The French a
FOOTNOTES: CHAP. VI. THE MAID OF ORLEANS IS CONDEMNED TO BE PUT TO DEATH AND BURNT AT ROUEN. Joan the Maid had sentence of death passed on her in the city of Rouen, information of which was sent by the king of England to the duke of Burgundy, a copy of whose letter now follows: 'Most dear and well beloved uncle, the very fervent love we know you to bear, as a true Catholic, to our holy mother the church, and your zeal for the exaltation of the faith, induces us to signify to you by writing, that in honour of the above, an act has lately taken place at Rouen, which will tend, as we hope, to the strengthening of the catholic faith, and the extirpation of pestilential heresies. 'It is well known, from common report, and otherwise, that the woman, erroneously called the Maid, has, for upward of two years, contrary to the divine law, and to the decency becoming her sex, worn the dress of a man, a thing abominable before God; and in this state she joined our adversary and yours, giving him, as well as those of his party, churchmen and nobles, to understand that she was sent as a messenger from Heaven,—and presumptuously vaunting that she had personal and visible communications with St Michael, and with a multitude of angels and saints in paradise, such as St Catherine and St Margaret. By these falsehoods, and by promising future victories, she has estranged the minds of persons of both sexes from the truth, and induced them to the belief of dangerous errors. 'She clothed herself in armour also, assisted by knights and esquires, and raised a banner, on which, through excess of pride and presumption, she demanded to bear the noble and excellent arms of France, which in part she obtained. These she displayed at many conflicts and sieges; and they consisted of a shield having two flower de luces or on a field azure, with a pointed sword surmounted with a crown proper. 'In this state she took the field with large companies of men at arms and archers, to exercise her inhuman cruelties by shedding Christian blood, and stirring up seditions and rebellions of the common people. She encouraged perjuries, superstitions and false doctrines, by permitting herself to be reverenced and honoured as a holy woman, and in various other manners that would be too long to detail, but which have greatly scandalized all Christendom wherever they have been known. 'But divine Mercy having taken pity on a loyal people, and being no longer willing to suffer them to remain under such vain errors and credulities, permitted that this woman should be made prisoner by your army when besieging CompiÈgne, and through your affection she was transferred to our power. 'On this being known, she was claimed by the bishop in whose diocese she had been taken; and as she had been guilty of the highest treason to the Divine Majesty, we delivered her up to be tried and punished by the usual ecclesiastical judges, not only from respect to our holy mother the church, whose ordinances we shall ever prefer to our own, but also for the exaltation of our faith. 'We were unwilling that the officers of our secular justice should take cognizance of the crime, although it was perfectly lawful for us so to do, considering the great mischiefs, murders, and detestable cruelties, she has committed against our sovereignty, and on a loyal obedient people. 'The bishop having called to his aid in this matter the vicar of the inquisitor of errors and heresies in the faith, with many able doctors in theology and in the canon law, commenced with much solemnity and gravity the trial of the said Joan. After these judges had for several days interrogated her on her crimes, and had maturely considered her confessions and answers, they sent them for the opinion of our beloved daughter the university of Paris, when they all determined that this Joan was superstitious, a sorceress of the devil, a blasphemer of God and of his saints, a schismatic, and guilty of many errors against the faith of Jesus Christ.
'To recal her to the universal faith of our holy church, to purge her from her pernicious errors, and to save her soul from perpetual damnation, and to induce her to return to the way of truth, she was long and frequently charitably preached to; but that dangerous and obstinate spirit of pride and presumption, which is alway endeavouring to prevent the unity and safety of Christians, held the said Joan so fast bound that no arguments nor exhortations could soften the hardness of her heart, so that she boasted that all which she had done was meritorious, and that it had been done by the command of God and the aforesaid holy virgins, who had personally appeared to her. But what was worse, she refused to acknowledge any power on earth but God and his saints, denying the authority of our holy father the pope, and of the general councils of the universal church militant. 'The ecclesiastical judges, witnessing her obstinacy and hardness of heart, had her brought forth before the people, who, with the clergy, were assembled in great numbers, when she was again preached to by an able divine. Having been plainly warned of the doctrines of our holy religion, and the consequences of heresies and erroneous opinions concerning it to the welfare of mankind, she was charitably admonished to make her peace with the church, and renounce her errors, but she remained as obstinate as before. 'The judges, having considered her conduct, proceeded to pronounce sentence upon her, according to the heinousness of her crimes; but before it was read her courage seemed to fail her, and she said she was willing to return to the church. This was heard with pleasure by the judges, clergy and spectators, who received her kindly, hoping by this means to preserve her soul from perdition. 'She now submitted herself to the ordinances of the church, and publicly renounced and abjured her detestable crimes, signing with her own hand the schedule of her recantation and abjuration. Thus was our merciful mother the church rejoiced at the sinner doing penance, anxious to recover the lost sheep that had wandered in the desert. Joan was ordered to perform her penance in close confinement.
'But these good dispositions did not last long; for her presumptuous pride seemed to have acquired greater force than before,—and she relapsed, with the utmost obstinacy, into all those errors which she had publicly renounced. For this cause, and that she might not contaminate the sound members of our holy communion, she was again publicly preached to; and, proving obstinate, she was delivered over to the secular arm, who instantly condemned her to be burnt. Seeing her end approach, she fully acknowledged and confessed that the spirits which had appeared to her were often lying and wicked ones; that the promises they had made to set her at liberty were false,—and that she had been deceived and mocked by them. 'She was publicly led to the old market-place in Rouen, and there burnt in the presence of the people!' This notice of her sentence and execution was sent by the king of England to the duke of Burgundy, that it might be published by him for the information of his subjects, that all may henceforward be advised not to put faith in such or similar errors as had governed the heart of the Maid.
CHAP. VII. THE GENERAL COUNCIL IS CONTINUED AT BASIL, BY THE SOLICITATIONS OF THE EMPEROR. In this year, a general council of the holy church, which had been moved for during the pontificate of pope Martin, was ordered by the pope to be held in the city of Basil. Basil is a handsome city, abounding in wealth, and seated on the banks of the Rhine; whither came crowds from all parts to attend the council, more especially many notable clerks from the university of Paris, and numberless ambassadors from the emperor of Germany, different kings, princes and prelates. Pope Eugenius, however, was desirous of deferring this council for a year and a half, and wished to have it transferred to Bologna la Grassa, for the accommodation of the Greeks, who he was in hopes would attend it. The emperor, when he heard of this, wrote letters to the pope, containing in substance as follows.
In the first place, he was unwilling that the council should be transferred from Basil, or any way delayed on account of the Greeks; for as much pains had been taken in vain to unite them with the holy church, it would be better to extirpate reigning heresies. Item, the members of the council had written to those of Prague called Hussites to attend this council,—and he, the emperor, had likewise written to them, and sent them passports for their coming and return. The Hussites had shewn intentions of compliance with these requests, for they had suffered great losses in Hungary, having been twice defeated by the duke of Austria. Item, as the Hussites knew that this council was chiefly held for the abolition of their heresies, could it be expected that any sincere conversions would take effect, without the points of the disputed doctrines having been fully and publicly argued? Item, should it happen that they be converted by force of reason, as the members of the council are from various countries, they will admonish their countrymen when returned to destroy these Hussites.
Item, because the Hussites declare their sect to be founded on the Holy Scriptures, should the council be delayed, they will naturally conclude that this is done through a consciousness of inability to controvert their doctrines, and will become more hardened and obstinate in their errors. Item, because common report has bruited it abroad that this council was assembled for the reformation of public manners and the state of the church, it is to be feared that many who have loudly spoken of these matters will say, if the council be adjourned, that it is a mockery and farce, and will end as unprofitably to the church as those of Pisa and of Constance. Item, since this council has been called to appease dissentions that have arisen between the clergy and laity in many towns of Christendom,—and since the members have summoned the attendance of several of the chief inhabitants of different towns in Saxony, particularly of Magdebourg, who had expelled the bishop and his clergy from their town, and of others who had rebelled against their bishops because they leaned to the doctrines of the Hussites,—it is to be feared, should the council be deferred, that they will form such strong connexions with the Hussites that it will be no longer possible to remedy the mischief. Item, although several towns and princes situated amidst these heretics have made truces with them, nevertheless the majority of them are firmly united with the Hussites, in hopes that the council will decide on their doctrines; but should they find it is adjourned for so long a time as a year and a half, they will be for ever lost to the church. Item, it was hoped that this council would employ itself in the pacification of many kings and princes now waging war against each other, and in taking proper measures for a secure and lasting peace. Should it now separate, these princes would continue a cruel warfare, and no hope remain of again assembling it for the prevention of seditions and heresies, and thus very many things profitable to the Christian church will be delayed, if not totally obstructed; and greater slanders and mischiefs will arise than he was willing to write.
These arguments having been adduced in the letters from the emperor, he thus concludes: 'We therefore require of your holiness, that you instantly write to the president and members of the council, that they do not on any account separate, but that they do accomplish that which they have begun, and for which they have been assembled in the name of the Lord,—and that you do recal and annul whatever you may have written to the contrary. Have the goodness to consider also that the heretics are increasing in arms, and that if you do not disband them by clerical measures, and replace them in their primitive state, there will not be left a possibility of doing it by any other means whatever. 'Those who have advised you to adjourn the council have not assuredly understood the grievous evils that may result from that measure. Would to God they were sensible of the dangerous consequences at this moment arising from delay! Should they fear that laics would usurp power belonging to the church, they would deceive themselves,—for this is only a subtlety to retard the council; which measure, if carried into effect, would indeed force the laics to act against the church. 'This can only be prevented by continuing the sittings of the council; for then the laics will be effectually restrained, when they shall see the clergy abstain from all considerations of personal profit. You should also consider, that perhaps the holy council will not consent to adjourn itself, and that in this it will be followed by the kings, princes and common people; and your holiness, who has hitherto been held in respect, and considered as spotless by the members of the Christian church, will fall under suspicion, and your mandates be disregarded. For this adjournment, without any essential cause, will stain your innocence; and it may be said that you nourish heresies among Christians, a perseverance in wickedness and in the sins of the people. Disobedience may therefore be consequently expected to the church of God; for there are some who will not scruple to publish that you have been the cause of these evils,—and many more than you are aware of will agree with them.
'It would be very useful and good, if your holiness would attend the council in person; but if that cannot be, send your immediate commands for it to continue its sittings in the manner in which it has commenced; for there are measures before it affecting the very vitals of Christianity that can not, and ought not, to suffer a moment's delay. 'Should your holiness require, in future, any measures to be discussed that do not demand such haste, such as touching an union with the Greek church, another council may be called better inclined towards it; for should this council be now dissolved, it is to be doubted whether another can be assembled within the eighteen months, from events that may arise. 'Your holiness will be pleased to weigh maturely all that we have written to you, and give directions for the continuation of this council; and have the goodness to receive our admonitions paternally and kindly, for it has been our conscience, and the great difficulties into which the church of God has fallen, and also our anxiety that your character may not be liable to the least suspicion, that have urged us to make them. This we will more clearly demonstrate to you when we shall be in your presence, which we hope will shortly happen.' This remonstrance had its due effect on the holy father, who re-established the council at Basil, which was attended by great multitudes of ecclesiastical and secular lords, ambassadors, princes and prelates, and common people out of number. CHAP. VIII. THE DUKE OF BAR ENTERS THE COUNTY OF VAUDEMONT TO CONQUER IT BY FORCE. I have before mentioned that a serious quarrel[2] had taken place between RÉnÉ duke of Bar and Anthony de Lorraine count de Vaudemont. In consequence thereof, the duke of Bar had collected a great body of men at arms, as well from his own duchy as from other parts of Germany, to the amount of six thousand men. The principal leaders were the counts de Salmes, de Salivines and de Linanges, the bishop of Metz, sir Thibaut de Barbey, and other noble men of high rank. The duke had also with him that gallant and renowned knight the lord de Barbasan, by whose advice he ordered his army,—for he had great knowledge and experience in war. Having provided a sufficiency of artillery, provision and stores, the duke marched his army before Vaudemont[3], the capital of that country, which was naturally strong, and had been repaired with additional fortifications, by the count, who had likewise well victualled and garrisoned it, knowing that it was intended to be attacked by his enemies.
He had appointed, as governors in his absence, Gerard de Passenchault, bailiff of the county, and Henry de Fouquencourt, who made great exertions to put the place in a proper state of defence. They were, however, in spite of their efforts, soon besieged on all sides, by reason of the superior numbers of their enemies. The besiegers also overran and destroyed by fire and sword most part of the county of Vaudemont, which, although very vexatious to the count, he could no way resist for the present. He garrisoned all his strong places as well as he could, and resolved to wait on duke Philip of Burgundy, whose party he had alway supported, and humbly request aid from him to deliver his country from his enemies. He found the duke in Flanders, to whom having told his distress, the duke replied, that he would willingly lay the case before his council, and give him a speedy answer, and the best assistance he could afford. A short time before the count's arrival, sir Anthony de Toulongeon, the marshal of Burgundy, and other noble persons from that country, had come to remonstrate with the duke on the state of affairs in that duchy, and on the devastations there done by his enemies the French and Bourbonnois, who were daily committing murders and mischiefs by fire and sword, having already conquered some of his towns and castles, and intending further inroads unless they were checked. They earnestly solicited that he would, for the salvation of the country, send thither some of his Picard-captains, accompanied by a certain number of men at arms, more particularly archers, of whom, they said, they were in much need. The duke held several councils on these two demands, and on the means of complying with them. They caused many debates,—and his ministers urged the necessity of non-compliance, saying that the French were on the borders of Picardy, eager to make an inroad on Artois, and the moment they should know that his Picards had left their country, they might do him very great mischief. Notwithstanding all the dangers that might ensue, it was resolved, as a matter of necessity, that a thousand or twelve hundred combatants should be given to the marshal, who should have the chief command, with the Picardy-captains under him; and when they were arrived in Burgundy, they should afford the count de Vaudemont the strongest support they could. When this had been resolved upon, it was necessary to seek for captains to conduct the expedition; for there were few of any rank willing to undertake it, because it was to a distant country, where the enemy was in great force,—and they did not expect to be well paid, according to the custom in those parts. However, the duke of Burgundy, the count of Vaudemont, and others of weight in Picardy, determined to accept of such as they could find willing to go; and they sounded Matthieu de Humieres, Robinet de Huchechien, the bastard de Fosseux, the bastard de Neufville, Gerard bastard de Brimeu, and some other gentlemen and men at arms of the middle ranks, who had no great properties in their own country, to know if they were inclined to assemble men at arms, and to follow their leader whither he pleased to seek adventures. Some presents and greater promises being added to this proposal, they agreed to accept of the offers. They collected, therefore, about the beginning of May, as many men at arms as they could, in various parts, to the amount of a thousand or twelve hundred, and had the duke of Burgundy's commands to keep them on foot for a certain time: the most of them were poor soldiers, accustomed to support themselves by living on their neighbours, when they could not find wherewithal in their own countries, but strong, healthy and vigorous, and accustomed to war. When they were assembled in companies, they marched for the Cambresis, and were mustered in a large village called Solames, belonging to the abbot of St Denis in France. They thence advanced under the command of the marshal, and other burgundian lords, to Rethel, where they received a proportion of their pay, and thence returned through St Menehould to Burgundy, where they remained some little time, waiting until the burgundian forces were ready. In the mean time, while these preparations were going forward, the duke of Bar was besieging, with his numerous army, the town of Vaudemont. He had remained before it for three complete months, and had greatly damaged the walls by his cannon and other engines. The besieged were in the utmost distress; but, as they had hopes of being speedily relieved by the count, from whom they had secret messages, they bore all with much patience. Their two governors made great exertions to defend the place, that their lord might not reproach them with having any way neglected their duty. CHAP. IX. THE DUKE OF BAR IS COMBATED BY THE COUNT DE VAUDEMONT AND DEFEATED. When the marshal of Burgundy had assembled all his men, he marched them toward Langres; and thence the Burgundians and Picards advanced toward the Barrois, where they were joined by the count de Vaudemont with all the forces he could collect. When united, they might amount to about four thousand combatants; and their chief captains were the said Anthony de Toulongeon marshal of Burgundy, the count de Vaudemont, the lord d'Antoing, Gerard de Marigny, the count de Fribourg, the lord de Mirabeau, the lord de Sez, the lord de Roland, sir Imbert Marechal, a Savoyard, the bastard du Vergy, Matthieu de Humieres, nephew to the above-mentioned lord d'Antoing, sir John de Cardonne lord de Bichancourt, Boort de Bazentin, a gallant english knight called sir John Ladan, and sir Thomas Gergeras. Sir John Ladan was governor of Montigny-le-Roi, and had with him six score combatants at the least, with many notable gentlemen renowned and expert in war. They advanced in handsome array into the Barrois, followed by sixteen or twenty carts laden with stores and provision. They announced their entrance into the Barrois by setting fire to different parts of that country; and thus they advanced to a large village called Sandacourt, within seven leagues of their adversaries, where they arrived on a Saturday night. On the morrow, Sunday, they expected an attack from the enemy, and, consequently, they formed their men in order of battle, and remained in this state the most part of that day, having their archers posted behind sharp stakes to prevent the charge of the cavalry. As the enemy did not appear, they retired, about vespers, to the village to refresh themselves, and called a council to consider how they should act. It was resolved, that since from the badness of the roads, and from the country being so intersected with hedges, they could not, without danger, march to meet the enemy, who were superior to them in numbers, they should return through the Barrois to Burgundy, destroy the country they marched through, and reinforce themselves with men and every thing necessary to enable them to combat the enemy. This resolution was very displeasing to the count de Vaudemont, but he was, through necessity, forced to abide by it. The captains then ordered all things to be packed and ready for the march on the ensuing day, Monday, the feast of St Martin in the summer; but the duke of Bar, having heard of their arrival, quitted the siege of Vaudemont, leaving a sufficient body to blockade it until his return, and marched his army to offer them battle before they were reinforced. His strength consisted of about six thousand combatants, under some of the highest rank in Bar, Lorraine and Germany, and advanced in handsome array. The scouts of the marshal of Burgundy fell in with those of the duke of Bar, attacked and conquered them; and this was the first intelligence the marshal had of their intentions. He gave instant notice of the coming of the enemy to his captains, who drew up their men in good order, chiefly under the directions of the english knight. The archers were posted in front, and on the wings, with their stakes before them. The burgundian men at arms wanted to remain on horseback, but the Picards and English would not suffer them; and at last it was ordered, that every man, whatever might be his rank, should dismount,—and all who should disobey should be put to death. The horses and carriages were placed in the rear, in such wise as to prevent the enemy from making any attack on that quarter. While this was passing, the duke of Bar had advanced his army to within half a quarter of a league of them, and thence sent his heralds and trumpets to announce to them his approach, and to say, that if they would wait for him, he would offer them battle. The burgundian captains sent for answer, that they were ready to receive him, and wished for nothing better than what he had proposed. The heralds returned with this answer to the duke, who then advanced to within cross-bow shot of his enemies, although the lord de Barbasan had frequently advised him to avoid an open combat, but to force them to retreat from his country by famine and other means. He added many arguments in support of his advice; but the duke would not listen to them, trusting to superiority of numbers, notwithstanding the greater part of his men had not been accustomed nor experienced in war like to his adversaries, the Burgundians, Picards, and English. The duke, partly by the advice of the lord de Barbasan, drew up his army handsomely; for he had a great desire for the combat, though he had with him but very few archers. When this was done, many new knights were created on his side. Preparatory to the battle, the marshal of Burgundy and the count de Vaudemont had two tuns of wine brought to the front of their line, which, with bread and other victual, were delivered out to their men in what quantity they pleased; and all who had any hatreds made peace with each other. They had also some cannon and culverines on the two wings and in the center of their army, and they remained for two hours fronting each other. While they were thus situated, a stag, as I was informed, came between their battalions, and, stamping thrice with his feet on the ground, paced along the burgundian line,—and then, returning, dashed through that of the Barrois, when great shoutings were made after it. Some new knights were now created by the Burgundians and Picards, such as Matthieu de Humieres, Gerard de Marigny, his son, and others. The count de Vaudemont during this ceremony rode on a small hackney along the line, entreating the men 'to combat bravely, assuring them, on the damnation of his soul, that his cause was good and just,—that the duke of Bar wanted to disinherit him,—and that he had ever been strongly attached to the party of duke John and duke Philip of Burgundy.' The Burgundians and Picards were well pleased with this address, and determined to remain as they were, and not advance on the enemy. On the other hand, the duke of Bar, having finished his preparations, and drawn up his army mostly on foot, observing that the enemy did not move, resolved to begin the combat, and marched toward them, who still remained in their position. When the Barrois were advanced to within twelve or sixteen diestres[4] of their line, they discharged the cannons and culverines before mentioned, and set up a loud shout. This caused such an alarm among the Barrois that they flung themselves on the ground, and were greatly frightened. Shortly after, the battle raged on all sides, and it might then be about eleven o'clock. The Picard-archers made excellent use of their bows, and killed and wounded numbers with their arrows. The violence of the combat lasted about a quarter of an hour, and the two parties were engaged in different quarters; but at length that of the duke began to give way, and to fly in various directions,—which being observed by the enemy, it renewed their courage, and they made fiercer attacks than before. The Picard-archers especially killed and wounded an incredible number, so that the disorder and defeat very soon became general on the side of the Barrois. The duke of Bar was made prisoner by one named Martin Fouars, belonging to the count de Conversan, lord d'Enghien, who had all the honour and profit of such a prize, although some said he was not taken with his own hand. Together with the duke were made prisoners, the bishop of Metz, John de Rodemaque, sir Everard de Salebery, the viscount d'Arcy, the lord of Rodemaque, sir Colard de Sausy, sir Vilin de la Tour, and others, to the amount of more than two hundred. There remained dead on the field of battle, and including those slain in the pursuit, which lasted for two good leagues, from five and twenty hundred to three thousand men. The principal among them were the counts de Salmes and de Salme-Salmes, de Linanges, Germans,—the lord de Barbasan, sir Thibault de Barbey, two brothers to the bishop of Metz, George de Banastre and his two brothers, and others, to the amount aforesaid, the greater part of whom were gentlemen. This defeat and pursuit lasted two or three hours; and when all were re-assembled, the burgundian lords, with the count de Vaudemont, returned their most humble thanksgiving to their Creator for the great victory they had obtained through his means. They did not lose more in killed than forty men, the chief of whom was sir Gerard de Marigny. They remained that night on the field of battle. The marshal of Burgundy was slightly wounded in the face, and the duke of Bar above the nose. On the morrow, they marched away for Burgundy, carrying with them their prisoners. CHAP. X. THE YOUNG KING HENRY COMES FROM ENGLAND, WITH A GRAND ATTENDANCE, TO PARIS, TO BE CROWNED KING OF FRANCE. About the end of November, in this year, the young king Henry came from Pontoise to St Denis, with the intent of proceeding to Paris, to be anointed and crowned king of France. He was accompanied from England by his uncles the cardinals of Winchester and of York, the duke of Bedford, the rich duke of York, the earls of Warwick, Salisbury and Suffolk. He was likewise attended by many of the great lords of France, such as sir Louis de Luxembourg bishop of Therouenne, master Peter Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais, master John de Mailly, bishop of Noyon, the bishops of Paris and of Evreux, sir John bastard de St Pol, sir Guy le Bouteiller, the lord de Courcelles, sir Gilles de Clamecy, sir James de Painel, sir John de Pressi, the lord de Passy, the bastard de Thian, and several more. King Henry was escorted by about two or three thousand combatants, as well from England as from the country round St Denis, for the security of his person. He left that town for Paris about nine o'clock in the morning, and was met at la Chapelle, half way between Paris and Saint Denis, by sir Simon Morier, provost of Paris, with a numerous company of the burghers dressed in crimson-satin doublets with blue hoods, to do him honour and respect: there were also very many of the inhabitants dressed in scarlet. When the provost and his company had made their obeisances, the king was next saluted by persons on horseback representing the nine worthies[5], armed each according to his manner. Then by the commandant of the watch, the provost of merchants, with the officers of the court, dressed in silk and crimson hoods. At a small distance came master Philip de Morvillers, first president of the parliament, in his robes of ceremony, followed by all the lords of the parliament in flowing robes of vermilion. Then came the members of the chamber of accounts, the directors of the finances, the masters of requests, the secretaries, in robes of the same colour. As they advanced, they made their reverences to the king, each according to his rank, and to the lords who accompanied him. With regard to the common people, they were numberless. When the king arrived at the entrance of the gate of St Denis, the arms of the town were on so large a scale that in the body of them were inclosed six men, one to represent a bishop, another the university, and a third the burghers: the others personated sergeants. The king was presented, on his passing the gate, with three crimson hearts: in one were two doves; in another, small birds, which were let fly over the king's head; and in the third, violets and other flowers, which were thrown over the lords who accompanied him. The provost of merchants and the sheriffs now brought a handsome azure-coloured canopy besprinkled with flowers de luce, which they bore over the king's head as he passed through the streets. When he approached the little bridge of St Denis, a pageant of three savages and a woman continued fighting, in a sort of forest that had been formed there, until he had passed. Underneath the scaffold was a fountain of Hippocras, with three mermaids swimming round it, and which ran perpetually for all who chose to drink thereat. On advancing to the second gate of the street of St Denis, there were pageants that represented in dumb show the nativity of the holy Virgin, her marriage, the adoration of the three kings, the massacre of the innocents, and a good man sowing his corn, which characters were specially well acted. Over the gate was performed the legendary history of St Denis, which was much admired by the English. In front of the church des Innocents was formed a sort of forest in the street, in which was a living stag: when the king came near, the stag was hunted by dogs and huntsmen,—and, after a long chace, it took refuge near the feet of the king's horse, when his majesty saved its life. At the entrance of the gate of the ChÂtelet was another scaffold, on which was a representation of king Henry clothed in a robe of flower de luces, and having two crowns on his head. On his right hand were figures to personate the duke of Burgundy and the count de Nevers presenting him with the shield of France: on his left, were his uncle the duke of Bedford, the earls of Warwick and Salisbury presenting him with the shield of England. Each person was dressed in his own proper tabard of arms. The king thence went to the palace, where the holy relics were displayed to him and to his company, and was then conducted to the hÔtel des Tournelles to partake of a repast. When he had dined, he went to visit the queen his grandmother at the hÔtel de St Pol. On the morrow, he was carried to the castle of Vincennes, where he remained until the 15th day of December, when he returned to the palace. On the 17th of that month, he went from the palace in great pomp, and attended by a numerous body of nobles and ecclesiastics, to the church of NÔtre Dame for his coronation. In the nave of the church had been erected a scaffold eight score feet long, and of a proper height, which was ascended from the nave, and led to the entrance of the choir. The king was crowned by the cardinal of Winchester, who also chaunted the mass, to the great displeasure of the bishop of Paris, who said that that office belonged to him. At the offertory, the king made an offering of bread and wine in the usual manner. The wine was in a large pot of silver gilt, which was seized on by the king's officers, to the discontent of the canons of the cathedral, who claimed it as their perquisite; and they urged their complaints before the king and council, who, after it had cost them much in this claim, caused it to be returned to them. All the other ceremonies usual at coronations were this day performed, but more after the english than the french mode; and the lords before named were about the person of the king, and serving him while in the church according to their several offices. When mass was over, the king returned to the palace, and dined at the table of marble in the midst of the hall. On one side of him were seated the cardinal of Winchester, master Peter Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais, master John de Mailly, bishop of Noyon; and on the opposite side were the earls of Stafford, Mortimer and Salisbury, as representing the peers of France. Sir John, bastard de St Pol, was grand master of the household; and with him, preceding the meats, were sir Gilles de Clamecy, sir Guy le Bouteiller, and sir John de Pressy. The lord de Courcelles was on that day grand butler, and sir James de Painel grand pantler: an english knight, called sir Walter Hungerford, carved before the king. During the dinner, four pageants were introduced: the first was a figure of our Lady, with an infant king crowned by her side; the second, a flower de luce, surmounted with a crown of gold, and supported by two angels; the third, a lady and peacock; the fourth, a lady and swan. It would be tiresome was I to relate all the various meats and wines, for they were beyond number. Many pieces of music were played on divers instruments; and on the morrow a gallant tournament was held at the hÔtel de St Pol, where the earl of Arundel and the bastard de St Pol won the prizes, and gained the applause of the ladies for being the best tilters. King Henry, having made some days' stay at Paris, departed, and went to Rouen. CHAP. XI. THE DETACHMENT THE DUKE OF BAR HAD LEFT TO BLOCKADE VAUDEMONT MARCH AWAY ON HEARING OF THE ILL SUCCESS OF THE BATTLE. Very soon after the defeat of the duke of Bar and his army, news of it was carried to the French before Vaudemont by those who had escaped; and it caused such an alarm among them that they instantly took to flight in a most disorderly manner, each man imagining the enemy at his heels, and leaving behind the artillery, stores and provision, that had been intrusted to their guard, and which were in great abundance. The garrison, observing the confusion and disorder in the camp of the besiegers, concluded that the duke of Bar had been conquered, and instantly sallying out on horseback and on foot made a great slaughter, and took many prisoners. They gained so much that they were all enriched. Intelligence of this defeat was spread throughout the countries of Bar and Lorraine, and that their lord had been made prisoner, which caused the severest grief to all attached to him. The place where this battle had been fought was called Villeman; and from that day it bore the name of the Battle of Villeman. The count de Vaudemont was lavish in his thanks and praises to the marshal of Burgundy and the other lords and gentlemen who had so essentially aided him. He then returned to his country, and the marshal, with his Burgundians and Picards, to Burgundy, carrying with him the duke of Bar, whom he placed under a good guard at Dijon. CHAP. XII. SIR JOHN DE LUXEMBOURG ASSEMBLES MEN AT ARMS AND MARCHES INTO CHAMPAGNE AGAINST THE FRENCH, FROM WHOM HE CONQUERS SEVERAL CASTLES.—OTHER MATTERS. In the month of July, of this year, sir John de Luxembourg, count de Ligny, assembled, by orders from king Henry and the duke of Burgundy, about a thousand combatants, whom he led into the countries of Champagne and the Rethelois, to conquer some castles held by the troops of king Charles, which had much harrassed those parts. Sir John was accompanied by the lord de Ternant and the Rethelois; and his first attack was on the castle of Guetron, in which were from sixty to four score of king Charles's men, who, perceiving the superiority of the enemy, were so much frightened that they permitted them to gain the lower court without offering any resistance; and, shortly after, they opened a parley, and proposed to surrender the place on having their lives and fortunes spared. This offer was refused,—and they were told they must surrender at discretion. In the end, however, it was agreed to by the governor, that from four to six of his men should be spared by sir John. When this agreement had been settled, and pledges given for its performance, the governor re-entered the castle, and was careful not to tell his companions the whole that had passed at the conference,—giving them to understand in general, that they were to march away in safety; but when the castle was surrendered, all within it were made prisoners. On the morrow, by orders from sir John de Luxembourg, they were all strangled, and hung on trees hard by, except the four or six before mentioned,—one of their companions serving for the executioner.
An accident befel one of them, which is worth relating. The hangman was in such haste that the cord, as he was turned off the ladder, hitched under his chin, and thus suspended him, while the executioner went on to complete the sentence on others. Some of the gentlemen standing by took compassion on him,—and one of them, with a guisarme, cut the cord: he fell to the ground and soon recovered his senses. The spectators then entreated sir John to have pity on him for the love of God, and to spare his life, which request was at length complied with,—and he went away in safety. Sir John de Luxembourg, having executed justice on these marauders, marched away with his army, but not before he had demolished the castle of Guetron, to the castle of Tours en Porcien.[6] He remained before it some days, during which the captain capitulated to deliver it up, with the exception of the cannon, on being allowed to march off unmolested, but without any baggage. Some, who had formerly taken the oaths to king Henry, were hung, and the castle was razed to the ground. Thence sir John marched to a castle called Bahin: the captain thereof was one Barete, who soon offered to surrender, on condition that he himself and his garrison might have their lives spared, and be allowed to depart with their baggage, which terms were accepted. At this time, the earl of Warwick's son joined sir John, with sir Gilles de Clamecy and four hundred combatants, to assist him should there be occasion; but as the French were not in sufficient force in Champagne and those parts to resist, they returned shortly after to Meaux in Brie, and to the other garrisons whence they had come. Sir John reduced to obedience many other places and towns that had been held for king Charles,—some by treaty, others by force of arms. At this period, the lord de l'Isle-Adam, who was decorated with the duke of Burgundy's order of the Golden Fleece, was appointed, by the king of England and his council, marshal of France. He assembled about six hundred fighting men, part of whom were English; and in conjunction with the bastard de St. Pol, and one of his own brothers, he led them to the town of Lagny sur Marne, then possessed by king Charles's party, thinking to conquer it by surprise,—but it was too well defended by those to whose guard it had been intrusted. |