Then they went into the open air, where a fire had been built in front of the entrance, and formed a half circle around the fire. Each then went up and made a speech, bending over the fire (according to Simpson, who describes a similar ceremony at Nuwuk on p.274 of his paper, coaxing the tu?Ña to come under the fire to warm himself). Then they brought out a large tub full of urine, to which, Simpson says, each man present had contributed, and held it ready near the fire, while two men stood with their rifles in readiness, and a boy stood near the fire with a large stone in his hands, bracing himself firmly with his feet spread apart for a vigorous throw. Then they chanted as follows (the words of this chant were obtained afterward by the writer):

TÂk tÂk tÂk tohÂ!

NÌju´a hÂ!

He! he! he!

Haiyahe!

Yaiyahe!

Hwi!

And instantly the contents of the tub were dashed on the fire, the stone thrown into the embers, and both men discharged their rifles, one into the embers, and one into the cloud of steam as it rose. Then all brushed their clothes violently and shouted, and the tu?Ña was killed. By a fortunate coincidence, the next day was the finest we had had for a long time.

Sacrifices are also occasionally made to these supernatural beings as in Greenland “gifts were offered to the inue of certain rocks, capes and ice firths, principally when traveling and passing those places.”615

Capt. Herendeen, in the fall of 1882, went to the rivers in company with one of the “doctors.” When they arrived at the river Kuaru, where the latter intended to stay for the fishing, he got out his drum and “talked” for a long time, and breaking off very small pieces of tobacco threw them into the air, crying out, “Tu?Ña, tu?Ña, Igive you tobacco! give me plenty of fish.” When they passed the dead men at the cemetery, he gave them tobacco in the same way, asking them also for fish.616 We noticed but few other superstitious observances which have not been already described. As in Greenland and elsewhere, superstition requires certain persons to abstain from certain kinds of food. For instance, MÛÑialu, and apparently many others, were not permitted 434 to eat the burbot, another man was denied ptarmigan, and a woman617 at Nuwuk was not allowed to eat “earth food,” that is, anything which grew upon the ground. Lieut. Ray also mentions a man who was forbidden bear’s flesh.618

We observed some traces of the superstition concerning the heads of seals and other marine animals taken in the chase, which has been noticed elsewhere. Crantz says:619 “The heads of seals must not be fractured, nor must they be thrown into the sea, but be piled in a heap before the door,620 that the souls of the seals may not be enraged and scare their brethren from the coast.” And Capt. Parry found that at Winter Island they carefully preserved the heads of all the animals killed during the winter, except two or three of the walrus which he obtained with great difficulty. The natives told him that they were to be thrown into the sea in the summer, but at Iglulik they readily sold them before the summer arrived.621

I tried very hard to get a full series of skulls from the seals taken at UtkiavwiÑ in the winter of 1882-’83, but though I frequently asked the natives to bring them over for sale, they never did so, till at last one young woman promised to bring me all I wanted at the price of half a pound of gunpowder a skull. Nevertheless, she brought over only two or three at that price. We did not observe what was done with the skulls, but frequently observed quantities of the smaller bones of the seals carefully tucked away in the crevices of the ice at some distance from the shore. We had comparatively little difficulty in obtaining skulls of the walrus, but I observed that the bottom of TÛserÁru, the little pond at the edge of the village, was covered with old walrus skulls, as if they had been deposited there for years. The superstition appears to be in full force among the Chukches, who live near the place where the Vega wintered. NordenskiÖld was unable to purchase a pair of fresh walrus heads at the first village he visited, though the tusks were offered for sale the next day622 and at Pitlekaj.623 “Some prejudice *** prevented the Chukches from parting with the heads of the seal, though *** we offered a high price for them. ‘Irgatti’ (to-morrow) was the usual answer. But the promise was never kept.”

Amulets.

Like the Greenlanders624 and other Eskimos, they place great reliance on amulets or talismans, which are carried on the person, in the boat, or even inserted in weapons, each apparently with some 435 specific purpose, which indeed we learned in the case of some of those in the collection. Like the amulets of the Greenlanders, they appear to be625 “certain animals or things which had belonged to or been in contact with certain persons (e.g., the people of ancient times, or fortunate hunters) or supernatural beings,” and “objects which merely by their appearance recalled the effect expected from the amulet, such as figures of various objects.” To the latter class belong the rudely flaked flint images of whales, already mentioned, and probably many of the other small images of men and animals already described, especially those fitted with holes for strings to hang them up by.

see caption

Fig. 421.—Whale flaked from glass.

The flint whale is a very common amulet, intended, as we understood, to give good luck, in whaling, and is worn habitually by many of the men and boys under the clothes, suspended around the neck by a string. The captain and harpooner of a whaling crew also wear them as pendants on the fillets already described, and on the breast of the jacket. We obtained five of these objects, all of very nearly the same shape, but of different materials and varying somewhat in size. Fig. 421 represents one of these (No.56703 [208] from UtkiavwiÑ) made of a piece of hard colorless glass, probably a fragment of a ship’s “deadlight.” It is rather roughly flaked into a figure of a “bowhead” whale, 3.4 inches long, as seen from above and very much flattened with exaggerated flukes. The flippers were rudely indicated in the outline, but the left one is broken off.

No. 89613 [771] from UtkiavwiÑ is a very similar image, 2.4 inches long, which perhaps is of the same material, though it may be made of rock crystal. No. 56707 [159] from UtkiavwiÑ is a very small whale (1.4 inches long), chipped in large flakes out of a water-worn pebble of smoky quartz, while No. 89577 [939] Fig. 422, from the same village, which is a trifle larger (2inches long), is made of dark crimson jasper. The large black flint whale, No. 56683 [61], also from UtkiavwiÑ, which is 3.9 inches long, is the rudest of all the figures of the whales. It is precisely the shape of the blade of a skin scraper, except for the roughly indicated flukes.

see caption

Fig. 422.—Whale flaked from red jasper.

Fig. 423 (No. 89524 [1299] from UtkiavwiÑ) is a rude wooden image of the same animal, 3½ inches long, very broad and flat-bellied. It is 436 smoothly carved and has a fragment of sky-blue glass inlaid to represent the left eye and a bit of iron pyrites for the right. The flukes have been split wholly off and fastened on with a lashing of narrow whalebone passing through a vertical hole in the “small” and round the edge of the flukes. The flukes themselves have been split across and appear to have been doweled together. This shows that the owner attached considerable value to the object, or he would not have taken the trouble to mend it when another could have been so easily whittled out. In the middle of the belly is an oblong cavity, containing something which probably adds greater power to the charm. What this is can not be seen, as a band of sealskin with the hair shaved off has been shrunk on round the hinder half of the body and secured by a seam on the right side. Adouble turn of sinew braid is knotted round the middle of the body, leaving two ends which are tied together in a loop, showing that this object was meant to be attached somewhere about the person.

see caption

Fig. 423.—Ancient whale amulet, of wood.

To this class also probably belong the skins or pieces of animals worn as amulets, probably with a view of obtaining the powers of the particular animal, as in so many cases in the stories related in Rink’s Tales and Traditions. We frequently saw men wearing at the belt bunches of the claws of the bear or wolverine, or the metacarpal bones of the wolf.626 The head or beak of the gull or raven627 is also a common personal amulet, and one man wore a small dried flounder.628

We collected a number of these animal amulets to be worn on the person, but only succeeded in learning the special purpose of one of them, No. 89532 [1307], from UtkiavwiÑ, which was said to be intended to give good luck in deer hunting. It is a young unbranched antler of a reindeer, 6inches long, and apparently separated from the skull at the “bur,” with the “velvet” skin still adhering, though most of the hair is worn off except at the tip. Abit of sinew is tied round the base.

No. 89522 [1573], from UtkiavwiÑ, is an amulet consisting of the last 437 three joints of the foot of a reindeer fawn, with the skin and hoof and about 1½ inches of tendon attached behind, through a hole in the end of which is knotted about 3 inches of seal thong. No. 89525 [1314] from the same village, is a precisely similar charm. No. 89699 [779] from UtkiavwiÑ, is the subfossil incisor tooth of some ruminant with a hole drilled through the root for a string to hang it up by. It was said to be the tooth of the “ug’ru´nÛ,” alarge animal, long extinct. As the natives said, “Here on the land are none, only the bones remain.” No. 89743 [1110], from UtkiavwiÑ, is a molar tooth of the same animal, probably, weathered and old, with a hole freshly drilled through one root and a long piece of sinew braid with the ends knotted together looped into it. There are also in the collection two very old teeth which probably were inclosed in little sacks of skin and worn as amulets.

No. 89698 [1580], from UtkiavwiÑ, is the tusk of a very young walrus, only 2½ inches long, and No. 89452 [1148] from UtkiavwiÑ, is the canine tooth of a polar bear. No. 56547 [656], from the same village, is a similar tooth.629

The only amulet attached to a weapon, which we collected, is the tern’s bill, already alluded to, placed under the whalebone lashing on the seal-spear, No. 89910 [1694]. Perhaps the idea of this charm is that the spear should plunge down upon the seal with as sure an aim as the tern does upon its prey.630

A number of amulets of this class are always carried in the whaling-umiak. Ihave already mentioned the wolf-skulls, stuffed ravens and eagles, fox-tails631 and bunches of feathers used for this purpose. Most of these charms are parts of some rapacious animal or bird, but parts of other animals seem to have some virtue on these occasions.

For instance, I noticed the axis vertebra of a seal in one whaling-umiak, and we collected a rudely stuffed skin of a godwit (Limosa lapponica baueri), which, we were informed, was “for whales.” This specimen (No.89526 [1328], Fig. 424, from UtkiavwiÑ) is soiled and ragged, and has a stick thrust through the neck to hold it out. The neck is wrapped around with a narrow strip of whalebone and some coarse thread, part of which serves to lash on a slip of wood, apparently to splice the stick inside. Abit of white man’s string is passed around the body and tied in a loop to hang it up by. This charm is perhaps to keep the boat from capsizing, since Crantz says that the Greenlanders “like to fasten to their kajak a model of it *** or only a dead 438 sparrow or snipe, or a bit of wood, stone, some feathers or hair, that they may not overset” (vol. 1, p.216), and perhaps the bone of a marine animal, like the seal, is to protect the crew from drowning should the boat upset, after all.

No. 89529 [1150] from UtkiavwiÑ is a bunch of feathers to be carried in the boat. It consists of nine wing feathers of the golden eagle, four tied in a bunch with a bit of sinew round the quills, four tied up with one end of the short bit of seal thong which serves to tie the whole bundle together, one of which has all the light-colored parts of the feather stained with red ocher, and a single feather shaft carefully wrapped up in a piece of entrail and wound spirally with a piece of sinew braid.

see caption

Fig. 424.—Amulet of whaling; stuffed godwit.

No. 89527-8 [1327] from UtkiavwiÑ is the charm which will secure good success in deerhunting if it is hung up outside of the snow house in which the family is encamped. It consists of two roughly stuffed skins of the black bellied plover (Charadrius squatarola), each with a stick run through the body so that one end supports the neck and the other the tail, and the necks wound with sinew. One has no head. Astring of sinew braid is tied around the body of each, so as to leave a free end at the back, to which is fastened a little cross piece of bone, by which it may be secured to a becket. Like the rest of the amulets in the collection this has evidently seen service, being very old, worn, and faded.

The other class of amulets, namely objects which have belonged to or been in contact with certain persons or supernatural beings, or I may add apparently certain localities, is represented by a number of specimens. To the custom of using such things as amulets, we undoubtedly owe the preservation of most of the ancient weapons and other implements, especially those made of wood, bone, or other perishable substances, like the ancient harpoon heads already described, one of which, No. 89544 [1419], is still attached to the belt on which it was worn.

see caption

Fig. 425.—Amulet consisting of ancient jade adz.

Fig. 425, No. 56668 [308], from UtkiavwiÑ is one of the ancient black 439 jade adzes 5.1 inches, slung with thong and whalebone, making a becket by which it can be hung up. We did not learn the history of this amulet, which at the time of collecting it was supposed to be a net sinker. There would, however, be no reason for using so valuable an object for such a purpose, when a common beach pebble would do just as well, unless it was intended as a charm to insure success in fishing. It may even have been carried as a charm on the person, since we afterwards saw a still more bulky object used for such a purpose.

Such an object seems rather heavy to be carried on the person, but a well known man in UtkiavwiÑ always carried with him when he went sealing a large pear-shaped stone, which must have weighed upwards of two pounds, suspended somewhere about his person. It is not unlikely that this stone acquired its virtue as an amulet from having been a sinker used by some lucky fisherman in former time or in a distant country. Mr. H.W. Henshaw has already referred to the resemblance of this amulet to the plummet-like “medicine stones” of some of our Indians.632

see caption

Fig. 426.—Little box containing amulet for whaling.

Fig. 426, (No. 89534 [1306] from UtkiavwiÑ) is an amulet for success in whaling. It consists of three little irregular water-worn fragments of amber carefully wrapped in a bit of parchment and inclosed in a little wooden box 1½ inches long, made of two semicylindrical bits of cottonwood, with the flat faces hollowed out and put together and fastened up by three turns of sinew braid round the middle, tied in a loose knot. The box is old and brown from age and handling. We heard of other pieces of amber and earth (“nuna”) worn as amulets, wrapped up in bits of leather and hung on the belt.

see caption

Fig. 427.—Amulet for catching fowl with bolas.

No. 89533 [1247], from UtkiavwiÑ, is simply a nearly square pebble, 1.4 inches long, of dark red jasper, slung in a bit of sinew braid so that it can be hung on the belt. Fig. 427 (No.89525 [1308] from UtkiavwiÑ) is some small object, placed in the center of the grain side of a square bit of white sealskin, the edges of which are folded up around it and tied tightly round with deer sinew, so as to make a little round knob. Icollected this amulet, and was particularly informed how it was to be used. If it be fastened on the right shoulder it will insure success in taking ducks with the “bolas.” Fig. 428 (No.89535 [1244] from UtkiavwiÑ) is an amulet whose history we did not learn. It is a little oblong box 3.3 inches long, carved from a block of cottonwood, with a flat cover tied on with nine turns of sinew braid, and contains twenty-one dried humble-bees, which it was said came from the river Kulugrua. 440 The natives have a great dread, apparently superstitious, of these bees and the large gadflies (Œstens tarandi), one of which I have seen scatter half a dozen people. Aman one day caught one of these, and whittled out a little box of wood, in which he shut the insect up and tied it up with a shred of sinew, telling Capt. Herendeen that it was “tu?Ñamun,” for “tu?Ña.”

see caption

Fig. 428.—Box of dried bees—amulet.

A small lump of indurated gravel (No. 56725) [273] was one day brought over from UtkiavwiÑ, with the story that it was a “medicine” for driving away the ice. The man who uses this charm stands on the high bank at the village, and breaking off grains of the gravel throws them seaward. This will cause the ice to move off from the shore.

The essential identity of the amulets of the Point Barrow natives with those used by the Eskimo elsewhere is shown by the following passages from other writers. Egede says:633

A Superstition very common among them is to load themselves with Amulets or Pomanders, dangling about their Necks and Arms, which consist in some Pieces of old Wood, Stones or Bones, Bills and Claws of Birds, or Anything else which their Fancy suggests to them.

Crantz says:634

They are so different in the amulets or charms they hang on people, that one laughs at another’s. These powerful preventives consist in a bit of old wood hung around their necks, or a stone, or a bone, or a beak or claw of a bird, or else a leather strap tied round their forehead, breast, or arm.

Parry speaks635 of what he supposes were amulets at Iglulik, consisting of teeth of the fox, wolf, and musk-ox, bones of the “kableearioo” (supposed to be the wolverine), and foxes’ noses. Kumlien says636 that at Cumberland Gulf, “among the many superstitious notions, the wearing of charms about the person is one of the most curious. These are called angoouk or amusit, and may be nothing but pieces of bone or wood, birds’ bills or claws, or an animal’s teeth or skin.” Alittle girl “had a small envelope of sealskin that was worn on the back of her inside jacket” containing two small stones.

Such little pockets of skin sewed to the inner jacket are very common at Point Barrow, but we did not succeed in any case in learning their contents. At Kotzebue Sound, Beechey saw ravens’ skins on which the natives set a high value, while the beaks and claws of these birds were attached to their belts and headbands.637 Petitot describes638 the amulets used in the Mackenzie district, in the passage already quoted, as “dÉfroques empaillÉes de corbeau, de faucon ou d’hermine.” It is 441 not likely that the use of these is confined to the women, as his words, “Elles y portent,” would seem to imply. Among the sedentary Chukches of Siberia amulets were seen consisting of wooden forks and wood or ivory carvings.639 Awolf’s skull, hung up by a thong; the skin, together with the whole cartilaginous portion of a wolf’s nose, and a flat stone, are also mentioned.640 Capt. Holm also found wonderfully similar customs among the East Greenlanders. He says,641 “bÆre alle Folk Amuletter af de mest forskjelligartede Ting” to guard against sickness and to insure long life, and also for specific purposes. The men wear them slung round the neck or tied round the upper arm, the women in their knot of hair or “iSnippen foran paa Pelsen.”

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Fig. 265.—Knot of line into hook.

The hook is usually of the shape described but is sometimes simply a slightly recurved spur about ½-inch long as in Fig. 266b (No.56610 [160], 280 also from UtkiavwiÑ). It is usually of brass or copper, rarely of iron. Two peculiar lures from UtkiavwiÑ, are No. 56705 [150a and 150b]. The first, a, has a body of brass of the usual shape, and a copper hook, and the other, b, has the body made of a strip of thin brass to the back of which is fastened a lump of lead or pewter. The hook appears to be made of a common copper tack. We were informed that these lures were also used for catching small fish, trout, smelts, and perhaps grayling in the rivers in summer. No. 89554 [950], Fig. 267a, from UtkiavwiÑ, is perhaps intended exclusively for this purpose, as it is larger than the others, (1.9 inch long) and highly ornamented with beads. Fig. 267b, No. 89783 [1007], is one of these beaded lures (2½inches long), with an iron hook, undoubtedly for river fishing, as it belonged to the “inland” native, IlÛ´bw’ga. It differs slightly in shape from the others, having two eyes at the small end into which is fastened a leader of sinew braid 3 inches long. On this are strung four blue glass beads and one red one.

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Fig. 266.—Small fishhooks.

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Fig. 267.—Hooks for river fishing.

No. ——387 [151] Fig. 268, from UtkiavwiÑ, is a rod rigged for fishing in the rivers. The rod is a roughly whittled stick of spruce or pine, 27 inches long. One line is 43 and the other 36 inches long and each is made of two strips of whalebone of which the lower is light colored as usual. The shorter line carries a small plain ivory lure of the common pattern, and the longer one a little flat barbless hook of copper with a broad flat shank. This was probably scraped bright and used without bait. The lines are reeled in the usual manner on the rod, and the hooks caught into notches on the sides of it. The small lures are called ni´ksiÑ.

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Fig. 268.—Tackle for river fishing.

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Fig. 269.—Burbot hook, 1st pattern.

281

When at the rivers in the autumn and early spring, they fish for burbot with a line carrying a peculiar large hook called i?kqlÛÑ, which is baited with a piece of whitefish. There are two forms of this hook, which is from 3 to 5¼ inches long. One form differs in size only from the small ni´ksin, but is always of white ivory and not beaded (Fig. 269, No. 89550 [780] from UtkiavwiÑ, which is 4½ inches long and has a copper hook). The hook is of copper, brass or iron. The other form, which is perhaps the commoner, has a narrow flat body, slightly bent, and serrated on the edges to give a firm attachment to the bait. This body is usually of antler, and has a copper or iron hook either spur-shaped or of the common form as in Fig. 270, No. 89553 [764] from UtkiavwiÑ, which has a body of walrus ivory 4 inches long and a copper hook. Of late years, small cod hooks obtained from the ships have been adapted to these bodies, as is seen in Fig. 271, No. 89552 [841] from UtkiavwiÑ. The shank of the hook has been half imbedded in a longitudinal groove on the flatter side of the body, with the bend of the hook projecting about ¼ inch beyond the tip of the latter. The ring of the hook has been bent open and the end sunk into the body. The hook is held on by two lashings of sinew, one at each end of the shank.

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Fig. 270.—Burbot hook, 2d pattern.

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Fig. 271.—Burbot hook, made of cod hook.

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Fig. 272.—Burbot tackle, baited.

No. 56594 [32] from UtkiavwiÑ is like the preceding, but has a larger hook, which from the bend to the point is wrapped in a piece of deer skin with the flesh side out, and wound with sinew having a tuft of hair at the point of the hook. This is probably to hide the point when the hook is baited. No. 56594 [167] from UtkiavwiÑ, has the hook fastened to the back of the body instead of the flat side. The manner in which these hooks are baited is shown in Fig. 272, which represents a complete set of burbot tackle (No.89546 [946]) brought in and sold by some UtkiavwiÑ natives, just as they had been using it in the autumn of 1882 at Kuaru or Kulugrua. Apiece of whitefish, flesh and skin, with the scales removed is wrapped round the hook so as to make a club-shaped body 4½ inches long and is sewed up along one side with cotton twine. The copper spur projects through the skin on the other side. 282 This hook would not hold the fish unless it were “gorged,” but the voracious burbot always swallows its prey. In dressing these fish for the table, whitefish of considerable size were frequently found in them. The line is of whalebone like those already described but a little stouter, 78 inches long, and made of seven pieces, all black. The end of the line is fastened into an eye in the small end of a rough club-shaped sinker of walrus ivory, 4¾ inches long. There is another eye at the large end of the sinker, for the attachment of a leader of double sinew braid 5½ inches long connecting the hook with the sinker.

The reel, which serves also as a short rod, is of yellow pine 19½ inches long. When the line is reeled up, the hook is caught into the wood on one side of the reel. No. 89545 [946] is a similar set of baited tackle, bought from the same natives, differing from the preceding only in proportions, having a longer line—9 feet and 6 inches—and a somewhat larger bait. We also procured two sets of burbot tackle unbaited.

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Fig. 273.—Ivory sinker.

One of these (No. 56543 [33] from UtkiavwiÑ) has a whalebone line 14 feet long, and a roughly octahedral sinker of walrus ivory 3 inches long and 1½ in diameter. The hook, which is joined to the sinker as before by a leader of stout sinew braid, is of the second pattern, with serrated edges, and a copper hook. The leader is neatly spliced into this. The other, No. 56544 [187], also from UtkiavwiÑ, has no sinker and a hook with a club-shaped body and iron spur. It was probably put together for sale, as it is new. The sinkers, of which we collected five, besides those already mentioned, are always about the same weight and either club-shaped or roughly octahedral. They are always of walrus ivory and usually carelessly made. Fig. 273 (No.56577 [260]) represents one of these sinkers (kÍbica), on which there is some attempt at ornamentation. On the larger are two eyes and the outline of a mouth like a shark’s, incised and filled in with black refuse oil.

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Fig. 274.—Ivory jigger for polar cod.

A similar line and reel are used for catching polar cod in the spring and late winter through the ice at some distance from the shore. These lines are 10 or 15 fathoms long, and provided with a heavy sinker of ivory, copper, or rarely lead, to which are attached by whalebone leaders of unequal length, two little jiggers like Fig. 274 (the property of the writer, from UtkiavwiÑ). This is of white walrus ivory, 2? inches long and ? in diameter at the largest part. The two slender hooks are of copper and are secured by wedges of whalebone. This makes a contrivance resembling the squid jigs used by our fishermen. These jiggers are sometimes made wholly of copper, which is scraped bright.

This fishery begins with the return of the sun, about the 283 1st of February, and continues when the ice is favorable until the season is so far advanced that the ice has begun to melt and become rotten. The fish are especially to be found in places where there is a good-sized field of the season’s ice, 3or 4 feet thick, inclosed by hummocks, and they sometimes occur in very great numbers. In 1882 there was a large field of this kind about 2 miles from the village and the fishing was carried on with great success, but in 1883 the ice was so much broken that the fish were very scarce. Some lads caught a few early in the season, but the fishery was soon abandoned.

A hole about a foot in diameter is made through the ice with an ice pick, and the fragments dipped out either with the long-handled whalebone scoop, or the little dipper made of two pieces of antler mounted on a handle about 2 feet long, which everybody carries in the winter. The line is unreeled and let down through the hole till the jigs hang about a foot from the bottom. The fisherman holds in his left hand the dipper above mentioned, with which he keeps the hole clear of the ice crystals, which form very quickly, and in his right the reel which he jerks continually up and down. The fish, attracted by the white “jiggers,” begin nosing around them, when the upward jerk of the line hooks one of them in the under jaw or the belly. As soon as the fisherman feels the fish, he catches a bight of the line with the scoop in his left hand and draws it over to the left; then catches the line below this with the reel and draws it over to the right, and so on, thus reeling the line up in long hanks on these two sticks, without touching the wet line with his fingers.

When the fish is brought to the surface of the ice, he is detached from the barbless hook with a dextrous jerk, and almost instantly freezes solid. The elastic whalebone line is thrown off the stick without kinking and let down again through the hole. When fish are plentiful, they are caught as fast as they can be hauled up, sometimes one on each “jigger.” If the fisherman finds no fish at the first hole he moves to another part of the field and tries again until he succeeds in “striking a school.” The fish vary in abundance on different days, being sometimes so plentiful that I have known two or three children to catch a bushel in a few hours, while some days very few are to be taken. In addition to the polar cod, afew sculpins are also caught, and occasionally the two species of Lycodes (L.turnerii and coccineus) which voracious fish sometimes seize the little polar cod struggling on the “jigger” and are thus caught themselves. This fishery is chiefly carried on by the women, children, and old men, who go out in parties of five or six, though the hunters sometimes go fishing when they have nothing else to do. There were generally thirty or forty people out at the fishing-ground every day in 1882.

Jiggers of this pattern appear to be used at Pitlekaj, from NordendskiÖld’s description388, but I have seen no account either there or elsewhere 284 of the peculiar method of reeling up the line such as we saw at Point Barrow. Lines of whalebone are very common among the Eskimo generally,389 and perhaps this material is preferable to any other for fishing in this cold region, for not only does the elastic whalebone prevent kinking, but the ice which forms instantly on the wet line in winter does not adhere to it, but can easily be shaken off. No. 56545 [410] is a line 51 feet and 10 inches long and 0.05 inch in diameter, made of human hair, neatly braided in a round braid with four strands. This was called a fishing line, but was the only one of the kind seen. Fishhooks of the kind described, with a body of bone or ivory, which serves for a lure, armed with a spur or bent hook of metal, without a barb, seem to be the prevailing type amongst the Eskimo. In the region about Norton Sound (asshown by the extensive collections of Mr. Nelson and others) this is often converted into an elaborate lure by attaching pendants of beads, bits of the red beak of the puffin, etc. Crantz mentions a similar custom in Greenland of baiting a hook with beads.390

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Fig. 275.—Section of whalebone net.

Nets (Kubra).—

The most important fishery at the rivers is carried on by means of gill-nets, set under the ice, and visited every few days. In these are taken large numbers of all three species of whitefish (Coregonus kenicotti, C.nelsoni, and C.laurettÆ.) The collection contains three specimens of these nets, two of whalebone and one of sinew. No. 56754 [147], Fig. 275, is a typical whalebone net. It is long and shallow, 79 meshes long and 21 deep, made of fine strips of whalebone fastened together as in the whalebone fishing lines. Most of the whalebone is black, but a few light colored strips are intermixed at random. The length of the mesh is 3¼ inches, and the knot used in making them is the ordinary netting-knot. When not in use the net is rolled up into a compact ball and tied up with a bit of string. When set, this net is 21 feet 7 inches long and 3 feet 4 inches deep. The other whalebone net (No.56753 [172], also from UtkiavwiÑ), is similar to this, but slightly larger, being 87 meshes (25feet) long and 22 (3feet 9 inches) deep. The length of mesh is 3½ inches. 285 Fig. 276 (unit of web) is a net (No.56752 [171] from the same village) of the same mesh and depth, but 284 meshes (60feet) long and made of twisted sinew twine.

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Fig. 276.—Mesh of sinew net.

I had no opportunity of seeing the method of setting these nets under the ice, but it is probably the same as that used in setting the seal nets. When in camp at PernyÛ in the summer, the natives set these nets in the shoal water of Elson Bay, at right angles to the beach, with a stake at each end of the net. They are set by a man in a kayak, and in them are gilled considerable numbers of whitefish, two species of salmon (Oncorhynchus gorbuscha and O.nerka) and an occasional trout (Salvelinus malma). They take these nets east with them on their summer expeditions, but we did not learn the method of using them at this season. Perhaps they are sometimes used for seining on the beach, as Thomas Simpson says that the Eskimo at Herschel Island (probably KÛÑmÛd´liÑ) sold his party “some fine salmon trout, taken in a seine of whalebone, which they dragged ashore by means of several slender poles spliced together to a great length.”391

An UtkiavwiÑ native told us that he found trout (Salvelinus malma) so plentiful at or near the mouth of the Colville, in 1882, that he fed his dogs with them.

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Fig. 277.—Fish trap.

Fig. 277 is a peculiar net or fish-trap (No. 56755 [190]) from UtkiavwiÑ, the only specimen of the kind seen. It is a conical, wide-mouthed bag, 8feet 4 inches long and 5½ feet wide at the mouth, netted all in one piece of twisted sinew, with a 2¼-inch mesh. This was brought over for sale at an early date, before we were well acquainted with the natives, and we only learned that it was set permanently for catching fish. Unfortunately, we never saw another specimen, and through the press of other duties never happened to make further 286 inquiries about it. From its shape it would appear as if it were meant to be set in a stream with the mouth towards the current. This contrivance is called sÁpotin, which corresponds to the Greenlandic saputit, adam for catching fish.

From all accounts, the natives east of the Anderson River region were ignorant of the use of the net before they made the acquaintance of the whites,392 though they now use it in several places, as in Greenland and Labrador. The earliest explorers on the northwest coast, however, found both fish and seal nets in use, though, as I have already mentioned, the seal net was spoken of at Point Barrow as a comparatively recent invention. At the present day, nets are used all along the coast from the Mackenzie and Anderson rivers (see MacFarlane’s Collection) as far south at least as the Yukon delta.393 Ihave not been able to learn whether gill nets are used in the delta of the Kuskoquim. Petroff394 mentions fish traps and dip nets merely. That the natives of Kadiak formerly had no nets I infer from Petroff’s statement395 that “of late they have begun to use seines of whale sinew.” Nets are generally used on the Siberian coast. We observed them ourselves at Plover Bay, and NordenskiÖld396 describes the nets used at Pitlekaj, which are made of sinew thread. It is almost certain that the American Eskimo learned the use of the net from the Siberians, as they did the habit of smoking, since the use of the gill net appears to have been limited to precisely the same region as the Siberian form of tobacco pipe.397

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Fig. 278.—Fish spear.

Spears.

The only evidence which we have of the use of spears for catching fish in this region is a single specimen, No. 89901 [1227], Fig. 278, from UtkiavwiÑ, which was newly and rather carelessly made for sale, but intended, as we were told, for spearing fish. This has a roughly whittled shaft, of spruce, 21½ inches long, armed at one end with three prongs. The middle prong is of whalebone, 4? inches long, inserted into the tip of the shaft, which is cut into a short neck and whipped with sinew. The side prongs are also of bone, 9inches long. Through the tip of each is driven a sharp, slender slightly recurved spur of bone, about 1½ inches long. Each prong is fastened to the shaft with two small wooden treenails, and they are braced with a figure-of-eight lashing of sinew through holes in the side prongs and around the middle one. The side prongs are somewhat elastic, so that when the spear is struck down 287 on the back of a fish they spring apart and allow the middle prong to pierce him, and then spring back so that the spurs either catch in his sides or meet below his belly, precisely on the principle of the “patent eel spear.” This implement is almost identical with one in the National Museum from Hudson Bay, which appears to be in general use among the eastern Eskimo.398 The name, kaki´bua, is very nearly the same as that used by the eastern natives (kakkie-wei, Parry, and kakÍvak, Kumlien). This spear is admirably adapted for catching large fish in shallow rocky streams where a net can not be used, or where they are caught by dams in tidal streams in the manner described by Egede and Crantz. There is so little tide, however, on the northwest coast, that this method of fishing can not be practiced, and, as far as I know, there is no locality in the range of the Point Barrow natives, aregion of open shoal beaches, and rivers free of rocks, where this spear could be used in which a net would not serve the purpose much better. Taking into consideration the scarcity of these spears and the general use of nets, Iam inclined to believe that this spear is an ancient weapon, formerly in general use, but driven out of fashion by the introduction of nets.

FLINT WORKING.

These people still retain the art of making flint arrow and spearheads, and other implements such as the blades for the skin scrapers to be hereafter described. Many of the flint arrowheads and spear points already described were made at Nuwuk or UtkiavwiÑ especially for sale to us and are as finely formed and neatly finished as any of the ancient ones. The flints, in many cases water-worn pebbles, appear to have been splintered by percussion into fragments of suitable sizes, and these sharp-edged spalls are flaked into shape by means of a little instrument consisting of a short, straight rod of some hard material mounted in a short curved haft. We collected nine of these tools (ki´gli) of which two have no blades. No. 89262 [1223] figured in Point Barrow Report, Ethnology, Pl. III, Fig. 7, has been selected as the type. The handle is of walrus ivory, 7.8 inches long, straight and nearly cylindrical for about 4½ inches, then bending down like a saw handle and spread out into a spatulate butt. Fitted into a deep groove on the top of the handle so that its tip projects 1.8 inches beyond the tip of the latter is a slender four-sided rod of whale’s bone, 4.7 inches long. This is held in place by two simple lashings, one of cotton twine and the other of seal thong. The flint to be flaked is held in the left hand and 288 pressed against the fleshy part of the palm which serves as a cushion and is protected by wearing a thick deer-skin mitten. The tool is firmly grasped well forward in the right hand with the thumb on top of the blade and by pressing the point steadily on the edge of the flint, flakes of the desired size are made to fly off from the under surface.

These tools vary little in pattern, but are made of different materials. Hard bone appears to have been the commonest material for the blade, as three out of the seven blades are of this substance. One specimen (No.89263 [796] from UtkiavwiÑ) has a blade of iron of the same shape but only 2 inches long. No. 89264 [1001] also from UtkiavwiÑ, Fig. 279a, has a short blade of black flint flaked into a four-sided rod 1½ inches long. This is held in place by a whipping of stout seal thong tightened by thrusting a splinter of wood in at the back of the groove.

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Fig. 279.—Flint flakers.

Two specimens (Nos. 89260 [794] Fig. 279b and 89261 [1216] both from UtkiavwiÑ) have blades of the peculiar Nu?suknan concretions previously described. Each is an oblong pebble wedged into the groove and secured by a lashing as usual. No. 89260 [794] has a haft of antler. This is rather the commonest material for the haft. Two specimens have hafts of walrus ivory and three of fossil ivory. The length of the haft is from 6 to 8 inches, of the blade 1.5 to 4.7 inches. Fig. 280 (No.89265 [979] from Nuwuk) is the haft of one of these tools, made of fossil ivory, yellow from age and stained brown in blotches, which shows the way in which the groove for the blade was excavated, namely, by boring a series of large round holes and cutting away the material between them. The remains of the holes are still to be seen in the bottom of the groove. The tip of this haft has been roughly carved into a bear’s head with the eyes and nostrils incised and filled with black dirt, and the eyes, nostrils, and mouth of a human face have been rudely incised on the under side of the butt and also blackened. All this carving is new and was done with the view of increasing the market value of the object. The original ornamentation consists of an incised pattern on the upper surface of the butt, colored with red ocher which has turned black from age and dirt.

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Fig. 280.—Haft of flint flaker.

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Fig. 281.—Flint flaker with bone blade.

289

Fig. 281 (No. 89782 [1004e]) is one of these tools, very neatly made, with a haft of reindeer antler and a bone blade, secured by a whipping of seal thong which belongs with the “kit” of tools owned by the “inland” native, IlÛ´bw’ga. Mr. Nelson collected a number of specimens of this tool at various points on the northwest coast from Point Hope as far south as Norton Bay, but I can find no evidence of its use elsewhere.

FIRE MAKING.

Drills.

In former times fire was obtained in the method common to so many savages, from the heat developed by the friction of the end of a stick worked like a drill against a piece of soft wood. This instrument was still in use at least as late as 1837,399 but appears to have been wholly abandoned at Point Barrow at the time of the Plover’s visit, though still in use at Kotzebue Sound.400

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Fig. 282.—Fire drill with mouthpiece and stock.

A native of Nuwuk one day brought down for sale what he said was an exact model of the ancient fire drill, niÓotiÑ. This is No. 89822 [1080], Fig. 282. The drill is a stick of pine 12 inches long, shaped like the shaft of a common perforating drill, brought to a blunt but rounded point. This is worked by a string, without bow or handles, consisting of a strip of the skin of the bearded seal, 40 inches long, and has for a mouthpiece the astragalus bone of a reindeer, the natural hollow on one side serving as a socket for the butt of the drill.401 The point of the drill 290 is made to work against the split surface of a stick of spruce 18 inches long, along the middle of which is cut a gash, to give the drill a start. Three equidistant circular pits, charred and blackened, were bored out by the tip of the drill, which developed heat enough to set fire to the sawdust produced. Tinder was probably used to catch and hold the fire.

Most authors who have treated of the Eskimo have described an instrument of this sort in use either in former times or at the present day.402

Among most Eskimo, however, a bow is used to work the drill. The only exceptions to this rule appears to have been the ancient Greenlanders and the people of Hudson Bay (see the passages from Hakluyt, Crantz, and Ellis, just quoted.) Chamisso, however,403 speaks of seeing the Aleutians at Unalaska produce fire by means of a stick worked by a string making two turns about the stick and held and drawn with both hands, with the upper end of the stick turning in a piece of wood held in the mouth. When a piece of fir was turned against another piece of the same wood fire was often produced in a few seconds. This passage appears to have escaped the usually keen observation of Mr. W.H. Dall, who, speaking of the ancient Aleutians, says: “The ‘fiddle-bow drill’ was an instrument largely used in their carving and working bone and ivory; but for obtaining fire but two pieces of quarz were struck together,” etc.404

291

I had no opportunity of seeing this drill manipulated, but I have convinced myself by experiment that the stick or “light-stock,” to use NordenskiÖld’s expression, must be held down by one foot, the workman kneeling on the other knee.

Flint and steel.

Fire is usually obtained nowadays by striking a spark in the ordinary method from a bit of flint with a steel, usually a bit of some white man’s tool. Both are carried, as in Dr. Simpson’s time, in a little bag slung around the neck, along with some tinder made of the down of willow catkins mixed with charcoal or perhaps gunpowder. The flints usually carried for lighting the pipe, the only ones I have seen, are very small, and only a tiny fragment of tinder is lighted which is placed on the tobacco. Lucifer matches (kiliaksagan) were eagerly begged, but they did not appear to care enough for them to purchase them. Our friend NikawÁalu, from whom we obtained much information about the ancient customs of these people, told us that long ago, “when there was no iron and no flint”—“savik pÍÑmÛt, Ánma pÍÑmÛt”405—they used to get “great fire” by striking together two pieces of iron pyrites. Dr. Simpson speaks406 of two lumps of iron pyrites being used for striking fire, but he does not make it clear whether he saw this at Point Barrow or only at Kotzebue Sound. Iron pyrites appears to have been used quite generally among the Eskimo. Bessels saw it used with quartz at Smith Sound, with willow catkins for tinder407 and Lyon mentions the use of two pieces of the same material, with the same kind of tinder, at Iglulik.408 Willow catkins are also used for tinder at the Coppermine River.409

No. 89825 [1133 and 1722] are some of the catkins used for making the tinder, which were gathered in considerable quantities at the rivers. They are called kimmiuru, which perhaps means “little dogs,” as we say “catkins” or “pussy willows.”

Kindlings.

From the same place they also brought home willow twigs, 9inches long, and tied with sinews into bunches or fagots of about a dozen or a dozen and a half each, which they said were used for kindling fires. (No.89824 [1725].)

The following section was printed with a run-in, italicized header. It has been changed to agree with the structure shown in the Table of Contents.

BOW-AND-ARROW MAKING.

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Fig. 283.—Set of bow-and-arrow tools.

A complete set of bow-and-arrow tools consists of 4 pieces, viz: amarline spike, two twisters, and a feather setter, as shown in Fig. 283, No. 89465 [962], from UtkiavwiÑ. The pieces of this set are perforated and strung on a piece of sinew braid, 4inches long, with a knot at each end.

The Marline spike.

This is a flat, four-sided rod of walrus ivory, 5-6 292 inches long, tapering to a sharp rounded point at one end, and tapered slightly to the other, which terminates in a small rounded knob. It is very neatly made from, rather old yellow ivory, and ornamented on all four faces with conventional incised patterns colored with red ochre.

see caption

Fig. 284.—Marline spike.

This implement is used in putting on the backing of a bow to raise parts of the cord when an end is to be passed under and in tucking in the ends in finishing off a whipping. It was probably also used in putting whippings or seizings on any other implements. We collected 10 of these tools, all quite similar, and made of walrus ivory, yellow from age and handling. They vary in length from 4½ to 6 inches, and are always contracted at the upper end into a sort of neck or handle, surmounted by a knob or crossbar. No. 89463 [836] Fig. 284, from UtkiavwiÑ has the crossbar carved very neatly into the figure of an Amphipod crustacean without the legs. The eyes, mouth, and vent are indicated by small round holes filled with some black substance, and there is a row of eight similar holes down the middle of the back. The tip of this tool, which is 5.9 inches long, has been concaved to an edge so as to make a feather-setter of it. Through the knob at the butt there is sometimes a large round eye, as in Fig. 285 (No.89464 [842] from UtkiavwiÑ, 4.7 inches long). These tools are sometimes plain, like the specimens last figured, and sometimes ornamented with conventional patterns of incised lines, colored with red ocher, like the others.

see caption

Fig. 285.—Marline spike.

The twisters

(No. 89465 [962]) are flat four-sided rods of walrus ivory, respectively 4.4 and 4.7 inches long. At each end one broad face is raised into a low transverse ridge about 0.1 inch high and the other rounded off, with the ridge on opposite faces at the two ends. They are ornamented on all four faces with longitudinal incised lines, colored with red ocher.

The use of these tools, which was discovered by actual experiment after our return to this country410 is for twisting the strands of the sinew backing after it has been put on the bow into the cables already 293 described. The manner in which this tool is used is as follows: The end is inserted between the strands at the middle of the bow, so that the ridge or hook catches the lower strands, and the end is carried over through an arc of 180°, which gives the cable a half turn of twist. This brings the twister against the bow, so that the twisting can be carried no further in this direction, and if the tool were to be removed for a fresh start the strands would have to be held or fastened in some way, making the process a slow one. Instead, the tool is slid back between the strands till the other end comes where the first was, so that the hook at this end catches the strand, and the workman can give to the cable another half turn of twist. This is continued until the cable is sufficiently twisted, the tool sliding back and forth like the handle of a vise. The tools are used in pairs, one being inserted in each cable and manipulated with each hand, so as to give the same amount of twist to each cable. At the present day, these tools are seldom used for bow making, since the sinew-backed bow is so nearly obsolete, but are employed in playing a game of the nature of pitch-penny. (See below, under games and pastimes.)

These tools, of which we collected twenty-six specimens, are all of walrus ivory, and of almost exactly the same shape, varying a little in size and ornamentation. They vary in length from 3 to 5.7 inches, but are usually about 4½ inches long. The commonest width is 0.4 inches, the narrowest being 0.3 and the widest 0.7 broad, while the thickness is almost always 0.3, varying hardly 0.1 inch. Most of them are plain, but a few are ornamented with incised lines, and two are marked with “circles and dots” as in Fig. 286, one of a rather large pair (No.56521 [249] from UtkiavwiÑ). These are 5.4 inches long, neatly made and quite clean. All the others show signs of age and use.

see caption

Fig. 286.—Twister for working sinew backing of bow.

There are large numbers of these tools in the National Museum from various points in the region where bows of the Arctic type are used, namely, from the Anderson River to Norton Sound, and one from St. Lawrence Island, whence we have received no twisted bows. Their use was, however, not definitely understood, as they are described simply as “bow tools,” “bow string twisters” or even “arrow polishers.” Mr. Nelson informs me that the tool is now not used in Norton Sound, except for playing a game, as at Point Barrow, but that the natives told him that they were formerly used for tightening the backing on a bow and also for twisting the hard-laid sinew cord, which is quite as much, if not more, used at Norton Sound as the braid so common at Point Barrow. Ifind no mention of the use of this tool in any of the authors who have 294 treated of the Eskimo, except the following in Capt. Beechey’s vocabulary, collected at Kotzebue Sound: “Marline spike, small of ivory, for lacing bows—ke-poot-tak.” The specimens from the Mackenzie and Anderson rivers are almost without exception made of hard bone, while walrus ivory is the common material elsewhere. The name (kaput?) means simply a “twister.”

The feather-setter

(i´gugwau) (No. 89465 [962]) is a flat, slender, rounded rod of walrus ivory, 7inches long, with the tip abruptly concaved to a thin, rounded edge. The faces are ornamented with a pattern of straight incised lines, colored with red ocher. This tool is used for squeezing the small ends of the feathering into the wood of the arrow shaft close to the nock. Fig. 287 is a similar tool (No.89486 [1285] from UtkiavwiÑ) also of walrus ivory, 6inches long, with the upper end roughly whittled to a sharp point. It is probably made of a broken seal indicator or meat-cache marker. Several other ivory tools previously mentioned have been concaved to an edge at the tip so that they can be used as feather-setters. Ido not find this tool mentioned by previous observers, nor have I seen any specimens in the National Museum.

see caption

Fig. 287.—“Feather-setter.”

Fig. 288 (No. 89459 [1282] from UtkiavwiÑ) represents an unusual tool, the use of which was not ascertained in the hurry of trade. It has a point like that of a graver, and is made of reindeer antler, ornamented with a pattern of incised lines and bands, colored with red ocher, and was perhaps a marline spike for working with sinew cord.

see caption

Fig. 288.—Tool of antler.

Footnotes 273-410

273. Journal, p. 92.

274. Compare this with what Capt. Parry says of the workmanship of the people of Iglulik (2dVoy., p.336). The almost exclusive use of the double-edged pan´na is the reason their work is so “remarkably coarse and clumsy.”

275. Lisiansky also mentions “a small crooked knife” (Voyage, p.181), as one of the tools used in Kadiak in 1805.

276. A specimen has lately been received at the National Museum. It is remarkably like the Indian knife in pattern.

277. Op. cit., p. 266.

278. See for example, Kumlien, op. cit., p. 26.

279. See, especially, Dall, Contrib., vol. 1, pp. 59 and 79, for figures of such knives from the caves of Unalashka.

280. Prehistoric Fishing, pp. 183-188.

281. It is but just to Dr. Rau to say that he recognized the fact that these implements are not exclusively fish-cutters, and applies this name only to indicate that he has treated of them simply in reference to their use as such. The idea, however, that these, being slightly different in shape from the Greenland olu or ulu, are merely fish knives, has gained a certain currency among anthropologists which it is desirable to counteract.

282. Journal, p. 28.

283. 2d Voyage, p. 536, and pl. opp. p. 548, fig. 3.

284. Figured in the Voyage of the Vega, vol. 1, p.444, Fig.1.

285. History of Greenland, vol. 1, p. 149.

286. Greenland, p. 175.

287. 2d Voyage, p. 536.

288. Rink, Tales and Traditions, p. 35.

289. Hooper, Tents, etc., p. 239.

290. Franklin, 2d Exp., p. 148. In the hurry of leaving Barter Island “one of the crew of the Reliance left his gun and ammunition.”

291. See McClure’s N. W. Passage, p. 390.

292. Narrative, p. 109.

293. Maguire, Further Papers, p. 907.

294. See the writer’s paper on the subject of Eskimo bows in the Smithsonian Report for 1884, Part II, pp. 307-316.

295. Naturalist, vol 8, No. 9, p. 869.

296. “In former times they made use of bows for land game; they were made of soft fir, afathom in length, and to make it the stiffer it was bound round with whalebone or sinews.” History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.146.

297. “Their Bow is of an ordinary Make, commonly made of Fir Tree, ... and on the Back strengthened with Strings made of Sinews of Animals, twisted like Thread.” “The Bow is a good fathom long.” Greenland, p.101.

298. Voyage of the Vega, vol. 1, p. 41.

299. Hakluyt’s Voyages, 1589, p. 628.

300. Science, vol. 4, 98, p. 543.

301. Voyage to Hudson’s Bay, p. 138.

302. Compare what I have already said about the backing being put on wet.

303. Voyages from Montreal ... to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans, p.48.

304. Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th edition, article Archery.

305. On this subject of using the feathers of birds of prey for arrows, compare Crantz, History of Greenland, i, p.146, “the arrow ... winged behind with a couple of raven’s feathers.” Bessels, Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p.869 (the three arrows at Ita had raven’s feathers). Parry, 2d Voyage, p.511, “Toward the opposite end of the arrow are two feathers, generally of the spotted owl, not very neatly lashed on;” and Kumlien, Contributions, p.37, “The feather-vanes were nearly always made from the primaries of Strix scandiaca or Graculus carbo.” The last is the only mention I find of using any feathers except those of birds of prey.

306. Op. cit., p. 266.

307. Compare the passage in Frobisher’s Second Voyage (Hakluyt, 1589, p.628). After describing the different forms of arrowheads used by the Eskimo of “Meta Incognita” (Baffin Land) in 1577 he says: “They are not made very fast, but lightly tyed to, or else set in a nocke, that upon small occasion the arrowe leaveth these heads behind them.”

308. “In shooting this weapon the string is placed on the first joint of the first and second fingers of the right hand.” (Kumlien, Contributions, p.37.)

“Beim Spannen wird der Pfeil nicht zwischen Daumen und Zeigefinger, sondern zwischen Zeige- und Mittelfinger gehalten,” Krause Brothers, Geographische BlÄtter, vol. 5, p.33.

309. Voyage to the Northern Whale Fishery, p. 187.

310. 2d Voyage, p. 511, and figured with the bow (22) on Pl. opposite p.550.

311. Parry’s 2d Voyage, Pl. opposite p. 550, Fig. 24.

312. Vega, vol. 2, p. 106.

313. “They buckle on a piece of ivory, called mun-era, about 3 or 4 inches long, hollowed out to the wrist, or a guard made of several pieces of ivory or wood fastened together like an iron-holder.” Voyage, p.575.

314. This word appears to be a diminutive of the Greenlandic nuek—nuik, now used only in the plural, nugfit, for the spear. These changes of name may represent corresponding changes in the weapon in former times, since, unless we may suppose that the bird dart was made small and called the “little nuik,” and enlarged again after the meaning of the name was forgotten, it is hard to see any sense in the present name, “big little nuik.”

315. History of Greenland, vol. 1, p. 148.

316. Crantz, vol. 1, p. 147, and Figs. 6 and 7, Pl. V.

317. Ibid., Fig. 8.

318. Vega, vol. 2, p. 105. Fig. 5.

319. See Crantz’s figure referred to above; also one in Parry’s second voyage, Pl. opposite p.550, Fig. 19, and Rink, Tales., etc., Pl. opposite p.12.

320. Prehistoric fishing, Figs. 94 and 95, p. 73.

321. History of Greenland, vol. 1, p. 147, Pl. V, Figs. 6and 7.

322. Tales, etc., Pl. opposite p. 12 (“bladder arrow”).

323. Crantz, vol. 1, p. 146, Pl. V, Figs. 1 and 2, and Rink as quoted above, also Kane, First Exp., p.478.

324. Parry, Second Voyage, p. 508 (Iglulik); and NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p.105, Fig.5.

325. Smithsonian Report for 1884, part II, pp. 279-289.

326. Voyage, p. 324.

327. Second Grinnell Exp., vol. 1, Figs. on pp. 412 and 413.

328. Vega, vol. 1, p. 444, Fig. 5.

329. Compare, also, the walrus harpoon figured by Capt. Lyon, Parry’s Second Voyage, Pl. opposite p.550, Fig. 13.

330. See Kumlien, Contributions, p. 35, and Boas, “Central Eskimo,” p.473, Fig. 393.

331. Kane, 2d Grinnell Exp., vol. 1, pp. 412 and 413 (Fig.1), and Bessells, Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p.869, Figs. 6-12.

332. Crantz, vol. 1, p. 146, and Pl. V, Figs. 1 and 2, and Rink Tales, etc., Pl. opposite p.10.

333. 2d Voyage, Pl. opposite p. 550, Fig. 13.

334. Museum collections and NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p.105, Fig.1. This figure shows the blade in the plane of the barb, but none of the specimens from Plover Bay are of this form.

335. Vega, vol. 2, p. 229, Fig. 3.

336. See the writer’s note on this weapon, American Naturalist, vol. 19, p.423.

337. Parry, Second Voyage, p. 507, Iglulik.

338. Corwin Report, p. 41.

339. Parry, 2d Voy., p. 512 (Iglulik); Kumlien, Contributions, p.54 (Cumberland Gulf); Schwatka, Science, vol. 4, No. 98, p.544 (King Williams Land).

340. Crantz, vol. 1, p. 147, Pl. V, Fig. 5; and Kane, 1st Grinnell Exp., p.479 (fig. at bottom).

341. Vega, vol. 1, p. 444, Fig. 7.

342. T. Simpson’s Narrative, p. 156.

343. Voyage, p. 574.

344. Vega, vol. 2, p. 109, and Fig. 3, p. 105.

345. Geographische BlÄtter, vol. 5, pt. 1, p. 32. See also Rosse, Arctic Cruise of the Corwin, p.34.

346. I learn from our old interpreter, Capt. E.P. Herendeen, who has spent three years in whaling at Point Barrow since the return of the expedition, that a third float is also used. It is attached by a longer line than the others, and serves as a sort of “telltale,” coming to the surface some time ahead of the whale.

347. Op. cit., p. 262.

348. Voyage, pp. 295, 574.

349. Vega, vol. 2, p. 108.

350. Ibid., p. 98.

351. See also the reference to Hooper’s Corwin Report, quoted below under Hunting.

352. See, however, the writer’s paper in the American Anthropologist, vol. 1, p.333.

353. Vega, vol. 2, p. 117, Fig. 3.

354. Second Voyage, p. 510; also pl. opposite p. 550, Fig. 17.

355. “They first look out for Holes, which the Seals themselves make with their Claws about the Bigness of a Halfpenny; after they have found any Hole, they seat themselves near it upon a Chair, made for the Purpose; and as soon as they perceive the Seal coming up to the Hole and put his snout into it for some Air, they immediately strike him with a small Harpoon.” Egede, Greenland, p.104.

“The seals themselves make sometimes holes in the Ice, where they come and draw breath; near such a hole a Greenlander seats himself on a stool, putting his feet on a lower one to keep them from the cold. Now when the seal comes and puts its nose to the hole, he pierces it instantly with his harpoon.” Crantz, History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.156.

356. It is twisted into “a compact helical mass like a watch-spring” in the Hudson Bay region. Schwatka, “Nimrod in the North,” p.133. See also Klutschak, “Als Eskimo,” pp. 194, 195.

357. “Nimrod in the North,” p. 133.

358. See Gilder, Schwatka’s Search, p. 225; see also, Klutschak, “Als Eskimo,” etc., pp. 194-5, where the whalebones are said to have little knives on the ends.

359. Report, etc., p. 127.

360. See Dr. Rau’s Prehistoric Fishing, p. 12. Fig. 2, p.13, represents one of these from Norton Sound, and Figs. 3-8, aseries of similar implements from the bone caves of France.

361. See Parry, 2d Voyage, p. 547, Iglulik and Hudson Strait, pl. opposite p.548, Fig. 4, and pl. opposite p.14; Crantz, History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.234; Dall, Alaska, p.195, figure (Norton Sound); also MacFarlane, MS., No. 2929 (Anderson River).

362. NordenskiÖld, Vega, Vol. 2, p. 99.

363. Report U.S. International Polar Expedition to Point Barrow, p.37.

364. Greenland, p. 62.

365. Franklin, 1st Exped., vol. 2, p. 181.

366. 2d Exped., p. 137.

367. Narrative, p. 114.

368. Ibid., p. 138.

369. Science, vol. 4, 9, pp. 543-544.

370. Dr. Richardson believes that the hunting grounds of families are kept sacred among the Eskimo. Searching Expedition, vol. 1, pp. 244, 351. See also, the same author’s paper, New Philosophical Journal, vol. 52, p.323.

371. Northwest Passage, Appendix, p. 387.

372. Rae, Narratives, etc., p. 135.

373. Klutschak, “Als Eskimo,” etc., p. 131.

374. Dall, Alaska, p. 147.

375. Vega, vol. 2, p. 130. Compare the custom observed in Baffin Land, of sprinkling a few drops of water on the head of the seal before it is cut up, mentioned by Hall, Arctic Researches, p.573.

376. Contributions, p. 57.

377. Hall, Arctic Researches, pp. 507 and 578, with diagrams.

378. Hooper, Corwin Report, p. 25.

379. Compare Egede, Greenland, p. 102. The whale “can’t bear sloven and dirty habits.”

380. Hall speaks of seeing the angeko “very busy ankooting on the hills”—“To try and get the pack ice out of the bay.”—Arctic Res., p.573.

381. Compare Rink, Tales, etc., p. 55: “To the customs just enumerated may be added various regulations regarding the chase, especially that of the whale, this animal being easily scared away by various kinds of impurity or disorder.”

382. Alaska, p. 147.

383. Loc. cit., p. 261.

384. Compare Egede, Greenland, p. 102. “When they go a Whale-catching they put on their best Gear or Apparel, as if they were going to a Wedding Feast, fancying that if they did not come cleanly and neatly dressed the Whale, who can’t bear sloven and dirty Habits, would shun them and fly from them.”

See also Crantz, History of Greenland, Vol. I, p. 121. “They dress themselves in the best manner for it, because, according to the portentous sayings of their sorcerers, if any one was to wear dirty cloaths, especially such in which he had touched a dead corpse, the whale would escape, or, even if it was already dead, would at least sink.”

385. See Egede, Greenland, p. 102; Crantz, History of Greenland, Vol. I, p.121; Parry, 2d. Voy., p.509 (Iglulik); McClure, Northwest Passage, p.92 (Cape Bathurst).

386. Von der Lagune aus pflegten jeden Morgen und Abend grosse Entenschaaren Über den Ort hinweg nach dem Meere zu fliegen. Dann wurden durch Pfeifen und Schreien die Thiere so geÄngstigt, dass sie ihren Flug abwÄrts richteten und nun durch die mit grosser Sicherheit geworfene Schleuder oder durch FlintenschÜsse erreicht werden konnten. (East Cape), Krause Brothers, Geographische BlÄtter, Vol. 5, pt. 1, p.32.

“The birds were easily called from their course of flight, as we repeatedly observed. If a flock should be passing a hundred yards or more to one side, the natives would utter a long, peculiar cry, and the flock would turn instantly to one side and sweep by in a circuit, thus affording the coveted opportunity for bringing down some of their number.” (Cape Wankarem), Nelson, Cruise of the Corwin, p.100.

387. Museum number effaced.

388. Vega, vol. 2, p. 110.

389. “Their Lines are made of Whalebones, cut very small and thin, and at the End tacked together.” Egede, Greenland, p.107. See also, Crantz, vol. 1, p.95; Dall, Alaska, p.148; and the Museum Collections which contain many whalebone lines from the Mackenzie and Anderson rivers, collected by MacFarlane, and from the whole western region, collected by Nelson.

390. “Instead of a bait, they put on the hook a white bone, aglass bead, or a bit of red cloth” (when fishing for sculpins). History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.95.

391. Narrative, p. 115.

392. The Greenlanders used a sort of sieve or scoop net, not seen at Point Barrow, for catching caplin (Mallotus villosus). Egede, Greenland, p.108; and Crantz, vol. 1, p.95. John Davis, however, says of the Greenlanders in 1586, “They make nets to take their fish of the finne of a whale.” Hakluyt’s Voyages, etc. (1589), p.782.

393. Dall, Alaska, p. 147; and Petroff, Report, etc., p.127.

394. Op cit., p. 73.

395. Op cit., p. 142.

396. Vega, vol. 2, p. 109.

397. See the writer’s paper in the American Anthropologist, vol. 1, pp. 325-336.

398. Kumlien’s description (Contributions, p. 37, Cumberland Gulf) would apply almost word for word to this spear, and Captain Parry, (Second Voyage, p.509) describes a very similar one in use at Iglulik. The “Perch, headed with two sharp-hooked Bones,” for spearing salmon—called in the Grenlandsk Ordbog, kakiak, “en Lyster (med to eller tre Pigge)”—mentioned by Egede (Greenland, p.108) is probably the same thing, and a similar spear is spoken of by Rae (Narrative, p.172) as in use at Repulse Bay. Asimilar weapon, described by Dr. Rink as “Mit einem in brittischen Columbien vorkommenden identisch,” was found in east Greenland (Deutsche Geographische BlÄtter, vol. 9, p.234). See the description of the spear found by Schwatka at Back’s Great Fish River (Nimrod in the North, p.139), also described by Klutschak (Als Eskimo, etc., p.120).

399. “Their own clumsy method of producing fire is by friction with two pieces of dry wood in the manner of a drill.”—(T.Simpson, Narrative, p.162.)

400. Dr. Simpson, op. cit., p. 242.

401. Compare NordenskiÖld’s figure of the fire drill in use at Pitlekaj (Vega, vol. 2, p.121), which has a similar bone for a socket, held not in the mouth but in the left hand.

402. Bessels, Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p. 867, speaks of a fire drill used at Smith Sound with a bow and a mouthpiece of ivory.

A Greenlander; seen by John Davis, in 1586, “beganne to kindle a fire, in his manner: he took a piece of a boord, wherein was a hole halfe thorow: into that he puts the end of a roud sticke like unto a bedstaffe, wetting the end thereof in traine, and in fashion of a turner, with a piece of lether, by his violent motion doth very speedily produce fire.”—Hakluyt’s Voyages, etc. (1589), p.782.

“They take a short Block of dry Fir Tree, upon which they rub another Piece of hard Wood, till by the continued Motion the Fir catches Fire.”—Egede, Greenland, p.137.

“If their fire goes out, they can kindle it again by turning round a stick very quick with a string through a hole in a piece of wood.”—Crantz, History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.145.

Lyon (Journal, p. 210) says that at Iglulik they were able to procure “fire by the friction of a pin of wood in the hole of another piece and pressed down like a drill from above.” This was worked with a bow and willow catkins were used for tinder. Aman informed them that “he had learned it from his father rather for amusement than for utility; the two lumps of iron pyrites certainly answering the purpose a great deal better.”

“They have a very dextrous Method of kindling Fire; in order to which, they prepare two small Pieces of dry Wood, which having made flat, they next make a small Hole in each, and having fitted into these Holes a little cylindrical Piece of Wood, to which a Thong is fastened, they whirl it about thereby with such a Velocity, that by rubbing the Pieces of Wood one against the other, this Motion soon sets them on fire.”—Ellis, Voyage to Hudsons Bay, p.234.

A picture of the process is given opposite page 132, in which a man holds the socket, while a woman works the thong (western shore of Hudson Bay, near Chesterfield Inlet).

Rae also mentions a similar drill used in the same region in 1847 (Narrative, p.187); and there is a specimen in the National Museum, collected by MacFarlane, and said to be the kind “in use until lately” in the Mackenzie and Anderson region.

Dall figures a fire drill with bow and mouthpiece formerly in use at Norton Sound (Alaska, p.142); and Hooper (Tents, etc., p.187) describes a similar drill at Plover Bay.

From NordenskiÖld’s account (Vega, vol. 2, p. 121) the fire drill seems to be still generally used by the natives at the Vega’s winter quarters. He says that the women appeared more accustomed to the use of the drill than the men, and that a little oil was put on the end of the drill.

403. Kotzebue’s Voyage, vol. 3, p. 260.

404. Contribution to N. A. Ethnology, vol. 1, p. 82.

405. Compare this with Dr. Simpson’s statement, quoted above, that stones for arrowheads were brought by the NunataÑmiun from the Ku´wÛk River.

406. Op. cit., p. 243.

407. Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p. 867.

408. Journal, pp. 210 and 231.

409. Franklin, First Exped., vol. 2, p. 188.

410. See the writer’s paper on Eskimo bows, Smithsonian Report for 1884, pt. 2, p.315.

on the crown of the beach at ImÊkpÛÑ,
text has “ImÊk / pÛÑ” (without hyphen) at line break

in the diagrams (Fig. 59, a, b, c),
c,)

trimmed boots held up by drawstrings.
final . missing

a simple strip of skin or the wolverine belt
wolvervine

des defroques empaillÉes de corbeau
spelling unchanged

de permettre au soleil de rechauffer leur cerveau
spelling unchanged

cross or circle tattooed under each corner of the mouth
tattoed

the small hair comb (idlai´utin), usually made of walrus ivory
anomalous superscript in original

of which only <> can be made out
the mark <> is a diamond-shaped symbol

made of iron or steel and are of two sizes
text has “two two” at line break

Fig. 135.—Adz-head of bone and iron
text has “and and” at line break

The implement,284 which NordenskiÖld calls a “stone chisel,”
NordenskjÖld

(No. 89858 [1319], from UtkiavwiÑ), is a similar box
UtkiavwiÑ,)

a slender filament of black whale-bone.
anomalous hyphen in original

the whalers have sold them yÄger rifles
spelling unchanged

Fig. 186. ... (b) arrow with iron pile (savidliÑ);
last closing parenthesis missing

as shown by the specimens in the National Museum.
Musuem

a similar name316 (agdliga?).
letter “k” printed with anomalous double underline

the natives have forgotten what it was
forgotton

Footnote 334: ... in the plane of the barb,
in he plane

Fig. 238.—Whale lance.
“ce” in “lance” invisible

The other, No. 56489 [127], is new and rather roughly made
The other (No.

of which No. 89894 [1708], Fig. 259, represents the common form
No 89894

Footnote 398: ... “en Lyster (med to eller tre Pigge)”
Pigge”)

Contents (separate file)
List of Illustrations (separate file)

pages 19-150 (separate file)
pages 150-294
pages 294-end (separate file)

General Index (separate file)

411. NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, pp. 122, and Fig. 1, p.117.

412. Crantz describes the process of preparing boat covers as follows: “The boat skins are selected out of the stoutest seals’ hides, from which the fat is not quite taken off; they roll them up, and sit on them, or let them lie in the sun covered with grass several weeks, ’till the hair will come off.” History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.167.

413. Gilder describes a similar process of manufacturing these lines at Hudson’s Bay. (Schwatka’s Search, p.176.)

414. W. J. Sollas, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 9, pp. 329-336.

415. NordenskiÖld’s figures, Vega, vol. 2, p. 123.

416. Parry’s Second Voy., pl. opposite p. 548, Fig. 5.

417. Vega, vol. 1, p. 493.

418. We had no special opportunities for watching the natives at work netting, as but few nets happened to be made at the village during our stay. It was, however, observed that the mesh stick was taken out every time a knot was tied. Since my return, after a careful study of the different mesh sticks in our collection, Ihave convinced myself by experiment that the above method of using the tool is the only one which will account for the shape of the different parts.

419. See Parry, Second Voy., p. 537; Lyon, Journal, p.93; Kumlien, Contributions, p.25.

420. Formerly they used the bones of fishes or the very fine bones of birds instead of needles. Crantz, vol. 1, p.136.

“Their own clumsy needles of bone,” Parry, Second Voy., p. 537 and pl. opposite p.548, Fig. 11. Kumlien also speaks of “steel needles or bone ones made after the same pattern” at Cumberland Gulf (Contributions, p.25).

421. Parry, Second Voy., pl. opposite p. 550, Fig. 25.

422. Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 524, Fig. 473 and Kumlien, Contributions, p.25.

423. Parry’s Second Voyage, pl. opposite p. 550, Fig. 25.

424. Ibid., p. 537.

425. Op. cit, p. 245.

426. Dall, American Association, Address, 1885, p.13.

427. P. 172.

428. Op. cit. p. 264.

429. Lyon, Journal, p. 233. See also Capt. Lyon’s figure in Parry’s 2d Voy., pl. opposite p.274.

430. It is a curious fact, however, that the narrowest kaiak paddles I have ever seen belonged to some Eskimo that I saw in 1876, at Rigolette, Labrador, who lived in a region sufficiently well wooded to furnish them with lumber for a small schooner, which they had built.

431. For information concerning the last two regions I am indebted to Mr. L.M. Turner; for the others to the standard authorities.

432. Rink, Tales and Traditions, p. 47. See also p.374 for a story of the meeting of a Greenlander with one of these beings.

433. Journal, p. 233.

434. Second voyage, p. 506, and pls. opposite pp. 274 and 508.

435. There is quite a discrepancy in regard to this between Capt. Lyon’s description referred to above and the two plates drawn by him in Parry’s second voyage. In his journal he speaks of the coaming of the cockpit being about 9 inches higher forward than it is aft, while from his figures the difference does not appear to be more than 3 or 4 inches.

436. Vega, vol. 2, p. 228.

437. I have confined myself in the above comparison simply to the kaiaks used by undoubted Eskimo. Ifind merely casual references to the kaiaks used on the Siberian coast by the Asiatic Eskimo and their companions the Sedentary Chuckchis, while a discussion of the canoes of the Aleuts would carry me beyond the limits of the present work.

438. Since the above was written Boas has published a detailed description of the central kaiaks, in which he says there are only four streaks besides the keel (Central Eskimo, p.486).

439. Dr. Kane’s description, though the best that we have of the flat-bottomed Greenland kaiak and accompanied by diagrams, is unfortunately vague in some important respects. It is in brief as follows: “The skeleton consists of three longitudinal strips of wood on each side *** stretching from end to end. *** The upper of these, the gunwale *** is somewhat stouter than the others. The bottom is framed by three similar longitudinal strips. These are crossed by other strips or hoops, which perform the office of knees and ribs. They are placed at a distance of not more than 8 to 10 inches from one another. Wherever the parts of this framework meet or cross they are bound together with reindeer tendon very artistically. *** The pah or manhole *** has a rim or lip secured upon the gunwale and rising a couple of inches above the deck.” (First Grinnell Exp., p.477.) It will be seen that he does not mention any deck beams, which would be very necessary to keep the gunwales spread apart. They are shown, however, on Crantz’s crude section of a kaiak frame. (History of Greenland, vol. 1, pl. vii), and are evidently mortised into the gunwale, as at Point Barrow. Crantz also (op.cit., p.150) speaks of the use of whalebone for fastening the frame together.

Capt. Lyon’s description of the round-bottomed kaiak used at Fury and Hecla Straits (Journal, p.233) is much more explicit. He describes the frame as consisting of a gunwale on each side 4 or 5 inches wide in the middle and three-fourths inch thick, tapering at each end, sixty-four hoop-shaped ribs (ona canoe 25 feet long), seven slight rods outside of the ribs, twenty-two deck-beams, and a batten running fore and aft, and a hoop round the cockpit. These large kaiaks weigh 50 or 60 pounds. There is a very good figure of the Point Barrow kaiak, paddled with a single paddle, in Smyth’s view of Nuwuk (Beechey’s Voyage, pl. opposite p.307).

440. Wrangell, Narrative of an Expedition, etc., p.161, footnote.

441. For example: “For they think it unbecoming a man to row such a boat, unless great necessity requires it.” Egede, Greenland, p.111. “It would be a scandal for a man to meddle, except the greatest necessity compels him to lend a hand.” Crantz, vol. 1, p.149.

442. Part of the description of the umiak frame is taken from the model (No.56563 [225]), as the writer not only had few opportunities for careful examination of these canoes, but unfortunately did not realize at the time the importance of detail.

443. History of Greenland, vol. 1, p. 148, and pl. vi.

444. Vol. 1, p. 167.

445. See Kotzebue’s Voyage, etc., vol. 1, p. 216.

446. This is also the custom among the Central Eskimo. (See Boas “Central Eskimo,” p.528, Fig. 481.)

447. Narrative, p. 148.

448. Journal, p. 30. Compare also Chappell, “Hudson Bay,” p.57.

449. See Egedo, Greenland, p. 111.

450. These passages being, as far as I know, the earliest description of the umiak and kaiak are worth quotation: “Their boats are made all of Seale skins, with a keel of wood within the skinne; the proportion of them is like a Spanish shallop, saue only they be flat in the bottome, and sharp at both endes” (p.621, 1576). Again: “They haue two sorts of boats made of leather, set out on the inner side with quarters of wood, artificially tyed with thongs of the same; the greater sort are not much unlike our wherries, wherein sixteene or twenty men may sitte; they have for a sayle, drest the guttes of such beasts as they kill, very fine and thinne, which they sewe together; the other boate is but for one man to sitte and rowe in, with one oare” (p.628, 1577).

451. Compare for instance Kane’s figure 1st Grinnell Exp. p.422, and Lyon, Journal, p.30.

452. See Beechey Voyage, p. 252. In describing the umiaks at Hotham Inlet he says: “The model differs from that of the umiak of the Hudson Bay in being sharp at both ends.” Smyth gives a good figure of the Hotham Inlet craft in the plate opposite p.250.

453. Greenland, p. 111.

454. Vol. 1, p. 148.

455. Contributions, p. 43. Boas, however, says three to five skins. (Central Eskimo, p.528.)

456. 2d Voy., p. 507.

457. Alaska, p. 15.

458. Twisted sinew is sometimes used. A pair of snowshoes from Point Barrow, owned by the writer, are netted with this material.

459. Op. cit., p. 243.

460. Op. cit., p. 244.

461. 2d Exped., p. 142.

462. Vega, vol. 2, p. 102 a.

463. Op. cit., p. 243.

464. Alaska, p. 190, Fig. A.

465. See, also, Dall, Alaska, p. 190, and Figs. A and C.

466. Contributions, p. 42.

467. 1st Exp., vol. 2, p. 180.

468. For example, Lyon says that at Fury and Hecla Straits the runners are coated with ice by mixing snow and fresh water (Journal, p.235); (See also Parry, 2d Voyage, p.515). At Cumberland Gulf “they pour warmed blood on the under surface of the bone shoeing; some use water, but this does not last nearly so long as the blood and is more apt to chip off.” Kumlien, Contributions, p.42; (See also Hall, Arctic Researches, p.582). Around Repulse Bay they ice the runners by squirting over them water which has been warmed in the mouth, putting on successive layers till they get a smooth surface. This is renewed the first thing every morning. Gilder, Schwatka’s Search, p.66. Anative of the eastern shore of Labrador, according to Sir John Richardson (Searching Expedition, vol. 2, p.82), applied to the runners coat after coat of earth or clay tempered with hot water, and then washed the runners with water, polishing the ice with his naked hand. MacFarlane in his MS. notes speaks of covering the sled runners with “earth, water, and ice” in the Mackenzie region. Petitot (Monographie, etc., p. XVII) says the runners in the Mackenzie and Anderson district are shod with “un bourrelet de limon et de glace,” which has to be often renewed. NordenskiÖld says that at Pitlekaj “the runners, before the start, are carefully covered with a layer of ice from two to three millimeters in thickness by repeatedly pouring water over them,” (Vega, vol. 2, p.94), and according to Wrangell (Narrative, etc., p.101, footnote) it is the common custom in northern Siberia to pour water over the runners every evening to produce a thin crust of ice.

469. Rep. Point Barrow Exp., p. 27.

470. Schwatka, in “Nimrod in the North,” (p. 159) describes a practice among the “Netschillik,” of King William’s Land, which appears very much like this, though his description is somewhat obscure in details. It is as follows: “We found the runners shod with pure ice. Trenches the length of the sledge are dug in the ice, and into these the runners are lowered some two or three inches, yet not touching the bottom of the trench by fully the same distance. Water is then poured in and allowed to freeze, and when the sledge is lifted out it is shod with shoes of perfectly pure and transparent ice.” Strangely enough, these curious ice shoes are not mentioned by Schwatka’s companions, Gilder and Klutschak, nor by Schwatka himself in his paper on the “Netschillik” in Science, although Klutschak describes and figures a sledge made wholly of ice among the Netsillingmiut. (“Als Eskimo, etc.” p.76). Also referred to by Boas (“Central Eskimo,” p.533).

471. The word used was “kau-kau.” Perhaps it referred to a seal for food, as the sledge appears very like one described by Hooper (Corwin Report, p.105) as used on the “Arctic Coast.” “When sealing on solid ice a small sled is sometimes used, the runners of which are made of walrus tusks. It is perhaps 16 inches long by 14 inches wide and 3 inches high. It is used in dragging the carcass of the seal over the ice.”

We, however, never saw such sleds used for dragging seals. This one may have been imported from farther south. See also, Beechey, Voyage, etc., p.251, where he speaks of seeing at Kotzebue Sound, adrawing on ivory of “aseal dragged home on a small sledge.”

472. See Dall’s figure, Alaska, p. 165.

473. Vega, vol. 1, p. 498.

474. Compare also the various illustrations in Hooper’s “Tents of the Tuski.”·

475. I failed to get the translation of this word, but it seems to be connected with the Greenlandic mÂlavok, he howls (adog—).

476. Contributions, p. 51.

477. Compare Dall, Alaska, p. 25.

478. See Hooper, Tents, etc., p. 195, and NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p.96, where one of these shoes is figured.

479. See Kumlien, Contributions, p. 42.

480. Vega, vol. 2; p. 95.

481. See Dall, Alaska, pp. 163 and 166.

482. Vega, vol. 2, p. 95, foot note.

483. For descriptions of the sledges and methods of harnessing used by the eastern Eskimo, see Bessel’s Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p.868, figs. 4and 5 (Smith Sound); Kane, 2d Grinnell Exp., vol. 1, p.205 (Smith Sound) and first Grinnell Exp., p.443 (Greenland); Kumlien, Contributions, p.42, and Boas, “Central Eskimo,” pp. 529-538 (Cumberland Gulf); Parry, 2d voyage, p.514, and Lyon, Journal, p.235 (Iglulik); Gilder, Schwatka’s Search, pp. 50, 52, and 66, and Schwatka’s “Nimrod in the North,” pp. 152, 153 (NW.shore of Hudson Bay and King Williams Land).

484. This game is briefly referred to by Hall, Arctic Researches, p.570.

485. See Dall, Alaska, p. 389, and contributions to N.A. Ethn., vol. 1, p.90.

486. See Kumlien, Contributions, p. 43. Kumlien says merely “amask of skins.” Dr. Boas is my authority for the statement that the skin of the bearded seal is used.

487. Vega, vol. 2, p. 21.

488. See also Dall’s paper in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 67-203, where the subject of mask-wearing is very thoroughly discussed in its most important relations.

489. Cf. Crantz, vol. 1, p. 206.

490. This very interesting specimen was unfortunately destroyed by moths at the National Museum after the description was written, but before it could be figured.

491. Report, p. 135.

492. Alaska, p. 156.

493. See Dall, Alaska, p. 151.

494. Ibid, p. 154.

495. Compare the wand “curiously ornamented and carved” carried by the messenger who was sent out to invite the guests to the festival at Norton Sound, Alaska, p.154.

496. Greenland, p. 139.

497. Contributions, p. 43.

498. Descriptions of Eskimo festivals are to be found in Egede’s Greenland, p.152, and Crantz, History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.175, where he mentions the sun feast held at the winter solstice. This very likely corresponds to the December festival at Point Barrow. If the latter be really a rite instituted by the ancestors of the present Eskimo when they lived in lower latitudes to celebrate the winter solstice, it is easy to understand why it should be held at about the same time by the people of Kotzebue Sound, as stated by Dr. Simpson, op. cit., p.262, where, as he says, the reindeer might be successfully pursued throughout the winter. It is much more likely, considering the custom in Greenland, that this is the reason for having the festival at this season than that the time should be selected by the people at Point Barrow as a season when “hunting or fishing can not well be attended to,” as Simpson thinks. We should remember that this is the very time of the year that the seal netting is at its height at Point Barrow. See also Parry, Second Voyage, p.538; Kumlien, Contributions, p.43; Gilder, Schwatka’s Search, p.43; Beechey, Voyage, p.288 (Kotzebue Sound); Dall, Alaska, p.149 (very full and detailed); Petroff, Report, etc., pp. 125, 126, 129, 131 (quoted from Zagoskin), 135, 137 (quoted from Shelikhof), and 144 (quoted from Davidof); Hooper, Tents, etc., pp. 85, 136; and NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, pp. 22, 131.

499. Greenland, p. 162.

500. Vol. 1, p. 177.

501. Science, vol. 4, No. 98, p. 545.

502. Hall (Arctic Researches, p. 129) says the “cat’s cradle” is a favorite amusement in Baffin Land, where they make many figures, including representations of the deer, whale, seal, and walrus.

503. See Egede, p. 161, and Crantz, vol. 1, p. 177.

504. Compare Parry’s Second Voyage, p. 541.

505. NordenskiÖld calls this “the drum, or more correctly, tambourine, so common among most of the Polar peoples, European, Asiatic, and American; among the Lapps, the Samoyeds, the Tunguses, and the Eskimo.” (Vega, vol. 2, p.128).

506. See, for example, Bessell’s Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p.881. (The people of Smith Sound use the femur of a walrus or seal. Cf. Capt. Lyon’s picture, Parry’s 2d Voyage, pl. opposite p.530, and Gilder, Schwatka’s Search, p.43, where the people of the west shore of Hudson Bay are described as using a “wooden drumstick shaped like a potato-masher.”)

507. See Hooper, Tents, etc., p. 51, and NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, pp. 23 and 128; figure on p.24.

508. Compare Crantz, vol. 1, p. 176.

509. 2d Voyage, p. 541.

510. See also the passage from Crantz, quoted above; Dall, Alaska, p.16; and NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, pp. 23 and 130.

511. See the various accounts of the eastern Eskimo already referred to.

512. Contributions to N. A. Ethn., vol. 1, p. 86.

513. Vega, vol. 2, p. 135.

514. Compare NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p. 126 and Rink, Tales, etc., p.52.

515. Compare Bessels, Naturalist, vol. 18, No. 9, p.880, where he speaks of finding among the people of Smith Sound ivory carvings representing animals and human figures “exceedingly characteristic.” (See also Fig. 21 of the same paper.)

516. Vega, vol. 2, p. 127.

517. Vega, vol. 2, p. 142.

518. Rink, Tales, etc., p. 48. See also same work, passim, among the stories.

519. Compare these with NordenskiÖld’s figures of “Chukch” drawings, Vega, vol. 2, pp. 132, 133. The latter are completely Eskimo in character.

520. Compare Crantz, vol. 1, p. 159 (Greenland); Kumlien, Contributions, p.164 (Cumberland Gulf); Hall, Arctic Researches, p.567 (Baffin Land); Parry, 2nd Voyage, p.528 (Fury and Hecla Straits); Schwatka, Science, vol. 4, No. 98, p.544 (King William’s Land); Gilder, Schwatka’s Search, p.250 (Hudson’s Bay); Franklin, First Exp., vol. 2, p.41 (Chesterfield Inlet); Hooper, Tents, etc., p.209 (Plover Bay); NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p.26 (Pitlekaj).

521. Op. cit., p. 252.

522. Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p. 877.

523. Contributions, p. 16.

524. Compare Holm’s observations in East Greenland—“idet et ganske ungt Menneske kan vÆre gift med en Kone, som kunde vÆre hans Moder.” Geografisk Tidskrift, vol. 8, p.91.

525. Op. cit., p. 253.

526. Vol. 1, p. 160.

527. “They often repudiate and put away their wives, if either they do not suit their humors, or else if they are barren, *** and marry others.” Egede, Greenland, p.143. Compare also Crantz, vol. 1, p.160; Parry, Second Voyage, p.528 (Fury and Hecla Straits); Kumlien, Contributions, p.17 (Cumberland Gulf); and Hooper, Tents, etc., p.100—“repudiation is perfectly recognized, and in instances of misconduct and sometimes of dislike, put in force without scruple or censure. *** The rejected wife *** does not generally wait long for another husband;” (Plover Bay.) Compare also Holm, Geografisk Tidskrift, vol. 8, pp. 91-92, where he gives an account of marriage and divorce in east Greenland, remarkably like what we observed at Point Barrow.

528. Parry, 2nd Voyage, p. 528.

529. Kumlien, Contributions, p. 16.

530. Schwatka’s Search, p. 197.

531. Greenland, p. 139.

532. Geogr., Tids., vol. 8, p. 92.

533. Compare Parry, 2d Voyage, pp. 526-528, NordenskiÖld (Vega, vol. 1, p.449): The women are “treated as the equals of the men, and the wife was always consulted by the husband when a more important bargain than usual was to be made.” (Pitlekaj.) This statement is applicable, word for word, to the women of Point Barrow.

534. Op. cit., p 252.

535. See Egede, p. 144, “for according to them it signifies nothing that a man beats his wife.”

536. Op. cit., p. 253.

537. Vol. 1, p. 165.

538. Second Voyage, p. 522.

539. Contributions, p. 28, and “Central Eskimo,” p.610.

540. Egede, p. 192; Crantz, vol. 1, p. 215, and Rink, Tales, etc., p.54.

541. Voyage, p. 200.

542. “Als Eskimo, etc.,” p. 199.

543. Egede, p. 192; Crantz, vol. 1, p. 215, “no one else must drink out of their cup;” and Rink, Tales and Traditions, p.54.

544. Crantz, vol. 1, p. 138. See also Egede, p. 131, and the picture in Rink’s Tales, etc., opposite p.8.

545. Geografisk Tidskrift, vol. 8, p. 91.

546. Monographie, etc., p. xv.

547. Second Voyage, p. 495.

548. Kumlien, Contributions, p. 24.

549. See Ellis, Voyage, etc., p. 136, and plate opposite p.132.

550. Second Ex., p. 226.

551. NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p. 101.

552. Op. cit., p. 250.

553. Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p. 874.

554. Science, vol. 4, p. 544.

555. Greenland, p. 146.

556. Geografisk Tidskrift, vol 8, p. 91.

557. Second Voyage, p. 529.

558. Vega, vol. 2, p. 140.

559. Vega, vol. 1, p. 449.

560. Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p. 874.

561. History of Greenland, vol. 1, p. 162.

562. Science, vol. 4, No. 98, p. 544.

563. Schwatka’s Search, p. 287.

564. Op. cit., p. 250.

565. Tents, etc., pp. 24, 201.

566. Accounts of this custom of adoption are to be found in Crantz, vol. 1, p.165; Parry, Second Voyage, p.531; Kumlien, Contributions, p.17; Gilder, Schwatka’s Search, p.247, and the passage concerning children quoted above, from Dr. Simpson.

567. Op. cit., p. 252.

568. Second Voyage, p. 529.

569. Compare NordenskiÖld’s account of the comparative cleanliness of the Chukch dwellings at Pitlekaj: “On the other hand it may be stated that in order not to make a stay in the confined tent chamber too uncomfortable certain rules are strictly observed. Thus, for instance, it is not permitted in the interior of the tent to spit on the floor, but this must be done into a vessel which, in case of necessity, is used as a night utensil. In every outer tent there lies a specially curved reindeer horn, with which snow is removed from the clothes; the outer pesk is usually put off before one goes into the inner tent, and the shoes are carefully freed from snow. The carpet of walrus skins which covers the floor of the inner tent is accordingly dry and clean. Even the outer tent is swept clean and free from loose snow, and the snow is daily shoveled away from the tent doors with a spade of whalebone. Every article, both in the outer and inner tent, is laid in its proper place, and so on.” (Vega, vol. 2, p.104.)

570. Compare Dall, Alaska, p. 20.

571. See NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p. 104.

572. Greenland, p. 127.

573. Narrative, p. 155.

574. Beechy’s Voyage p. 312.

575. N. W. Passage, p. 385.

576. Dr. Simpson says (op. cit., p. 275): “Diseases are also considered to be turn´gaks.”

577. Tents, etc., p. 185.

578. Vol. 1, p. 235.

579. Alaska, p. 146.

580. Egede, Greenland, p. 150.

581. Compare Lyon, Journal, p. 269.

582. Tents, etc., p. 88.

583. Alaska, p. 382.

584. Compare Samoyed grave described and figured by NordenskiÖld (Vega, vol. 1, p.98), where a broken sledge was laid upside down by the grave.

585. Compare Holm, Geografisk Tidskrift, vol. 8, p.98: “kun Kostbarheder, saasom Knive eller lignende JÆrnsager beholde den afdØdes efterladte.”—East Greenland.

586. Naturalist, vol. 18, pt. 9, p. 877.

587. See the passage quoted from Bessels, for Smith Sound; Egede, Greenland, p.148; Crantz’s History of Greenland, vol. 1, p.237; East Greenland, Holm, Geografisk Tidskrift, vol. 8, p.98, and Scoresby, Voyage to Northern Whalefishery, p.213 (where he speaks of finding on the east coast of Greenland graves dug and covered with slabs of stone. Digging graves is very unusual among the Eskimo, as the nature of the ground on which they live usually forbids it. Parry mentions something similar at Iglulik: “The body was laid in a regular, but shallow grave, *** covered with flat pieces of limestone” (Second Voyage, p.551); Lyon, Journal, p.268 (Iglulik); Kumlien, Contribution, p.44 (Cumberland Gulf); Hall, Arctic Researches, p.124 (Baffin Land); Rae Narrative, pp. 22 and 187 (northwest shore of Hudson Bay), and Ellis, Voyage to Hudson’s Bay, p.148 (Marble Island). Imyself have noticed the same custom at the old Eskimo cemetery near the Hudson Bay post of Rigolette, Hamilton Inlet, on the Labrador coast. Chappel, however, saw a body “closely wrapt in skins and laid in a sort of a gully,” Hudson’s Bay, p.113 (north shore Hudson Strait), and Davis’s account of what he saw in Greenland is as follows: “We found on shore three dead people, and two of them had their staues lying by them and their olde skins wrapped about them.” Hakluyt, Voyages, 1589, p.788.

588. Franklin, Second Expedition, p. 192.

589. Voyage, pl. opposite p. 332.

590. Vega, vol. 2, p. 238, and figure of grave on p.239.

591. See NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p. 88, and Dall, Alaska, p.382.

592. See NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, pp. 88-9 (Pitlekaj), and 225 (St.Lawrence Bay); Krause Bros., Geographische BlÄtter, vol. 5, p.18 (St.Lawrence Bay, East Cape, Indian Point, and Plover Bay) and Dall, Alaska, p.382.

593. Greenland, p. 151. See also Crantz, vol. 1, p.237.

594. Egede, Greenland, p. 149, and Crantz, vol. 1, p.287.

595. Dall, Alaska, pp. 19, 145, and 227.

596. Petroff, Report, p. 127.

597. Alaska, p. 403, and Voyage, p. 200.

598. Compare, among other instances, Capt. Holm’s observations in East Greenland: “Som Overhoved i Huset [which is the village] fungerer den Ældeste Mand, naar han er en god Fanger, etc.” (Geogr. Tids., vol. 8, p.90.)

599. Rink, Tales and Traditions, p. 28. Compare also Crantz, vol. 1, p.181.

600. Bessels, Naturalist, vol. 23, pt. p. 873.

601. Compare Rink, Tales, etc., p. 29: “But if an animal of the largest size, more especially a whale, was captured, it was considered common property, and as indiscriminately belonging to every one who might come and assist in flensing it, whatever place he belonged to and whether he had any share in capturing the animal or not.” (Greenland). Gilder (Schwatka’s Search, p.190) says that on the northwest shore of Hudson Bay all who arrive while a walrus is being cut up are entitled to a share of it, though the man who struck it has the first choice of pieces. At East Cape, Siberia, the Krause Brothers learned: “Wird nÄmlich ein Walfisch gefangen, so hat jeder Ortsbewohner das Recht, so viel Fleisch zu nehmen, als er abzuschneiden vermag.” (Geographische BlÄtter, vol. 5, pt. 2, p.120).

602. Tales, etc., p. 29.

603. Op. cit., p. 272.

604. Tales, etc., p. 25.

605. Op. cit.

606. Compare what the Krause Brothers say of the “chiefs” on the Siberian coast (Geographische BlÄtter, vol. 5, pt. 1, p.29): “Die AutoritÄt, welche die obenerwÄhnten MÄnner augenscheinlich ausÜben, ist wohl auf Rechnung ihres grÖsseren Besitzes zu setzen. Der “Chief” is jedes Mal der reichste Mann, ein ‘big man.’”

607. See, also, Dr. Simpson, op. cit., p. 273.

608. Report, etc., p. 125.

609. Compare the case of the alleged “chiefs” of the Chukches, in NordenskiÖld’s Vega, vol. 1, pp. 449 and 495.

610. Op. cit., p. 273 et seq.

611. Compare Graah’s account of the ceremony of summoning a torngak in East Greenland (Narrative, p.123). “Come he did, however, at last, and his approach was announced by a strange rushing sound, very like the sound of a large bird flying beneath the roof.” (The italics are my own.) The angekut evidently have some juggling contrivance, carefully concealed from laymen, perhaps of the nature of a “whizzing-stick.”

612. Compare Rink’s description of the ceremony of summoning a tornak to ask his advice, in Greenland (Tales, etc., p.60). This was performed before a company in a darkened house. The angekok lay on the floor, beside a suspended skin and drum, with his hands tied behind his back and his head between his legs. Asong was sung by the audience, and the angekok invoked his tornak, beating on the skin and the drum. The spirit announced his arrival by a peculiar sound and the appearance of a light or fire.

613. Tales, etc., p. 14.

614. Compare Rink (Tales, etc. p. 56): “Several fetid and stinking matters, such as old urine, are excellent means for keeping away all kinds of evil-intentioned spirits and ghosts.”

615. Rink, Tales, etc., p. 56.

616. “When an Innuit passes the place where a relative has died, he pauses and deposits a piece of meat near by.” Baffin Land, Hall, Artic Researches, p.574.

617. Report Point Barrow Expedition, p. 46.

618. Compare Rink, Tales, etc., p. 64; Crantz, vol. 1, p.215, and Parry, 2d voyage, p.548: “Seal’s flesh is forbidden, for instance, in one disease, that of the walrus in the other; the heart is denied to some, and the liver to others.”

619. Vol. 1, p. 216.

620. Beechey saw the skulls of seals and other animals kept in piles round the houses at Hotham Inlet (Voyage, p.259).

621. Second Voyage, p. 510.

622. Vega, vol. 1, p. 435.

623. Vega, vol. 2, p. 137.

624. John Davis describes the Greenlanders in 1586 as follows: “They are idolaters, and have images great store, which they wore about them, and in their boats, which we suppose they worship.” (Hakluyt, Voyages, etc., 1589, p.782.)

625. Rink, Tales, etc., p. 52.

626. Parry mentions bones of the wolverine worn as amulets at Fury and Hecla’s Strait (second voyage, p.497).

627. Compare the Greenland story told by Rink (Tales, etc., p.195), when the man who has a gull for his amulet is able to fly home from sea because the gull seeks his prey far out at sea, while the one whose amulet is a raven can not, because this bird seeks his prey landward. Such an amulet as the latter would probably be chosen with a view to making a man a successful deer hunter.

628. Compare the Greenland story, where a salmon amulet makes a man too slippery to be caught by his pursuers. (Rink Tales, etc., p.182.)

629. Compare Kumlien, Contributions, p. 45. “Another charm of great value to the mother who has a young babe is the canine tooth of the polar bear. This is used as a kind of clasp to a seal-skin string, which passes round the body and keeps the breasts up. Her milk supply cannot fail while she wears this.” (Cumberland Gulf.)

630. Compare the story in Rink’s Tales and Traditions (p.445), where the kaiak, which had a piece of sheldrake fastened into the bow for an amulet, went faster than the sheldrake flies.

631. Compare Crantz, vol. 1, p. 216. “The boat [for whaling] must have a fox’s head in front, and the harpoon be furnished with an eagle’s beak.” The latter statement is interesting in connection with the tern’s bill on the seal harpoon, from Point Barrow, already referred to.

632. American Journal of Archaeology, vol. 1.

633. Greenland, p. 194.

634. History of Greenland, vol. I, p. 216.

635. Second voyage, p. 497.

636. Contributions, p. 45.

637. Voyage, p. 333.

638. Monographie, etc., p. xv.

639. NordenskiÖld, Vega, vol. 2, p. 126.

640. Vega, vol. 1, p. 503.

641. Geografisk Tidskrift, vol. 8, p. 94.

BOW-AND-ARROW MAKING. / A complete set
printed as paragraph header:
Bow-and-arrow making.—A complete set ...

the narrowest being 0.3 and the widest 0.7 broad
width

perforated with two large transverse eyes
tranverse

into a groove in the top of the ivory edge
grove

Ice picks.—The ivory ice pick (tu´u) always attached
Ice picks

most of the men and boys, especially the latter
epecially

Twisting and braiding.—We had no opportunity
Twisting and braiding

is admirably adapted to give the blade
admirally

detailed information regarding the umiaks
informtion

a small share of meat from camp to camp.471
footnote anchor missing: best guess

Fig. 358.—Small sledge with ivory runners. 2/21
number unambiguous

with cries of “AÑ! aÑ! tÛ´lla! tÛ´lla!” (Come! come on!)
close quote missing

cries of “Ku! ku!” (Get on! get on!)
close quote missing

bow and arrow toward a line of reindeer
text has “a a” at line break

brown deerskin with the flesh side out.
final . missing

these masks (ki´nau, from ki´na, face).
masks.

Another “commercial” mask (No. 89813 [1074] from UtkiavwiÑ)
(No. 89813) with superfluous closing parenthesis

fourteen from Nuwuk, twenty from UtkiavwiÑ, and sixteen from Sidaru
fourteeen

of a sitting man holding up his hands
text has “hold / ing” without hyphen at line break

Fig. 400.—Bear flaked from flint.
flaker

On the throat is a conventional figure
text has “a a” at mid-line

for example at Smith Sound.600
Sound,

Footnote N600: Bessels, Naturalist, vol. 23, pt. p. 873.
missing number or superfluous pt.

NordenskiÖld was unable to purchase a pair of fresh walrus heads
NordenskjÖld

No. 89699 [779] from UtkiavwiÑ
UtkavwiÑ

Her milk supply cannot fail while she wears this.” (Cumberland Gulf.)
close quote missing

Contents (separate file)
List of Illustrations (separate file)

pages 19-150 (separate file)
pages 150-294 (separate file)
pages 294-end

General Index (separate file)

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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