DEPOSITIONS AND STATEMENTS (FIFTY-SIX IN NUMBER) ILLUSTRATING BREACHES OF THE LAWS OF WAR BY THE GERMAN TROOPS, MAINLY OUTRAGES ON BRITISH SOLDIERS

Note.—These documents are here made public for the first time. They have not been published either in the Bryce Report or in the Nineteenth Century and After. I have selected the cases of Bailleul and Doulieu as typical of all the rest. Many other communes, e.g., Meteren, Steenwerck, La Gorgue, Vieux-Berquin, suffered a similar fate. As regards Bailleul itself I have given only one out of some twenty documents in my possession relating to the rapes committed there; the others are in no way inferior in authenticity, nor are they any less horrible. My object is not to multiply proofs, but to exemplify them. It will be observed that the evidence of British soldiers here given is that of eye-witnesses, except, of course, in cases of rape. As regards the latter, the hearsay evidence is fully corroborated by the French depositions of the victims.—J. H. M.

(1)

Private R. R——, 1st Royal Scots:—At Ypres, on November 11th (the day I was wounded), the Germans had made an attack on the trenches in front of us—we were back in the dug-outs. We went up to support and drove them back. In the trench were about a dozen Germans, our men having retired towards us. The Germans were kneeling with one hand up to let us see that they had surrendered; so we thought it was all right, and we turned our attention to firing at those who were retiring. One of the officers of our regiment, but not of my company, was at the side of the trench and had picked up a rifle to fire at the retreating Germans. I saw one of the Germans who had surrendered—I think he was an officer—raise his revolver (we had had no time to disarm them) and shoot at our officer, who dropped. Another man and I then shot the German.

(2)

Private W. M——, 1st Wilts, — Company:—(1) On the Aisne, between September 14th and 22nd, I was in B Company and going to A Company for a wounded man. I am a bandsman and have acted as stretcher-bearer. The Germans came out of a wood with a white flag. The captain (Captain R——) of — Company gave the order to cease fire—the Company was in the trenches. Captain R—— went forward alone towards the Germans, and the German officer then shot Captain R—— with his revolver and the rest of the Germans opened a heavy fire. Number — Company replied and drove the Germans back.

(2) At La BassÉe, between October 12th and 27th, the Germans had shelled our trenches and driven us out, their infantry advancing in close formation. By that time only eleven out of B Company, including myself, were left. The Germans were within fifty yards of us and so we retired through a brewery down to a farm-house. We went upstairs—a mixed lot from various regiments (West Kents, Royal Irish Rifles, etc.), and began firing from the windows. From the upstairs we saw the Germans bayoneting those of our wounded who had been left in the trenches or placed under cover by us eleven, behind them, or had crawled along.

(3) At La CoutÉrie,92 about 3 kilometres from La BassÉe, it must have been before October 12th, because that was the day we got to La BassÉe, we took possession of a farm-house for a dressing station. The farmer’s wife frequently took food and clothes down to the cellar, she said it was for her daughter; the daughter would not come up. The mother, who was crying as she told us, made out to us that the “Allemands” had outraged her daughter—she held up five fingers.

(3)

Private J. S——, Rifle Brigade, 1st Battalion:—On a Sunday at end of October or beginning of November, just outside Bailleul, near Nieppe, we rested for three hours, having just come out of billets. The Germans had only just left—the chalk-marks of the different regiments were still on the doors. There were a lot of refugees outside an estaminet, among them a mother and two daughters. One daughter looked scared to death, her eyes staring out of her head. She was a girl of about twenty-three, who looked rather delicate. The girl said nothing, stood there and stared like a lunatic. The mother told a group of us in broken English and partly in French—I know some French. She said, “Les Allemands couchent avec ma fille”—that the Germans—she made it appear about eight—had outraged her daughter. We did not go into the estaminet—it was forbidden.

(4)

Captain C—— W——, Bedfords, 2nd Battalion:—At Bailleul, I saw a great deal of evidence of wanton destruction—mirrors broken and furniture smashed. A German cavalry regiment had done it. I was in three different billets there, and in all three the same thing had happened.

(5)

Private S——, K. O. Scottish Borderers:—At Ypres, about a month ago, I was in the trenches and one of our men went out of the trenches to get a drink of water (from a spring about seven yards away). He was wounded in the leg, and an officer (Lieutenant S——, of B Company) sent over for the stretcher-bearers, who were at head-quarters about 300 yards from the support trenches. They were carrying this fellow away when one of the stretcher-bearers was “sniped” from about 300 yards. There was no firing at the time. Another man came of B Company, named G——, volunteered and took the wounded stretcher-bearer’s place, and then he was wounded too. G—— was put on a stretcher and was again wounded by a sniper. Cases of this kind were very common.

(6)

Private J. C——, Scottish Fusiliers, 1st Battalion:—At Locre, near Bailleul, I was billeted in the church there at the beginning of December. The church had not been shelled, but had been looted and the crucifixes had been smashed, and all the images and things of value appeared to have been torn away.

(7)

Corporal J. D. B—— (at that time Bombardier in the 49th Battery R.F.A.) now of the 40th Brigade Ammunition Column R.F.A.:—On August 23rd at Mons, we got the order to advance up a hill with our battery. We got a section of guns in action in a ploughed field, and then we had a sergeant hit with a gunshot wound in the back (it was Sergeant T——, of the 49th Battery R.F.A.). Sergeant R——, of the 49th, asked me to take Sergeant T—— to an ambulance. I took him through a wood, and on the outside of the wood I saw a girl quite naked, running for all she was worth. She appeared to me to be about nineteen years of age. Her body was covered with blood and there was blood all over her breasts. She ran into some trenches on my right. I do not know what regiment occupied them, but I heard afterwards that an officer of the Gordons got hold of her. I went straight on with the sergeant down into Mons, and took him to the field hospital.

(8)

Private S——, C Company, 1st King’s R.R.:—It was on September 11th, I can never forget that date, it was after we left the Marne, and a day or two before the Aisne, we were engaged with the enemy at a distance of about 1,200 yards. They put up a white flag in their centre and waved it from side to side. We stopped firing, whereupon they fired heavily from their right flank. A second time they put up the white flag, this time on the right flank; but we took no notice of this and kept on firing.

(9)

R. McK——, 2nd Royal Irish, — Co.:—About the end of November, near Neuve Chapelle, there was a heavy attack, and we retired to get reinforcements, and left Sergeant G—— wounded in the leg in the trenches; when I last saw him he was binding up his wound. About 300 yards back we got reinforcements, and as we were advancing we saw three Germans bayoneting Sergeant G——.

(10)

R. McK——, 2nd Royal Irish, at Mt. Kemmel:—On Monday I was sent to get water from a pump in the yard of a house about 50 yards behind the line, a farm-house, and in the kitchen I saw seven men and three women, a poor class of people, lying on the ground bayoneted. The house had been looted and everything smashed.

(11)

W. F——, Sapper, 17th R.E.:—About September 7th, near Lagny, we arrived at the village; stopped there for four hours while our artillery were in action. We had a house pointed out to us by the villagers; there was a broken motor bicycle outside, and in the room against the wall we found one of our despatch riders with an officer’s sword sticking through him. Our sergeant and our section officer told us that the villagers said that he came one night, having lost his way, and knocked at the door of the house, which was occupied by German officers; they let him in and then killed him. The house was in a terrible state, everything pulled to pieces. Sapper W—— of our company was the first to find the house.

(12)

Private M——, 1st Gordons, — Co.:—On October 24th, at La BassÉe, the Germans broke through our lines, and as we retreated I was hit in the hip with a shell. The Germans crossed over our trenches and charged till they met our reserves and were driven back. I saw Private E—— (of Portsmouth) of my Company lying wounded in the hip. As they passed, some stepped on top of me, some jumped over me, while others as they passed E—— kicked him and stamped on his face. When he was brought into the dressing-station his face was absolutely black. I never heard anything more of him.

(13)

J. G——, Lance-Corporal, King’s Own, 1st Batt.:—At the end of November, the second day after we arrived at Nieppe, two of us entered an estaminet and found the landlady crying; she told us that about thirteen Germans violated her daughter and shot her husband against a wall in front of her eyes. She said there were a lot of other cases in Nieppe.

(14)

J. A——, Private, 1st Camerons:—It was about October 23rd, at St. Jean (Ypres). We retired, owing to shortage of ammunition, and left two wounded in the trench. When we came back one of them was lying about 20 yards behind the trenches stripped stark naked. We had left him behind covered with a waterproof cloak.

When darkness set in, on retiring, I waited behind to carry in one of the wounded. I lost the road and walked into the German lines with my comrade on my back. I was seized and my hands tied in front; I was then kicked by several German soldiers and thrown into a cellar. They kept pointing a bayonet at my heart. They took away all my food, tobacco, private letters, everything, and ate my food in front of me. After about twenty hours the East Surreys came up and released us.

(15)

J. W. D——, Private, 1st Batt. Cheshires:—On November 14th, at Ypres, the Germans broke in our trenches and as we tried to get out most of us were shot. As they retreated, after being driven back from the communication trenches, at about 4.45 on the Saturday (November 14th), I was lying wounded in the leg at the bottom of the trench unable to rise and a German officer stooped down and shot me in the thigh. I saw the same thing done by other Germans to other men of my company.

(16)

C. R. A——, Private, 10th King’s Liverpool Scottish:—At Kemmel (I think), a place between Ypres and ArmentiÈres, not far from Locre—Kemmel is just close to the trenches, and about the size of Appleby—I, with two or three others, was out looking for vegetables for the officers (I was sent for because I speak French), and we were looking to see if any one remained in the house. While doing this I came across the R.F.A., who took us to their head-quarters and supplied us with vegetables, etc. Further up the valley we came upon a man in civilian clothes who was standing in a doorway. The house had not been damaged by shell fire, as practically all the rest were. We began to talk. He told me in French that he was too old for the army, but had a son-in-law in the Belgian Army. When the Germans came they ransacked all the houses. Of those who came to his house some held him off with arms pointed at him, whilst others outraged his daughter-in-law who was about to give birth to a child. When I was there this poor woman had been sent away.

(17)

Private C——, York L. I., 2nd Batt.:—

(1) About November 17th or 20th, near Ypres, I was with the machine gun which was put out of action; I then went into my own company’s trenches. As it was getting dark, the advance was made and we were up to the wire entanglements; we were driven back by superior numbers. Having gained our own trench, the roll was called and about seventeen were missing out of our Co., Corpl. R—— being amongst them. Under cover of darkness our reinforcements came up and we advanced again. We could only find seven wounded of the men missing and no German wounded at all. At the back of their trenches was a wood where we lost the Germans. So we dropped back to their trench. About three days afterwards they attacked in large numbers, but were repulsed and were driven back further than they had advanced. In our advance we came to a farm and a barn half full of potatoes where we found three of our wounded and two dead. Some of our men carried them out, and while we carried them one of the others died. Corporal R—— (who was among the five) was the worst wounded—he had been shot through the shoulder, and was insensible with both his eyes gouged out and his right arm hacked off. Our O.C. told us on a parade that it was done with a bayonet. He was sent home I heard to a hospital.

(2) At a village about 3 miles S.E. of Ypres, about three weeks next Monday, forty-five of us advanced to rush a house; only seven of us returned. As we were advancing they opened fire on us with a machine gun. We were only about fifteen strong when we got there. We had to break an entrance through the window. We heard shouts and a disturbance inside; it was the Germans making for the cellars. Captain A—— went upstairs after leaving some men on the cellar steps; I followed him. In the back room upstairs was a maxim gun. In one of the other rooms was a girl about fifteen—she had nothing on except a man’s overcoat. When we broke into the room we thought she was absolutely mad. She cried out something, but we could not understand what it was. She rushed out of the room into the front bedroom which was locked. We smashed it in with our rifle butts and there found a woman, her mother, with her right breast all bleeding, and her clothes torn—her breast had been cut as if with a sword, not a bayonet. We used our field bandages and made her as comfortable as we could and sent a volunteer back for stretcher-bearers.

[This soldier was at times in great pain when he spoke, but his mind was clear. I am convinced he spoke the truth.—J. H. M.]

(18)

Corporal D——, Loyal North Lancs., 1st Batt.:—At Ypres, end of November, I was in the trenches, and I saw two of our men, who had been sent out as snipers, hit, and the Germans motioned to them to come into their trenches (which were about 80 yards from ours); they began to crawl in, and as they got on the parapet of the trench the Germans shot them.

(19)

J. A——, Private, Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, 2nd Batt.:—About the beginning of December we were billeted in the outskirts of ArmentiÈres, and were allowed out between twelve and three. We passed a man standing at his door, and he asked us if we had any bully beef—we said no, but we offered him a packet of cigarettes. We stood at the door talking and his wife and children came to the door. The woman looked bad—very delicate looking. He then told us that nine Germans had stopped in the house, and some of them had outraged his wife while he was in the house. He spoke very fair English. Private McM—— and S—— were with me.

(20)

Private K——, 1st Loyal North Lancs.:—On Monday night we attacked them and took two trenches. Everything was quiet till the next morning except for sniping. At about 8.30 they advanced upon us, and the officer of —— Company, seeing the men were overpowered, put up the white flag, and the men put their hands up to surrender. The Germans advanced, and when they got up to the trenches, they shot them each in their trenches as they stood. I saw this. I was on the left flank.

(21)

Sergeant C——, 1st Glosters:—Last Wednesday morning, near La BassÉe, I was in the trench, and I saw a wounded man of No. A Co. (who had had to retire from their trenches on our right, having been enfiladed during the night) crawling on all fours to get back. When the Germans saw him they turned a machine gun on him and killed him.

About end of November, near Ypres, a Belgian farmer (a kind of peasant), who spoke a little English (I can speak some French; I have a French conversation book with me), told me that a German officer threatened him with a revolver because he tried to protect his daughter, and the officer forced the girl to sleep with him for four nights.

(22)

Sergeant G——, 2nd Devons:—

(1) At Estaires, about five weeks ago (latter part of November), we were billeted there, and I and another sergeant went into a cafÉ. The proprietor, who spoke quite good English, said that his daughter had been outraged by a party of Germans while they were occupying. They forced the daughter out into a linhey (an outhouse) at the back and there outraged her.

(2) At Laventie, about a week later, we halted; and I was speaking to a Frenchwoman who spoke English. She told me that the Germans had looted everything, and showed me a jeweller’s shop which had been stripped of nearly everything. She pointed out two girls (I think about seventeen or eighteen) who, she said, had been outraged.

(23)

Private C——, A.S.C., 7th Div., Supply Column:—At Westoutre, near Poperinghe, we were billeted about two months ago at a priest’s house. He spoke English, and told me that his father was shot by the Germans against the church-yard railings because he refused to give up the stores of which he had charge for the Belgian refugees. He told us that the Germans had practised a lot of outrages on the women.

(24)

Lance-Corporal L——, R.E., 55th Co.:—Near Ypres, about October 22nd or 23rd, our section was ordered to assist the Highland Light Infantry, Queen’s and Worcesters in a drive through a wood. We passed a cottage on our right where fighting was going on. As we returned I saw two of our soldiers in a doorway carrying a wounded man. When they got out of the doorway one of the two soldiers was shot in the back by a German at a distance of about 80 yards. All firing had ceased—it was a deliberate aim. On the same day I saw two stretcher-bearers, who were tending a man on the ground, fired at at a distance of about 40 yards—a regular fusillade. There was no fighting going on—our other troops were about 300 or 400 yards ahead, and these snipers had been left behind by the Germans for the express purpose of picking off our wounded.

(25)

Private S——, 1st Northampton:—On the day after General F—— was killed (he was an artillery general), on the Monday, we advanced 14 miles, about, and bivouacked in a field. From our bivouac, about one mile distant, there was a little farm. We went to the farm to fill our water bottles, and a woman told us that her two daughters (whom we also saw) had been outraged the previous night by twelve or fourteen Germans. The woman spoke English quite well—at least, well enough for me to understand—very distinctly. The woman was not excited, but greatly distressed, and the two girls (one child sixteen, the other about nineteen—in fact, I think the woman said that the one was not sixteen) were still more distressed; they were in a pitiful plight. Listening to the story with me were Company Sergeant-Major M—— of D. Co., also Sergeant S——, also D. Co., and Corporal C——, likewise of D. Co.

(26)

Captain F——, 2nd Batt. Coldstreams:—

(1) On the Rentel ridge, near Ypres, and south of Sonnen, I have seen repeated cases of deliberate firing on stretcher-bearers which admitted of no doubt.

(2) On the Aisne, on a Monday (either September 13th or 14th) at Soupir, there was a bad case of trickery with the white flag. The Germans advanced from a farm-house with white flags at the end of their rifles, and on our men rushing forward, despite the warning of their officers, to take prisoners, they were shot down. We lost a whole company of the 3rd Batt. Coldstreams in this way.

(27)

Private L——, in the 1st Cornwall L.I.:—On September 9th (Wednesday) at Montreuil, I was wounded and being carried by two of ours, when about a quarter-mile from the firing-line I and other wounded were being brought down an exposed slope; the moment we appeared a machine-gun about 400 yards distant opened fire on us—several wounded hit.

(28)

Private W——, in the 1st Camerons:—On the Aisne, September 14th, I was told by Sergeant Major C—— of Camerons that Captain H—— (commanding our Company) was lying in a field having his wounds dressed by one of our own bandsmen acting as stretcher-bearer. Captain H—— and stretcher-bearer were shot by a German officer. The Sergeant-Major (who had been taken prisoner by the Germans) saw this happen.

[Note.—This story was fully corroborated, without variation, by several other Camerons whom I met in other wards, and also by the Colonel of the Camerons, with whom I discussed the matter at General Hospital No. 4 (Paris) at Versailles.—J. H. M.]

(29)

Private W—— (the same):—We were advancing, Black Watch on our right, Scots Guards on our left. Germans put up white flag and we advanced to take prisoners. At thirty yards they opened their ranks, and machine-guns concealed behind fired upon us, the Germans in front also firing their rifles.

(30)

Private S——, 1st Batt. Glosters:—On August 26th, first day of retreat from Fevrel, we were leaving the trenches, B. Co. covering us on the left. It was just where Captain S—— was shot. Private L——, who had been shot twice, was bayoneted when lying on the ground by two Germans. I and the whole Company saw it.

(31)

Private B——, West Yorks:—On September 20th, 300 Germans ran up with a German officer and white flag, surrendering. About a thousand Germans followed and captured our Company of about 220. They bayoneted Sergeant-Major A—— after surrender of the Company, and shot majority of the Company. I was only three yards from Sergeant-Major when it happened. I fell over a hedge into a stone quarry and escaped. Here it was that Major I—— was killed. Later the Durhams came up and we got off.

(32)

Private (Lance-Corporal) C——, 1st East Lancs:—About September 6th, ChÂteau de Perense, near Jouasse, Seine et Marne, about 700 Germans, coming out of a wood, dropped their rifles and held up their hands; whistle sounded “cease fire.” Two Companies sent up to accept surrender, and when within about ten yards the Germans ran back to the wood and their troops in wood opened fire on the two companies (i.e. on about 450 men).

(33)

Private C—— (the same):—Passed through a village recently occupied by drunken Germans. Women raving. Saw two women with bruised faces and black eyes. Lieut. M—— said they had attempted to resist outrage by Germans.

(34)

Private M——, Notts and Derby:—On September 20th (Sunday) in trenches on Aisne, seventy Germans came up with white flag; we let them come up and then went out to take them. They then opened fire just as their reinforcements came up, and killed many men of the West Yorks, Notts and Derby, and Durhams.

(35)

The same:—On the Monday morning we went out to find our wounded and discovered an English soldier with ten or fourteen bayonet wounds—there had been no bayonet fighting with the Germans.

(36)

Private H——, 2nd Batt. Duke of Wellington’s:—On September 8th and 9th, at Nogent-sur-le-Marne, advancing through the Forest of Crecy, heard on all sides stories of women outraged. I was told by Mme. S—— (Veuve) an elderly lady, who was the widow of an Englishman and spoke English, that an officer had outraged her servant in the house. The servant stood by crying as Mme. S—— told the story. Mme. S—— gave me her address—here it is in my pocket-book:—4 rue de Lafaulette, Nogent-sur-le-Marne.

(37)

J. B——, Despatch Rider, Signal Co. 1st Div. R.E.:—About September 16th, near Paissy. At a distance of about 300 yards we saw through our glasses one of our despatch-riders (A—— of Signal Co., R.E.), shot while riding his motor-cycle; he fell off, and while lying on ground was speared by three Uhlans, one after the other. Uhlans attempted to burn him with his own petrol, but made off when they saw us coming. We found his body half-burned when we reached it.

(38)

Sergeant D——, 1st Cornwalls:—About September 9th, near 6 p.m., Battle of the Aisne, I was with a platoon with orders to remain behind and delay German advance. We couldn’t see any Germans, and we therefore had done no firing for quite an hour. Our ambulance was out picking up wounded. My platoon was marching back to rejoin our Company; we were carrying our rifles. R.A.M.C. were picking up Lieut. E—— when they were fired on from the woods at a distance of about 300 yards, a regular fusillade. Lieut. E—— badly hit. Ambulance had to gallop off out of range, and we made off. Ambulance was broadside on to the enemy, and must therefore have been unmistakable.

(39, 40 and 41)

Statements taken down, after cross-examination by a Staff Officer at General Headquarters, as to incidents in the neighbourhood at Ypres:

(1) Private B. S——, 1st Black Watch, says that he saw Germans bayonet our wounded as they lay on the ground. He was wounded in the leg himself, but, seeing this, he managed to get away.

Afterwards he was with German wounded, who told him that they had been ordered to kill all English prisoners.

(2) Private W. W——, 1st Black Watch, says that he was in a reserve trench and saw the Germans bayoneting our wounded 40 or 50 yards in front of him. He was wounded in the arm and taken prisoner, but was sent for water for wounded Germans and escaped.

Says the wounded Germans in our charge told him that they had been told to kill all English and take no prisoners.

(3) Statement of Private M——, Cameron Highlanders attached.

I saw this man, and consider him thoroughly reliable as to the facts of the case.

He says that he saw one German place the butt of his rifle on the wounded man’s chest and hold him while the other one shot him. Our reinforcements were heard coming up immediately afterwards, and the Germans ran away. The men were Prussian Guard.

“I was shot while retiring, and took shelter behind a hedge which I had fallen through. A wounded man of the Black Watch was lying close beside me groaning. The Germans came up behind the hedge and fired through it. Two came through and I saw one deliberately place his rifle to the wounded Highlander’s head and shoot him. The features of the wounded German who came into hospital with me in the same convoy are identically those of the man I saw commit the action.”

(42 and 43)

Summary of Statements taken by a Captain in the Sherwood Foresters:

(1) The undermentioned privates state that on October 20th, 1914, they saw German soldiers killing our wounded, and can swear to the same. [There follow three names of privates in the 2nd Sherwood Foresters.]

(2) The men mentioned below make the following statement: that on November 1st, 1914, two German soldiers were seen both delivering blows on our wounded with rifle-butts, and shooting them. [There follow names of four privates in the Lincolnshire Regiment, and one in the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders.]

(44)

Statement made by a private in the Loyal North Lancs.:

On or about December 21st, I think near Neuve Chapelle, we were ordered up to the trenches occupied by the Gurkhas. We got over them and lined a ditch—some of ours wounded there. We charged, and they started with hand bombs. On our right was Captain Smart, shot in the head. We had to retire; an hour and a half later we advanced again, and here I found one of our wounded with his throat cut (he had been shot previously). I heard of others with their throats cut. I lay down close to him. Dawn was just breaking. We had to retire again, and the bodies were left there.

(45)

A Brigadier-General of the British Cavalry Corps:

On September 6th, the day before we got to Rebais, we passed a lonely farm where we found a shepherd with the top of his head blown off by a rifle-shot. He had been asked by the Germans for bread, and, on failing to produce any, had been shot.

(46)

Statement by Major ——, O.C. of a Cavalry Field Ambulance:—On October 17th, at Moorslede, north-east of Ypres, the Germans were reported as having strangled a young baker in this place. The inhabitants stated that he had been taken by the Germans to bake for them, and that he attempted to escape. The enemy caught him and stuffed a woollen scarf he was wearing down his throat, causing suffocation. One of my officers, Lieut. P——, viewed the body in the convent next day, and found the scarf stuffed in the man’s throat.

(47)

Private R. McK——, 2nd Royal Irish:—On the advance from the Marne to the Aisne in September, we passed through a village and saw a baby propped up at the window like a doll. About six of us went into the house, with a sergeant, and found the child dead—bayoneted. We found a tottering kind of old man, a middle-aged woman, and a youth, all bayoneted. In another village our interpreter pointed out to us two girls who were crying; he told us they had been ravished.

(48)

Driver B——, R.F.A.:—Somewhere between Chantilly and Villers-Cotterets, about the end of August, just after we started advancing, we were marching through a village, and the villagers called us into a house and showed us the body of a middle-aged man, with both arms cut off by a sword, pointed to him and said “Allemands.” They told our R.A.M.C. men in French that he had been killed when trying to protect his daughter.

In the next village, before we got to the Aisne, the villagers showed us the dead body of a woman, naked, on the ground, badly mutilated, her breasts cut off, and her body ripped up. They said “Allemands.”

(49)

Private F. W. M——, Leicesters:—I think it was in October, after we had left the Aisne and were on the march. About a week before we got to ArmentiÈres, we went through a small village, halted, and I and a man named C——, of my company, were searching a hedge for wood, and came across a baby with a single vest on it, as if it had been taken straight from bed, and nearly cut in half, as if by a sabre.

(50)

Private G. R——, Bedfords:—Somewhere between October 14th and 17th, at a village about fifteen miles from Ypres, a boy was brought in from a farm-house, the people having sent in for surgical assistance for a boy who was wounded. I saw him brought in by some of our men to an estaminet—he had five sabre-cuts. His sister told us that the Uhlans had chased him round the farm because he had cried out something to them. He looked as if he would not live. One of our R.A.M.C. bound up his wounds.

(51)

Private W. D——, Hampshires:—About seven weeks ago, when the Germans tried hard to break through, we were about two hours from a place which we call the ChÂteau, where the Germans pitched shells every day, especially at a big tower place which is there. Our platoons were in the trenches in the order left to right of 5, 6, 7, 8, and then came C Company in their trenches. The wounded left with the dead in the C trench were half buried by its having been blown in. The Germans enfiladed the wounded, shot them, bayoneted them, jumped on them.

(52)

Private B——, Royal West Kents:—Early in September, in the advance from Coulommiers, I saw two British cavalrymen lying dead on the ground, their arms stretched out like a cross and their hands pinned by Uhlan lances.

(53)

Private J. C——, Scots Guards:—Last Monday night, the other side the canal bank at a place I think they call “Karuchi,” the Manchesters were surrounded. We were in support and advanced to their help.... We re-took the trenches. In the second trench, when we got there, we found many Manchesters who had been shot first and then bayoneted, as they lay wounded, by the Germans when capturing the trench.

(54)

Private P——, Cornwalls:—In the early part of September in our advance, in all the villages the Germans had smashed everything for mere sport—the place stank with the dead bodies of pigs and chickens which they had killed and left in the road. We found scent-bottles thrown all over the road—mirrors smashed and furniture—lovely furniture—thrown into the street, and pictures cut.

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Private W. T——, Welsh Regiment:—On the retreat from Mons in August we came upon a woman tied to a tree. She was quite dead. Her throat was cut. I believe she had been outraged.... The time was about 5 p.m. It was quite light. I should say the woman’s age was between eighteen and twenty-two. The men cut her down. I saw them do it. I do not know what became of the body as we had to go on. I expect it was Uhlans who had done this.

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Corps ExpÉditionnaire anglais, 5? Division d’Infanterie, 7? Groupe de Gendarmerie. Objet: Actes reprÉhensibles commis par des soldats allemands.

Rapport du Capitaine Pigeanne, Commandant le dÉtachement de Gendarmerie attachÉ À la 5? Division d’Infanterie anglaise, sur des actes reprÉhensibles commis par des soldats de l’armÉe allemande.

Serches, le 14 septembre, 1914.

Le 10 septembre courant, en parcourant avec quelques gendarmes de mon dÉtachement, en exÉcution de l’Art. 109 du Service de la Gendarmerie en campagne (31 juillet, 1911), un terrain sur lequel avait eu lieu la veille, un engagement, j’ai fait, au lieu dit “Laroche,” commune de Montreuil-aux-Lions (Seine-et-Marne) les constatations suivantes:

Un soldat d’infanterie anglaise avait ÉtÉ tuÉ sur la lisiÈre d’un petit-bois bordant la route de Mery À Montreuil-aux-Lions.

Il avait ÉtÉ atteint par des balles de fusil, au cou et À la poitrine.

Il Était tombÉ et Était restÉ Étendu sur le dos.

Son cadavre fut mutilÉ la face avait ÉtÉ complÈtement aplatie et ÉcraseÉ, trÈs probablement par des coups donnÉs avec la crosse d’un fusil ou mÊme avec le talon de la chaussure.

Cet acte fut certainement commis par des soldats allemands du 48 regiment d’Infanterie, car six cadavres d’Allemands de ce mÊme rÉgiment furent trouvÉs À 100 mÈtres au plus de cet endroit.

Une femme se trouvait sur la route tout prÈs de lÀ. Des qu’elle me vit elle s’approcha de moi et encore sous le coup d’une vive indignation elle me fit le rÉcit suivant:

“Hier, 9 septembre, dans l’aprÈs-midi, pendant le combat un soldat fut blessÉ. Il avait ÉtÉ atteint À une jambe. MalgrÉ sa blessure, il parvint À se traÎner jusque chez moi, À la maison que vous voyez sur la colline, au lieu dit Pisseloup.

“Il me parla, je ne le compris pas.

“Je lui fis un premier pansement dÈs qu’il en eÛt montrÉ sa blessure et le fis Étendre sur mon lit.

“Quelques instants aprÈs plusieurs soldats allemands traversÈrent la route et vinrent Également jusqu’À ma demeure.

“DÈs qu’ils virent le soldat anglais qui Était blessÉ, ils le frappÈrent, le jetÈrent dehors de la maison, oÙ ils le battirent encore avec leurs fusils.

“Je ne sais ce qu’est devenu ce malheureux anglais, mais je pense qu’il a dÛ Être recueilli ou enterrÉ, s’il est mort, par ses compatriotes qui sont passÉs ici ce matin, out soigne des blessÉs et enterrÉ quelques-uns des leurs tirÉs dans le combat de hier.”

Enfin, j’ajoute le fait suivant:

A Vanfleurs, le 8 septembre prÈs de Poccunente, j’ai encore vu sur la colline au N.O. de Poccunente, et À 1 Kilo, environ, le cadavre d’un Anglais dont le crÂne avait ÉtÉ mutilÉ À un tel point que la matiÈre cervicale apparaissait en plusieurs points.

Ce soldat anglais Était un simple Éclaireur, tuÉ d’un coup de fusil À la lisiÈre d’un bois.

Les Allemands s’Étaient acharnÉs aprÈs lui, peut-Être mÊme aprÈs sa mort.

Ces actes constituent peut-Être une exception et sont l’oeuvre de brutes, mais ils sont tellement odieux que j’estime de mon devoir d’en rendre compte À l’autoritÉ militaire supÉrieure.

(Signed) C. N. Pigeanne.

II
DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO THE GERMAN OCCUPATION OF BAILLEUL93
RÉpublique FranÇaise
VILLE DE BAILLEUL, COMMISSARIAT DE POLICE

(1)
ProcÈs-Verbal No. 2. Meurtre de trois civils non combattants par des soldats allemands

L’an 1914, le 16 octobre À 16 heures Nous ThÉvenin.... InformÉ par les agents de notre service que les soldats allemands auraient tuÉ trois individus non combattants au lieu dit Nouveau Monde, commune de Bailleul, nous avons ouvert une enquÊte et entendons:

Marie H——, 37 ans, Épouse C——, demeurant À V—— Rue, Commune de Bailleul, entendue, dÉclare:—Le jeudi matin, 8 courant, vers 7 heures je me trouvais au passage À niveau du Nouveau Monde, quand j’ai vu passer trois civils accompagnÉs par six soldats allemands, baÏonnette au canon et qui leur avaient attachÉ les mains avec des serviettes. Je les ai suivi du regard et quelques minutes aprÈs j’ai vu les mÊmes soldats accompagnant les mÊmes hommes parler À un officier allemand qui leur a fait signe d’aller plus loin dans une pÂture. Les soldats s’y sont dirigÉs conduisant toujours les civils prisonniers; ils leur ont fait sauter un fossÉ, puis ils les ont mis debout sur une mÊme ligne dans la prairie. À ce moment un soldat allemand me fit rentrer dans une maison. Environ une demi heure aprÈs, j’ai su que les Allemands avaient tuÉ les civils que j’avais vu passer avec eux et qu’ils les avaient enterrÉs dans le jardin de Monsieur Pierre BÉhaghel.

Lecture faite.

V——, Gabrielle, Épouse D——, ÂgÉe de 26 ans, mÉnagÈre, demeurant au N—— M——, commune de Bailleul, interpellÉe, dÉclare:—J’ai vu le jeudi, 8 courant, vers 7 heures et demie du matin six soldats allemands amenant avec eux, les mains liÉes, trois civils portant de petits paquets et paraissant avoir de 18 À 25 ans. Ils les ont mis dans la prairie en face de chez moi sur l’ordre que venait de leur donner un de leurs officiers auxquels ils venaient de s’adresser. J’avais chez moi un soldat allemand qui faisait la cuisine et cet homme voyant venir les prisonniers m’a dit, en franÇais: “Regardez, Madame, comme c’est beau: voir fusilier des civils franÇais, regardez c’est du beau travail, on devrait tous les tuer comme cela!” J’ai rÉpondu que je ne pouvais pas le voir car c’Était un crime. MalgrÉ ma rÉponse j’ai regardÉ lorsque j’ai entendu tirer le coup de feu et j’ai vu que ces pauvres civils tombaient. J’ai Également vu les soldats allemands creuser trois trous dans lesquels ils les ont ensevelis. Je ne sais rien d’autre sur cette affaire.

Lecture faite.

3º. H——, HÉlÈne, femme B——, 44 ans, mÉnagÈre, demeurant À Bailleul au lieu dit “N—— M——,” nous fait la dÉclaration suivante: J’ai vu le 8 courant six soldats allemands prÉsenter À leur officier qui logeait chez moi trois jeunes gens civils qui portaient des paquets. L’officier a dit en franÇais aux soldats “Allez vite dans la prairie les fusiller”; les soldats sont partis aussitÔt. Je n’ai plus rien vu ni entendu concernant cette affaire, mais j’ai su que l’ordre avait ÉtÉ mis À exÉcution.

Lecture faite.

4º. S——, DÉsirÉ, 74 ans, tisserant, demeurant À Bailleul, N—— M——, dÉclare:—J’ai vu, comme les femmes H——, V—— et B——, passer les trois civils encadrÉs par les soldats allemands. Je sais que ceux-ci, sur l’ordre d’un de leurs officiers, les ont fusillÉs. Je les ai vus enterrer À cinquante mÈtres de chez moi dans le jardin de Monsieur BÉhaghel Pierre. Les soldats allemands sont venus chez moi prendre des pioches et des pelles pour creuser leurs tombes. Je ne sais rien de plus.

Lecture faite.

La femme H—— nous remet sur notre demande un laisser-passer dÉlivrÉ par la Commune de ZonnebÈke À un sieur Herreman qui est un de ceux qui ont ÉtÉ fusillÉs par les Allemands. Nous le joignons au prÉsent ainsi que la photographie y annexÉe.

Nous y joignons Également une adresse trouvÉe Écrite au crayon prÈs de l’endroit oÙ ont ÉtÉ enterrÉs les trois corps des civils fusillÉs. Nous donnons l’ordre au garde champÊtre du quartier Deicke de se transporter au N—— M—— et de constater la prÉsence des trois cadavres enterrÉs, cela accompagnÉ de deux tÉmoins.

De retour de sa mission l’agent nous fait le rapport suivant:

Je me nomme Deicke Juste, garde champÊtre À Bailleul. ConformÉment À vos instructions je me suis mis en rapport avec les nommÉs Coulier Achille, 30 ans, marÉchal ferrant; Sonneville DÉsire, 74 ans, tisserand; Lassus Henri, 51 ans, journalier; Behaghel Julien, 19 ans, cordonnier, que j’ai priÉs de m’accompagner pour constater que trois corps de civils avaient bien ÉtÉ enterrÉs dans le jardin du sieur Behaghel. LÀ nous avons vu, les trois corps de jeunes gens vÊtus d’habits civils et recouverts d’une couche de terre d’environ 30 centimÈtres.

Dans les effets nous avons trouvÉ un extrait du registre d’immatriculation de la commune de Beuvry (Pas-de-Calais) au nom de BÉkaert (Cyrille JÉrome), nÉ À ZonnebÈke, le 29 aoÛt, 1891. Je vous ai apportÉ cet extrait.

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ProcÈs-Verbal No. 1. Meurtre du jeune B——, Albert, par soldats allemands

L’an mille neuf cent quatorze, le 15 octobre À 2 heures du soir. Nous ThÉvenin, Pierre, Commissaire de la Ville de Bailleul, auxiliaire de Monsieur le Procureur de la RÉpublique. InformÉ par les agents de notre service qu’un meurtre aurait ÉtÉ commis, il y a plusieurs jours, par un soldat de l’armÉe allemande au hameau de Stient de notre commune, ouvrons une enquÊte et entendons:

1º. B——, Victor, 48 ans, cultivateur, demeurant À Bailleul, Rue —— —— ——, lequel nous dit:

Le jeudi, 8 octobre courant, vers midi, mon fils Albert, 19 ans, venait d’apprendre que des patrouilles allemandes circulaient dans le voisinage de notre ferme. Il m’en fit part et me dit qu’il allait aussitÔt se cacher dans un fosse. Il est parti de suite suivi de son frÈre Maurice, ÂgÉ de 17 ans. Le mÊme jour, vers 8 heures du soir, celui-ci revint À la maison, il me dit que son frÈre l’avait quittÉ pour aller À la ferme occupÉe par les Époux Charlet, nos voisins. Je suis allÉ aussitÔt voir mon voisin, C—— D——, que je savais avoir passÉ la journÉe chez Charlet et celui-ci me dit que mon fils avait ÉtÉ tuÉ dans la ferme Charlet À coup de lance par un soldat allemand. Je ne sais pas autre chose sinon que j’ai vu le cadavre de mon fils dans la cour de cette ferme À moitiÉ carbonisÉ par l’incendie que venait de dÉtruire les immeubles et qui avait ÉtÉ allumÉ par les soldats allemands.

Lecture faite.

B——, Victor. ThÉvenin, Cre. de Police.

2º. C—— D——, 57 ans, cultivateur, demeurant À Bailleul, Rue de Lille, entendu, dÉclare:

Le 8 octobre, vers 3 heures du soir, je me trouvais À la ferme Charlet avec diffÉrentes personnes dont le nommÉ B——, Albert. Les Allemands au nombre d’une dizaine, sont entrÉs dans la maison absolument furieux et se sont ruÉs sur nous hommes et femmes sans distinction, nous ont apprÉhendÉs au corps pour nous jeter dans la cour de la ferme, oÙ ils allaient nous fusilier, disaient-ils. Le jeune B—— fut jetÉ le premier. Un soldat qui Était À l’entrÉe le perÇa d’un coup de lance qui le tua. B—— tomba raide mort À terre. Dans la cour, j’ai vu que les bÂtiments de la ferme flambaient. Les Allemands nous ont dit qu’ils venaient d’allumer cet incendie, car ils croyaient qu’un coup de feu avait ÉtÉ tirÉ de lÀ sur eux. Tous, nous avons suppliÉ les Allemands de ne pas nous faire du mal. Un d’entr’eux qui causait franÇais a fait part aux autres de ce que nous voulions. Alors, on nous a jetÉ la tÊte aprÈs les murs, on nous a bousculÉs tant qu’ils ont pu et on nous a mis dehors de la ferme. Je ne sais pas autre chose sur cette affaire.

Lecture faite.

D——, Clovis. ThÉvenin.

3º. Joseph D——, 14 ans, ouvrier agricole, demeurant À Bailleul, rue — ——, entendu, nous fait une dÉclaration corroborant de tous points À celle de son frÈre qui procÈde et signe avec nous, ajoutant qu’aucun coup de feu n’avait ÉtÉ tirÉ de cette ferme sur les Allemands ou sur aucune autre personne et qu’À sa connaissance il n’y avait dans cette ferme aucune arme À feu.

D——, Joseph. ThÉvenin.

4º. C——, EugÉnie, nÉe B——, 55 ans, fermiÈre, demeurant À Bailleul, Rue — ——, nous dit:—J’ai reÇu À ma ferme le jeudi, 8 courant, vers midi et demi plusieurs voisins, parmi lesquels le nommÉ B——, Albert. Je l’ai vu tuÉ vers trois heures par un soldat allemand d’un coup de lance dans la poitrine alors qu’il venait d’Être jetÉ dehors de ma maison par d’autres soldats allemands. Les soldats allemands nous ont tous maltraitÉs en nous flanquant la tÊte contre les murs. Ils nous ont en outre menacÉs de mort. Ils ont dit que l’incendie qui a dÉtruit ma ferme avait ÉtÉ allumÉ par eux, car ils avaient cru entendre un coup de feu parti de lÀ. J’affirme que chez moi il n’y a aucune arme À feu et qu’aucun coup n’a ÉtÉ tirÉ. Je ne sais pas autre chose sur cette affaire.

Lecture.

C—— B——. ThÉvenin.

5º. B——, Juliette, 36 ans, servante À Estaires, P—— P——, interpellÉe, dÉclare:—J’ai vu comme ma tante, Époux C—— et les autres tÉmoins, tuer le jeune B——, Albert. J’ai ÉtÉ comme eux tous, maltraitÉe et menacÉe de mort par les mÊmes militaires. Je ne puis pas en dire davantage, mais je confirme en tous points les dÉclarations qui prÉcÈdent.

Lecture.

Juliette B——. ThÉvenin.

ProcÈs-Verbal, No. 3.—Meurtre des nommÉs Itsweire Donat, et Torrez Edouard, par une patrouille allemande

L’an 1914, le 16 octobre, À 5 heures et demi du soir nous ThÉvenin.... InformÉ par les agents de notre service que deux hommes habitant le village d’Oultersteen, commune de Bailleul, avaient ÉtÉ tuÉs volontairement par des soldats allemands quoiqu’Étant en civils et non combattants, ouvrons une enquÊte et entendons:—

F——, Charles, 55 ans, journalier, demeurant À Merris, lequel nous dit:—Le mercredi, 7 courant, vers 4 heures et demie du soir, j’ai vu arriver prÈs du passage À niveau d’Oultersteen une patrouille de dragons allemands appartenant au 5º rÉgiment et commandÉe par un sous-officier. La patrouille a tirÉ des coups de carabine sur les civils qui se trouvaient dans la rue. Quelques soldats sont allÉs tuer un homme, le nommÉ Isteweire Donat, 75 ans environ, qui s’Était rÉfugiÉ sous un pont. Je l’ai vu tirer sur cet homme et celui-ci ayant cessÉ de vivre. J’ai appris depuis qu’ils avaient tuÉ un sieur Torrez Edouard, 40 ans, cabaretier, demeurant À Oultersteen et cela de la mÊme maniÈre. J’ai su aussi qu’un autre homme avait ÉtÉ par eux blessÉ À la joue.

Lecture faite.

2º. B——, Alfred, 37 ans, employÉ au chemin de fer, A—— ——, À Lille, entendu, dÉclare:—Le mercredi, 7 courant, vers 4 heures et demie du soir, je revenais de voyage en passant par Oultersteen. A la barriÈre du passage À niveau de la route allant À Vieux-Berquin j’ai vu devant moi des dragons allemands, 5º rÉgiment, qui nous ont ajustÉs de leur carabines et ont tirÉ trentaine de coups de feu. Pour ma part j’ai reÇu une balle À la joue gauche. Une autre a percÉ ma casquette, qui a ÉtÉ lancÉe À plusieurs mÈtres. A ce moment les nommÉs Torrez Edouard, et Isteweire Donat, Étaient À cÔtÉ de moi. Nous avons fui chacun de notre cÔtÉ, seul j’ai pu Échapper. Itsweire a ÉtÉ tuÉ sous un pont, Torrez À cÔtÉ d’une haie de chemin de halage. J’ai vu que cette patrouille de dragons a tirÉ une vingtaine de coups de rÉvolver dans la maison de la garde barriÈre du passage À niveau de Vieux-Berquin, oÙ se trouvaient trois femmes et trois enfants. L’arrivÉe d’une patrouille du 13º rÉgiment de Chasseurs À cheval, qui a chargÉ la patrouille allemande, a sauvÉ la vie À ces six personnes qui n’auraient manquÉ d’Être tuÉs par ces bandits. Je ne sais pas autre chose.

Lecture faite.

3º. L——, Jules, 13 ans, sans profession, demeurant À Oultersteen, interpellÉ, dit:—Je n’ai vu Itsweire et Torrez que lorsqu’ils Étaient droits, tuÉs par la patrouille allemande À coups de fusils. J’ai vu cette mÊme patrouille tirer des coups de rÉvolver chez moi. Les trois femmes et les deux autres enfants qui se trouvaient dans la maison auraient certainement ÉtÉ tuÉs par eux ainsi que moi-mÊme, si une patrouille franÇaise ne lui avait donnÉ la chasse. Je ne sais pas autre chose concernant ces deux meurtres.

ProcÈs-Verbal No. 4. Viol de la demoiselle D——, Marie ThÉrÈse, par deux officiers allemands
(4)

L’an 1914, le 17 octobre, À 9 heures, 1/4, nous ThÉvenin, informÉ par notre service qu’un viol aurait ÉtÉ commis par des soldats ou des officiers allemands, Rue des Coulons, au domicile des Époux D——, nous ouvrons une enquÊte et en entendons.

1º. R—— C——, Épouse D——, ÂgÉe de 48 ans, boulangÈre, demeurant À Bailleul, Rue ——, laquelle dit:—Dans la nuit du 9 au 10 courant vers 2 heures du matin je me trouvais chez moi avec ma fille Marie ThÉrÈse et la femme M——, quand j’ai entendu frapper À la porte de la rue. Je suis allÉe ouvrir, une lampe À la main, et aussitÔt deux hommes sont entrÉs, m’ont poussÉ du bras violemment, ont Éteint ma lampe et sont allÉs directement vers l’endroit oÙ se trouvait ma fille. Dans ces deux hommes j’ai reconnu deux officiers de l’armÉe allemande. Ils m’ont saisie À la gorge pour m’empÊcher de crier et se sont opposÉs violemment À ce que j’allume ma lampe. Ils avaient À la main une lampe Électrique dont ils se sont servis pour voir ma fille. J’ai vu que l’un d’eux, le blond, a pris ma fille en premier lieu et l’a jetÉe par terre dans la cuisine, puis il s’est couchÉ dessus, lui a relevÉ les jupons et l’a violÉe. Ma fille se dÉbattait autant qu’elle pouvait, criait de toutes ses forces, mais ce bandit lui appuyant son visage sur le sein, il cherchait À Étouffer ses cris. Il est bien restÉ sur ma fille pendant un quart d’heure environ tandis que l’autre me tenait À la gorge et avait son rÉvolver a cÔtÉ de sa lampe. Quand celui-ci eut fini l’autre reprit ma fille À son tour et la renversa par terre dans le corridor, oÙ il lui fit subir les mÊmes outrages pendant un quart d’heure environ, en mÊme temps, le blond Était venu prÈs de moi, son rÉvolver en main, et me maintenant brutalement dans l’impossibilitÉ de protÉger mon enfant. Quand ils eurent fini ils ont pris ma fille par un bras chacun, l’ont traÎnÉe dehors et je ne sais plus ce qu’ils lui ont fait lÀ. J’ai menÉ ma fille chez Monsieur Bells, docteur en mÉdecine, qui l’a examinÉe et qui a constatÉ que le viol avait ÉtÉ consommÉ et que la dÉfloration Était complÈte.

Lecture faite.

2º. D—— (Marie ThÉrÈse) 19 ans, sans profession, demeurant chez parents, boulangers, À Bailleul, Rue ----, nous fait la dÉclaration suivante:—Ainsi que vient de le dire maman, deux officiers allemands sont entrÉs chez nous dans la nuit du 9 au 10 courant vers 2 heures du matin. J’Étais seule avec ma mÈre Madame M——. De suite l’un d’eux, un grand blond, a couru sur moi, m’a renversÉe par terre.... Il m’a fait bien mal; j’ai souffert beaucoup et j’ai dÛ l’endurer sur moi pendant un quart d’heure environ. Quand il a eu assouvi sa passion, il me fait relever et me traÎna vers son camarade, un grand brun, qui, À son tour, me renversa dans le corridor et me fit subir les mÊmes outrages pendant un quart d’heure environ. Je dois dire qu’aprÈs que chacun d’eux, j’Étais toute ... et que chacun m’a fait ÉnormÉment souffrir.

Je ressens À l’heure actuelle de trÈs violents maux de rein et mon bas ventre me fait excessivement mal. Quand le deuxiÈme eut fini, tous deux me saisirent par un bras et me traÎnÈrent sur la rue en me demandant mon Âge. J’ai rÉpondu que j’avais dix-neuf ans. Alors tous deux ont dit, en franÇais le plus pur, “Vous devez connaÎtre d’autres jeunes filles dans le voisinage; il faut nous dire oÙ elles sont pour que nous puissions en faire autant qu’À vous-mÊme.” J’ai rÉpondu que je n’en connaissais pas, que je n’avais pas de camarades dans le voisinage. Ils m’ont alors embrassÉe tous les deux et serrÉe trÈs fortement, puis ils m’ont laissÉ partir. Je suis rentrÉe chez moi. J’oubliais de vous dire qu’avant de me lÂcher, tous les deux m’ont dit, “Si vous dites ce que l’on vous a fait et que nous revenions chez vous, on vous tuera.”

En rentrant chez moi je n’ai plus revu maman? Je l’ai appelÉe de tous cÔtÉs et finalement je l’ai retrouvÉe dans le jardin. Avec elle et la femme M—— nous rentrions chez nous, quand nous avons entendu les mÊmes officiers qui frappaient À la porte pour rentrer de nouveau. Nous avons eu peur et nous sommes parties dans le jardin.

Lecture faite.

3º. D——, Gabrielle, femme Maerten, 72 ans, mÉnagÈre, demeurant À Bailleul, Rue——, entendue, nous fait une dÉclaration corroborant de tous points celles qui prÉcÈdent et signe avec nous.

Personne n’a ÉtÉ tÉmoin de cette scÈne mais j’ai souffert beaucoup tant au physique qu’au moral de l’exploit de ces deux bandits.

Lecture faite.

III
EVIDENCE RELATING TO THE MURDER OF ELEVEN CIVILIANS AT DOULIEU
Gendarmerie Nationale

Cejourd’hui, 29 Novembre 1914.

DÉclarations de Monsieur Rohart Jules, ÂgÉ de 65 ans, Maire de la commune de Doulieu qui a dÉclarÉ:—Lors de l’invasion de la commune de Doulieu par l’ennemi, je suis toujours restÉ sur les lieux. J’ai connaissance et j’ai constatÉ tout ce qui a ÉtÉ commis sur mon territoire par les Allemands. J’ai d’abord appris que 11 individus civils franÇais avaient ÉtÉ fusillÉs dans un champ À proximitÉ de la rue du Calvaire au lieu dit “l’EspÉrance.” Ces hommes, qui n’avaient pas ÉtÉ enterrÉs assez profondÉment, ont ÉtÉ dÉterrÉs le samedi, 17 octobre, pour les transporter au cimetiÈre, oÙ j’avais fait prÉparer une fosse commune et À la profondeur rÉglementaire. Je ne connais aucun de ces hommes, mais d’aprÉs les diverses piÈces que j’ai pu retrouver sur eux, j’ai pu Établir l’identitÉ de sept. Les quatre derniers n’avaient aucun papier ni quoi que ce soit pouvant Établir leur identitÉ.

J’ai fait prÉvenir les maires des diffÉrentes localitÉs oÙ rÉsidaient ces hommes dont les noms suivent:

1º. LÉger Alfred DÉsirÉ Louis, nÉ le 1?? dÉcembre 1885 À Amiens, fils de Alfred et de Clarisse Lourdel.

2º. Dequeker Henri LÉon Joseph, nÉ le 25 avril 1875 À Sailly sur la Lys, fils de Charles Auguste Joseph et de Hortense AdÉline Hay.

3º. Vienne Louis Amand, nÉ le 10 avril 1875 À Tourcoing, fils de Louis EugÈne et de Elisa Marie Vienne.

4º. Hallewaere Cyrille, nÉ le 4 dÉcembre 1889, À Vlamertinghe (Belgique), fils de Alphonse et de Gouwy ClÉmence.

5º. Dequesnes Jules, nÉ 1?? septembre 1884 À Roubaix, fils de Henri Joseph et de Charlotte Desmettre.

6º. Ermnoult, ——, nÉ À ——, demeurant À Steenwerck, hameau de la Croix du Bac, reconnu par son beau-frÈre nommÉ, demeurant À la Croix du Bac.

7º. Les quatre autres n’ont pu Être identifiÉs. Ils paraissaient ÂgÉs approximativement de 30 À 40 ans.

J’ai appris Également la mort de Bail DÉsirÉ retrouvÉ À proximitÉ de la ferme de Monsieur Leroy au lieu dit “La Bleu tour.” Je ne connais pas la cause de cette mort....

Madame Masquelier Mathilde, femme Decherf Henri, ÂgÉ de 62 ans, mÉnagÈre demeurant À Doulieu, Rue du Calvaire, qui a dÉclarÉ:—Le Dimanche, 11 octobre, 1914, vers 16 heures, deux soldats allemands sont venus me demander deux bÊches que je leur ai remises. Peu aprÈs, j’ai remarquÉ dans un champ situÉ À 40 mÈtres environ de mon habitation, onze individus civils occupÉs À creuser une tranchÉe. Un peu plus loin se trouvait un groupe de soldats ennemis. J’ai regardÉ ces hommes travailler, puis au bout d’un quart d’heure ils se sont dÉcoiffÉs, puis se sont mis À genoux. Comme ils se relevaient, j’ai entendu une fusillade et au mÊme moment, ils tombaient tous dans le trou qu’ils venaient de creuser. Deux soldats franÇais prisonniers, appartenant l’un À l’infanterie, l’autre aux chasseurs À pied, sont alors venus et ont recouvert les corps de ces hommes.

Fievet Charles, Âge de 60 ans, boulanger Épicier, demeurant au Doulieu, hameau de la Bleu Tour, dÉclare:—Le mardi, 13 octobre, 1914, vers 5 heures 30 du matin, les Allemands qui occupaient notre pays dÉjÀ depuis plusieurs jours sont venus chez moi. Ils ont cassÉ les persiennes, puis les carreaux de vitres des deux fenÊtres qui se trouvent sur la rue. M’Étant alors levÉ, ils m’ont dit que je devais partir et qu’ils allaient brÛler ma maison. Les rideaux de ces deux fenÊtres ont en effet ÉtÉ brÛlÉs. En sortant de mon habitation, j’ai reÇu un coup de poing sur la figure, puis aussitÔt un coup de crosse sur le cÔtÉ de l’oeil, puis un droit sur la tÊte. Devant ces brutalitÉs, je me suis sauvÉ À la ferme de mon voisin Ridez, situÉe À environ 30 mÈtres en face de ma demeure. Au moment oÙ j’entrais dans la cour de cette ferme, j’ai entendu une dÉtonation et immÉdiatement j’ai remarquÉ que mon bras droit tombait naturellement. Je ne ressentais aucun mal. Ce n’est qu’À mon entrÉe dans cette ferme que j’ai constatÉ que j’avais le bras droit cassÉ. J’ignore quel Était le but de ces violences, puisque je n’avais rien fait ni rien dit. C’est Monsieur le Docteur PotiÉ de Vieux-Berquin qui me donne des soins. En ce qui concerne le vol et le pillage tant chez moi que chez mes voisins, je certifie que ce sont les Allemands qui ont tout pris. Une liste dÉtaillÉe a ÉtÉ addressÉe À M. le Maire du Doulieu.

L’an 1914, le 1 octobre, devant nous, Alphonse Verschaeve, procureur du Roi À Ypres, a comparu, dans notre cabinet, sur invitation de notre part, le nommÉ V—— A—— F——, 28 ans, mineur domiciliÉ À Tamines, actuellement rÉfugiÉ À Reninghe, lequel nous a fait sous la foi du serment en langue flamande la dÉclaration suivante:

Le samedi, 22 aoÛt, dans le courant de l’aprÈs-midi, les Allemands, au nombre de 200, me semble-t-il, sont entrÉs dans la commune de Tamines. ImmÉdiatement ils obligÈrent tous les habitants (les femmes et les enfants aussi bien que les hommes) À sortir de leurs maisons et À se rendre À l’Église. Pendant que nous sortions par la porte de devant, les Allemands pÉnÉtraient dans nos demeures par la porte de derriÈre et y mettaient le feu. Aussi en trÈs peu de temps toute la commune ne formait plus qu’un vaste brasier. Lorsque toute la population se trouvait rÉunie dans l’Église, les femmes et les enfants furent expediÉs vers le couvent des religieuses, tandis que les hommes (au nombre de 400), furent obligÉs de se diriger par rangs de quatre vers la plaine, et entre une double haie de soldats allemands. Pendant cette marche les soldats allemands ne cessÈrent de tirer sur nous et de cette faÇon massacrÈrent impitoyablement un nombre considÉrable de mes concitoyens.

Voyant que nombre de mes camarades tombaient, abattus par les coups de feu, je me suis laissÉ tomber À terre, quoique je n’Étais pas blessÉ, et je suis restÉ lÀ, immobile, couchÉ sous les cadavres jusque vers le milieu de la nuit suivante; c’est ainsi que j’ai sauvÉ ma vie. Le lendemain matin, lorsque je me suis relevÉ, j’ai constatÉ que nous Étions À peine trente habitants qui avions ÉchappÉ au massacre, mais la plupart des autres ÉchappÉs Étaient blessÉs; cinq seulement d’entre nous en Étaient sortis complÈtement indemnes. Plus tard dans la journÉe nous avons ÉtÉ forcÉs d’inhumer les cadavres de nos 350 concitoyens, puis amenÉs À une distance de 5 kilomÈtres; lÀ on nous remit en libertÉ mais avec dÉfense formelle de remettre encore le pied dans notre commune.

AprÈs lecture il persiste dans sa dÉclaration et signe avec nous.

(Signed) Alphonse Verchaeve.

(Signed) V—— A—— F——.
Pour traduction conforme,
le Procureur du Roi,
(Signed) A. Verchaeve.

V
FIVE GERMAN DIARIES

(a) Extract from the Diary of a German Soldier forwarded by the Extraordinary Commission of Enquiry instituted by the Russian Government.

“When the offensive becomes difficult we gather together the Russian prisoners and hunt them before us towards their compatriots, while we attack the latter at the same time. In this way our losses are sensibly diminished.

“We cannot but make prisoners. Each Russian soldier when made prisoner will now be sent in front of our lines in order to be shot by his fellows.”

(b) Extract from a Diary of a German Soldier of the 13th Regiment, 13th Division, VIIth Corps captured by the Fifth (French) Army and reproduced in the First (British) Army Summary No. 95.

December 19th, 1914.—“The sight of the trenches and the fury, not to say bestiality, of our men in beating to death the wounded English affected me so much that, for the rest of the day, I was fit for nothing.”

(c) Contents of a Letter found on a Prisoner of the 86th Regiment, but written by Johann Wenger (10th Company Body Regiment, 1st Brigade, 1st Division I.A.C. Bav.) dated 16th March, 1915, Peronne, and addressed to a German Girl.

(After promising to send a ring made out of a shell.) “It will be a nice souvenir for you from a German warrior who has been through everything from the start and has shot and bayoneted so many Frenchmen, and I have bayoneted many women. During the fight at Batonville [?Badonviller] I bayoneted seven (7) women and four (4) young girls in five (5) minutes. We fought from house to house and these women fired on us with revolvers; they also fired on the captain too, then he told me to shoot them all—but I bayoneted them and did not shoot them, this herd of sows, they are worse than the men.”

(d) Extracts from the Diary of Musketeer Rehbein, II., 55th Reserve Infantry Regiment (2nd Company), 26th Reserve Infantry Brigade, 2nd Guard Reserve Division, X. Reserve Corps.

(This diary was captured during the recent operations at Loos, and forwarded to Professor Morgan by the Head-quarters Staff.94)

August 16th (1914). On the march towards Louvain.—“Several citizens and the curÉ have been shot under martial law, some not yet buried—still lying where they were executed, for every one to see. Pervading stench of dead bodies. The curÉ is said to have incited the inhabitants to ambush and kill the Germans.”

1914. 16/8. Marsch nach Louveigne.—Mehrere BÜrger u. der Pfarrer standrechtlich erschossen, zum Teil noch nicht beerdigt. Am Vollziehungsplatz noch fÜr jedermann sichtbar. Leichengeruch Uberall. “ Pfarrer soll die Bewohner Angefeuert haben die Deutschen aus dem Hinterhalt zu tÖten.”

(e) Extracts from the Diary of a German Soldier, Richard Gerhold (Official Translation by French Head-quarters Staff).

Extrait du Bulletin de Renseignements de la VIº ArmÉe du 30 avril, 1915

Extraits du carnet de route trouvÉ le 22 avril sur le cadavre du rÉserviste Richard Gerhold, du 71º R.R. (IVº C.R.) tuÉ en Septembre À Nouvron

... Le 19 aoÛt, nous avanÇons et peu À peu on apprend À connaÎtre les horreurs de la guerre: du bÉtail crevÉ, des automobiles dÉtruites, villages et hameaux consumÉs; c’est tout d’abord un spectacle À faire frissonner, mais ici on cesse Être un homme, on devient flegmatique et on n’a plus que l’idÉe de sa sÉcuritÉ personnelle. Plus nous avanÇons, plus le spectacle est dÉsolÉ: partout des dÉcombres, fumants et des hommes fusillÉs et carbonisÉs. Et cela continue ainsi....

... Nous franchissons la frontiÈre le 17 aoÛt; je me souviens, et je vois sans cesse ce moment lÀ: tout le village en flammes, portes et fenÊtres brisÉes, tout gÎt Épars dans la rue; seule une maisonnette subsiste et À la porte de cette maison une pauvre femme, les mains hautes, avec six enfants implore pour qu’on l’Épargne elle et ses petits; il en va ainsi tous les jours.

Dans le village voisin la compagnie se fait remettre les armes naturellement avec la plus grande prudence. A peine nous sommes-nous mis en marche que des maisons on tire sur nos troupes; on fait demi-tour et en quelques instants tout est en flammes; il n’y a pas de place pour la pitiÉ, il arrive frÉquemment que cette sale engeance de curÉs prenne part À la fusillade; c’est pour moi une folle joie quand on peut se venger de cette canaille de curÉs;95 ici naturellement tout est fonciÈrement catholique. Quelle vie agrÉable la population pourrait avoir ici si elle ne se laissait pas conduire sur une mauvaise voie par cette hypocrite canaille de pretres; ... la population ne serait pas inquiÉtÉe le moins du monde de la part des Allemands; mais puisqu’il en est ainsi par ici, il n’y a pas de notre cÔtÉ À garder le moindre mÉnagement....

... Le 18, nous atteignons Tongres: ici aussi c’est un tableau de destruction complÈte, c’est quelque chose d’unique en son genre pour notre profession (c’est un verrier qui parle)....

... Le 25 aoÛt, nous prenons un cantonnement d’alerte À Grinde (Sucrerie); ici aussi tout est brÛlÉ et dÉtruit. De Grinde nous continuous notre route sur Louvain; ici c’est partout un tableau d’horreur; des cadavres de nos gens de nos chevaux; des autos tout en flammes, l’eau empoisonnÉe; À peine avons-nous atteint l’extrÉmitÉ de la ville que la fusillade reprend de plus belle; naturellement on fait demi-tour et on nettoie; puis la ville est mitraillÉe par nous complÈtement.

Chemin faisant passent devant nous des cortÈges de prisonniers, homines femmes et enfants poussant des cris....

... Le 1º septembre, nous sommes embarquÉs dans Bruxelles-Paris; sur cette ligne le mÊme tableau se renouvelle: villages consumÉs, fossÉes Énormes, etc....

... Aujourd’hui, 7 septembre, c’est le jour le plus pÉnible que jusqu’À prÉsent nous ayons vÉcu; l’endroit s’appelle Attichy; nous atteignons cet endroit en faisant de longs dÉtours, car on a fait sauter beaucoup de ponts. A 5 h. du matin, on repart, et cela au pas accÉlÉrÉ parce que beaucoup de cochonneries y ont ÉtÉ commises....

... Le 9 septembre, aprÈs un bon cantonnement, mais qui dure trop peu, nous partons la nuit À 1 h. 1/2 aprÈs avoir mis des chemises fraÎches et nous avanÇons vers l’ennemi vers 6 h. du matin et livrons un combat aprÈs lequel nous sommes complÈtement dÉsorganisÉs. Notre rÉgiment actuellement se compose d’un bataillon du 71º, d’une compagnie du 2º bataillon, de compagnies cyclistes des 14º, 46º et 27º et de nombreux autres ÉlÉments encore. Vers 11 h. du matin nous tombons sous une grÊle de shrapnells, nous n’avons pas d’artillerie, ni d’autre couverture; l’aprÈs-midi nous sommes engagÉs dans une chaude lutte.... Ici c’est Ormoy. Nous nous joignons au 9º Corps et nous portons vers la position occupÉe hier par l’ennemi.... Nous faisons au feu d’artillerie trÈs vif, mais nous ne pouvons rien faire jusqu’À ce que notre artillerie ait nettoyÉ la place. Nous bivouaquons en forÊt aprÈs que l’ennemi s’est retirÉ et nous nous avanÇons pour chercher de l’eau; la nuit vers 3 h. nous rentrons À la compagnie. A 4 h. nous repartons: ainsi en 3 jours 8 heures de sommeil et avec cela, nourris comme cela arrive parfois À la guerre et la marche continue de plus belle avec des efforts physiques les plus grands pour envelopper l’ennemi vers Compiegne. Nous nous heurtons au 94º qui a ÉtÉ repoussÉ avec de fortes pertes; plusieurs compagnies de ce rÉgiment sont fondues et rÉduites À 40 hommes; nous cantonnons ici; mais quelque chose de bien! Dieu! quelles dÉlices!... Nous faisons un brin de toilette, mangeons et buvons À coeur joie et songeons en rÊve À vous lÀ-bas!

Le 11 septembre, mouvement tournant vers Chaulny.... Nous arrivons en cantonnement d’alerte À Chaulny vieux repaire de brigands. AprÈs quelques heures de sommeil, nouveau dÉpart À 3 h. du matin. Le 12 septembre nous nous fortifions À 10 Klm de Chaulny dans des tranchÉes: il ne s’y passe pas longtemps que nous y sommes vivement bombardÉs par l’artillerie; À ce moment s’engage un violent combat d’artillerie. Vers 5 h. du soir, nous entrons dans l’action, mais nous ne pouvons avancer que jusqu’À une pente abrupte oÙ nous restons couchÉs sous des torrents d’eau jusque dans la nuit....

... Malheureusement nous sommes encore trop faibles dans cette position; le rapport vient À l’instant que notre 2º Corps arrivera ou doit arriver dans l’aprÈs-midi: de ces sortes de promesses, on nous en fait toujours, mais? Celui qui va croire ou se laisser conter que les FranÇais fuient devant quelques fusils ou canons allemands se trompe joliment et ne sait rien. Jusqu’À prÉsent nous sommes obligÉs de dire que les FranÇais sont un adversaire honorable que nous ne devons pas juger au-dessous de sa valeur. Ici, aussi, il se passe des choses qui ne devraient pas Être; oui, des atrocitÉs sont commises ici aussi, mais naturellement sur les Anglais et les Belges, tous sont abattus sans pardon À coups de fusil....

VI

DOCUMENTS SELECTED FROM THE REPORTS OF THE EXTRAORDINARY COMMISSION OF INQUIRY APPOINTED BY HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA

I. Violation of a Sister of Mercy.

A Sister of Mercy, wearing the sign of the Red Cross, was seized by German and Austrian troops on April 20th, 1915, at the station of Radzivilishki and shut up in a cart-shed.

“On the fourth day several officers visited her in the cart-shed and demanded information from her as to the positions of the Russian troops. They then beat her with swords and pricked her body with needles. On the same day she was taken to the third line of German entrenchments and lodged in a ‘dug-out’ occupied by German officers. Here she was violated, and during a week and a half several German officers frequently committed violent acts of copulation with her, and kept her in the ‘dug-out’ without clothes under a special guard. At last she succeeded in escaping from the trenches. With the help of a Lithuanian peasant she made her way to the Russian positions, where she arrived in an almost unconscious state. First medical aid was at once administered, as it was found she was suffering from inflammation of the peritoneum and cellular membrane surrounding the matrix. On examining her for marks of violence, bruises were visible in the region of the shoulder and on the thighs and legs.”

II. Violation of a Girl.

At the beginning of the war, when the Germans entered the town of Kalish, a girl named X—— was arrested and led out to the public place, or square, for execution. Here the Germans tied her to a tree and told her that she would be shot. Others of the inhabitants, also condemned to be shot, were drawn up on the same open space. Among these victims was an acquaintance of the girl X——, a student named N. Davuidov. The German soldiers proceeded to stab this Davuidov with their bayonets before the very eyes of the girl X——, and then they tore out hair from his head and finally shot him dead. This scene of murder gave the girl such a shock that she fainted. On coming to her senses she found herself in an apartment occupied by German officers. No sooner did she revive, than one of these officers committed a rape upon her and destroyed her virginity. During the following days she remained a captive in the same apartment, where she was forced to yield to the brutal lust of the officer who first violated her, and to the solicitations of two of his comrades, who threatened to cut her to pieces with their swords if she offered any resistance. These officers then told her “that the Germans had invented a new method of making war on the Russians, which would exterminate them by means of poisonous gas without the waste of any more bullets.”

The girl was subsequently rescued by the Russian troops.

A combined judicial and medical examination of the girl X—— on June 4th, established the fact that she had been deprived of her maidenhood and an inflammatory condition of the sexual organs was still plainly visible.

III. Murder of Wounded Soldiers.

On April 25th, 1915, when an infantry regiment retreated from the station of Krosno in Galicia, the unarmed wounded soldiers, who were unable to follow, and many of whom were crawling away on their hands and knees, were overtaken and stabbed to death, or despatched by blows with the butt end of rifles by the Austro-Hungarian troops.

The foregoing facts have been confirmed by the evidence of junior subaltern B—— of the regiment, Serge Yakovlev Sudarikov, aged thirty, who was interrogated as a witness by the Examining Magistrate of the 1st ward of Kharkov.

IV. Murder of Wounded Soldiers.

On May 12th, 1915, near the village of Bobrovka, forty versts from Yaroslav in Galicia, after the withdrawal of the “platoon sotnias” of dismounted cossacks from their trenches, the latter were occupied by German guardsmen, who drove out the Russian wounded at the point of the bayonet.

Private Nikita Davidenko, who was one hundred paces from the trenches taken by the Germans, saw how they used their bayonets to thrust out four or five of his wounded comrades, whose groans were distinctly audible.

When the Russian troops advanced on May 15th, Davidenko saw the bodies of many cossacks, who had been bayoneted or sabred to death in the trenches abandoned on May 12th.

The above facts have been confirmed by the evidence of Davidenko, who was interrogated as a witness by the Examining Magistrate of the second ward of Kharkov.

V. Murder of Wounded Soldiers.

On the retirement of the Russians, after the battle near Gumbinnen, in Eastern Prussia, August 7th, 1914, a junior subaltern, named Alexander Lappo, aged twenty-six, who had been wounded in the back by a piece of an exploded shrapnel, was left behind, lying on the field.

He soon perceived a group of about fifteen Germans, headed by an officer and a colour sergeant, following up their detachments, and shooting all the wounded Russians within reach as they marched along. There was no consideration for the fact that these Russians had been struck down at a considerable distance from the actual fighting, without having fired a shot. One of the Germans in this squad caught sight of Lappo and fired at him with his rifle. Lappo received the bullet in his left elbow. A second shot, fired by the same German soldier, hit a wounded Russian private Tartar, lying next to Lappo. The Tartar made one or two convulsive movements and expired. The pain from the wound in his elbow made Lappo moan rather loudly, and this attracted the attention of the German officer, who at once levelled his revolver and shot him in the neck. This second wound rendered Lappo unconscious and he only recovered his senses towards evening, when he was picked up by Russian Red Cross men. Lappo then noticed that his leather wrist band with a black watch, worth ten roubles, had been stolen, evidently by the Germans.

It is not certain to what troops of the enemy’s forces this German officer and the men under his command belonged, but the German soldiers killed in the battle near Stalupenen, on August 4th, 1914, in which Lappo took part, had the figures “41” on their shoulder straps.

The above described facts have been verified and established by a combined judicial and medical examination, and by the evidence of Lappo, given under oath before the Examining Magistrate of the Circuit Court of Vitebsk, district of Gorodok.

VI. Burning the Russian Wounded.

Evidence of the Private Nicholas Semenov Dorozhka

In the latter half of June the regiment in which this witness was one of the rank and file took part in a battle near Ivangorod. When the fighting was over, the regiment settled down to rest. Some of the men, however, went to help the sanitary attendants to bring in the wounded and place them in a wooden cart-house or shed, roofed with straw, at one end of the village. According to statements made by the Red Cross bearers, from sixty-six to sixty-eight men were lodged in this building. At eleven o’clock at night there was a sudden and violent rattle of rifle fire. The village had been surrounded by the Germans. The witness seized his rifle and started to leave with three comrades, but in the darkness they stumbled into a German trench, and were taken prisoners. Their weapons were taken from them, and all four Russians were led to the same cart-shed, to which the witness Dorozhka had assisted to carry the Russian wounded. A German officer on the spot gave an order to his German soldiers and then he gathered up an armful of the straw, littered over the floor of the shed, placed it against one of the corners of the building, and set fire to it with a match. The witness declares, that he almost fainted when he saw this officer setting fire to the shed. The straw blazed up at once, the flames began to envelop the wooden walls, and when it reached the roof, piercing shrieks came from the wounded inmates, calling for help. At this moment the officer who fired the shed approached the prisoners, who were standing near, and without uttering a word, he discharged his revolver point blank at one of the comrades of the witness, who instantly fell to the ground dead. Then this officer struck witness’s other comrade with something in the lower part of the body, and by the light of the conflagration witness noticed that the man’s intestines were protruding. Dorozhka rushed to one side and managed to break away from a group of German soldiers and escaped unhurt, although three shots were fired after him. The witness, after tramping all night, fell in with one of the Russian pickets.

The foregoing was deposed to by the witness Dorozhka on examination by the Examining Magistrate of the 1st Dnieprovsky District.

VII. Ill-Treatment of Prisoners of War.

In June, 1915, three Russian officers, Captain Kosmachevsky, Lieutenant Griaznov, and Sub-lieutenant Yarotsky, escaped from German captivity and reached Russia in safety.

They were made prisoners in East Prussia in August, 1914. Together with other captured officers, they were driven on foot to the town of Neidenburg, and at one place on the way were made to serve as cover for a German battery, which was in danger of attack from Russian artillery fire.

For this purpose the prisoners were put into two-wheeled carts and ordered to wave white flags and flags with the Red Cross, and these carts were placed in front of the battery. At the same time the prisoners were warned, that if only a single projectile fell into this German battery, they would all be shot for it.

Four days these prisoners were on the march. At night they were compelled to sleep in the open in roadside ditches, although there were villages near by, and all that time they received no food, but only coffee, without sugar, milk or bread, served up in pails. Along the road the inhabitants and troops whom they met cursed and insulted them, tore off their shoulder straps, threatened them with their fists, spat at them and shouted “To Berlin!”

Before the prisoners were put into the train they were searched, and in this way many of them lost their gold watches and money. The Cossack officers especially were subjected to very strict search, in the course of which they were stripped naked. These Cossack officers were separated from the others and sent off with the private soldier prisoners.

In the first instance the officer prisoners were interned in the fortress of Neisse in Silesia, and were subsequently removed to Kreisfeld, beyond the Rhine.

The prisoners, according to their own account, were kept in horrible conditions. They were lodged in dirty barracks where the windows were shut fast and the glass of the panes covered with oil paint. It was forbidden to approach these windows under pain of being fired at by the sentries. This threat was once carried out, when an officer wished to make a drawing at one of the windows. Fortunately nobody was hurt. The imprisoned officers had to sleep in dirty beds full of bugs, lice, and other vermin. Their meagre fare was served up on dirty tables, littered with straw, whilst alongside were other tables, covered with clean tablecloths and decently furnished even to the extent of glasses for beer, and on these tables dinner was served for the sentries, German subalterns, who looked on at the prisoners and their wretched accommodation in the most insolent manner.

All the imprisoned officers were formed into companies, commanded by rough and rude sergeant-majors, who treated them like common soldiers.

In November, 1914, two of the officer prisoners attempted to escape by bribing the shopman at the stores of the officers’ canteen. This shopman, however, turned out to be a German officer in disguise, and the attempt failed, but it cost the officers concerned very dear. They were put in irons and kept in prison six months in a far worse state than in the barracks.

The above is attested by the evidence of Captain Kosmachevsky, Lieutenant Griaznov, and Sub-lieutenant Yarotsky, given to Major-General Semashko, a member of the Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry, and the deponents were admonished that they would be required to swear to the truth of their statements.

VIII.

Peter Shimchak, a peasant from the province of Warsaw, who fled from German captivity, being examined on oath, deposed to the following:—In August I was made prisoner while serving as a sailor on board a vessel under the British flag, going from Denmark to England.

As a Russian subject I was not set free, but was placed in solitary confinement for seven days in a prison at Hamburg, and then sent to a camp for prisoners of war near Berlin, at Zel, where there were already many English, French, and Belgian prisoners. In that camp there was a small yard where offending prisoners were generally punished. On one occasion four Cossacks were brought into the camp. I recognised them by the yellow stripes down the sides of their trousers. They were taken out into the yard and placed about ten feet from the wall of the barrack, and through the crevices I was able to watch the proceedings. They took the first Cossack and placed his left hand on a small wooden post or block, and with a sword bayonet one of the German soldiers chopped off successively half of the Cossack’s thumb, half of his middle finger and half of his little finger. I could plainly see how these finger pieces flew off at each stroke of the sword-bayonet and fell to the ground. The Germans picked them up and put them into the pocket of the Cossack’s overcoat and then took him into a barrack, where there was a reservoir of running water. The second Cossack was brought up and had holes drilled through his ears, the point of the sword-bayonet being turned in the cut several times in order, evidently, to make the hole as large as possible. This Cossack was then led away to the barrack where the first one had been taken. When the third Cossack was brought to the place of torture his nose was chopped off by a downward stroke of a sword bayonet, but as the severed piece of nose was still hanging by a bit of skin, the Cossack made signs that they should cut it off completely. The Germans then gave him a pocket knife, and with this the Cossack cut off the hanging piece of his nose. Finally, the fourth Cossack was brought forward. What they intended to do with him it was impossible to say, but this Cossack with a rapid movement drew out the bayonet of the nearest soldier and dealt a blow with it at one of the Germans. There were about fifteen German soldiers present, and they all set upon this Cossack and bayoneted him to death, after which they dragged the body outside the camp. What was the fate of the remaining three Cossacks I do not know, but I think, says the witness Shimchak, in concluding his account of the case, they must have been also killed, for I never saw them again.

IX.

Evidence of the senior surgeon of the 73rd Artillery Brigade, Gregory Dimitrovich Onisimov, who was captured by the enemy on August 30th, 1914, near “Malvishek” in East Prussia, but has since been released. The most striking and characteristic part of this ex-prisoner’s testimony is a description of the insulting treatment received by Russian prisoners from the soldiers of their German escort on the road to Insterburg. “The peaceful temper of our German convoy did not last long. We soon began to meet detachments of German troops, who swore and shook their fists and levelled their rifles and revolvers at us, shouting, ‘Why lead these men about when they can be settled here on the spot?’ This kind of remark was shouted at us in German, Polish, and broken Russian. The peaceful inhabitants also reviled us, and called upon the soldiers to despatch us there and then. They shouted ‘nach Berlin—to Berlin with them! ... to Welhau! ... Russischer schweinhund—Russian swine,’ and so forth. The soldiers of the escort were taken into houses on the road and made drunk, so that they also began to amuse themselves at our expense. The German soldier walking on my right took his rifle from his shoulder, as if tired, and held it in such a way that the muzzle touched my right temple, and then he played carelessly with the lock of it, as though unaware of what he was doing. When I moved out of the way, he said: ‘Ah! you’re afraid of losing your head, there’s no danger.’ As soon as the guard on one side had had his little joke, his comrade on the other side began. Another soldier on a cart came along purposely handling his rifle so as to stick the muzzle into my chest, and when I warded it off he roared with laughter and seemed highly delighted. When going down a steep part of the road the driver of a cart behind intentionally drove into us and struck me on the legs with the shafts. I shouted to him to stop and not break my legs. He simply replied: ‘Bad to have no legs.’ This kind of thing went on throughout the march. Sometimes we were driven forward like horses, and the wounded men in the carts were so shaken about that they groaned with pain. The guards did not allow us to turn round to speak with them, and no attention was paid to our entreaties to drive them slowly.”

Alexis Krivtsov, Senator,
President of the Extraordinary
Commission of Inquiry.

VII
THE GERMAN WHITE BOOK

The Introductory Memorandum.

Immediately after the outbreak of the present war there arose in Belgium a violent struggle by the people against the German troops which forms a flagrant violation of international law and has had the most serious consequences to the Belgian country and people.

This struggle of a population which was under the dominion of the wildest passions continued to rage throughout the whole of the advance of the German army through Belgium. As the Belgian army fell back before the German troops after obstinately contested engagements, the Belgian civil population attempted by every means to impede the German advance in those parts of the country which were not yet occupied; but they did not scruple to injure and weaken the German forces by cowardly and treacherous attacks, also in places which had long been occupied by the German troops. The extent of this armed popular resistance can be seen from the attached general plan (Appendix 1) on which were marked the lines of the German advance, and the Belgian places in which the popular struggle chiefly raged. We have an overwhelming amount of material resting on official sources, especially on evidence given under oath and official reports, that on these routes and in these places the Belgian civil population of every rank, age, and sex took part in the struggle against the German troops with the greatest bitterness and fury. In the Appendices is given a selection from this material which, however, embraces only the more important events and can at any time be increased by further documents.

According to the attached material the Belgian civil population fought against the German troops in numerous places in the provinces of LiÈge (Appendices 2-10), Luxembourg (Appendices 11-30), Namur (Appendices 12, 17, 31-42), Henegau (Appendices 3, 7, 10, 40, 43-46, 49), Brabant (Appendices 47-49), East and West Flanders (Appendices 49, 50). The conflicts in Aerschot, Andenne, Dinant, Louvain assumed a particularly frightful character, and special reports have been provided on them by the Bureau which has been appointed in the Ministry of War for investigation of offences against the laws of war (Appendices A, B, C, D). Men of the most different positions, workmen, manufacturers, doctors, teachers, even clergy, and even women and children were seized with weapons in their hands (Appendices 18, 20, 25, 27, 43, 47; A 5; C 18, 26, 29, 31, 41, 42-44, 56, 62; D 1, 19, 34, 37, 38, 41, 45, 48). In districts from which the Belgian regular troops had long retired, the German troops were fired on from houses and gardens, from roofs and cellars, from fields and woods. Methods were used in the struggle which certainly would not have been employed by regular troops, and large numbers of sporting weapons and sporting ammunition and some old-fashioned revolvers and pistols were discovered (Appendices 6, 11, 13, 26, 36, 37, 44, 48, 49; A 2, C 52, 81; D 1, 2, 6, 20, 37). Corresponding with this were numerous cases of wounds by shot and also by burns from hot tar and boiling water (Appendices 3, 10; B 2; C 5, 11, 28, 57; D 25, 29). According to all this evidence there can be no doubt that in Belgium the People’s War (Volkskrieg) was carried on not only by individual civilians, but by great masses of the population.

---

The conduct of the war by the Belgian civil population was completely irreconcilable with the generally recognised rules of international law as they have found expression in Articles 1 and 2 of The Hague Convention: The Laws and Customs of War on Land, which had been accepted by Belgium. These regulations distinguished between organised and unorganised People’s War. In an organised People’s War (Article 1), in order that they may be recognised as belligerents, the militia and volunteer corps must satisfy each of the following conditions: They must have responsible leaders at their head; they must bear a definite badge which is recognisable at a distance; they must bear their weapons openly; and they must obey the laws and usages of war. The unorganised People’s War (Article 2) can dispense with the first two conditions, that is, responsible leaders and military badges. It is, however, bound instead by two other conditions; it can only be carried on in that part of the territory which has not yet been occupied by the enemy, and there must have been no time for the organisation of the People’s War.

---

The two special conditions required for the organised People’s War were certainly not present in the case of the Belgian francs-tireurs. For, according to the reports of the German military commands, which agree with one another, the civil persons who were found taking part in the struggle had no responsible leaders at their head, and also wore no kind of military badge (Appendices 6, 49; C 4-7, 14, 15, 22, 24, 25, 31; D). The Belgian francs-tireurs can therefore not be regarded as organised militia or volunteers according to the laws of war. It makes no difference in this, that apparently Belgian military and members of the Belgian “Garde Civique” also took part in their enterprises; for as these individuals also did not wear any military badge but mingled among the fighting citizens in civilian dress (Appendices 6; A 3; C 25; D 1, 30, 45, 46), the rights of belligerents can just as little be conceded to them.

The whole of the Belgian People’s War must therefore be judged from the point of view of an unorganised armed resistance of the civil population. As such resistance is only allowed in unoccupied territory, it was for this reason alone, without any doubt, contrary to international law in all those places which were already in occupation of German troops, and particularly at Aerschot, Andenne, and Louvain. But the unorganised People’s War was also impermissible in those places which had not yet been occupied by German troops, and particularly in Dinant and the neighbourhood, as the Belgian Government had sufficient time for an organisation of the People’s War as required by international law. For years the Belgian Government has had under consideration that at the outbreak of a Franco-German war it would be involved in the operations; the preparation of mobilisation began, as can be proved, at least a week before the invasion of the German army. The Government was therefore completely in a position to provide the civil population with military badges and appoint responsible leaders, so far as they wished to use their services in any fighting which might take place. If the Belgian Government in a communication which has been communicated to the German Government through a neutral Power, maintain that they took suitable measures, this only proves that they could have satisfied the conditions which had been laid down; in any case, however, such steps were not taken in those districts through which the German troops passed.

---

The requirements of international law for an unorganised People’s War were then not complied with in Belgium; moreover, this war was carried on in a manner which alone would have been sufficient to have put those who took part in it outside the laws of war. For the Belgian francs-tireurs regularly carried their weapons not openly, and throughout failed to observe the laws and usages of war.

It has been shown by unanswerable evidence that in a whole series of cases the German troops were on their arrival received by the Belgian civil population in an apparently friendly manner, and then, when darkness came on or some other opportunity presented itself, were attacked with arms; such cases occurred especially in Blegny, Esneux, Grand RosÈre, BiÈvre, Gouvy, Villers devant Orval, Sainte Marie, Les Bulles, Yschippe, Acoz, Aerschot, Andenne, and Louvain (Appendices 3, 8, 11-13, 18, 22, 28, 31, 43; A, B, D). All these attacks obviously offended against the precept of international law that arms should be borne openly.

What, however, is the chief accusation against the Belgian population is the unheard-of violation of the usages of war. In different places, for instance, at LiÉge, Herve, Brussels, at Aerschot, Dinant, and Louvain, German soldiers were treacherously murdered (Appendices 18, 55, 61, 65, 66; A 1; C 56, 59, 61, 67, 73-78), which is contrary to the prohibition “to kill or treacherously wound individuals belonging to the hostile nation or army.” (Article 23, Section 1 (b) of The Hague Convention: The Laws and Customs of War on Land.) Further, the Belgian population did not respect the sign of the Red Cross, and thereby violated Article 9 of the Convention of Geneva of July 6th, 1906. In particular, they did not scruple to fire on German troops under the cover of this sign, and also to attack hospitals in which there were wounded, as well as members of the Ambulance Corps, while they were occupied in carrying out their duties (Appendices 3, 4, 12, 19, 23, 28, 29, 41, 49; C 9, 16-18, 32, 56, 66-70; D 9, 21, 25-29, 38, 47). Finally, it is proved beyond all doubt that German wounded were robbed and killed by the Belgian population, and indeed were subjected to horrible mutilation, and that even women and young girls took part in these shameful actions. In this way the eyes of German wounded were torn out, their ears, nose, fingers, and sexual organs were cut off, or their body cut open (Appendices 54-66; C 73, 78; D 35, 37). In other cases German soldiers were poisoned, hung on trees, deluged with burning liquid, or burnt in other ways, so that they suffered a specially painful death (Appendices 50, 55, 63; C 56, 59, 61, 67, 74-78). This bestial behaviour of the population is not only in open contravention of the express obligation for “respecting and taking care of” the sick and wounded of the hostile army (Article 1, Section 1, of the Convention of Geneva), but also of the first principles of the laws of war and humanity.

---

Under these circumstances, the Belgian civil population who took part in the struggle could of course make no claim to the treatment to which belligerents have a right. On the contrary, it was absolutely necessary, in the interests of the self-preservation of the German Army, to have recourse to the sharpest measures against these francs-tireurs. Individuals who opposed the German troops by fighting had, therefore, to be cut down; prisoners could not be treated as prisoners of war according to the laws of war, but according to the usage of war as murderers. All the same, the forms of judicial procedure were maintained so far as the necessities of war did not stand in the way; the prisoners were, so far as the circumstances permitted, not shot till after a hearing in accordance with regulations, or after sentence by a military court. (Appendices 48, D 19, 20, 37, 40, 41, 43, 44, 48.) Old men, women and children were spared to the widest extent, even when there were urgent grounds of suspicion (Appendices 49; C 5, 6, 25, 26, 28, 31, 35, 41, 47, 79); indeed, the German soldiers often looked after such persons so far as was in any way possible in the most self-sacrificing manner by taking helpless people who were in danger under their protection, sharing their bread with them and taking charge of the weak and sick, although their patience had been subjected to an extraordinary difficult test by the treacherous attacks (Appendices C 45, 47, 51-53, 55, 58, 80-86).

---

There can be no doubt that the Belgian Government was essentially to blame for the illegal attitude of their population towards the German Army. For apart from the fact that a Government has, under all circumstances, to bear the responsibility for deeds of this kind which give a general expression of the popular will, the serious charge must at least be made against them that they did not stop this guerilla war, although they could have done so (Appendices 33, 51-53; D 42, 43, 48). It would certainly have been easy for them to provide their officials, such as the Burgomasters, the soldiers, members of the “Guarde Civique,” with the necessary instructions to check the violent excitement of the people which had been artificially aroused. Full responsibility, therefore, for the terrible blood-guiltiness which rests upon Belgian attachÉs to the Belgian Government.

The Belgian Government has made an attempt to free itself from this responsibility by attributing the blame for the events to the rage of destruction of the German troops, who are said to have taken to deeds of violence without any reason. They have appointed a Commission for investigating the outrages attributed to the German troops, and have made the findings of this Commission the subject of Diplomatic complaint. This attempt to pervert the facts into their opposite has completely failed. The German Army is accustomed to make war only against hostile armies, and not against peaceful inhabitants. The incontrovertible fact that from the beginning a defensive struggle in the interests of self-protection was forced upon the German troops in Belgium by the population of the country cannot be done away with by the inquiry of any commission.

The narratives of fugitives which have been put together by the Belgian Commission, and which are characterised as the result of careful and impartial investigation, bear the stamp of untrustworthiness, if not of malicious invention. In consequence of the conditions of things, the Commission was not in a position to test the reports which were conveyed to it as to their correctness or to grasp the connection of events. Their accusations against the German Army are, therefore, nothing but low calumniations, which are simply deprived of all their weight by the documentary evidence which is before us.

The struggle of the German troops with the Belgian civil population at Aerschot did not, as is suggested on the Belgian side, arise through the German officers violating the honour of the Burgomaster’s family, but because the population ventured on a well-considered attack on the Commanding Officer, and murdered him treacherously (Appendix A). At Dinant it was not harmless, peaceful citizens who fell as a sacrifice to the German arms, but murderers who treacherously attacked German soldiers, and thereby involved the troops in a struggle which destroyed the city (Appendix C). In Louvain the struggle of the civil population did not arise through fleeing German troops being by mistake involved in a hand-to-hand contest with their comrades who were entering the town, but because the population, blinded as they were and unable to understand what was going on, thought they could destroy the returning German troops without danger (Appendix D). Moreover, in Louvain, as in other towns, the conflagration was only started by the German troops when bitter necessity required it. The plan of the destruction of Louvain (Appendix D 50) shows clearly how the troops confined themselves to destroying only those parts of the city in which the inhabitants opposed them in a treacherous and murderous manner. It was indeed German troops who, so far as was possible, tried to save the artistic treasures, not only of Louvain, but also of other towns. On the German side, a Special Commission has shown to what a high degree works of art in Belgium were protected by the German troops.

The Imperial German Government believes that by the publication of the material contained in this work, they have shown that the action of the German troops against the Belgian civil population was provoked by the illegal guerilla war, and was required by the necessity of war. For their part, they expressly and solemnly protest against a population which has, with the most despicable means, waged a dishonourable war against the German soldiers, and still more against the Government which, in complete perversion of their duties, has given rein to the senseless passions of the population, and even now does not scruple to free itself from its own heavy guilt by mendacious libels against the German Army.

Berlin, May 10th, 1915.

VIII
MASSACRE OF BRITISH PRISONERS BY GERMAN SOLDIERS AT HAISNES ON SEPTEMBER 25TH, 1915

I, Captain J. E. A——, 8th Batt. —— Highlanders, make oath and say as follows:—

(1) I command C Co. of the 8th Batt. —— Highlanders. My company took part in the attack on September 25th, 1915. Between 5 and 6 p.m. on that day we were attacked and compelled to retire from an advanced position about Haisnes. We moved into Pekin Trench, and later to Fosse Alley. The battalion commenced to reorganise there.

(2) Just before 8 p.m. 2nd Lieut. G. T. G——, of my battalion, reported to me that Sergeant D. M——, who had been attached to my company for the day, had just returned in an exhausted condition, and that he reported that the Germans had collected our wounded and prisoners and bombed them.

Instructed Lieut. G—— to bring Sergeant M—— to me at once. This was done. 2nd Lieut. G. T. G—— has since died of wounds.

(3) Sergeant M—— reported to me that he and a party of men had been collected in a traverse by the Germans and bombed from both sides, that he and a Highlander had jumped out of the traverse, and that he had escaped into a shell hole, whilst the Highlander had been shot.

The Sergeant, D. M——, was very exhausted and covered with mud and water up to the neck. He was not in an excited condition.

He carried on with his duties reorganising the company.

(4) The story as told to me by Sergeant M—— at that time has been adhered to by him ever since without any material alteration.

This Sergeant is a most reliable man in every way.

(Signature of Deponent) J. E. A——,
Captain.

Sworn at Poperinghe in Belgium on active service this first day of October, 1915.

Before me,
A. M. H. S——, Captain,
D.A.A.G., 1st Army,
Commissioner for Oaths.

I, No. 6546, Sergeant D. M——, of D Co., 8th ---- Highlanders, make oath and say as follows:

(1) On September 25th, 1915, I was attached to C Co., 8th —— Highanders. I took part in the attack on Haisnes on that day.

About 5 p.m. the part of this company commanded by Lieut. A—— with which I was in trenches just west of Haisnes, and was going to retire.

Lieut. A—— ordered me to collect stragglers from Pekin Trench.

(2) I went 400-500 yards along Pekin Trench and found about twenty wounded men of various regiments, all Scottish, whose names I did not know.

I left these men sitting down and went about 100 yards further on and found about twenty men of the —— Highlanders, about ten of whom were wounded.

(3) It was now 5.15 p.m., and I could see that the Germans had cut me and all these men off from our own troops. I took the men of the —— Highlanders back to where the others were. I now had about forty men with me. For the sake of the wounded men we decided to surrender.

(4) We all took off our rifles and equipment and put them on top of the parapet.

I stood on top of the parapet and held up my hands.

A large party of Germans then advanced both in the open and by the trenches towards us.

When they drew near I said, “We surrender.” One German, speaking English, said, “All right. Come along this way, every one.” We all followed him up Pekin Trench towards the north, helping the wounded along, and leaving our rifles and equipment behind. It now began to pour in torrents of rain.

(5) The German who spoke English was dressed in dark khaki and wearing a cape down to his thighs. He had khaki trousers with a thin red stripe and long black boots. He wore a helmet with a dark khaki cover on it. He had no badges showing. His cape blew open and I saw a figure 6 in red on his shoulder and, I think but am not sure, a figure 2 in part of it, making 26.

All these Germans were big men and were dressed alike, quite clean and fresh as though they had only just come into the trenches. I did not notice anyone in command of them.

Their manner was not threatening.

(6) About thirty of these Germans led us into a circular traverse in Pekin Trench, and the English-speaking German said, “Pack in there and stay.” All the Germans then went out of sight. The wounded men sat on the fire-step and the unwounded remained standing. It was now about 5.30 p.m.

(7) After we had been there about two minutes a bomb was thrown into the traverse where we were, one bomb from one side and one from the other.

I shouted to the men to clear out if possible. Only one man and myself jumped over the parapet. I seized an English rifle lying on the parapet and fired down the trench. I then jumped into a shell hole about 15 yards from the traverse. It was almost full of water, in which I stood up to my neck. The other man was shot.

I heard the Germans bombing this circular traverse continuously for about fifteen minutes. At first the men I left were crying out, but after about ten minutes this ceased.

(8) I was over an hour in the shell hole, and left it after dark.

2nd Lieut. G. T. G——, of D Co., 8th —— Highlanders, was the first person to whom I told my experiences. This was at about 7.45 p.m.

(9) The second person to whom I told them was Capt. J. E. A——, also of the 8th ——, whom I saw at about 8 p.m. the same evening.

(Signature of deponent) D. M——, Sergeant.

Sworn at Poperinghe in Belgium on active service this first day of October, 1915.

Before me,
G. M. H. S——, Captain,
D.A.A.G., 1st Army,
Commissioner for Oaths.

IX
REPORTS RELATIVE TO THE USE OF INCENDIARY BULLETS BY GERMAN TROOPS96

To:
The Commanding Officer,
2nd Batt. The —— Regiment.
From:
2nd Lieut. L. E. S——,
B Co., 2nd —— Regiment.

18/6/1915.

Use of Incendiary Bullets by the Enemy

Sir,—I have the honour to report as follows:

During the action on 15th to 16th instant my platoon occupied the right of the old German trench running from —— to —— between 7.30 p.m. and 10.30 p.m., 15th instant. Seventy-five yards to my front I saw six or seven men lying down in the grass. One of them attracted my attention immediately as he appeared to be smoking or to have lit a small fire. I observed him carefully and saw that his clothes were smouldering. Later on they were entirely charred black: he did not move and was apparently dead. The enemy were sniping at these men, unquestionably using incendiary bullets, as I saw three or four of these strike the ground and set the grass around on fire. The flames could be seen distinctly.

About 9 p.m. one of these bullets struck the bottom of the parapet of the trench, and burned with a brilliant white flare for about fifteen seconds, at the same time giving off heavy phosphorus fumes and burning the sand-bags which it had struck.

I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your obedient servant,
(Signed) L. E. S——,
2nd Lieut.

The following statements were made by N.C.O.’s of the 2nd Batt. —— Regiment and 2nd Batt. —— Regiment (7th Division), relative to the alleged use by the enemy on June 15th, 1915, of incendiary bullets:

C.S.M. G. M——, C Co., 2nd Batt. —— Regiment, states:

On the night of the 15th and 16th I saw German rifle bullets cause a flash as they struck the ground. The flash seemed to rise about 2 feet from the ground. My attention was called to this by an Officer of the 3rd Co. (?) Grenadier Guards. The Guards were on my left and I was near ——. It was some time between 11 p.m. and 12 midnight.

(Signed) G. M——,
C.S.M.,
C Co., 2nd ——.

Sergeant N——, B Co., 2nd —— Regiment, states:

Just before dusk on the evening of the 15th I was in the disused German trench ——, and saw a man fall in front of the trench hit by a bullet. As he lay on the ground he seemed to be on fire in the right shoulder and breast, and was clawing the ground in agony. (The grass, which was green, was set on fire round him.) He was not more than 100 yards from me—hardly that. I could not do anything for him as the Germans had been following me and were almost on top of me, and I was nearly alone at the time.

Very shortly afterwards I saw another man (a Lance-Corpl. in the —— I think), run out apparently to fetch in the first man. He slewed off, and must have seen the Germans, who were then crawling through the grass. He fell, seemingly hit in the stomach, and whilst rolling about on his back, his right knee and his puttees down to his boot caught fire. I think he must have been hit in the knee. He too seemed to be in agony, and the grass caught fire round him also. I could not swear that his second wound was not caused by a bomb, though I did not see any bomb burst there.

(Signed) E. H. M. N——,
Sergeant.

Corporal D——, B Co., 2nd Batt. —— Regiment, states:

Shortly after the bombardment on the evening of the 15th instant, I was just on the left of the crater (near ——)—about 30 yards from the crater—and saw a man on fire in the grass in front of and below me. Another man ran out of a disused trench towards the first man, when he appeared to be hit in the chest. He fell forward on his chest, and as he did so flames spurted out of his chest. As he lay on the ground he was burning all over, and the cartridges in his bandolier went off. He burned for about an hour and the grass was set on fire. Both men were rather less than 100 yards from me. I called the attention of my Officer Mr. L. J—— (subsequently wounded) to the second man. I am quite sure the second man was hit by a bullet, not a bomb.

(Signed) J. W. D——,
Corporal.

X

DEPOSITIONS RELATIVE TO THE EMPLOYMENT BY THE GERMAN TROOPS OF RUSSIAN PRISONERS ON THE WESTERN FRONT97

(a) Statement of a German Prisoner (Translation) Captured in Northern France.

I, the undersigned Stephan Grzegoroski, a recruit in the 6th Co. (5th Section) 2nd Batt. No. 143 Infantry Regiment, XV. German Army Corps, hereby declare on oath that in the course of the month of October, I have frequently seen Russian prisoners of war in Russian uniform employed upon the construction of the third line trenches of my regiment.

There were some 150 to 200 Russians altogether so employed. During the course of their work they occasionally came under fire. Two were killed and four wounded. Seven Russians tried to escape—two succeeded: one was shot dead, and four were retaken.

The men were guarded by soldiers of my regiment.

I spoke personally with some of the Russian prisoners, and they complained that they had much work to do, but only very little to eat.

(b) Statement of Two Russian Soldiers (Translation) taken down in November, 1915, at British Headquarters in France.

Michael Klokoff, Russian soldier, private in the Novo Skolsky Regiment; taken prisoner by the Germans on the Bzura on December 26th, 1914 / January 8th, 1915; and Andrei Slizkin, Russian soldier, private in the 41st Siberian Regiment, taken prisoner by the Germans near Prasnysz on January 29th/February 11th, 1915, declare that: we were interned as prisoners of war at Strzalkowo until October 7th/20th, 1915. We then came with 2,000 other Russian prisoners to Belgium. Some of the prisoners were taken to build railways; others, among them ourselves, were employed to dig trenches. During our work we came under shell fire and sustained casualties.

We escaped on October 31st, and reached the British lines on November 2nd. We were promised pay, but did not receive any.

(c) Statement of Two Russian Soldiers (Translation) taken down in December 1915, at British Headquarters in Northern France.

Anastasius Nietzvetznie, 231 Dragoon (Infantry) Regiment, and Nicholas Nevaskov, 210 Infantry Regiment, declare: When we were prisoners with the Germans we worked at digging trenches. Each day we were under English artillery fire. We received 30 pfennigs per day, and we worked against our will. When we refused to work, we got twenty-five strokes with an iron rod, and were tied up with our hands behind our backs in a cold room with windows open and nothing to eat.

(Signed) Anastasius Nietzvetznie,98
231 Dragoon Regiment.
(Signed) Nicholas Mikhailovitch Nevaskov,98
210 Infantry Regiment.

A REVIEW OF
GERMAN ATROCITIES
BY
THE RT. HON. VISCOUNT BRYCE
Published in The Westminster Gazette, London,
March 20, 1916

A FRESH EXAMINATION OF GERMAN WAR METHODS99

Professor Morgan, whose bright little book, called “Sketches From the Front,” has given to us some of the most fresh and vivid pictures of the actualities of warfare in France, presents in the present volume the evidence he has been busy in collecting regarding the behaviour of the German troops in the western theatre of war. Some of this has already been made known to the public by what he published in the Nineteenth Century and After in June, 1915, and also by the depositions which he obtained under the instructions of the Home Office and submitted to the British Committee on Alleged German Outrages. (Many of these were published in the Appendix to their Report last May.) Since that time he has spent four or five months in collecting further important data and still more months in collating the results of the facts he has collected, having been granted by the British Headquarters Staff in France those facilities for moving to and fro along the front and getting into touch with eye-witnesses which were essential for arriving directly at the facts. The evidence thus obtained is supplemented by several diaries of German soldiers never before published in England, and by some extracts from documents issued by the Russian Government describing cruelties committed by the Germans in the fighting on the Eastern front. As respects the data he has himself collected, Professor Morgan explains, in his introduction, the methods he has followed in taking evidence and testing its value, showing himself sensible, as a lawyer ought to be, of the need for care and caution in such a matter. The large experience which his months of work at the front have given him adds weight to his assurance that what he submits is worthy of all credence as well as to the conclusions at which he has arrived. But before adverting to these conclusions a preliminary question deserves to be considered.

It has been asked—and it is natural that it should he asked—“What is the use of multiplying tales of horror?” “Why do anything that can aggravate the bitterness of feeling, already lamentably acute, between the belligerent nations? All war is horrible; why add fresh items to the list of offences which are making us think worse of human nature than we supposed two years ago we ever could think?”

These questions need an answer. Such a painful record as the present book contains, such a record as can be found in the reports already officially published by the Belgian, French, and British Governments, might, perhaps, have been better left unpublished if it did not serve some definite tangible aim, looking to some permanent good for mankind.

Now such a definite, tangible, practical aim does exist, and seems to justify, and, indeed, to require, the publication of the facts contained in this book and also in the reports which have been published by the Belgian, French, and British Governments. It is an aim which can be stated quite shortly; and the need for pursuing it is shown by what has happened during the last twenty months.

In most parts of the ancient world, and among the semi-civilised peoples of Asia till very recent times, wars were waged against combatants and non-combatants alike. Even in the European Middle Ages indiscriminate slaughter of combatants and non-combatants alike sometimes occurred, especially where, as in the case of the Albigenses, religious passion intensified hatred. As late as the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries there were campaigns in which frightful license was allowed to soldiery, private property was pillaged or ruthlessly destroyed, and women were habitually outraged.

A reaction of sentiment caused by the horror of the Thirty Years’ War, coupled with a general softening of manners, brought about a change. During the last two centuries, though every war was marked by shocking incidents, there was a growing feeling that non-combatants should be protected, and a serious purpose to restrain the excesses of troops invading a hostile country. The wars of the eighteenth century were less cruel and destructive than those of the seventeenth, and the wars of the nineteenth showed some improvement on those of the eighteenth. The war of 1870-71, if those of us in Britain who remember it can trust our recollection, seemed better in both the above-named respects than had been the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars between 1793 and 1814. Till the outbreak of the present conflict men who sought for signs of the progress of mankind were cheered by the hope that war would hereafter be waged only between regular disciplined forces on each side; that these forces would abstain from needless cruelty, that women would be protected from lust, and that the lives of non-combatants would not be endangered. There was even a prospect that private property would not be destroyed except in so far as a definite military aim made its destruction unavoidable, as when a hostile force had to be shelled out of its shelter in a village. The Hague Convention had passed rules which ameliorated the practices of war as regards the combatant forces and had solemnly proclaimed the duty of respecting the lives and property of non-combatant civilians.

The present war has, however, brought a rude awakening. The proofs are now overwhelming that in Belgium and Northern France—as to other regions the evidence is not fully before us—non-combatants have been slaughtered without mercy by the orders of the German military authorities, while the mitigations of war usages as regards combatants have been openly and constantly disregarded. Private property has been constantly destroyed where no specific military reason existed, but only for the sake of terrorising the civil population, or perhaps out of sheer malice. A license has been practised by, and in many cases obviously permitted to, the soldiers which has led to acts of wanton cruelty. Outrages upon women have been far more numerous than in any war between civilised nations during the last hundred years. One crime deserves special condemnation, because it is done deliberately and is justified by its perpetrators. This is the practice of seizing innocent non-combatants, usually the leading inhabitants of a town or village, calling them hostages and executing them in cold blood if the population of the town or village whom “the hostages” cannot control, fail to obey the commands of the invaders. Civilians who fire upon invading troops without observing the requirements which the Hague Convention prescribes may, no doubt, be shot according to the customs of war; but there must be some proof that these particular civilians have done so. To put to death a quarter or more of the adult male inhabitants of a village because some shots have been fired, or are supposed by an excited soldiery to have been fired, out of its houses, is mere murder. All the paragraphs in the Manual of War issued by the German Staff cannot make it anything else.

Though we may hope, and indeed must hope, that the horror caused by this war may lead to measures which will diminish the risks of war in the future, he must be indeed a sanguine man who can think that war, the oldest of the curses that have afflicted mankind, is likely to be eradicated within this century. It is therefore an urgent duty to do all that can be done for a regulation of the methods of war and a mitigation of the sufferings that it causes.

Now the cruelties that have been perpetrated on land, no less than the ruthless murder of innocent passengers on unarmed vessels at sea, are an aggravation of those sufferings. They are a reversion to the ancient methods of savagery, a challenge to civilised mankind, to neutral nations as well as to the now belligerent States. Neutral nations ought to be fully informed of the facts of these methods, for they are themselves concerned. The same methods may be used against them if they are attacked by Germany or by some other nation which sees that Germany has used them with impunity. If the public opinion of the world does not condemn these methods, war will become an even greater curse than it has been heretofore. Unless an effort is made as soon as ever the present conflict ends to regulate the conduct of hostilities between combatant forces, and, which is of even greater importance, to provide more effective safeguards for non-combatants, there may be a terrible relapse towards barbarism everywhere.

The Allied belligerent nations who are now fighting in the cause of humanity are called upon to take up this matter and deal with it effectively. So are neutral nations. It is a pity that they did not protest long ago. But a word may be said regarding the German people also. Professor Morgan thinks that they share in all the guilt of their Government, but the reasons he gives for this belief do not warrant so melancholy a conclusion. The behaviour of the mobs that were wont to insult and ill-treat the prisoners of war led through the streets of German towns, and the ferocious language of creatures like Von Reventlow and some other writers in the German Press, shocking as they are, cannot be taken as evidence of the sentiments of a whole people. Neither can we suppose that the declarations of professors, victims of a doctrine and a practice which compels them to approve every act of the State are more to be accepted as expressing what may be felt by the less vocal Germans. We must remember how severe is the German censorship, how accustomed the Germans are to believe what their Government tells them, how habitually mendacious the military authorities have been in the accounts they supply of the conduct of the Allied Powers and their troops. The German mind has had little but falsehood to feed upon ever since the outbreak of the war, and it now believes, absurd as the belief is, that it is the innocent victim of an unprovoked aggression. When any voice is raised in Germany to proclaim even a part of the truth and to plead for humanity and good feeling, that voice is instantly silenced. Silence will doubtless be enforced as long as the war lasts. But we may well venture to hope that when, after the war, the facts hitherto concealed from the people have become known and can be reflected on with calmness, there will be a condemnation of the practices I have described, and that in Germany and Austria, as well as in all neutral countries, there will be a wish to join in the efforts which both the Allies and the leading neutral Powers are sure to make to regulate and mitigate the conduct of war. In order to call forth these efforts by showing how great is the need for strengthening the existing rules of war, and providing more effective means of securing their observance, it is essential that the facts should be made known and studied, and that the world should see how the present rules, imperfect as they are, have been trampled under foot by the German authorities. This is what makes it right and necessary to publish the data contained in the Reports already referred to, and those data also which have been gathered by Professor Morgan with such earnest labour.

So much for the justification—an ample justification—which exists for publishing the horrible record which this book contains. I need not here analyse it or quote from it or comment upon it. The facts speak for themselves. Professor Morgan’s general conclusions as to the behaviour of the German troops in France seem to be borne out by the facts which he adduces. They are further supported by the facts set forth in the Belgian, French, and British Reports. This accumulation of testimony is convincing, and it becomes even abundantly more convincing when one remembers that the German Government has scarcely attempted to deny the contents of those reports. To the French report, strengthened as it is by numerous extracts from the diaries of German soldiers (translated by M. Joseph BÉdier), in which they describe, sometimes with shame, sometimes with satisfaction, the conduct of their comrades, no answer seems to have been made, although a few trivial objections were raised to the translations. Neither has the German Government ventured to meet the British report, except by a vaguely worded general contradiction in a semi-official newspaper. As regards the Belgian reports, no more to them than to the others has any examination and specific contradiction been vouchsafed. But a White Book has been published which tries to turn the tables by accusing Belgian civilians generally of firing on German troops and committing outrages upon them. Professor Morgan, in one of the most illuminative parts of his book, subjects this White Book to a critical analysis, exposes its hollowness, and shows conclusively that while it does not prove the German case against the civilian population and the Government of Belgium, it virtually admits, in its attempts to justify, the shocking cruelties perpetrated by the German Army upon that population. As the lawyers say, habemus confitentem reum.

Let me add that he who wishes to understand German military ideas and military methods, ought to read along with this book (and the reports already referred to) another book, the German “Manual of the Usages of War on Land,” of which Professor Morgan has published a translation, under the title of “The German War Book.” Each of these is a complement to the other. The “War Book” sets forth the principles: this book and the Reports display the practices. The practice shocks us more, because concrete cases of cruelty rouse a livelier indignation; but the principles are a more melancholy proof of the extent to which minds of able men may be so perverted by false ideals and national vanity as to lose the common human sense of right and wrong.