I observe among the Egyptian crania, some which differ in nothing from the Hindoo type either in respect to size or configuration. I have already, in my remarks upon the ear, mentioned a downward elongation of the upper jaw, which I have more frequently met with in Egyptian and Hindoo heads than in any others, although I have seen it occasionally in all the races. This feature is remarkable in two of the following five crania, (A, B,) and may be compared with a similar form from Abydos. (Plate V., Fig. 2.) The Hindoo head is also remarkable for its small size, its narrow form, especially in front, and often, also, for the delicacy of the osteological structure. The bones of the face, however, project more than those of the European, and there is not unfrequently a manifest eversion of the upper jaw. (B.) The nose is rather small, and the bones are variously aquiline, straight, or moderately compressed. My observations have been made on thirty-seven crania, for which I am indebted to Drs. Burrough and Carson, of this city, and to Dr. Martin and Mr. H. Piddington, of Calcutta. Of these, twenty-four are adult, varying from eighteen to eighty years of age, and give an average internal capacity of but eighty cubic inches; the largest head measuring ninety cubic inches, the smallest only sixty-nine. It is in that mixed family of nations which I have called Austral-Egyptian that we should expect to meet with the strongest evidence of Hindoo lineage; and here, again, we can only institute adequate comparisons by reference to the works of Champollion and Rosellini. I observe the Hindoo style of features in several of the royal effigies, and in none more decidedly than in the head of Asharramon, as sculptured in the temple of Debod, in Nubia. The date of this king has not yet been ascertained; but as he ruled over MeroË, and not in Egypt, (probably in Ptolemaic times,) he may be regarded as a good illustration of at least one modification of the Austral-Egyptian type. Another set of features, but little different, however, from the preceding, is seen among the middling class of Egyptians as pictured on the monuments, and these I also refer to the Hindoo type. Take, for example, the four annexed outlines, copied from a sculptured fragment preserved in the museum of Turin. These effigies may be said to be essentially Egyptian; but do they not forcibly remind us of the Hindoo? The Hindoos are also represented on the monuments as prisoners and tribute-bearers to the kings. My drawing, Plate XIV., Fig. 21, is copied from the “Grand Procession” of Thotmes IV. The man leads a bear; an indication that he is of a foreign country, for there are no bears indigenous to Africa. Moreover, the characters of the animal, as delineated in Rosellini, are not unlike those of the celebrated grotesque species of India called by naturalists Ursus labiatus, which has been, in all ages, a favourite with Hindoo mountebanks. The man himself has an aquiline and pointed nose, thin beard, receding forehead, and comparatively fair complexion, which assimilate him to some Indo-Semitic or Indo-Persian tribe. In the same celebrated scene I notice another head of the same general cast, but of a darker complexion and more delicate features, who answers yet more accurately to the type of the northern Hindoos. He wears a light dress and grass hat, and moreover leads an elephant, all of which point to a warm climate. Mr. Hoskins remarks that “the elephant must be from Ethiopia: if, therefore, they [the attendants] are Scythians, as some suppose, they must be employed as slaves bringing the produce of Ethiopia.” And he concludes by suggesting that they may be white slaves of the latter country, sent as a present to the Egyptian king. This appears to me to be an involved and unsatisfactory explanation. The elephant, like the bear, is obviously an Asiatic animal, (for the Egyptians made no use of the living native species,) and it is evident that this group is merely typical of some conquered Hindoo nation, or proximate and cognate tribe. History, mythology and the arts discover various additional analogies between these venerable nations. Apis, the Egyptian bull, was the symbol of Osiris; and the white bull is the animal on which Siva is represented on the Indian pagodas: worship was bestowed alike on the Ganges and the Nile; both nations paid homage to the sun and the serpent; and even at the present time, the objects held in greatest veneration by the Hindoos of the Vishnu sect are the ape, the monkey, the bird called garruda, and the serpent capella. Among the symbols of superstition in each are the sphinx, the lotus, the lingam, and the cross. “The dog, sacred to Bhairava, a form of Siva, and the jackall of Durga, remind us of the barking Anubis, the companion of Osiris. The dogs of Yama, one of which was termed Cerbura, or spotted, and was feigned to have three heads, corresponds remarkably, as Mr. Wilford has observed, with the three-headed Cerberus, the dog of Pluto.” This affinity is also recognised in their almost exclusive vegetable diet, and by the singular institution of castes. Analogies are, moreover, traced in the architecture of the two nations, whether in their monolithic temples and subterranean sanctuaries, or in the statuary and minor decorations of their stupendous temples. That there was extensive and long-continued intercourse between the Hindoos and Egyptians is beyond a question; and history speaks, also, of conquest and migration. Which was primitively the dominant power? The Egyptians very naturally decided this point in their own favour; for they assert that Osiris crossed Arabia to the utmost inhabited parts of India, and built many cities there. “He left, likewise,” says Diodorus, “many other marks of his being in these parts, which have induced the inhabitants to believe and affirm, that this god (Osiris) was born in India.” Dr. Prichard, whose profound investigations into this and all other questions in ethnography, command our highest respect, while he admits that great difficulties present themselves in the present inquiry, remarks “that a common origin, if not of the races themselves, at least of the mental culture characteristic of both of them, has been proved; and that the people of India and of Egypt derived from one source the first principles of all their peculiarities of thought and action, of their religious and social observances, and civil and political institutions; and that these principles had even been developed to a considerable extent, before the nations themselves were entirely cut off from communication with each other or with a common centre.” It has been proved by the philosophic Heeren, that MeroË was the grand emporium of the trade between the richest and most productive portions of the earth; the gold countries of eastern Africa, the spice lands of India, and the region of frankincense and precious stones in southern Arabia. He has shown that the communication between these countries was established in the most ancient periods, and continued without interruption through successive ages of time; that the ruins of AdulÉ, Azab, and Axum, yet mark the caravan routes between MeroË and Arabia Felix; and that Yemen, though separated from India by an open sea, is yet connected with it by nature in an extraordinary manner. “One half of the year,” he adds, “from spring to autumn, the wind regularly sets in and wafts the vessels from Arabia to India; the other half, from autumn to spring, it as regularly carries them back from India to Arabia.” In truth, what Diodorus says, in general, of early Egyptian commerce and conquest by sea, need be no longer regarded as fabulous, although the details, like much that we glean from the remote history of all heathen nations, are to be received with circumspection. He tells us that Sesostris (Rameses III.) fitted out a fleet of four hundred ships in the Arabian gulf, with which he conquered all the countries bordering on the Erythrean sea, as far as India, whence he led an army beyond the Ganges until he again reached the ocean. This account is not likely to be all fable, especially since it comes from a Greek historian; and we may safely regard it as an indication of that extensive maritime enterprise in which the Egyptians engaged with the southern nations of Asia. When the Romans under the guidance of Hippalus, eighty years after their conquest of Egypt, began to trade with India by way of the Red Sea and Malabar, they only re-established the ancient route, which had been long forgotten amidst the chaos of political revolutions. In fine, if the Egyptians had been their own historians, we should probably learn that they were as familiar with India in ancient as the English are in modern times. |