FOOTNOTES:

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Theodor Mommsen

1 The conception that the Roman and the Parthian empires were two great states standing side by side, and indeed the only ones in existence, dominated the whole Roman East, particularly the frontier-provinces. It meets us palpably in the Apocalypse of John, in which there is a juxtaposition as well of the rider on the white horse with the bow and of the rider on the red horse with the sword (vi. 2, 3) as of the Megistanes and the Chiliarchs (vi. 15, comp. xviii. 23, xix. 18). The closing catastrophe, too, is conceived as a subduing of the Romans by the Parthians bringing back the emperor Nero (ix. 14, xvi. 12) and Armageddon, whatever may be meant by it, as the rendezvous of the Orientals for the collective attack on the West. Certainly the author, writing in the Roman empire, hints these far from patriotic hopes more than he expresses them.

2 This holds true even in some measure for the chronology. The official historiography of the Sassanids reduces the space between the last Darius and the first Sassanid from 558 to 266 years (NÖldeke, Tabari, p. 1).

3 The viceroys of Persis are called in their title constantly “Zag Alohin” (at least the American signs correspond to these words, which were presumably in pronunciation expressed in the Persian way), son of God (Mordtmann, Zeitschrift fÜr Numismatik, iv. 155 f.), and to this corresponds the title ?e?p?t?? on the Greek coins of the great-kings. The designation “God” is also found, as with the Seleucids and the Sassanids.—Why a double diadem is attributed to the Arsacids (Herodian, vi. 2, 1) is not cleared up.

4 ??? ?a???a??? s???d???? f?s?? (??se?d?????) e??a?, says Strabo, xi. 9, 3, p. 515, d?tt??, t? ?? s???e???, t? d? s?f?? ?a? ????, ?? ?? ?f??? t??? as??e?? ?a??stas?a? (?a??st?s?? in MSS.); Justinus, xvii. 3, 1, Mithridates rex Parthorum ... propter crudelitatem a senatu Parthico regno pellitur.

5 In Egypt, whose court ceremonial, as doubtless that of all the states of the Diadochi, is based on that ordained by Alexander, and in so far upon that of the Persian empire, the like title seems to have been conferred also personally (Franz, C. I. Gr. iii. 270). That the same occurred with the Arsacids, is possible. Among the Greek-speaking subjects of the Arsacid state the appellation e??st??e? seems in the original stricter use to denote the members of the seven houses; it is worthy of notice that megistanes and satrapae are associated (Seneca, Ep. 21; Josephus, Arch. xi. 3, 2; xx. 2, 3). The circumstance that in court mourning the Persian king does not invite the megistanes to table (Suetonius, Gai. 5) suggests the conjecture that they had the privilege of taking meals with him. The title t?? p??t?? f???? is also found among the Arsacids just as at the Egyptian and Pontic courts (Bull. de corr. Hell. vii. p. 349).

6 A royal cup-bearer, who is at the same time general, is mentioned in Josephus, Arch. xiv. 13, 7 = Bell. Jud. i. 13, 1. Similar court offices are of frequent occurrence in the states of the Diadochi.

7 Tacitus, Ann. xv. 2, 31. If, according to the preface of Agathangelos (p. 109, Langlois), at the time of the Arsacids the oldest and ablest prince bore rule over the country, and the three standing next to him were kings of the Armenians, of the Indians, and of the Massagetae, there is here perhaps at bottom the same arrangement. That the Partho-Indian empire, if it was combined with the main land, was likewise regarded as an appanage for the second son, is very probable.

8 These are doubtless meant by Justinus (xli. 2, 2), proximus maiestati regum praepositorum ordo est; ex hoc duces in bello, ex hoc in pace rectores habent. The native name is preserved by the gloss in Hesychius, ?sta? ? as??e?? pa?? ???sa??. If in Ammianus, xxiii. 6, 14, the presidents of the Persian regiones are called vitaxae (read vistaxae), id est magistri equitum et reges et satrapae, he has awkwardly referred what is Persian to all Inner Asia (comp. Hermes, xvi. 613); we may add that the designation “leaders of horsemen” for these viceroys may relate to the fact that they, like the Roman governors, united in themselves the highest civil and the supreme military power, and the army of the Parthians consisted preponderantly of cavalry.

9 This we learn from the title sat??p?? t?? sat?ap??, attributed to one Gotarzes in the inscription of KermanschahÂn in Kurdistan (C. I. Gr. 4674). It cannot be assigned to the Arsacid king of the same name as such; but perhaps there may be designated by it, as Olshausen (Monatsbericht der Berliner Akademie, 1878, p. 179) conjectures, that position which belonged to him after his renouncing of the great-kingdom (Tacitus, Ann. xi. 9).

10 Still later a troop of horse in the Parthian army is called that "of the free:" Josephus, Arch. xiv. 13, 5 = Bell. Jud. i. 13, 3.

11 The oldest known coin with Pahlavi writing was struck in Claudius’s time under Vologasus I.; it is bilingual, and gives to the king in Greek his full title, but only the name Arsaces, in Iranian merely the native individual name shortened (Vol.).

12 Usually this is restricted to the large silver money, and the small silver and most of the copper are regarded as of royal coinage. But by this view a singular secondary part in coinage is assigned to the great-king. More correctly perhaps the former coinage is conceived of as predominantly destined for dealings abroad, the latter as predominantly for internal intercourse; the diversities subsisting between the two kinds are also explained in this way.

13 The first ruler that bears it is Phraapates about 188 B.C. (Percy Gardner, Parthian Coinage, p. 27).

14 Thus there stands on the coins of Gotarzes (under Claudius) G?t????? as??e?? as????? ??? ?e?a??????? ??ta????. On the later ones the Greek legend is often quite unintelligible.

15 While the kingdom of Darius, according to his inscriptions, includes in it the Gadara (the GandhÂra of the Indians, Ga?da??t?? of the Greeks on the Cabul river) and the HÎdu (the dwellers by the Indus), the former are in one of the inscriptions of Asoka adduced among his subjects, and a copy of his great edict has been found in Kapurdi Giri, or rather in Shahbaz Garhi (Yusufzai-district), nearly 27 miles north-west of the point where the Cabul river falls into the Indus at Attock. The seat of the government of these north-west provinces of Asoka’s kingdom was (according to the inscription C. I. Indicar. i. p. 91) TakkhasilÂ, ?????a of the Greeks, some 40 miles E.S.E. of Attock, the seat of government for the south-western provinces was UjjÊnÎ (?????). The eastern part of the Cabul valley thus belonged at any rate to Asoka’s empire. It is not quite impossible that the Khyber pass formed the boundary; but probably the whole Cabul valley belonged to India, and the boundary to the south of Cabul was formed by the sharp line of the Suleiman range, and farther to the south-west by the Bolan pass. Of the later Indo-Scythian king Huvishka (Ooerke of the coins), who seems to have resided on the Yamun in MathurÂ, an inscription has been found at Wardak not far northward from Cabul (according to information from Oldenberg).

16 The Egyptian merchant named in note 3 makes mention, c. 47, of "the warlike people of the Bactrians, who have their own king." At that time, therefore, Bactria was separated from the Indus-empire that was under Parthian princes. Strabo, too (xi. 11, 1, p. 516) treats the Bactro-Indian empire as belonging to the past.

17 Probably he is the Kaspar—in older tradition Gathaspar—who appears among the holy three kings from the East (Gutschmid, Rhein. Mus. xix. 162).

18 The most definite testimony to the Parthian rule in these regions is found in the description of the coasts of the Red Sea drawn up by an Egyptian merchant under Vespasian, c. 38: “Behind the mouth of the Indus in the interior lies the capital of Scythia Minnagara; but this is ruled by the Parthians, who constantly chase away one another” (?p? ?????? s??e??? ???????? ??d?????t??). The same is repeated in a somewhat confused way, c. 41; it might here appear as if Minnagara lay in India itself above Barygaza, and Ptolemy has already been led astray by this; but certainly the writer, who speaks as to the interior only from hearsay, has only wished to say that a large town Minnagara lay inland not far from Barygaza, and much cotton was brought thence to Barygaza. The numerous traces also of Alexander, which occur according to the same authority in Minnagara, can be found only on the Indus, not in Gujerat. The position of Minnagara on the lower Indus not far from Hyderabad, and the existence of a Parthian rule there under Vespasian, appear hereby assured.—With this we may be allowed to combine the coins of king Gondopharus or Hyndopherres, who in a very old Christian legend is converted to Christianity by St. Thomas, the apostle of the Parthians and Indians, and in fact appears to belong to the first period of the Roman empire (Sallet, Num. Zeitschr. vi. 355; Gutschmid, Rhein. Mus. xix. 162); of his brother’s son Abdagases (Sallet, ib. p. 365), who may be identical with the Parthian prince of this name in Tacitus, Ann. vi. 36, at any rate bears a Parthian name; and lastly of king Sanabarus, who must have reigned shortly after Hyndopherres, perhaps was his successor. Here belongs also a number of other coins marked with Parthian names, Arsaces, Pacorus, Vonones. This coinage attaches itself decidedly to that of the Arsacids (Sallet, ib. p. 277); the silver pieces of Gondopharus and of Sanabarus—of the others the coins are almost solely copper—correspond exactly to the Arsacid drachmae. To all appearance these belong to the Parthian princes of Minnagara; the appearance here of Indian legend alongside of the Greek, as of Pahlavi writing among the late Arsacids, suits this view. These, however, are not coins of satraps, but, as the Egyptian indicates, of great-kings rivalling those of Ctesiphon; Hyndopherres names himself in very corrupt Greek as??e?? as????? ??a? a?t????t??, and in good Indian “Maharajah Rajadi Rajah.” If, as is not improbable, under the Mambaros or Akabaros, whom the Periplus, c. 41, 52, designates as ruler of the coast of Barygaza, there lurks the Sanabarus of the coins, the latter belongs to the time of Nero or Vespasian, and ruled not merely at the mouths of the Indus, but also over Gujerat. Moreover, if an inscription found not far from Peshawur is rightly referred to king Gondopharus, his rule must have extended up thither, probably as far as Cabul.—The fact that Corbulo in the year 60 sent the embassy of the Hyrcanians who had revolted from the Parthians—in order that they might not be intercepted by the latter—to the coast of the Red Sea, whence they might reach their home without setting foot on Parthian territory (Tacitus, Ann. xv. 25), tells in favour of the view that the Indus valley at that time was not subject to the ruler of Ctesiphon.

19 That the great kingdom of the Arsacids of Minnagara did not subsist much beyond the time of Nero, is probable from the coins. It is questionable what rulers followed them. The Bactro-Indian rulers of Greek names belong predominantly, perhaps all of them, to the pre-Augustan epoch; and various indigenous names, e.g. Maues and Azes, fall in point of language and writing (e.g. the form of the ? O) before this time. On the other hand the coins of the kings Kozulokadphises and Oemokadphises, and those of the Sacian kings, Kanerku and his successors, while all are clearly characterised as belonging to one coinage by the gold stater of the weight of the Roman aureus, which does not previously occur in the Indian coinage, are to all appearance later than Gondopharus and Sanabarus. They show how the state of the Indus valley assumed a national Indian type in ever increasing measure in contrast to the Hellenes as well as to the Iranians. The reign of these Kadphises will thus fall between the Indo-Parthian rulers and the dynasty of the Sacae, which latter begins with A.D. 78 (Oldenberg, in Sallet’s Zeitschr. fÜr Num. viii. 292). Coins of these Sacian kings, found in the treasure of Peshawur, name in a remarkable way Greek gods in a mutilated form, ??a????, Sa?ap?, alongside of the national ???d?. The latest of their coins show the influence of the oldest Sassanid coinage, and might belong to the second half of the third century (Sallet, Zeitschr. fÜr Num. vi. 224).

20 The Indo-Greek and the Indo-Parthian rulers, just as the Kadphises, make use on their coins to a large extent of the indigenous Indian language and writing alongside of the Greek: the Sacian kings on the other hand never used the Indian language and Indian alphabet, but employ exclusively the Greek letters, and the non-Greek legends of their coins are beyond doubt Scythian. Thus on Kanerku’s gold pieces there sometimes stands as??e?? as????? ?a??????, sometimes ?a? ?a???a? ?a????? ???a??, where the first two words must be a Scythian form of the Indian RajÂdi Rajah, and the two following contain the personal and the family name (Gushana) of the king (Oldenberg, l.c. p. 294). Thus these Sacae were foreign rulers in India in another sense than the Bactrian Hellenes and the Parthians. Yet the inscriptions set up under them in India are not Scythian but Indian.

21 Arrian, who, as governor of Cappadocia, had himself wielded command over the Armenians (contra Al. 29), always in the Tactica names the Armenians and Parthians together (4, 3, 44, 1, as respects the heavy cavalry, the mailed ???t?f???? and the light cavalry, the ???????sta? or ?pp?t???ta?; 34, 7 as respects the wide hose); and, where he speaks of Hadrian’s introduction of barbaric cavalry into the Roman army, he traces the mounted archers back to the model of “the Parthians or Armenians” (44, 1).

22 Caesar’s illegitimate son ?t??ea??? ? ?a? ?a?sa? ?e?? f???p?t?? f????t??, as his royal designation runs (C. I. Gr. 4717), entered on the joint rule of Egypt in the Egyptian year 29 Aug. 711/2, as the era shows (Wescher, Bullet. dell’ Inst. 1866, p. 199; Krall, Wiener Studien, v. 313). As he came in place of Ptolemaeus the younger, the husband and brother of his mother, the setting aside of the latter by Cleopatra, of which the particulars are not known, must have taken place just then, and have furnished the occasion to proclaim him as king of Egypt. Dio also, xlvii. 31, places his nomination in the summer of 71242 B.C. before the battle of Philippi. It was thus not the work of Antonius, but sanctioned by the two rulers in concert at a time when it could not but be their object to meet the wishes of the queen of Egypt, who certainly had from the outset ranged herself on their side.

23 This is what Augustus means when he says that he had brought again to the empire the provinces of the East in great part distributed among kings (Mon. Ancyr. 5, 41: provincias omnis, quae trans Hadrianum mare vergunt ad orientem, Cyrenasque, iam ex parte magna regibus eas possidentibus ... reciperavi).

24 The decorum, which was as characteristic of Augustus as its opposite was of his colleague, did not fail him here. Not merely in the case of Caesarion was the paternity, which the dictator himself had virtually acknowledged, afterwards officially denied; the children also of Antonius by Cleopatra, where indeed nothing was to be denied, were regarded doubtless as members of the imperial house, but were never formally acknowledged as children of Antonius. On the contrary the son of the daughter of Antonius by Cleopatra, the subsequent king of Mauretania Ptolemaeus, is called in the Athenian inscription, C. I. A. iii. 555, grandson of Ptolemaeus; for ?t??ea??? ??????? cannot well in this connection be taken otherwise. This maternal grandfather was invented in Rome, that they might be able officially to conceal the real one. Any one who prefers—as O. Hirschfeld proposes—to take ??????? as great-grandson, and to refer it to the maternal great-grandfather, comes to the same result; for then the grandfather is passed over, because the mother was in the legal sense fatherless.—Whether the fiction, which is in my view more probable, went so far as to indicate a definite Ptolemaeus, possibly to prolong the life of the last Lagid who died in 71242 B.C., or whether they were content with inventing a father without entering into particulars, cannot be decided. But the fiction was adhered to in this respect, that the son of Antonius’s daughter obtained the name of the fictitious grandfather. The circumstance that in this case preference was given to the descent from the Lagids over that from Massinissa may probably have been occasioned more by regard to the imperial house, which treated the illegitimate child as belonging to it, than by the Hellenic inclination of the father.

25 It is in itself credible that Antonius concealed the impending invasion from Phraates as long as possible, and therefore, when sending back Monaeses, declared himself ready to conclude peace on the basis of the restitution of the lost standards (Plutarch, 37; Dio, xlix. 24; Florus, ii. 20 [iv. 10]). But he knew presumably that this offer would not be accepted, and in no case can he have been in earnest with those proposals; beyond doubt he wished for the war and the overthrow of Phraates.

26 The account of the matter given by Strabo, xi. 13, 4, p. 524, evidently after the description of this war compiled by Antonius’s comrade in arms Dellius, and, it may be conjectured, at his bidding (comp. ib. xi. 13, 3; Dio, xlix. 39), is a very sorry attempt to justify the beaten general. If Antonius did not take the nearest route to Ctesiphon, king Artavazdes cannot be brought in for the blame of it as a false guide; it was a military, and doubtless still more a political, miscalculation of the general in chief.

27 The fact of the deposition and execution, and the time, are attested by Dio, xlix. 32, and Valerius Maximus, ix. 15, ext. 2; the cause or the pretext must have been connected with the Armenian war.

28 The account of the seizure of Armenia is wanting, but the fact is clearly apparent from Tacitus, Ann. xi. 9. To this connection probably belongs what Josephus, Arch. xx. 3, 3, tells of the design of the successor of Artabanus to wage war against the Romans, from which Izates the satrap of Adiabene vainly dissuades him. Josephus names this successor, probably in error, Bardanes. The immediate successor of Artabanus III. was, according to Tacitus, Ann. xi. 8, his son of the same name, whom along with his son thereupon Gotarzes put out of the way; and this Artabanus IV. must be here meant.

29 The statement of Petrus Patricius (fr. 3 MÜll.) that king Mithradates of Iberia had planned revolt from Rome, but in order to preserve the semblance of fidelity, had sent his brother Cotys to Claudius, and then, when the latter had given information to the emperor of those intrigues, had been deposed and replaced by his brother, is not compatible with the assured fact that in Iberia, at least from the year 35 (Tacitus, Ann. vi. 32) till the year 60 (Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 26), Pharasmanes, and in the year 75 his son Mithradates (C. I. L. iii. 6052) bore rule. Beyond doubt Petrus has confused Mithradates of Iberia and the king of the Bosporus of the same name (I. 316, note 1), and here at the bottom lies the narrative, which Tacitus, Ann. xii. 18, presupposes.

30 If the coins, which, it is true, for the most part admit of being distinguished only by resemblance of effigy, are correctly attributed, those of Gotarzes reach to Sel. 362 Daesius = A.D. 51 June, and those of Vologasus (we know none of Vonones II.) begin with Sel. 362 Gorpiaeus = A.D. 51 Sept. (Percy Gardner, Parthian Coinage, pp. 50, 51), which agrees with Tacitus, Ann. xii. 14, 44.

31 Gorneae, called by the Armenians Garhni, as the ruins (nearly east of ErivÂn) are still at present named. (Kiepert.)

32 Even after the attack Tiridates complained cur datis nuper obsidibus redintegrataque amicitia ... vetere Armeniae possessione depelleretur, and Corbulo presented to him, in case of his turning as a suppliant to the emperor, the prospect of a regnum stabile (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 37). Elsewhere too the refusal of the oath of fealty is indicated as the proper ground of war (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 34).

33 The report in Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 34–41, embraces beyond doubt the campaigns of 58 and 59, since Tacitus under the year 59 is silent as to the Armenian campaign, while under the year 60, Ann. xiv. 23 joins on immediately to xiii. 41, and evidently describes merely a single campaign; generally, where he condenses in this way, he as a rule anticipates. That the war cannot have begun only in 59, is further confirmed by the fact that Corbulo observed the solar eclipse of 30th April 59 on Armenian soil (Plin. H. N. ii. 70, 180); had he not entered the country till 59, he could hardly have crossed the enemy’s frontier so early in the year. The narrative of Tacitus, Ann. xiii, 34–41, does not in itself show an intercalation of a year, but with his mode of narrating it admits the possibility that the first year was spent in the crossing of the Euphrates and the settling in Armenia, and so the winter mentioned in c. 35 is that of the year 58–9, especially as in view of the character of the army such a beginning to the war would be quite in place, and in view of the short Armenian summer it was militarily convenient thus to separate the marching into the country and the conduct proper of the war.

34 From the representation of Tacitus, Ann. xv. 6, the partiality and the perplexity are clearly seen. He does not venture to express the surrender of Armenia to Tiridates, and only leaves the reader to infer it.

35 This is said by Tacitus himself, Ann. xv. 10: nec a Corbulone properatum, quo gliscentibus periculis etiam subsidii laus augeretur, in naive unconcern at the severe censure which this praise involves. How partial is the tone of the whole account resting on Corbulo’s despatches, is shown among other things by the circumstance that Paetus is reproached in one breath with the inadequate provisioning of the camp (xv. 8) and with the surrender of it in spite of copious supplies (xv. 16), and the latter fact is inferred from this, that the retiring Romans preferred to destroy the stores which, according to the capitulation, were to be delivered to the Parthians. As the exasperation against Tiberius found its expression in the painting of Germanicus in fine colours, so did the exasperation against Nero in the picture of Corbulo.

36 The statement of Corbulo that Paetus bound himself on oath in presence of his soldiers and of the Parthian deputies to send no troops to Armenia till the arrival of Nero’s answer, is declared by Tacitus, Ann. xv. 16, unworthy of credit; it is in keeping with the state of the case, and nothing was done to the contrary.

37 As, according to Tacitus, Ann. xv. 25 (comp. Dio, lxii. 22), Nero dismissed graciously the envoys of Vologasus, and allowed them to see the possibility of an understanding if Tiridates appeared in person, Corbulo may in this case have acted according to his instructions; but this was rather perhaps one of the turns added in the interest of Corbulo. That these events were brought under discussion in the trial to which he was subjected some years after, is probable from the statement that one of the officers of the Armenian campaign became his accuser. The identity of the cohort-prefect, Arrius Varus, in Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 9, and of the primipilus, Hist. iii. 6, has been without reason disputed; comp. on C. I. L. v. 867.

38 In Ziata (Charput) there have been found two inscriptions of a fort, which one of the legions led by Corbulo over the Euphrates, the 3d Gallica, constructed there by Corbulo’s orders in the year 64 (Eph. epigr. v. p. 25).

39 Nero intended inter reliqua bella, an Ethiopian one (Plin. vi. 29, comp. 184). To this the sending of troops to Alexandria (Tacitus, Hist. i. 31, 70) had reference.

40 As the aim of the expedition both Tacitus, Hist. i. 6, and Suetonius, Ner. 19, indicate the Caspian gates, i.e. the pass of the Caucasus between Tiflis and Vladi-Kavkas at Darial, which, according to the legend, Alexander closed with iron gates (Plin. H. N. vi. 11, 30; Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 7, 4; Procopius, Pers. i. 10). Both from this locality and from the whole scheme of the expedition it cannot possibly have been directed against the Albani on the western shore of the Caspian Sea; here, as well as at another passage (Ann. ii. 68, ad Armenios, inde Albanos Heniochosque), only the Alani can be meant, who in Josephus, l.c. and elsewhere appear just at this spot and are frequently confounded with the Caucasian Albani. No doubt the account of Josephus is also confused. If here the Albani, with consent of the king of the Hyrcanians, invade Media and then Armenia through the Caspian gates, the writer has been thinking of the other Caspian gate eastward from Rhagae; but this must be his mistake, since the latter pass, situated in the heart of the Parthian kingdom, cannot possibly have been the aim of the Neronian expedition, and the Alani had their seats not on the eastern shore of the Caspian but to the north of the Caucasus. On account of this expedition the best of the Roman legions, the 14th, was recalled from Britain, although it went only as far as Pannonia (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 11, comp. 27, 66), and a new legion, the 1st Italic, was formed by Nero (Suetonius, Ner. 19). One sees from this what was the scale on which the project was conceived.

41 In what connection he refused to Vespasian the title of emperor (Dio, lxvi. 11) is not clear; possibly immediately after his insurrection, before he had perceived that the Flavians were the stronger. His intercession for the princes of Commagene (Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 7, 3) was attended by success, and so was purely personal, by no means a protest against the conversion of the kingdom into a province.

42 The four Syrian legions were the 3d Gallica, the 6th ferrata (both hitherto in Syria), the 4th Scythica (hitherto in Moesia, but having already taken part in the Parthian as in the Jewish war), and the 16th Flavia (new). The one legion of Palestine was the 10th fretensis (hitherto in Syria). The two of Cappadocia were the 12th fulminata (hitherto in Syria, moved by Titus to Melitene, Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 3), and the 15th Apollinaris (hitherto in Pannonia, but having taken part, like the 4th Scythica, in the Parthian as in the Jewish war). The garrisons were thus changed as little as possible, only two of the legions already called earlier to Syria received fixed stations there, and one newly instituted was moved thither.—After the Jewish war under Hadrian the 6th ferrata was despatched from Syria to Palestine.

43 At this time (comp. C. I. L. v. 6988), probably falls also the Cappadocian governorship of C. Rutilius Gallicus, of which it is said (Statius, i. 4, 78): hunc ... timuit ... Armenia et patiens Latii iam pontis Araxes, with reference presumably to a bridge-structure executed by this Roman garrison. That Gallicus served under Corbulo, is from the silence of Tacitus not probable.

44 That war threatened to break out under Vespasian in the year 75 on the Euphrates, while M. Ulpius Trajanus, the father of the emperor, was governor of Syria, is stated by Pliny in his panegyric on the son, c. 14, probably with strong exaggeration; the cause is unknown.

45 There are coins dated, and provided with the individual names of the kings, of (V)ologasus from the years 389 and 390 = 77–78; of Pacorus from the years 389–394 = 77–82 (and again 404–407 = 92–95); of Artabanus from the year 392 = 80–1. The corresponding historical dates are lost, with the exception of the notice connecting Titus and Artabanus in Zonaras, xi. 18 (comp. Suetonius, Ner. 57; Tacitus, Hist. i. 2), but the coins point to an epoch of rapid changes on the throne, and, apparently, of simultaneous coinage by rival pretenders.

46 This is proved by the detached notice from Arrian in Suidas (s. v. ?p????a): ? d? ??????? ? ?a???a??? as??e?? ?a? ???a t??? ?p????ata ?p?fe?e ??a?a?? t? as??e?, and by the attention which is devoted in Pliny’s report to the emperor, written about the year 112 (ad Trai. 74), to the relations between Pacorus and the Dacian king Decebalus. The time of the reign of this Parthian king cannot be sufficiently fixed. There are no Parthian coins with the king’s name from the whole period of Trajan; the coining of silver seems to have been in abeyance during that period.

47 That Axidares (or Exedares) was a son of Pacorus and king of Armenia before Parthomasiris, but had been deposed by Chosroes, is shown by the remnants of Dio’s account, lxviii. 17; and to this point also the two fragments of Arrian (16 MÜller), the first, probably from an address of a supporter of the interests of Axidares to Trajan: ???d???? d? ?t? ???e?? ??? ??e??a?, ?? ?? d??e? e??a? se ?f??????, whereupon doubtless the complaints brought against Parthomasiris followed; and the answer, evidently of the emperor, that it is not the business of Axidares, but his, to judge as to Parthomasiris, because he—apparently Axidares—had first broken the treaty and suffered for it. What fault the emperor imputes to Axidares is not clear; but in Dio also Chosroes says that he has not satisfied either the Romans or the Parthians.

48 The remnants of Dio’s account in Xiphilinus and Zonaras show clearly that the Parthian expedition falls into two campaigns, the first (Dio, lvi. 17, 1, 18, 2, 23–25), which is fixed at 115 A.D. by the consulate of Pedo (the date also of Malalas, p. 275, for the earthquake of Antioch, 13 Dec. 164 of the Antiochene era = 115 A.D. agrees therewith), and the second (Dio, c. 26–32, 3), which is fixed at 116 A.D. by the conferring of the title Parthicus (c. 28, 2), took place between April and August of that year (see my notice in Droysen, Hellenismus, iii. 2, 361). That at c. 23 the titles Optimus (conferred in the course of 114 A.D.) and Parthicus are mentioned out of the order of time, is shown as well by their juxtaposition as by the later recurrence of the second honour. Of the fragments most belong to the first campaign; c. 22, 3 and probably also 22, 1, 2 to the second.—The acclamations of imperator do not stand in the way. Trajan was demonstrably in the year 113 imp. VI. (C. I. L. vi. 960); in the year 114 imp. VII. (C. I. L. ix. 1558 et al.); in the year 115 imp. IX. (C. I. L. ix. 5894 et al.), and imp. XI. (Fabretti, 398, 289 et al.); in the year 116 imp. XII. (C. I. L. viii. 621, x. 1634), and XIII. (C. I. L. iii. D. xxvii.). Dio attests an acclamation from the year 115 (lxviii. 19), and one from the year 116 (lxviii. 28); there is ample room for both, and there is no reason to refer imp. VII. precisely, as has been attempted, to the subjugation of Armenia.

49 The pungent description of the Syrian army of Trajan in Fronto (p. 206 f. Naber) agrees almost literally with that of the army of Corbulo in Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 35. “The Roman troops generally had sadly degenerated (ad ignaviam redactus) through being long disused to military service; but the most wretched of the soldiers were the Syrian, insubordinate, refractory, unpunctual at the call to arms, not to be found at their post, drunk from midday onward; unaccustomed even to carry arms and incapable of fatigue, ridding themselves of one piece of armour after another, half naked like the light troops and the archers. Besides they were so demoralised by the defeats they had suffered that they turned their backs at the first sight of the Parthians, and the trumpets were regarded by them, as it were, as giving the signal to run away.” In the contrasting description of Trajan it is said among other things: “He did not pass through the tents without closely concerning himself as to the soldiers, but showed his contempt for the Syrian luxury, and looked closely into the rough doings of the Pannonians (sed contemnere—so we must read—Syrorum munditias, introspicere Pannoniorum inscitias); so he judged of the serviceableness (ingenium) of the man according to his bearing (cultus).” In the Oriental army of Severus also the “European” and the Syrian soldiers are distinguished (Dio, lxxv. 12).

50 This is shown by the mala proelia in the passage of Fronto quoted, and by Dio’s statement, lxviii. 19, that Trajan took Samosata without a struggle; thus the 16th legion stationed there had lost it.

51 It may be that at the same time Armenia also revolted. But when Gutschmid (quoted by Dierauer in BÜdinger’s Untersuchungen, i. 179), makes Meherdotes and Sanatrukios, whom Malalas adduces as kings of Persia in the Trajanic war, into kings of Armenia again in revolt, this result is attained by a series of daring conjectures, which shift the names of persons and peoples as much as they transform the causal nexus of events. There are certainly found in the confused coil of legends of Malalas some historical facts, e.g. the installation of Parthamaspates (who is here son of king Chosroes of Armenia) as king of Parthia by Trajan; and so, too, the dates of Trajan’s departure from Rome in October (114), of his landing in Seleucia in December, and of his entrance into Antioch on the 7th Jan. (115) may be correct. But, as this report stands, the historian can only decline to accept it; he cannot rectify it.

52 Fronto, Princ. hist. p. 209 Naber: cum praesens Traianus Euphratis et Tigridis portoria equorum et camelorum trib[utaque ordinaret, Ma]cer (?) caesus est. This applies to the moment when Babylonia and Mesopotamia revolted, while Trajan was tarrying at the mouth of the Tigris.

53 Nearly with equal warrant, Julian (Caes. p. 328) makes the emperor say that he had not taken up arms against the Parthians before they had violated right, and Dio (lxviii. 17) reproaches him with having waged the war from ambition.

54 Hadrian cannot possibly have released Armenia from the position of a Roman dependency. The notice of his biographer, c. 21: Armeniis regem habere permisit, cum sub Traiano legatum habuissent points rather to the contrary, and we find at the end of Hadrian’s reign a contingent of Armenians in the army of the governor of Cappadocia (Arrian, c. Alan. 29). Pius did not merely induce the Parthians by his representations to desist from the intended invasion of Armenia (vita, 9), but also in fact invested them with Armenia (coins from the years 140–144, Eckhel, vii. p. 15). The fact also that Iberia certainly stood in the relation of dependence under Pius, because otherwise the Parthians could not have brought complaints as to its king in Rome (Dio, lxix. 15), presupposes a like dependent relation for Armenia. The names of the Armenian kings of this period are not known. If the proximae gentes, with the rule of which Hadrian compensated the Parthian prince nominated as Parthian king by Trajan (vita, c. 5), were in fact Armenians, which is not improbable, there lies in it a confirmation as well of the lasting dependence of Armenia on Rome as of the continuous rule of the Arsacids there. Even the ???????? ??????? as??e?? e????? ??e??a?, who erected a monument in Rome to his brother Aurelius Merithates who died there (C. I. Gr. 6559), belongs from his name to the house of the Arsacids. But he was hardly the king of Armenia installed by Vologasus IV. and deposed by the Romans (p. 74); if the latter had come to Rome as a captive, we should know it, and even he would hardly have been allowed to call himself king of Great Armenia in a Roman inscription.

55 As vassals holding from Trajan or Hadrian, Arrian (Peripl. c. 15) adduces the Heniochi and Machelones (comp. Dio, lxviii. 18; lxxi. 14); the Lazi (comp. Suidas, s. v. ??et?a???), over whom also Pius put a king (vita, 9); the Apsilae; the Abasgi; the Sanigae, these all within the imperial frontier reaching as far as Dioscurias = Sebastopolis; beyond it, in the region of the Bosporan vassal-state, the Zichi or Zinchi (ib. c. 27).

56 This is confirmed not only by Arrian, Peripl. c. 7, but by the officer of Hadrian’s time praepositus numerorum tendentium in Ponto Absaro (C. I. L. x. 1202).

57 Comp. p. 75 note 2. The detachment probably of 1000 men (because under a tribune) doing garrison duty in the year 185 in Valarshapat (Etshmiazin) not far from Artaxata, belonged to one of the Cappadocian legions (C. I. L. iii. 6052).

58 Hadrian’s efforts after the friendship of the Oriental vassal-princes are often brought into prominence, not without a hint that he was more than fairly indulgent to them (vita, c. 13, 17, 21). Pharasmanes of Iberia did not come to Rome on his invitation, but complied with that of Pius (vita Hadr. 13, 21; vita Pii, 9; Dio, lxix. 15, 2, which excerpt belongs to Pius).

59 We still possess the remarkable report of the governor of Cappadocia under Hadrian, Flavius Arrianus, upon the mobilising of the Cappadocian army against the “Scythians” among his minor writings; he was himself at the Caucasus and visited the passes there (Lydus, de Mag. iii. 53).

60 This we learn from the fragments of Dio’s account in Xiphilinus, Zonaras, and in the Excerpts; Zonaras has preserved the correct reading ??a??? instead of ??a???; that the Alani pillaged also the territory of the Albani, is shown by the setting of the exc. Ursin. lxxii.

61 So he is named in Lucian, Hist. conscr. 21; if the same calls him (Alex. 27) Othryades, he is drawing here from a historian of the stamp of those whom he ridicules in that treatise, and of whom another Hellenised the same man as Oxyroes (Hist. conscr. c. 18).

62 Syria was administered when the war broke out by L. Attidius Cornelianus (C. I. Gr. 4661 of the year 160; vita Marci, 8; C. I. L. iii. 129 of the year 162), after him by Julius Verus (C. I. L. iii. 199, probably of the year 163) and then by Avidius Cassius presumably from the year 164. The statement that the other provinces of the East were assigned to Cassius’s command (Philostratus, vit. Soph. i. 13; Dio, lxxi. 3), similarly to what was done to Corbulo as legate of Cappadocia, can only relate to the time after the departure of the emperor Verus; so long as the latter held the nominal chief command there was no room for it.

63 A fragment probably of Dio (in Suidas s. v. ???t???), tells that Priscus in Armenia laid out the ?a??? p???? and furnished it with a Roman garrison, his successor Martius Verus silenced the national movement that had arisen there, and declared this city the first of Armenia. This was Valarshapat (??a?a?sap?t or ??a?e???t?st? in Agathangelos), thenceforth the capital of Armenia. ?a??? p???? was, as Kiepert informs me, already recognised by Stilting as translation of the Armenian NÔr-Khalakh, which second name Valarshapat constantly bears in Armenian authors of the fifth century alongside of the usual one. Moses of Chorene, following Bardesanes, makes the town originate from a Jewish colony brought thither under king Tigranes VI., who according to him reigned 150–188; he refers the enclosing of it with walls and the naming of it to his son Valarsch II. 188–208. That the town had a strong Roman garrison in 185 is shown by the inscription C. I. L. iii. 6052.

64 That Sohaemus was Achaemenid and Arsacid (or professed to be) and king’s son and king, as well as Roman senator and consul, before he became king of Great Armenia, is stated by his contemporary Jamblichus (c. 10 of the extract in Photius). Probably he belonged to the dynastic family of Hemesa (Josephus, Arch. xx. 8, 4, et al.) If Jamblichus the Babylonian wrote “under him,” this can doubtless only be understood to the effect that he composed his romance in Artaxata. That Sohaemus ruled over Armenia before Pacorus is nowhere stated, and is not probable, since neither Fronto’s words (p. 127 Naber), quod Sohaemo potius quam Vologaeso regnum Armeniae dedisset aut quod Pacorum regno privasset, or those of the fragment from Dio (?) lxxi. 1: ???t??? ?????? t?? T????d?d?? ??p?pe? ?ata?a?e?? S?a??? ?? ??e??a? point to reinstatement, and the coins with rex Armeniis datus (Eckhel, vii. 91, comp. vita Veri, 7, 8) in fact exclude it. We do not know the predecessor of Pacorus, and are not even aware whether the throne which he took possession of was vacant or occupied.

65 This is shown by the Mesopotamian royal and urban coins. There are no accounts in our tradition as to the conditions of peace.

66 The beginning of the Ursinian excerpt of Dio, lxxv. 1, 2, is confused. ?? ????????, it is said, ?a? ?? ?d?a???? ?p?st??te? ?a? ??s??? p?????????te? ?a? ?tt????te? ?p? Se?????? ?p?ese?sa?t? p??? a?t?? et? t?? t?? ?????? ???at??. Osrhoene was then Roman, Adiabene Parthian; from whom did the two districts revolt? and whose side did the Nisibenes take? That their opponents were defeated by Severus before the sending of the embassy is inconsistent with the course of the narrative; for the latter makes war upon them because their envoys make unsatisfactory offers to him. Probably the supporting of Niger by subjects of the Parthians and their concert with Niger’s Roman partisan are now strictly apprehended as a revolt from Severus; the circumstance that the people afterwards maintain that they had intended rather to support Severus, is clearly indicated as a makeshift. The Nisibenes may have refused to co-operate, and therefore have been attacked by the adherents of Niger. Thus is explained what is clear from the extract given by Xiphilinus from Dio, lxxv. 2, that the left bank of the Euphrates was for Severus an enemy’s land, but not Nisibis; therefore the town need not have been Roman at that time; on the contrary, according to all indications, it was only made Roman by Severus.

67 As the wars against the Arabians and the Adiabenians were in fact directed against the Parthians, it was natural that the titles Parthicus, Arabicus, and Parthicus Adiabenicus, should on that account be conferred on the emperor; they are also so found, but usually Parthicus is omitted, evidently because, as the biographer of Severus says (c. 9), excusavit Parthicum nomen, ne Parthos lacesseret. With this agrees the notice certainly belonging to the year 195 in Dio, lxxv. 9, 6, as to the peaceful agreement with the Parthians and the cession of a portion of Armenia to them.

68 That Armenia also fell into their power is indicated by Herodian, v. 9, 2; no doubt his representation is warped and defective.

69 When at the peace in 218 the old relation between Rome and Armenia was renewed, the king of Armenia gave himself the prospect of a renewal of the Roman annual moneys (Dio, lxxviii. 27: t?? ????d?t?? t? ???????? ? ?at' ?t?? pa?? t?? ??a??? e???s?et? ??p?sa?t?? ???es?a?). Payment of tribute proper by the Romans to the Armenians is excluded for the period of Severus and the time before Severus, and by no means agrees with the words of Dio; the connection must be what we have indicated. In the fourth and fifth centuries the fortress of Biriparach in the Caucasus, which barred the Dariel pass, was maintained by the Persians, who played the part of masters here after the peace of 364, with a Roman contribution, and this was likewise conceived as payment of tribute (Lydus, de Mag. iii. 52, 53; Priscus, fr. 31, Mull.).

70 Artaxares names his father Papacus in the inscription, quoted at p. 83, note 1, king; how it is to be reconciled with this, that not merely does the native legend (in Agathias ii. 27) make Pabek a shoemaker, but also the contemporary Dio (if in reality Zonaras, xii. 15, has borrowed these words from him) names Artaxares ?? ?fa??? ?a? ?d????, we do not know. Naturally the Roman authors take the side of the weak legitimate Arsacid against the dangerous usurper.

71 Strabo (under Tiberius) xv. 3, 24: ??? d' ?d? ?a?' a?t??? s??est?te? ?? ???sa? as???a? ????s?? ?p?????? ?t????? as??e?s?, p??te??? ?? ?a?ed?s?, ??? d? ?a???a????.

72 When NÖldeke says (Tabari, p. 449), “The subjection of the chief lands of the monarchy directly to the crown formed the chief distinction of the Sassanid kingdom from the Arsacid, which had real kings in its various provinces,” the power of the great-kingdom beyond doubt is thoroughly dependent on the personality of the possessor, and under the first Sassanids must have been much stronger than under the last decayed Arsacids. But a contrast in principle is not discoverable. From Mithradates I., the proper founder of the dynasty, onward the Arsacid ruler names himself “king of kings,” just as did subsequently the Sassanid, while Alexander the Great and the Seleucids never bore this title. Even under them individual vassal-kings ruled, e.g. in Persis (p. 81, note 2); but the vassal-kingdom was not then the regular form of imperial administration, and the Greek rulers did not name themselves according to it, any more than the Caesars assumed the title of great-king on account of Cappadocia or Numidia. The satraps of the Arsacid state were essentially the Marzbans of the Sassanids. Perhaps rather the great imperial offices, which in the Sassanid polity correspond to the supreme administrative posts of the Diocletiano-Constantinian constitution, and probably were the model for the latter, were wanting to the Arsacid state; then certainly the two would be related to each other much as the imperial organisation of Augustus to that of Constantine. But we know too little of the Arsacid organisation to affirm this with certainty.

73 According to the Persian records of the last Sassanid period preserved in the Arabic chronicle of Tabari Ardashir, after he has cut off with his own hand the head of Ardawan and has assumed the title Shahan-shah, king of kings, conquers first Hamadhan (Ecbatana) in Great Media, then Aderbijan (Atropatene), Armenia, Mosul (Adiabene); and further Suristan or Sawad (Babylonia). Thence he returns to Istachr unto his Persian home, and then starting afresh conquers Sagistan, Gurgan (Hyrcania), Abrashahr (Nisapur in the Parthian land), Merv (Margiane), Balkh (Bactra), and Charizm (Khiva) up to the extreme limits of Chorasan. “After he had killed many people and had sent their heads to the fire-temple of Anahedh (in Istachr), he returned from Merv to Pars and settled in Gor” (Feruzabad). How much of this is legend, we do not know (comp. NÖldeke, Tabari, p. 17, 116).

74 The title runs in Greek (C. I. Gr. 4675), ??sdas??? (Mazda-servant, treated as a proper name) ?e?? ??ta????? as??e?? as????? ???a??? ?? ?????? ?e??; with which closely agrees the title of his son Sapor I. (ib. 4676), only that after ???a??? there is inserted ?a? ??a??a???, and so the extension of the rule to foreign lands is brought into prominence. In the title of the Arsacids, so far as it is clear from the Greek and Persian legends of coins, ?e??, as??e?? as?????, ?e?p?t?? (= ?? ?????? ?e??) recur, whereas there is no prominence given to the Arians and, significantly, to the "Mazda-servant"; by their side appear numerous other titles borrowed from the Syrian kings, such as ?p?f????, d??a???, ????t??, also the Roman a?t????t??.

75 Frawardin, Ardhbehesht, etc. (Ideler, Chronologie, ii. 515). It is remarkable that essentially the same names of the months have maintained themselves in the provincial calendar of the Roman province Cappadocia (Ideler, i. 443); they must proceed from the time when it was a Persian satrapy.

76 Such is the account of the trustworthy Dio, lxxviii. 1; the version of Herodian, iv. 11, that Artabanus promised his daughter, and at the celebration of the betrothal allowed Antoninus to cut down the Parthians present, is unauthenticated.

77 If there is any truth in the mention of the Cadusians in the biography, c. 6, the Romans induced this wild tribe, not subject to the government in the south-west of the Caspian Sea, to fall at the same time upon the Parthians.

78 The subsequently received chronology puts the beginning of the Sassanid dynasty in the Seleucid year 538 = 1st Oct. 226–7 A.D., or the fourth (full) year of Severus Alexander, reigning since spring 222 (Agathias, iv. 24). According to other data king Ardashir numbered the year from the autumn 223–4 A.D. as his first, and so doubtless assumed in this the title of great-king (NÖldeke, Tabari, p. 410). The last dated coin as yet known of the older system is of the year 539. When Dio wrote between 230 and 234, Artabanus was dead and his adherents were overpowered, and the advance of Artaxares into Armenia and Mesopotamia was expected.

79 The emperor remained probably in Palmyra; at least a Palmyrene inscription, C. I. Gr. 4483, mentions the ?p?d??a ?e?? ??e???d???.

80 The incomparably wretched accounts of this war (relatively the best is that drawn from a common source in Herodian, Zonaras, and Syncellus, p. 674) do not even decide the question who remained victor in these conflicts. While Herodian speaks of an unexampled defeat of the Romans, the Latin authorities, the Biography as well as Victor, Eutropius, and Rufius Festus, celebrate Alexander as the conqueror of Artaxerxes or Xerxes, and according to these latter the further course of things was favourable. Herodian vi. 6, 5, offers the means of adjustment. According to the Armenian accounts (Gutschmid, Zeitschr. der deutschen morgenlÄnd. Gesellschaft, xxxi. 47) the Arsacids with the support of the tribes of the Caucasus held their ground in Armenia down to the year 237 against Ardashir; this diversion may be correct and may have tended to the advantage of the Romans.

81 The best account is furnished by Syncellus, p. 683 and Zonaras, xii. 18, drawing from the same source. With this accord the individual statements of Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 7, 17, and nearly so the forged letter of Gordian to the Senate in the Biography, c. 27, from which the narrative, c. 26, is ignorantly prepared; Antioch was in danger, but not in the hands of the Persians.

82 So Zonaras, xii. 19, represents the course of affairs; with this Zosimus, iii. 33, agrees, and the later course of things shows that Armenia was not quite in Persian possession. If, according to Euagrius, v. 7, at that time merely Lesser Armenia remained Roman, this may not be incorrect, in so far as the dependence of the vassal-king of Great Armenia after the peace was doubtless merely nominal.

83 The Biblical account (1 Kings ix. 18) as to the building of the town Thamar in Idumaea by king Solomon has only been transferred to Tadmor by a misunderstanding doubtless old; at all events the erroneous reference of it to this town among the later Jews (2 Chron. viii. 4, and the Greek translation of 1 Kings, ix. 18) form the oldest testimony for its existence (Hitzig, Zeitschr. der deutschen morgenl. Gesellschaft, viii. 222).

84 This is nowhere expressly stated; but all the circumstances tell in favour of it. That the Romano-Parthian frontier, before the Romans established themselves on the left bank of the Euphrates, was on the right a little below Sura, is most distinctly said by Pliny (H. N. v. 26, 89: a Sura proxime est Philiscum—comp. p. 95, note 1—oppidum Parthorum ad Euphratem; ab eo Seleuciam dierum decem navigatio), and there it remained till the erection of the province of Mesopotamia under Severus. The Palmyrene of Ptolemy (v. 15, 24, 25) is a district of Coele-Syria, which seems to embrace a good part of the territory to the south of Palmyra, but certainly reaches as far as the Euphrates and includes Sura; other urban centres besides Palmyra seem not to be mentioned, and there is nothing to stand in the way of our taking this large district as civic territory. So long in particular as Mesopotamia was Parthian, but subsequently also with reference to the adjoining desert, a permanent protection of the frontier could not here be dispensed with; as indeed in the fourth century, according to the tenor of the Notitia, Palmyrene was strongly occupied, the northern portion by the troops of the Dux of Syria, Palmyra itself and the southern half by those of the Dux of Phoenice. That in the earlier imperial period no Roman troops were stationed here, is vouched for by the silence of authors and the absence of inscriptions, which in Palmyra itself are numerous. If in the Tabula Peutingeriana it is remarked under Sura: fines exercitus Syriatici et commercium barbarorum, that is, “here end the Roman garrisons and here is the place of exchange for the traffic of the barbarians,” this is only saying, what at a later time is repeated by Ammianus (xxiii. 3, 7: Callinicum munimentum robustum et commercandi opimitate gratissimum) and further by the emperor Honorius (Cod. Just. iv. 63, 4), that Callinicon was one of the few entrepÔts devoted to the Romano-barbarian frontier-traffic; but it does not at all follow from this as regards the time when the Tabula originated, that these imperial troops were stationed there, since in fact the Palmyrenes in general belonged to the Syrian army and might be thought of in using the expression exercitus Syriaticus. The city must have furnished a force of its own in a way similar to that of the princes of Numidia and of Panticapaeum. By this means alone we come to understand as well the rejection of the troops of Antonius as the attitude of the Palmyrenes in the troubles of the third century, and not less the emergence of the numeri Palmyrenorum among the military novelties of this epoch.

85 Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 2: Cercusium ... Diocletianus exiguum ante hoc et suspectum muris turribusque circumdedit celsis, ... ne vagarentur per Syriam Persae ita ut paucis ante annis cum magnis provinciarum contigerat damnis. Comp. Procopius de aed. ii. 6. Perhaps this place is not different from the F???a or F????a of Isidorus of Charax (mans. Parth. 1; Stephanus Byz. s. v.) and the Philiscum of Pliny (p. 94, note).

86 Of the seven dedications, hitherto found outside of Palmyra, to the Palmyrene Malach Belos the three brought to light in Rome (C. I. L. vi. 51, 710; C. I. Gr. 6015) have along with a Greek or Latin also a Palmyrene text, two African (C. I. L. viii. 2497, 8795 add.) and two Dacian (Arch. epig. Mitth. aus Oesterreich, vi. 109, 111) merely Latin. One of the latter was set up by P. Aelius Theimes a duoviralis of Sarmizegetusa, evidently a native of Palmyra, diis patriis Malagbel et Bebellahamon et Benefal et Manavat.

87 Whence these names of the months come, is not clear; they first appear in the Assyrian cuneiform writing, but are not of Assyrian origin. In consequence of the Assyrian rule they then remained in use within the sphere of the Syrian language. Variations are found; the second month, the Dios of the Greek-speaking Syrians, our November, is called among the Jews Markeshvan, among the Palmyrenes Kanun (Waddington, n. 2574b). We may add that these names of the months, so far as they came to be applied within the Roman empire, are adapted, like the Macedonian, to the Julian calendar, so that only the designation of the month differs, the year-beginning (1 Oct.) of the Syro-Roman year finds uniformly application to the Greek as to the Aramaean appellations.

88 E.g. Archon, Grammateus, Proedros, Syndikos, Dekaprotoi.

89 This is shown by the inscription of Palmyra (C. I. Gr. 4491, 4492 = Waddington 2600 = VoguÉ, Insc. sÉm. Palm. 22) set up to this Hairanes in the year 251 by a soldier of the legion stationed in Arabia. His title is in Greek ? ?ap??tat?? s?????t????, ??a[???? (= princeps) ?a??]?????, in Palmyrene “illustrious senator, head of Tadmor.” The epitaph (C. I. Gr. 4507 = Waddington 2621 = VoguÉ, 21) of the father of Hairanes, Septimios Odaenathos, son of Hairanes, grandson of Vaballathos, great-grandson of Nassoros, gives to him also senatorial rank.

90 Certainly the father of this Odaenathus is nowhere named; but it is as good as certain that he was the son of the Hairanes just named, and bore the name of his grandfather. Zosimus, too, i. 39, terms him a Palmyrene distinguished from the days of his forefathers by the government (??d?a ?a??????? ?a? ?? p??????? t?? pa?? t?? as????? ???????ta t???).

91 In the inscription Waddington 2603 = VoguÉ 23, which the guild of gold and silver workers of Palmyra set up in the year 257 to Odaenathus he is called ? ?ap??tat?? ?pat????, and so vir consularis, and in Greek desp?t??, in Syriac mÂran. The former designation is not a title of office, but a statement of the class in which he ranked; so vir consularis stands not unfrequently after the name quite like vir clarissimus (C. I. L. x. p. 1117 and elsewhere), and ? ?ap??tat?? ?pat???? is found alongside of and before official titles of various kinds, e.g. that of the proconsul of Africa (C. I. Gr. 2979, where ?ap??tat?? is absent), of the imperial legate of Pontus and Bithynia (C. I. Gr. 3747, 3748, 3771) and of Palestine (C. I. Gr. 4151), of the governor of Lycia and Pamphylia (C. I. Gr. 4272); it is only in the age after Constantine that it is in combination with the name of the province employed as an official title (e.g. C. I. Gr. 2596, 4266e). From this, therefore, no inference is to be drawn as to the legal position of Odaenathus. Likewise, in the Syriac designation of “lord,” we may not find exactly the ruler; it is also given to a procurator (Waddington 2606 = VoguÉ 25).

92 Syria in the imperial period formed an imperial customs-district of its own, and the imperial dues were levied not merely on the coast but also at the Euphrates-frontier, in particular at Zeugma. Hence it necessarily follows that farther to the south, where the Euphrates was no longer in the Roman power, similar dues were established on the Roman eastern frontier. Now a decree of the council of Palmyra of the year 137 informs us that the city and its territory formed a special customs-district, and the dues were levied for the benefit of the town upon all goods imported or exported. That this territory lay beyond the imperial dues, is probable—first, because, if there had existed an imperial customs-line enclosing the Palmyrene territory, the mention of it could not well be omitted in that detailed enactment; secondly, because a community of the empire enclosed by the imperial customs-lines would hardly have had the right of levying dues at the boundary of its territory to this extent. We shall thus have to discern in the levying of dues by the community of Palmyra the same distinctive position which must be attributed to it in a military point of view. Perhaps, on the other hand, there was an impost laid on it for the benefit of the imperial exchequer, possibly the delivering up of a quota of the produce of the dues or a heightened tribute. Arrangements similar to those for Palmyra may have existed also for Petra and Bostra; for goods were certainly not admitted here free of dues, and according to Pliny, H. N. xii. 14, 65, imperial dues from the Arabic frankincense exported by way of Gaza seem only to have been levied at Gaza on the coast. The indolence of Roman administration was stronger than its fiscal zeal; it may frequently have devolved the inconvenient tolls of the land-frontier away from itself on the communities.

93 These caravans (s???d?a?) appear on the Palmyrene inscriptions as fixed companies, which undertake the same journeys beyond doubt at definite intervals under their foreman (s???d??????, Waddington, 2589, 2590, 2596); thus a statue is erected to such a one by “the merchants who went down with him to Vologasias” (?? s?? a?t? ?ate????te? e?? ????es??da ??p????, Waddington 2599 of the year 247), or “up from Forath (comp. Pliny, H. N. vi. 28, 145) and Vologasias” (?? s??a?a??te? et' a?t?? ?p???? ?p? F?????? ?? ????as??d??, Waddington, 2589 of the year 142), or “up from Spasinu Charax” (?? s?? a?t? ??a??te? ?p? Spas???? ???a???, Waddington, 2596 of the year 193; similarly 2590 of the year 155). All these conductors are men of standing furnished with lists of ancestors; their honorary monuments stand in the great colonnade beside those of queen Zenobia and her family. Specially remarkable is one of them, Septimius Vorodes, of whom there exists a series of honorary monuments of the years 262–267 (Waddington, 2606–2610); he, too, was a caravan-head (??a???sa?ta t?? s???d?a? ?? t?? ?d??? ?a? a?t??????ta ?p? t?? ???ep????, Waddington, n. 2606 a; consequently he defrayed the costs of the journey back for the whole company, and was on account of this liberality publicly praised by the wholesale traders). But he filled not merely the civic offices of strategos and agoranomos, he was even imperial procurator of the second class (ducenarius) and argapetes (p. 104, note 1).

94 According to the Greek account (Zonaras, xii. 21) king Tiridates takes refuge with the Romans, but his sons take the side of the Persians; according to the Armenian, king Chosro is murdered by his brethren, and Chosro’s son, Tiridates, fled to the Romans (Gutschmid, Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenl. Gesellsch. xxxi. 48). Perhaps the latter is to be preferred.

95 The only fixed chronological basis is furnished by the Alexandrian coins, according to which Valerian was captured between 29th August 259 and 28th August 260. That after his capture he was no longer regarded as emperor, is easily explained, seeing that the Persians compelled him in their interest to issue orders to his former subjects (continuation of Dio, fr. 3).

96 The better accounts simply know the fact that Valerian died in Persian captivity. That Sapor used him as a footstool in mounting his horse (Lactantius, de Mort. persec. 5; Orosius, vii. 22, 4; Victor, Ep. 33), and finally caused him to be flayed (Lactantius, l. c.; Agathias, iv. 23; Cedrenus, p. 454) is a Christian invention—a requital for the persecution of the Christians ordered by Valerian.

97 The tradition according to which Mareades (so Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 3; Mariades in Malalas, 12, p. 295; Mariadnes in contin. of Dio, fr. 1), or, as he is here called, Cyriades, had himself proclaimed as Augustus (Vit. trig. tyr. 1) is weakly attested; otherwise there might doubtless be found in it the occasion why Sapor caused him to be put to death.

98 He is called Callistus in the one tradition, doubtless traceable to Dexippus, in Syncellus, p. 716, and Zonaras, xii. 23, on the other hand, Ballista in the biographies of the emperors and in Zonaras, xii. 24.

99 He was, according to the most trustworthy account, procurator summarum (?p? t?? ?a????? ????? as?????: Dionysius in Eusebius, H. E. vii. 10, 5), and so finance-minister with equestrian rank; the continuator of Dio (fr. 3 MÜll.) expresses this in the language of the later age by ???? t?? ??sa???? ?a? ?fest?? t? ????? t?? s?t??.

100 At least according to the report, which forms the basis of the imperial biographies (vita Gallieni, 3, and elsewhere). According to Zonaras, xii. 24, the only author who mentions besides the end of Callistus, Odaenathus caused him to be put to death.

101 That Odaenathus, as well as after him his son Vaballathus (apart, of course, from the time after the rupture with Aurelian), were by no means Augusti (as the vit. Gallieni, 12, erroneously states), is shown both by the absence of the name of Augustus on the coins and by the title possible only for a subject, v(ir) c(onsularis) = ?(pat????), which, like the father (p. 97, note 3), the son still bears. The position of governor is designated on the coins of the son by im(perator) d(ux) R(omanorum) = a?t(????t??) s(t?at????); in agreement therewith Zonaras (xii. 23, and again xii. 24) and Syncellus (p. 716) state that Gallienus appointed Odaenathus, on account of his victory over the Persians and Ballista, as st?at???? t?? ??a?, or p?s?? ??at????; and the biographer of Gallienus, 10, that he obtinuit totius Orientis imperium. By this is meant all the Asiatic provinces and Egypt; the added imperator = a?t????t?? (comp. Trig. tyr. 15, 6, post reditum de Perside—Herodes son of Odaenathus—cum patre imperator est appellatus) is intended beyond doubt to express the freer handling of power, different from the usual authority of the governor.—To this was added further the now formally assumed title of a king of Palmyra (Trig. tyr. 15, 2: adsumpto nomine regali), which also the son bears, not on the Egyptian, but on the Syrian coins. The circumstance that Odaenathus is probably called melekh malke, “king of kings,” on an inscription set up in August 271, and so after his death and during the war of his adherents with Aurelian (VoguÉ, n. 28), belongs to the revolutionary demonstrations of this period and forms no proof for the earlier time.

102 The numerous inscriptions of Septimius Vorodes, set up in the years 262 to 267 (Waddington, 2606–2610), and so in the lifetime of Odaenathus, all designate him as imperial procurator of the second class (ducenarius), but at the same time partly by the title ???ap?t??, which Persian word, current also among the Jews, signifies "lord of a castle," “viceroy” (Levy, Zeitsch. der deutschen morgenl. Gesellschaft, xviii. 90; NÖldeke, ib. xxiv. 107), partly as d??a??d?t?? t?? ?t????????a?, which, beyond doubt, is in substance at any rate, if not in language, the same office. Presumably we must understand by it that office on account of which the father of Odaenathus is called the “head of Tadmor” (p. 97, note 2); the one chief of Palmyra competent for martial law and for the administration of justice; only that, since extended powers were given to the position of Odaenathus, this post as a subordinate office is filled by a man of equestrian rank. The conjecture of Sachau (Zeitschr. der d. morgenl. Gesellsch. xxxv. 738) that this Vorodes is the “Wurud” of a copper coin of the Berlin cabinet, and that both are identical with the elder son of Odaenathus, Herodes, who was killed at the same time with his father, is liable to serious difficulties. Herodes and Orodes are different names (in the Palmyrene inscription, Waddington, 2610, the two stand side by side); the son of a senator cannot well fill an equestrian office; a procurator coining money with his image is not conceivable even for this exceptional state of things. Probably the coin is not Palmyrene at all. “It is,” von Sallet writes to me, "probably older than Odaenathus, and belongs perhaps to an Arsacid of the second century A.D.; it shows a head with a headdress similar to the Sassanid; the reverse, S C in a chaplet of laurel, appears imitated from the coins of Antioch."—If subsequently, after the breach with Rome in 271, on an inscription of Palmyra (Waddington, 2611) two generals of the Palmyrenes are distinguished, ? ??a? st?at???t??, the historically known Zabdas, and ? ????de st?at???t??, Zabbaeos, the latter is, it may be presumed, just the Argapetes.

103 The state of the case speaks in favour of this; evidence is wanting. In the imperial biographies of this epoch the Armenians are wont to be adduced among the border peoples independent of Rome (Valer. 6; Trig. tyr. 30, 7, 18; Aurel. 11, 27, 28, 41); but this is one of their quite untrustworthy elements of embellishment.

104 This more modest account (Eutropius, ix. 10; vita Gallieni, 10; Trig. tyr. 15, 4; Zos. i. 39, who alone attests the two expeditions) must be preferred to that which mentions the capture of the city (Syncellus, p. 716).

105 This is shown by the accounts as to Carinus (cont. of Dio, p. 8) and as to Rufinus (P. 106, note 2). That after the death of Odaenathus Heraclianus, a general acting on Gallienus’s orders against the Persians, was attacked and conquered by Zenobia (vita Gallieni, 13, 5), is in itself not impossible, seeing that the princes of Palmyra possessed de iure the chief command in all the East, and such an action, even if it were suggested by Gallienus, might be treated as offending against this right, and this would clearly indicate the strained relation; but the authority vouching it is so bad that little stress can be laid on it.

106 This we learn from the characteristic narrative of Petrus, fr. 10, which is to be placed before fr. 11.

107 The account of the continuator of Dio, fr. 7, that the old Odaenathus was put to death, as suspected of treason, by one (not elsewhere mentioned) Rufinus, and that the younger, when he had impeached this person at the bar of the emperor Gallienus, was dismissed on the declaration of Rufinus that the accuser deserved the same fate, cannot be correct as it stands. But Waddington’s proposal to substitute Gallus for Gallienus, and to recognise in the accuser the husband of Zenobia, is not admissible, since the father of this Odaenathus was Hairanes, in whose case there existed no ground at all for such an execution, and the excerpt in its whole character undoubtedly applies to Gallienus. Rather must the old Odaenathus have been the husband of Zenobia, and the author have erroneously assigned to Vaballathus, in whose name the charge was brought, his father’s name.

108 All the details which are current in our accounts of Zenobia originate from the imperial biographies; and they will only be repeated by such as do not know this source.

109 The name Vaballathus is given, in addition to the coins and inscriptions, by Polemius Silvius, p. 243 of my edition, and the biographer of Aurelian, c. 38, while he describes as incorrect the statement that Odaenathus had left two sons, Timolaus and Herennianus. In reality these two persons emerging simply in the imperial biographies appear along with all that is connected with them as invented by the writer, to whom the thorough falsification of these biographies is to be referred. Zosimus too, i. 59, knows only of one son, who went into captivity with his mother.

110 Whether Zenobia claimed for herself formal joint-rule, cannot be certainly determined. In Palmyra she names herself still after the rupture with Rome merely as???ss? (Waddington, 2611, 2628), in the rest of the empire she may have laid claim to the title Augusta, Seast?; for, though there are no coins of Zenobia from the period prior to the breach with Rome, yet on the one hand the Alexandrian inscription with as???ss?? ?a? as????? p??sta???t?? (Eph. epigr. iv. p. 25, p. 33) cannot lay any claim to official redaction, and on the other hand the inscription of Byblos, C. I. Gr. 4503 b = Waddington, n. 2611, gives in fact to Zenobia the title Seast? alongside of Claudius or Aurelian, while it refuses it to Vaballathus. This is so far intelligible, as Augusta was an honorary designation, Augustus an official one, and thus that might well be conceded to the woman which was refused to the man.

111 So Zosimus, i. 44, narrates the course of events with which Zonaras, xii. 27 and Syncellus, p. 721, in the main agree. The report in the life of Claudius, c. 11, is more displaced than properly contradictory; the first half is only indicated by the naming of Saba; the narrative begins with the successful attempt of Timagenes to ward off the attack of Probus (here Probatus). The view taken of this by me in Sallet (Palmyra, p. 44) is not tenable.

112 The determination of the date depends on the fact that the usurpation-coins of Vaballathus cease already in the fifth year of his Egyptian reign, i.e. 29th August 270–71; the fact that they are very rare speaks for the beginning of the year. With this essentially agrees the circumstance that the storming of the Prucheion (which, we may add, was no part of the city, but a locality close by the city on the side of the great oasis; Hieronymus, vit. Hilarionis, c. 33, 34, vol. ii. p. 32 Vall.) is put by Eusebius in his Chronicle in the first year of Claudius, by Ammianus, xxii. 16, 15, under Aurelian; the most exact report in Eusebius, H. Eccl. vii. 32, is not dated. The reconquest of Egypt by Probus stands only in his biography, c. 9; it may have happened as it is told, but it is possible also that in this thoroughly falsified source the history of Timagenes has been mutatis mutandis transferred to the emperor.

113 This is perhaps what the report on the battle of Hemesa, extracted by Zosimus, i. 52, wished to bring out, when it enumerates among the troops of Aurelian the Dalmatians, Moesians, Pannonians, Noricans, Raetians, Mauretanians, and the guard. When he associates with these the troops of Tyana and some divisions from Mesopotamia, Syria, Phoenice, Palestine, this applies beyond doubt to the Cappadocian garrisons, which had joined after the capture of Tyana, and to some divisions of the armies of the East favourably disposed to Rome, who went over to Aurelian upon his marching into Syria.

114 By mistake Eutropius, ix. 13, places the decisive battle haud longe ab Antiochia: the mistake is heightened in Rufius, c. 24 (on whom Hieronymus, chron. a. Abr. 2289 depends), and in Syncellus, p. 721, by the addition apud Immas, ?? ?a??, which place, lying 33 Roman miles from Antioch on the road to Chalcis, is far away from Hemesa. The two chief accounts, in Zosimus and the biographer of Aurelian, agree in all essentials.

115 This is the name given by Zosimus, i. 60, and Polemius Silvius, p. 243; the Achilleus of the biographer of Aurelian, c. 31, seems a confusion with the usurper of the time of Diocletian.—That at the same time in Egypt a partisan of Zenobia and at the same time robber-chief, by name Firmus, rose against the government, is doubtless possible, but the statement rests only on the imperial biographies, and the details added sound very suspiciously.

116 The chronology of these events is not quite settled. The rarity of the Syrian coins of Vaballathus as Augustus shows that the rupture with Aurelian (end of 270) was soon followed by the conquest. According to the dated inscriptions of Odaenathus and Zenobia of August 271 (Waddington, 2611), the rule of the queen was at that time still intact. As an expedition of this sort, from the conditions of the climate, could not well take place otherwise than in spring, the first capture of Palmyra must have ensued in the spring of 272. The most recent (merely Palmyrene) inscription which we know from that quarter (VoguÉ, n. 116) is of August 272. The insurrection probably falls at this time; the second capture and the destruction somewhere in the spring of the year 273 (in accordance with which, I. 166, note 1, is to be corrected).

117 It throws no light on the position of the Armenians, that in descriptions otherwise thoroughly apocryphal (vita Valer. 6; vita Aurel. 37, 28) the Armenians after the catastrophe of Valerian keep to the Persians, and appear in the last crisis of the Palmyrenes as allies of Zenobia by the side of the Persians; both are obvious consequences from the general position of things. That Aurelian did not subdue Armenia any more than Mesopotamia, is supported in this case partly by the silence of the authorities, partly by the account of Synesius (de regno, p. 17) that the emperor Carinus (rather Carus) had in Armenia, close to the frontier of the Persian territory, summarily dismissed a Persian embassy, and that the young Persian king, alarmed by its report, had declared himself ready for any concession. I do not see how this narrative can be referred to Probus, as von Gutschmid thinks (Zeitschr. d. deutsch. morgenl. Gesell. xxxi. 50); on the other hand it suits very well the Persian expedition of Carus.

118 The reconquest of Mesopotamia is reported only by the biographer, c. 8; but at the outbreak of the Persian war under Diocletian it is Roman. There is mention at the same place of internal troubles in the Persian empire; also in a discourse held in the year 289 (Paneg. iii. c. 17) there is mention of the war, which is waged against the king of Persia—this was Bahram II.—by his own brother Ormies or rather Hormizd adscitis Sacis et Ruffis (?) et Gellis (comp. NÖldeke, TabarÎ, p. 479). We have altogether only some detached notices as to this important campaign.

119 This is stated clearly by Mamertinus (Paneg. ii. 7, comp. ii. 10, iii. 6) in the oration held in 289: Syriam velut amplexu suo tegebat Euphrates antequam Diocletiano sponte (that is, without Diocletian needing to have recourse to arms, as is then further set forth) se dederent regna Persarum; and further by another panegyrist of the year 296 (Paneg. v. 3): Partho ultra Tigrim reducto. Turns like that in Victor, Caes. xxxix. 33, that Galerius relictis finibus had marched to Mesopotamia, or that Narseh, according to Rufius Festus, c. 25, ceded Mesopotamia in peace, cannot on the other hand be urged; and as little, that Oriental authorities place the Roman occupation of Nisibis in 609 Sel. = 297/8 A.D. (NÖldeke, TabarÎ, p. 50). If this were correct, the exact account as to the negotiations for peace of 297 in Petrus Patricius, fr, 14, could not possibly be silent as to the cession of Mesopotamia and merely make mention of the regulation of the frontier-traffic.

120 That Narseh broke into Armenia at that time Roman, is stated by Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 11; for Mesopotamia the same follows from Eutropius, ix. 24. On the 1st March 296 peace was still subsisting, or at any rate the declaration of war was not yet known in the west (Paneg. v. 10).

121 The differences in the exceptionally good accounts, particularly of Petrus Patricius, fr. 14, and Ammianus, xxv. 7, 9, are probably only of a formal kind. The fact that the Tigris was to be the proper boundary of the empire, as Priscus says, does not exclude, especially considering the peculiar character of its upper course, the possibility of the boundary there partially going beyond it; on the contrary, the five districts previously named in Petrus appear to be adduced just as beyond the Tigris, and to be excepted from the following general definition. The districts adduced by Priscus here and, expressly as beyond the Tigris, by Ammianus—these are in both Arzanene, Carduene, and Zabdicene, in Priscus Sophene and Intilene ("rather Ingilene, in Armenia Angel, now Egil"; Kiepert), in Ammianus Moxoene and Rehimene (?)—cannot possibly all have been looked on by the Romans as Persian before the peace, when at any rate Armenia was already Romano iuri obnoxia (Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 11); beyond doubt the more westerly of them already then formed a part of Roman Armenia, and stand here only in so far as they were, in consequence of the peace, incorporated with the empire as the satrapy of Sophene. That the question here concerned not the boundary of the cession, but that of the territory directly imperial, is shown by the conclusion, which settles the boundary between Armenia and Media.

122 We cannot exactly determine the standing quarters of the Syrian legions; yet what is here said is substantially assured. Under Nero the 10th legion lay at Raphaneae, north-west from Hamath (Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 3); and at that same place, or at any rate nearly in this region under Tiberius the 6th (Tacitus, Ann. ii. 79); probably in or near Antioch the 12th under Nero (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 19). At least one legion lay on the Euphrates; for the time before the annexation of Commagene Josephus attests this (Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 3), and subsequently one of the Syrian legions had its headquarters in Samosata (Ptolemaeus, v. 15, 11; inscription from the time of Severus, C. I. L. vi. 1409; Itin. Antonini, p. 186). Probably the staffs of most of the Syrian legions had their seat in the western districts, and the ever-recurring complaint that encamping in the towns disorganised the Syrian army, applies chiefly to this arrangement. It is doubtful whether in the better times there existed headquarters proper of the legions on the edge of the desert; at the frontier-posts there detachments of the legions were employed, and in particular the specially disturbed district between Damascus and Bostra was strongly furnished with legionaries provided on the one hand by the command of Syria, on the other by that of Arabia after its institution by Trajan.

123 There is a coin of Byblus from the time of Augustus with a Greek and Phoenician legend (Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies grecques, 1883, p. 443).

124 Johannes Chrysostomus of Antioch († 407) points on several occasions (de sanctis martyr. Opp. ed. Paris, 1718, vol. ii. p. 651; Homil. xix. ibid. p. 188) to the ?te??f???a, the ??a??? f??? of the ?a?? in contrast to the language of the cultured.

125 The extract of Photius from the romance of Jamblichus, c. 17, which erroneously makes the author a Babylonian, is essentially corrected and supplemented by the scholion upon it. The private secretary of the great-king, who comes among Trajan’s captives to Syria, becomes there tutor of Jamblichus, and instructs him in the "barbarian wisdom," is naturally a figure of the romance running its course in Babylon, which Jamblichus professes to have heard from this his instructor; but characteristic of the time is the Armenian court-man-of-letters and princes’ tutor (for it was doubtless as “good rhetor” that he was called by Sohaemus to Valarshapat) himself, who in virtue of his magical art not merely understands the charming of flies and the conjuring of spirits, but also predicts to Verus the victory over Vologasus, and at the same time narrates in Greek to the Greeks stories such as might stand in the Thousand and One Nights.

126 Syriac literature consists almost exclusively of translations of Greek works. Among profane writings treatises of Aristotle and Plutarch stand in the first rank, then practical writings of a juristic or agronomic character, and books of popular entertainment, such as the romance of Alexander, the fables of Aesop, the sentences of Menander.

127 The Syriac translation of the New Testament, the oldest text of the Syriac language known to us, probably originated in Edessa; the st?at??ta? of the Acts of the Apostles are here called “Romans.”

128 This is said by Diodorus, xx. 47, of the forerunner of Antioch, the town of Antigonea, situated about five miles farther up the river. Antioch was for the Syria of antiquity nearly what Aleppo is for the Syria of the present day, the rendezvous of inland traffic; only that, in the case of that foundation, as the contemporary construction of the port of Seleucia shows, the immediate connection with the Mediterranean was designed, and hence the town was laid out farther to the west.

129 The space between Antioch and Daphne was filled with country-houses and villas (Libanius, pro rhetor. ii. p. 213 Reiske), and there was also here a suburb Heraclea or else Daphne (O. MÜller, Antiq. Antioch, p. 44; comp. vita Veri, 7); but when Tacitus, Ann. ii. 83, names this suburb Epidaphne, this is one of his most singular blunders. Plinius, H. N. v. 27, 79, says correctly: Antiochia Epidaphnes cognominata.

130 “That wherein we especially beat all,” says the Antiochene Libanius, in the Panegyric on his home delivered under Constantius (i. 354 R.), after having described the springs of Daphne and the aqueducts thence to the city, “is the water-supply of our city; if in other respects any one may compete with us, all give way so soon as we come to speak of the water, its abundance and its excellence. In the public baths every stream has the proportions of a river, in the private several have the like, and the rest not much less. He who has the means of laying out a new bath does so without concern about a sufficient flow of water, and has no need to fear that, when ready, it will remain dry. Therefore every district of the city (there were eighteen of these) carefully provides for the special elegance of its bathing-establishment; these district-bathing-establishments are so much finer than the general ones, as they are smaller than these are, and the inhabitants of the district strive to surpass one another. One measures the abundance of running water by the number of the (good) dwelling-houses; for as many as are the dwelling-houses, so many are also the running waters, nay there are even in individual houses often several; and the majority of the workshops have also the same advantage. Therefore we have no fighting at the public wells as to who shall come first to draw—an evil, under which so many considerable towns suffer, when there is a violent crowding round the wells and outcry over the broken jars. With us the public fountains flow for ornament, since every one has water within his doors. And this water is so clear that the pail appears empty, and so pleasant that it invites us to drink.”

131 “Other lights,” says the same orator, p. 363, “take the place of the sun’s light, lamps which leave the Egyptian festival of illumination far behind; and with us night is distinguished from day only by the difference of the lighting; diligent hands find no difference and forge on, and he who will sings and dances, so that Hephaestos and Aphrodite here share the night between them.” In the street-sport which the prince Gallus indulged in, the lamps of Antioch were very inconvenient to him (Ammianus, xiv. 1, 9).

132 The remarkable description of the empire from the time of Constantius (MÜller, Geog. Min. ii. p. 213 ff.), the only writing of the kind in which the state of industry meets with a certain consideration, says of Syria in this respect: “Antioch has everything that one desires in abundance, but especially its races. Laodicea, Berytus, Tyre, Caesarea (in Palestine) have races also. Laodicea sends abroad jockeys, Tyre and Berytus actors, Caesarea dancers (pantomimi), Heliopolis on Lebanon flute-players (choraulae), Gaza musicians (auditores, by which ?????ata is incorrectly rendered), Ascalon wrestlers (athletae), Castabala (strictly speaking in Cilicia) boxers.”

133 From the Syrian word abbubo, fife.

134 The little treatise, ascribed to Lucian, as to the Syrian goddess at Hierapolis adored by all the East, furnishes a specimen of the wild and voluptuous fable-telling which was characteristic of the Syrian cultus. In this narrative—the source of Wieland’s Kombabus—self-mutilation is at once celebrated and satirised in turn as an act of high morality and of pious faith.

135 The Austrian engineer, Joseph Tschernik (Petermann’s Geogr. Mittheil. 1875, ErgÄnzungsheft, xliv. p. 3, 9) found basalt-slabs of oil-presses not merely on the desert plateau at Kala’at el-Hossn between Hemesa and the sea, but also to the number of more than twenty eastward from Hemesa at el-FerklÛs, where the basalt itself does not occur, as well as numerous walled terraces and mounds of ruins at the same place; with terracings on the whole stretch of seventy miles between Hemesa and Palmyra. Sachau (Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien, 1883, p. 23, 55) found remains of aqueducts at different places of the route from Damascus to Palmyra. The cisterns of Aradus cut in the rock, already mentioned by Strabo (xvi. 2, 13, p. 753), still perform their service at the present day (Renan, PhÉnicie, p. 40).

136 In Aradus, a town very populous in Strabo’s time (xvi. 2, 13, p. 753), there appears under Augustus a p??????? t?? ?a?a???s??t?? (C. I. Gr. 4736 h, better in Renan, Mission de PhÉnicie, p. 31).

137 Totius orbis descriptio, c. 24: nulla forte civitas Orientis est eius spissior in negotio. The documents of the statio (C. I. Gr. 5853; C. I. L. x. 1601) give a lively picture of these factories. They serve in the first instance for religious ends, that is, for the worship of the Tyrian gods at a foreign place; for this object a tax is levied at the larger station of Ostia from the Tyrian mariners and merchants, and from its produce there is granted to the lesser a yearly contribution of 1000 sesterces, which is employed for the rent of the place of meeting; the other expenses are raised by the Tyrians in Puteoli, doubtless by voluntary contributions.

138 For Berytus this is shown by the Puteolan inscription C. I. L. x. 1634; for Damascus it is at least suggested by that which is there set up (x. 1576) to the Iupiter optimus maximus Damascenus.—We may add that it is here apparent with how good reason Puteoli is called Little Delos. At Delos in the last age of its prosperity, that is, nearly in the century before the Mithradatic war, we meet with Syrian factories and Syrian worships in quite a like fashion and in still greater abundance; we find there the guild of the Herakleistae of Tyre (t? ?????? t?? ?????? ??a??e?st?? ?p???? ?a? ?a???????, C. I. Gr. 2271) of the Poseidoniastae of Berytus (t? ?????? ????t??? ??se?d???ast?? ?p???? ?a? ?a??????? ?a? ??d?????, Bull. de corr. Hell. vii., p. 468), of the worshippers of Adad and Atargatis of Heliopolis (ib. vi. 495 f.), apart from the numerous memorial-stones of Syrian merchants. Comp. Homolle ib. viii. p. 110 f.

139 When Salvianus (towards 450) remonstrates with the Christians of Gaul that they are in nothing better than the heathens, he points (de gub. Dei, iv. 14, 69) to the worthless negotiatorum et Syricorum omnium turbae, quae maiorem ferme civitatum universarum partem occupaverunt. Gregory of Tours relates that king Guntchram was met at Orleans by the whole body of citizens and extolled, as in Latin, so also in Hebrew and in Syriac (viii. 1: hinc lingua Syrorum, hinc Latinorum, hinc ... Judaeorum in diversis laudibus varie concrepabat), and that after a vacancy in the episcopal see of Paris a Syrian merchant knew how to procure it for himself, and gave away to his countrymen the places belonging to it (x. 26: omnem scholam decessoris sui abiciens Syros de genere suo ecclesiasticae domui ministros esse statuit). Sidonius (about 450) describes the perverse world of Ravenna (Ep. 1, 8) with the words: fenerantur clerici, Syri psallunt; negotiatores militant, monachi negotiantur. Usque hodie, says Hieronymus (in Ezech. 27, vol. v. p. 513 Vall.) permanet in Syris ingenitus negotiationis ardor, qui per totum mundum lucri cupiditate discurrunt et tantam mercandi habent vesaniam, ut occupato nunc orbe Romano (written towards the end of the fourth century) inter gladios et miserorum neces quaerant divitias et paupertatem periculis fugiant. Other proofs are given by FriedlÄnder, Sittengeschichte, ii.5 p. 67. Without doubt we may be allowed to add the numerous inscriptions of the West which proceed from Syrians, even if those do not designate themselves expressly as merchants. Instructive as to this point is the Coemeterium of the small north-Italian country-town Concordia of the fifth century; the foreigners buried in it are all Syrians, mostly of Apamea (C. I. L. iii. p. 1060); likewise all the Greek inscriptions found in Treves belong to Syrians (C. I. Gr. 9891, 9892, 9893). These inscriptions are not merely dated in the Syrian fashion, but show also peculiarities of the dialectic Greek there (Hermes, xix. 423).—That this Syro-Christian Diaspora, standing in relation to the contrast between the Oriental and Occidental clergy, may not be confounded with the Jewish Diaspora, is clearly shown by the account in Gregorius; it evidently stood much higher, and belonged throughout to the better classes.

140 This is partly so even at the present day. The number of silk-workers in HÖms is estimated at 3000 (Tschernik, l.c.)

141 One of the oldest (i.e. after Severus and before Diocletian) epitaphs of this sort is the Latin-Greek one found not far from Lyons (Wilmanns, 2498; comp. Lebas-Waddington, n. 2329) of a Ta??? ? ?a? ?????a??? Sa?d?? (in Latin Thaemus Iulianus Sati fil.), a native of Atheila (de vico Athelani), not far from Canatha in Syria (still called ’AtÎl, not far from KanawÂt in the HaurÂn), and decurio in Canatha, settled in Lyons (p?t?a? ?e?p?? ??e t?d' ?p? ????), and a wholesale trader there for Aquitanian wares ([?? p?]?s?? ???? ??p??[??]? ????as?? [e]st?? ?? ?????ta???? ?d' ?p? ??????d??????—negotiatori Luguduni et prov. Aquitanica). Accordingly these Syrian merchants must not only have dealt in Syrian goods, but have, with their capital and their knowledge of business, practised wholesale trading generally.

142 Characteristic is the Latin epigram on a press-house, C. I. L. iii. 188, in this home of the “Apamean grape” (vita Elagabali, c. 21).

143 That the Decapolis and the reorganisation of Pompeius reached at last as far as Kanata (Kerak), north-west of Bostra, is established by the testimonies of authors and by the coins dated from the Pompeian era (Waddington on 2412, d). To the same town probably belong the coins with the name Ga(e)??(?a) ???a?a, with the name and dates of the same era (Reichardt, Num. Zeitschrift, 1880, p. 53); this place would accordingly belong to the numerous ones restored by Gabinius (Josephus, Arch. xiv. 5, 3). Waddington no doubt (on no. 2329) assigns these coins, so far as he knew them, to the second place of this name, the modern KanawÂt, the proper capital of the HaurÂn, to the northward of Bostra; but it is far from probable that the organisation of Pompeius and Gabinius extended so far eastward. Presumably this second city was younger and named after the first, the most easterly town of the Decapolis.

144 The “refugees from the tetrarchy of Philippus,” who serve in the army of Herodes Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee, and pass over to the enemy in the battle with Aretas the Arabian (Josephus, Arch. xviii. 5, 1), are beyond doubt Arabians driven out from the Trachonitis.

145 Waddington, 2366 = VoguÉ, Inscr. du Haouran, n. 3. Bilingual is also the oldest epitaph of this region from SuwÊda, Waddington, 2320 = VoguÉ, n. 1, the only one in the HaurÂn, which expresses the mute iota. The inscriptions are so put on both monuments that we cannot determine which language takes precedence.

146 At Medain SÂlih or Hijr, southward from TeimÂ, the ancient Thaema, there has recently been found by the travellers Doughty and Huber, a series of Nabataean inscriptions, which, in great part dated, reach from the time of Augustus down to the death of Vespasian. Latin inscriptions are wanting, and the few Greek are of the latest period; to all appearance, on the conversion of the Nabataean kingdom into a Roman province, the portion of the interior of Arabia that belonged to the former was given up by the Romans.

147 The city of Damascus voluntarily submitted under the last Seleucids about the time of the dictatorship of Sulla to the king of the Nabataeans at the time, presumably the Aretas, with whom Scaurus fought (Josephus, Arch. xiii. 15). The coins with the legend as????? ???t?? f????????? (Eckhel, iii. 330; Luynes, Rev. de Numism. 1858, p. 311), were perhaps struck in Damascus, when this was dependent on the Nabataeans; the reference of the number of the year on one of them is not indeed certain, but points, it may be presumed, to the last period of the Roman republic. Probably this dependence of the city on the Nabataean kings subsisted so long as there were such kings. From the fact that the city struck coins with the heads of the Roman emperors, there follows doubtless its dependence on Rome and therewith its self-administration, but not its non-dependence on the Roman vassal-prince; such protectorates assumed shapes so various that these arrangements might well be compatible with each other. The continuance of the Nabataean rule is attested partly by the circumstance that the ethnarch of king Aretas in Damascus wished to have the Apostle Paul arrested, as the latter writes in the 2d Epistle to the Corinthians, xi. 32, partly by the recently-established fact (see following note) that the rule of the Nabataeans to the north-east of Damascus was still continuing under Trajan.—Those who start, on the other hand, from the view that, if Aretas ruled in Damascus, the city could not be Roman, have attempted in various ways to fix the chronology of that event in the life of Paul. They have thought of the complication between Aretas and the Roman government in the last years of Tiberius; but from the course which this took it is not probable that it brought about a permanent change in the state of possession of Aretas. Melchior de VoguÉ (MÉlanges d’arch. orientale, app. p. 33) has pointed out that between Tiberius and Nero—more precisely, between the years 33 and 62 (Saulcy, Num. de la terre sainte, p. 36)—there are no imperial coins of Damascus, and has placed the rule of the Nabataeans there in this interval, on the assumption that the emperor Gaius showed his favour to the Arabian as to so many others of the vassal-princes, and invested him with Damascus. But such interruptions of coinage are of frequent occurrence, and require no such profound explanation. The attempt to find a chronological basis for the history of Paul’s life in the sway of the Nabataean king at Damascus, and generally to define the time of Paul’s abode in this city, must probably be abandoned. If we may so far trust the representation—in any case considerably shifted—of the event in Acts ix., Paul went to Damascus before his conversion, in order to continue there the persecution of the Christians in which Stephen had perished, and then, when on his conversion he took part on the contrary in Damascus for the Christians, the Jews there resolved to put him to death, in which case it must therefore be presupposed that the officials of Aretas, like Pilate, allowed free course to the persecution of heretics by the Jews. Moreover, it follows from the trustworthy statements of the Epistle to the Galatians, that the conversion took place at Damascus (for the ?p?st?e?a shows this), and Paul went from thence to Arabia; further, that he came three years after his conversion for the first time, and seventeen years after it for the second time, to Jerusalem, in accordance with which the apocryphal accounts of the Book of Acts as to his Jerusalem-journeys are to be corrected (Zeller, Apostelgesch. p. 216). But we cannot determine exactly either the time of the death of Stephen, much less the time intervening between this and the flight of the converted Paul from Damascus, or the interval between his second journey to Jerusalem and the composition of the Galatian letter, or the year of that composition itself.

148 The Nabataean inscription found recently near DmÊr, to the north-east of Damascus on the road to Palmyra (Sachau, Zeitschr. der deutschen morgenl. Gesellschaft, xxxviii. p. 535), dates from the month Ijjar of the year 410 according to the Roman (i.e. Seleucid) reckoning, and the 24th year of king Dabel, the last Nabataean one, and so from May 99 A.D., has shown that this district up to the annexation of this kingdom remained under the rule of the Nabataeans. We may add that the dominions here seem to have been, geographically, a tangled mosaic; thus the tetrarch of Galilee and the Nabataean king fought about the territory of Gamala on the lake of Gennesaret (Josephus, Arch. xviii. 51).

149 Perhaps through Gabinius (Appian, Syr. 51).

150 Strabo, xvi. 4, 21, p. 779. The coins of these kings, however, do not show the emperor’s head. But that in the Nabataean kingdom dates might run by the Roman imperial years is shown by the Nabataean inscription of HebrÂn (VoguÉ, Syrie Centrale, insc. n. 1), dated from the seventh year of Claudius, and so from the year 47. HebrÂn, a little to the north of Bostra, appears to have been reckoned also at a later time to Arabia (Lebas-Waddington, 2287); and Nabataean inscriptions of a public tenor are not met with outside of the Nabataean state; the few of the kind from Trachonitis are of a private nature.

151 “Leuke Kome in the land of the Nabataeans,” says Strabo under Tiberius, xvi. 4, 23, p. 780, “is a great place of trade, whither and whence the caravan-traders (?a???p????) go safely and easily from and to Petra with so large numbers of men and camels that they differ in nothing from encampments.” The Egyptian merchant also, writing under Vespasian, in his description of the coasts of the Red Sea (c. 19), mentions “the port and the fortress (f???????) of Leuce Come, whence the route leads towards Petra to the king of the Nabataeans Malichas. It may be regarded as the emporium for the goods conveyed thither from Arabia in not very large vessels. Therefore there is sent thither (?p?st???eta?) a receiver of the import-dues of a fourth of the value, and for the sake of security a centurion (??at??t?????) with men.” As one belonging to the Roman empire here mentions officials and soldiers, these can only be Roman; the centurion does not suit the army of the Nabataean king, and the form of tax is quite the Roman. The bringing a client-state within the sphere of imperial taxation occurs elsewhere, e.g. in the regions of the Alps. The road from Petra to Gaza is mentioned by Plin. H. N. vi. 28, 144.

152 Waddington, 2196; ?d??a??? t?? ?a? S?a?d?? ?a????? ???????? st?at???? ???d?? t? ??e???.

153 Epiphanius, Haeres. li. p. 483, Dind., sets forth that the 25th December, the birthday of Christ, had already been festally observed after an analogous manner at Rome in the festival of the Saturnalia, at Alexandria in the festival (mentioned also in the decree of Canopus) of the Kikellia, and in other heathen worships. “This takes place in Alexandria at the so-called Virgin’s shrine (??????) ... and if we ask people what this mystery means, they answer and say that to-day at this hour the Virgin has given birth to the Eternal (t?? a???a). This takes place in like manner at Petra, the capital of Arabia, in the temple there, and in the Arabic language they sing the praise of the Virgin, whom they call in Arabic Chaamu, that is the maiden, and Him born of her Dusares, that is the Only-begotten of the Lord.” The name Chaamu is perhaps akin to the Aumu or Aumos of the Greek inscriptions of this region, who is compared with ?e?? ?????t?? ????? (Waddington, 2392–2395, 2441, 2445, 2456).

154 This is said apart from the remarkable Arabo-Greek inscription (see below) found in HarrÂn, not far from Zorava, of the year 568 A.D., set up by the phylarch Asaraelos, son of Talemos (Waddington, 2464). This Christian is a precursor of Mohammed.

155 ??s????? ??s?? ??????? p??ta???, Kaibel, Epigr. 440.

156 According to the Arabian accounts the Benu SÂlih migrated from the region of Mecca (about 190 A.D., according to the conjectures of Caussin de Perceval, Hist. des Arabes, i. 212) to Syria, and settled there alongside of the Benu-Samaida, in whom Waddington finds anew the f??? S?a?????? of an inscription of SuwÊda (n. 2308). The Ghassanids, who (according to Caussin, about 205) migrated from Batn-Marr likewise to Syria and to the same region, were compelled by the Salihites, at the suggestion of the Romans, to pay tribute, and paid it for a time, until they (according to the same, about the year 292) overcame the Salihites, and their leader Thalaba, son of Amos, was recognised by the Romans as phylarch. This narrative may contain correct elements; but our standard authority remains always the account of Procopius, de bello Pers. i. 17, reproduced in the text. The phylarchs of individual provinces of Arabia (i.e. the province Bostra; Nov. 102 c.) and of Palestine (i.e. province of Petra; Procop. de bello Pers. i. 19), are older, but doubtless not much. Had a sheikh-in-chief of this sort been recognised by the Romans in the times before Justinian, the Roman authors and the inscriptions would doubtless show traces of it; but there are no such traces from the period before Justinian.

157 [This statement and several others of a kindred tenor in this chapter appear to rest on an unhesitating acceptance of views entertained by a recent school of Old Testament criticism, as to which it may at least be said: Adhuc sub iudice lis est.—TR.]

158 Whether the legal position of the Jews in Alexandria is warrantably traced back by Josephus (contra Ap. ii. 4) to Alexander is so far doubtful, as, to the best of our knowledge, not he, but the first Ptolemy, settled Jews in masses there (Josephus, Arch. xii. 1.; Appian, Syr. 50). The remarkable similarity of form assumed by the bodies of Jews in the different states of the Diadochi must, if it is not based on Alexander’s ordinances, be traced to rivalry and imitation in the founding of towns. The fact that Palestine was now Egyptian, now Syrian, doubtless exercised an essential influence in the case of these settlements.

159 The community of Jews in Smyrna is mentioned in an inscription recently found there (Reinach, Revue des Études juives, 1883, p. 161): ???fe??a ???da?(a) ????s??a????? ?ates?e?ase? t? ??s????? t??? ?pe?e??????? ?a? ???()as?? ?d???? ??(?)?? ????s?a? ????t?? ???a? t??? e? d? t?? t???se?, d?se? t? ?e??t?t? tae?? (d??a?????) ?af, ?a? t? ???e? t?? ???da??? (d??a?????) ?a. ?a?t?? t?? ?p???af?? t? ??t???af?? ?p??e?ta? e?? t? ???e???. Simple collegia are, in penal threats of this sort, not readily put on a level with the state or the community.

160 If the Alexandrian Jews subsequently maintained that they were legally on an equal footing with the Alexandrian Macedonians (Josephus, contra Ap. ii. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 7) this was a misrepresentation of the true state of the case. They were clients in the first instance of the Phyle of the Macedonians, probably the most eminent of all, and therefore named after Dionysos (Theophilus, ad Autolycum, ii. 7), and, because the Jewish quarter was a part of this Phyle, Josephus in his way makes themselves Macedonians. The legal position of the population of the Greek towns of this category is most clearly apparent from the account of Strabo (in Josephus, Arch. xiv. 7, 2) as to the four categories of that of Cyrene: city-burgesses, husbandmen (?e?????), strangers, and Jews. If we lay aside the metoeci, who have their legal home elsewhere, there remain as Cyrenaeans having rights in their home the burgesses of full rights, that is, the Hellenes and what were allowed to pass as such, and the two categories of those excluded from active burgess-rights—the Jews, who form a community of their own, and the subjects, the Libyans, without autonomy. This might easily be so shifted, that the two privileged categories should appear as having equal rights.

161 Pseudo-Longinus, pe?? ?????, 9: “Far better than the war of the gods in Homer is the description of the gods in their perfection and genuine greatness and purity, like that of Poseidon (Ilias, xiii. 18 ff.). Just so writes the legislator of the Jews, no mean man (??? ? t???? ????), after he has worthily apprehended and brought to expression the Divine power, at the very beginning of the Laws (Genesis, i. 3): ‘God said’—what? ‘Let there be light, and there was light; let the earth be, and the earth was.’”

162 The Jew Philo sets down the treatment of the Jews in Italy to the account of Sejanus (Leg. 24; in Flacc. 1), that of the Jews in the East to the account of the emperor himself. But Josephus rather traces back what happened in Italy to a scandal in the capital, which had been occasioned by three Jewish pious swindlers and a lady of rank converted to Judaism; and Philo himself states that Tiberius, after the fall of Sejanus, allowed to the governors only certain modifications in the procedure against the Jews. The policy of the emperor and that of his ministers towards the Jews was essentially the same.

163 Agrippa II., who enumerates the Jewish settlements abroad (in Philo, Leg. ad Gaium, 36), names no country westward of Greece, and among the strangers sojourning in Jerusalem, whom the Book of Acts, ii. 5 f., records, only Romans are named from the West.

164 Antipater began his career as governor (st?at????) of Idumaea (Josephus, Arch. xiv. 1, 3), and is there called administrator of the Jewish kingdom ? t?? ???da??? ?p?e??t?? (Joseph. Arch. xiv. 8, 1), that is, nearly first minister. More is not implied in the narrative of Josephus coloured with flattery towards Rome as towards Herod (Arch. xiv. 8, 5; Bell. Jud. i. 10, 3), that Caesar had left to Antipater the option of himself determining his position of power (d??aste?a), and, when the latter left the decision with him, had appointed him administrator (?p?t??p??) of Judaea. This is not, as Marquardt, Staatsalth. v. 1, 408, would have it, the (at that time not yet existing) Roman procuratorship of the imperial period, but an office formally conferred by the Jewish ethnarch, an ?p?t??p?, like that mentioned by Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 6. In the official documents of Caesar’s time the high priest and ethnarch Hyrcanus alone represents the Jews; Caesar gave to Antipater what could be granted to the subjects of a dependent state, Roman burgess-rights and personal immunity (Josephus, Arch. xiv. 8, 3; Bell. Jud. i. 9, 5), but he did not make him an official of Rome. That Herod, driven out of Judaea, obtained from the Romans a Roman officer’s post possibly in Samaria, is credible; but the designations st?at???? t?? ?????? S???a? (Josephus, Arch. xiv. 9, 5, c. 11, 4), or st?at???? ?????? S???a? ?a? Saa?e?a? (Bell. Jud. i. 10, 8) are at least misleading, and with as much incorrectness the same author names Herod subsequently, for the reason that he is to serve as counsellor t??? ?p?t??pe???s? t?? S???a? (Arch. xv. 10, 3), even S???a? ???? ?p?t??p?? (Bell. Jud. i. 20, 4), where Marquardt’s change, Staatsalth. v. i. 408, ?????? destroys the sense.

165 In the decree of Caesar in Josephus, Arch. xiv. 10, 5, 6, the reading which results from Epiphanius is the only possible one; according to this the land is freed from the tribute (imposed by Pompeius; Josephus, Arch. xiv. 4, 4) from the second year of the current lease onward, and it is further ordained that the town of Joppa, which at that time passed over from Roman into Jewish possession, should continue indeed to deliver the fourth part of field-fruits at Sidon to the Romans, but for that there should be granted to Hyrcanus, likewise at Sidon, as an equivalent annually 20,675 bushels of grain, besides which the people of Joppa paid also the tenth to Hyrcanus. The whole narrative otherwise shows that the Jewish state was thenceforth free from payment of tribute; the circumstance that Herod pays f???? from the districts assigned to Cleopatra which he leases from her (Arch. xv. 4, 2, 4, c. 5, 3) only confirms the rule. If Appian, B. C. v. 75, adduces among the kings on whom Antonius laid tribute Herod for Idumaea and Samaria, Judaea is not absent here without good reason; and even for these accessory lands the tribute may have been remitted to him by Augustus. The detailed and trustworthy account as to the census enjoined by Quirinius shows with entire clearness that the land was hitherto free from Roman tribute.

166 In the same decree it is said: ?a? ?p?? ?de?? ?te ????? ?te st?at???? ? p?ese?t?? ?? t??? ????? t?? ???da??? ???st? ("perhaps s???st?" Wilamowitz) s?a??a? ?a? st?at??ta? ???? (so Wilamowitz, for ??e??) ? t? ???ata t??t?? e?sp??ttes?a? ? e?? pa?a?e?as?a? ? ???? t??? ???at?, ???' e??a? pa?ta???e? ??ep??e?st??? (comp. Arch. xiv. 10, 2: pa?a?e?as?a? d? ?a? ???ata p??ttes?a? ?? d??????). This corresponds in the main to the formula of the charter, a little older, for Termessus (C. I. L. i. n. 204): nei quis magistratu prove magistratu legatus ne[ive] quis alius meilites in oppidum Thermesum ... agrumve ... hiemandi caussa introducito ... nisei senatus nominatim utei Thermesum ... in hibernacula meilites deducantur decreverit. The marching through is accordingly allowed. In the Privilegium for Judaea the levy seems, moreover, to have been prohibited.

167 This title, which primarily denotes the collegiate tetrarchate, such as was usual among the Galatians, was then more generally employed for the rule of all together, nay, even for the rule of one, but always as in rank inferior to that of king. In this way, besides Galatia, it appears also in Syria, perhaps from the time of Pompeius, certainly from that of Augustus. The juxtaposition of an ethnarch and two tetrarchs, as it was arranged in the year 713 41 B.C. Judaea, according to Josephus (Arch. xiv. 13, 1; Bell. Jud. i. 12, 5), is not again met with elsewhere; Pherores tetrarch of Peraea under his brother Herodes (Bell. Jud. i. 24, 5) is analogous.

168 The statement of Josephus that Judaea was attached to the province of Syria and placed under its governor (Arch. xvii fin.: t?? d? ???e???? ???a? ?p?te???? p??s?e??e?s?? t? S????; xviii. 1, 1: e?? t?? ???da??? p??s????? t?? S???a? ?e??????; c. 4, 6) appears to be incorrect; on the contrary, Judaea probably formed thenceforth a procuratorial province of itself. An exact distinction between the de iure and de facto interference of the Syrian governor may not be expected in the case of Josephus. The fact that he organised the new province and conducted the first census does not decide the question what arrangement was assigned to it. Where the Jews complain of their procurator to the governor of Syria and the latter interferes against him, the procurator is certainly dependent on the legate; but, when L. Vitellius did this (Josephus, Arch. xviii. 4, 2), his power extended in quite an extraordinary way over the province (Tacitus, Ann. vi. 32; Staatsrecht, ii. 822), and in the other case the words of Tacitus, Ann. xii. 54: quia Claudius ius statuendi etiam de procuratoribus dederat, show that the governor of Syria could not have pronounced such a judgment in virtue of his general jurisdiction. Both the ius gladii of these procurators (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 8, 1: ???? t?? ?te??e?? ?a?? pa?? t?? ?a?sa??? ????s?a?, Arch. xviii. 1, 1; ???s?e??? ???da??? t? ?p? p?s?? ????s??) and their whole demeanour show that they did not belong to those who, placed under an imperial legate, attended only to financial affairs, but rather, like the procurators of Noricum and Raetia, formed the supreme authority for the administration of law and the command of the army. Thus the legates of Syria had there only the position which those of Pannonia had in Noricum and the upper German legate in Raetia. This corresponds also to the general development of matters; all the larger kingdoms were on their annexation not attached to the neighbouring large governorships, whose plenitude of power it was not the tendency of this epoch to enlarge, but were made into independent governorships, mostly at first equestrian.

169 According to Josephus (Arch. xx. 8, 7, more exact than Bell. Jud. ii. 13, 7) the greatest part of the Roman troops in Palestine consisted of Caesareans and Sebastenes. The ala Sebastenorum fought in the Jewish war under Vespasian (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 12, 5). Comp. Eph. epigr. v. 194. There are no alae and cohortes Iudaeorum.

170 The revenues of Herod amounted, according to Josephus, Arch. xvii. 11, 4, to about 1200 talents, whereof about 100 fell to Batanaea with the adjoining lands, 200 to Galilee and Peraea, the rest to the share of Archelaus; in this doubtless the older Hebrew talent (of about £390) is meant, not, as Hultsch (Metrol.2, p. 605) assumes, the denarial talent (of about £260), as the revenues of the same territory under Claudius are estimated in the same Josephus (Arch. xix. 8, 2), at 12,000,000 denarii (about £500,000). The chief item in it was formed by the land-tax, the amount of which we do not know; in the Syrian time it amounted at least for a time to the third part of corn and the half of wine and oil (1 Maccab. x. 30), in Caesar’s time for Joppa a fourth of the fruit (p. 175, note), besides which at that time the temple-tenth still existed. To this was added a number of other taxes and customs, auction-charges, salt-tax, road and bridge moneys, and the like; it is to these that the publicans of the Gospels have reference.

171 On the marble screen (d??fa?t??), which marked off the inner court of the temple, were placed for that reason tablets of warning in the Latin and Greek language (Josephus, Bell. Jud. v. 5, 2; vi. 2, 4; Arch. xv. 11, 5). One of the latter, which has recently been found (Revue ArchÉologique, xxiii. 1872, p. 220), and is now in the public museum of Constantinople, is to this effect: ??' ??a ?????e?? e?sp??e?es?a? ??t?? t?? pe?? t? ?e??? t??f??t?? ?a? pe??????. ?? d' ?? ??f??, ?a?t? a?t??? ?sta? d?? t? ??a??????e?? ???at??. The iota in the dative is present, and the writing good and suitable for the early imperial period. These tablets were hardly set up by the Jewish kings, who would scarcely have added a Latin text, and had no cause to threaten the penalty of death with this singular anonymity. If they were set up by the Roman government, both are explained; Titus also says (in Josephus, Bell. Jud. vi. 2, 4), in an appeal to the Jews: ??? ?e?? t??? ?pe???ta? ??? ??a??e?? ?pet???ae?, ??? ??a??? t?? ?;—If the tablet really bears traces of axe-cuts, these came from the soldiers of Titus.

172 The special hatred of Gaius against the Jews (Philo, Leg. 20) was not the cause, but the consequence, of the Alexandrian Jew-hunt. Since therefore the understanding of the leaders of the Jew-hunt with the governor (Philo, in Flacc. 4) cannot have subsisted on the footing that the Jews imagined, because the governor could not reasonably believe that he would recommend himself to the new emperor by abandoning the Jews, the question certainly arises, why the leaders of those hostile to the Jews chose this very moment for the Jew-hunt, and above all, why the governor, whose excellence Philo so emphatically acknowledges, allowed it, and, at least in its further course, took personal part in it. Probably things occurred as they are narrated above: hatred and envy towards the Jews had long been fermenting in Alexandria (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 9; Philo, Leg. 18); the abeyance of the old stern government, and the evident disfavour in which the prefect stood with Gaius, gave room for the tumult; the arrival of Agrippa furnished the occasion; the adroit conversion of the synagogues into temples of Gaius stamped the Jews as enemies of the emperor, and, after this was done, Flaccus must certainly have seized on the persecution to rehabilitate himself thereby with the emperor.

173 When Strabo was in Egypt in the earlier Augustan period the Jews in Alexandria were under an Ethnarch (Geogr. xvii. 1, 13, p. 798, and in Josephus, Arch. xiv. 7, 2). Thereupon, when under Augustus the Ethnarchos or Genarchos, as he was called, died, a council of the elders took his place (Philo, Leg. 10); yet Augustus, as Claudius states (Josephus, Arch. xix. 5, 2), “did not prohibit the Jews from appointing an Ethnarch,” which probably is meant to signify that the choice of a single president was only omitted for this time, not abolished once for all. Under Gaius there were evidently only elders of the Jewish body; and also under Vespasian these are met with (Josephus, Bell. vii. 10, 1). An archon of the Jews in Antioch is named in Josephus, Bell. vii. 3, 3.

174 Apion spoke and wrote on all and sundry matters, upon the metals and the Roman letters, on magic and concerning the Hetaerae, on the early history of Egypt and the cookery receipts of Apicius; but above all he made his fortune by his discourses upon Homer, which acquired for him honorary citizenship in numerous Greek cities. He had discovered that Homer had begun his Iliad with the unsuitable word ???? for the reason that the first two letters, as numerals, exhibit the number of the books of the two epics which he was to write; he named the guest-friend in Ithaca, with whom he had made inquiries as to the draught-board of the suitors; indeed he affirmed that he had conjured up Homer himself from the nether world to question him about his native country, and that Homer had come and had told it to him, but had bound him not to betray it to others.

175 The writings of Philo, which bring before us this whole catastrophe with incomparable reality, nowhere strike this chord; but, apart even from the fact that this rich and aged man had in him more of the good man than of the good hater, it is obvious of itself that these consequences of the occurrences on the Jewish side were not publicly set forth. What the Jews thought and felt may not be judged of by what they found it convenient to say, particularly in their works written in Greek. If the Book of Wisdom and the third book of Maccabees are in reality directed against the Alexandrian persecution of the Jews (Hausrath, Neutestam. Zeitgesch. ii. 259 ff.)—which we may add is anything but certain—they are, if possible, couched in a still tamer tone than the writings of Philo.

176 This is perhaps the right way of apprehending the Jewish conceptions, in which the positive facts regularly run away into generalities. In the accounts of the Anti-Messias and of the Antichrist no positive elements are found to suit the emperor Gaius; the view that would explain the name Armillus, which the Talmud assigns to the former, by the circumstance that the emperor Gaius sometimes wore women’s bracelets (armillae, Suetonius, Gai. 52), cannot be seriously maintained. In the Apocalypse of John—the classical revelation of Jewish self-esteem and of hatred towards the Romans—the picture of the Anti-Messias is associated rather with Nero, who did not cause his image to be set up in the Holy of Holies. This composition belongs, as is well known, to a time and a tendency, which still viewed Christianity as essentially a Jewish sect; those elected and marked by the angel are all Jews, 12,000 from each of the twelve tribes, and have precedence over the “great multitude of other righteous ones,” i.e. of proselytes (ch. vii.; comp. ch. xii. 1). It was written, demonstrably, after Nero’s fall, and when his return from the East was expected. Now it is true that a pseudo-Nero appeared immediately after the death of the real one, and was executed at the beginning of the following year (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 8, 9); but it is not of this one that John is thinking, for the very exact account makes no mention, as John does, of the Parthians in the matter, and for John there is a considerable interval between the fall of Nero and his return, the latter even still lying in the future. His Nero is the person who, under Vespasian, found adherents in the region of the Euphrates, whom king Artabanus acknowledged under Titus and prepared to reinstate in Rome by military force, and whom at length the Parthians surrendered, after prolonged negotiations, about the year 88, to Domitian. To these events the Apocalypse corresponds quite exactly.

On the other hand, in a writing of this character no inference as to the state of the siege at the time can possibly be drawn, from the circumstance that, according to xi. 1, 2, only the outer court, and not the Holy of Holies of the Temple of Jerusalem was given into the power of the heathen; here everything in the details is imaginary, and this trait is certainly either invented at pleasure or, if the view be preferred, possibly based on orders given to the Roman soldiers, who were encamped in Jerusalem after its destruction, not to set foot in what was formerly the Holy of Holies. The foundation of the Apocalypse is indisputably the destruction of the earthly Jerusalem, and the prospect thereby for the first time opened up of its future ideal restoration; in place of the razing of the city which had taken place there cannot possibly be put the mere expectation of its capture. If, then, it is said of the seven heads of the dragon: as??e?? ?pt? e?s??? ?? p??te ?pesa?, ? e?? ?st??, ? ????? ??p? ???e?, ?a? ?ta? ???? ?????? a?t?? de? e??a? (xvii. 10), the five, presumably, are Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Claudius, Nero, the sixth Vespasian, the seventh undefined; “the beast which was, and is not, and is itself the eighth, but of the seven,” is, of course, Nero. The undefined seventh is incongruous, like so much in this gorgeous, but contradictory and often tangled imagery; and it is added, not because the number seven was employed, which was easily to be got at by including Caesar, but because the writer hesitated to predicate immediately of the reigning emperor the short government of the last ruler and his overthrow by the returning Nero. But one cannot possibly—as is done after others by Renan—by including Caesar in the reckoning, recognise in the sixth emperor, “who is,” Nero, who immediately afterward is designated as he who “was and is not,” and in the seventh, who “has not yet come and will not rule long,” even the aged Galba, who, according to Renan’s view, was ruling at the time. It is clear that the latter does not belong at all to such a series, any more than Otho and Vitellius.

It is more important, however, to oppose the current conception, according to which the polemic is directed against the Neronian persecution of the Christians and the siege or the destruction of Jerusalem, whereas it is pointed against the Roman provincial government generally, and in particular against the worship of the emperors. If of the seven emperors Nero alone is named (by his numerical expression), this is so, not because he was the worst of the seven, but because the naming of the reigning emperor, while prophesying a speedy end of his reign in a published writing, had its risk, and some consideration towards the one “who is” beseems even a prophet. Nero’s name was given up, and besides, the legend of his healing and of his return was in every one’s mouth; thereby he has become for the Apocalypse the representative of the Roman imperial rule, and the Antichrist. The crime of the monster of the sea, and of his image and instrument, the monster of the land, is not the violence to the city of Jerusalem (xi. 2)—which appears not as their misdeed, but rather as a portion of the world-judgment (in which case also consideration for the reigning emperor may have been at work)—but the divine worship, which the heathen pay to the monster of the sea (xiii. 8: p??s????s??s?? a?t?? p??te? ?? ?at??????te? ?p? t?? ???), and which the monster of the land—called for that reason also the pseudo-prophet—demands and compels for that of the sea (xiii. 12: p??e? t?? ??? ?a? t??? ?at??????ta? ?? a?t? ??a p??s????s??s?? t? ?????? t? p??t??, ?? ??e?ape??? ? p???? t?? ?a??t?? a?t??); above all, he is upbraided with the desire to make an image for the former (xiii. 14: ????? t??? ?at?????s?? ?p? t?? ???, p???sa? e????a t? ????? ?? ??e? t?? p????? t?? a?a???? ?a? ???se?, comp. xiv. 9; xvi. 2; xix. 20). This, it is plain, is partly the imperial government beyond the sea, partly the lieutenancy on the Asiatic continent, not of this or that province or even of this or that person, but generally such representation of the emperor as the provincials of Asia and Syria knew. If trade and commerce appear associated with the use of the ???a?a of the monster of the sea (xiii. 16, 17), there lies clearly at bottom an abhorrence of the image and legend of the imperial money—certainly transformed in a fanciful way, as in fact Satan makes the image of the emperor speak. These very governors appear afterwards (xvii.) as the ten horns, which are assigned to the monster in its copy, and are here called, quite correctly, the “ten kings, which have not the royal dignity, but have authority like kings;” the number, which is taken over from the vision of Daniel, may not, it is true, be taken too strictly.

In the sentences of death pronounced over the righteous, John is thinking of the regular judicial procedure on account of the refusal to worship the emperor’s image, such as the Letters of Pliny describe (xiii. 15: p???s? ??a ?s?? ??? ? p??s????s?s?? t?? e????a t?? ?????? ?p??ta???s??, comp. vi. 9; xx. 4). When stress is laid on these sentences of death being executed with special frequency in Rome (xvii. 6; xvii. 24), what is thereby meant is the execution of sentences wherein men were condemned to fight as gladiators or with wild beasts, which often could not take place on the spot where they were pronounced, and, as is well known, took place chiefly in Rome itself (Modestinus, Dig. xlviii. 19, 31). The Neronian executions on account of alleged incendiarism do not formally belong to the class of religious processes at all, and it is only prepossession that can refer the martyrs’ blood shed in Rome, of which John speaks, exclusively or pre-eminently to these events. The current conceptions as to the so-called persecutions of the Christians labour under a defective apprehension of the rule of law and the practice of law subsisting in the Roman empire; in reality the persecution of the Christians was a standing matter as was that of robbers; only such regulations were put into practice at times more gently or even negligently, at other times more strictly, and were doubtless on occasion specially enforced from high quarters. The “war against the saints” is only a subsequent interpolation on the part of some, for whom John’s words did not suffice (xiii. 7). The Apocalypse is a remarkable evidence of the national and religious hatred of the Jews towards the Occidental government; but to illustrate with these colours the Neronian tale of horrors, as Renan does in particular, is to shift the place of the facts and to detract from their depth of significance. The Jewish national hatred did not wait for the conquest of Jerusalem to originate it, and it made, as might be expected, no distinction between the good and the bad Caesar; its Anti-Messias is named Nero, doubtless, but not less Vespasian or Marcus.

177 The circumstance that Suetonius (Claud. 25) names a certain Chrestus as instigator of the constant troubles in Rome, that had in the first instance called forth these measures (according to him the expulsion from Rome; in contrast to Dio, lx. 6) has been without sufficient reason conceived as a misunderstanding of the movement called forth by Christ among Jews and proselytes. The Book of Acts xviii. 2, speaks only of the expulsion of the Jews. At any rate it is not to be doubted that, with the attitude at that time of the Christians to Judaism, they too fell under the edict.

178 The Jews there at least appear later to have had only the fourth of the five wards of the city in their possession (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 8). Probably, if the 400 houses that were razed had been given back again to them in so striking a manner, the Jewish authors Josephus and Philo, who lay stress on all the imperial marks of favour shown to the Jews, would not have been silent on the subject.

179 The question was, apparently, whether the gift of the tenth sheaf belonged to Aaron the priest (Numb. xviii. 28), to the priest generally, or to the high-priest (Ewald, JÜd. Gesch. vi.3 635).

180 It is nothing but an empty fancy, when the statesman Josephus, in his preface to his History of the war, puts it as if the Jews of Palestine had reckoned on the one hand upon a rising of the Euphrates-lands, on the other hand, upon the troubles in Gaul and the threatening attitude of the Germans and on the crises of the year of four emperors. The Jewish war had long been in full course when Vindex appeared against Nero, and the Druids really did what is here assigned to the Rabbis; and, however great was the importance of the Jewish Diaspora in the lands of the Euphrates, a Jewish expedition from that quarter against the Romans of the East was almost as inconceivable as from Egypt and Asia Minor. Doubtless some free-lances came from thence, as e.g. some young princes of the zealously Jewish royal house of Adiabene (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 19, 2; vi. 6, 4), and suppliant embassies went thither from the insurgents (ib. vi. 6, 2); but even money hardly flowed to the Jews from this quarter in any considerable amount. This statement is characteristic of the author more than of the war. If it is easy to understand how the Jewish leader of insurgents and subsequent courtier of the Flavians was fond of comparing himself with the Parthians exiled at Rome, it is the less to be excused that modern historical authorship should walk in similar paths, and in endeavouring to apprehend these events as constituent parts of the history of the Roman court and city or even of the Romano-Parthian quarrels, should by this insipid introduction of so-called great policy obscure the fearful necessity of this tragic development.

181 Josephus (Arch. xx. 8, 9), makes him indeed secretary of Nero for Greek correspondence, although he, where he follows Roman sources (xx. 8, 2), designates him correctly as prefect; but certainly the same person is meant. He is called pa?da????? with him as with Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 2: rector imperatoriae iuventae.

182 It is not quite clear what were the arrangements for the forces occupying Syria after the Parthian war was ended in the year 63. At its close there were seven legions stationed in the East, the four originally Syrian, 3d Gallica, 6th Ferrata, 10th Fretensis, 12th Fulminata, and three brought up from the West, the 4th Scythica from Moesia (I. 213), the 5th Macedonica, probably from the same place (I. 219; for which probably an upper German legion was sent to Moesia I. 132), the 15th Apollinaris from Pannonia (I. 219). Since, excepting Syria, no Asiatic province was at that time furnished with legions, and the governor of Syria certainly in times of peace had never more than four legions, the Syrian army beyond doubt had at that time been brought back, or at least ought to have been brought back, to this footing. The four legions which accordingly were to remain in Syria were, as this was most natural, the four old Syrian ones; for the 3d had in the year 70 just marched from Syria to Moesia (Suetonius, Vesp. 6; Tacitus, Hist. ii. 74), and that the 6th, 10th, 12th belonged to the army of Cestius follows from Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 9, c. 19, 7; vii. 1, 3. Then, when the Jewish war broke out, seven legions were again destined for Asia, and of these four for Syria (Tacitus, Hist. i. 10), three for Palestine; the three legions added were just those employed for the Parthian war, the 4th, 5th, 15th, which perhaps at that time were still in course of marching back to their old quarters. The 4th probably went at that time definitively to Syria, where it thenceforth remained; on the other hand, the Syrian army gave off the 10th to Vespasian, presumably because this had suffered least in the campaign of Cestius. In addition he received the 5th and the 15th. The 5th and the 10th legions came from Alexandria (Josephus, Bell. Jud. iii. 1, 3, c. 4, 2); but that they were brought up from Egypt cannot well be conceived, not merely because the 10th was one of the Syrian, but especially because the march by land from Alexandria on the Nile to Ptolemais through the middle of the insurgent territory at the beginning of the Jewish war could not have been so narrated by Josephus. Far more probably Titus went by ship from Achaia to Alexandria on the Gulf of Issus, the modern Alexandretta, and brought the two legions thence to Ptolemais. The orders to march may have reached the 15th somewhere in Asia Minor, since Vespasian, doubtless in order to take them over, went to Syria by land (Josephus, Bell. Jud. iii. 1, 3). To these three legions, with which Vespasian began the war, there was added under Titus a further one of the Syrian, the 12th. Of the four legions that occupied Jerusalem the two previously Syrian remained in the East, the 10th in Judaea, the 12th in Cappadocia, while the 5th returned to Moesia, and the 15th to Pannonia (Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 3, c. 5, 3).

183 To the three legions there belonged five alae and eighteen cohorts, and the army of Palestine consisting of one ala and five cohorts. These auxilia numbered accordingly 3000 alarians and (since among the twenty-three cohorts ten were 1000 strong, thirteen 720, or probably rather only 420 strong; for instead of the startling ??a??s???? we expect rather t??a??s???? ??????ta) 16,240 (or, if 720 is retained, 19,360) cohortales. To these fell to be added 1000 horsemen from each of the four kings, and 5000 Arabian archers, with 2000 from each of the other three kings. This gives together—reckoning the legion at 6000 men—52,240 men, and so towards 60,000, as Josephus (Bell. Jud. iii. 4, 2) says. But as the divisions are thus all calculated at the utmost normal strength, the effective aggregate number can hardly be estimated at 50,000. These numbers of Josephus appear in the main trustworthy, just as the analogous ones for the army of Cestius (Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 9); whereas his figures, resting on the census, are throughout measured after the scale of the smallest village in Galilee numbering 15,000 inhabitants (Bell. Jud. iii. 3, 2), and are historically as useless as the figures of Falstaff. It is but seldom, e.g. at the siege of Jotapata, that we recognise reported numbers.

184 This arch was erected to Titus after his death by the imperial senate. Another, dedicated to him during his short government by the same senate in the circus (C. I. L. vi. 944) specifies even with express words as the ground of erecting the monument, “because he, according to the precept and direction and under the superintendence of his father, subdued the people of the Jews and destroyed the town of Hierusolyma, which up to his time had either been besieged in vain by all generals, kings, and peoples, or not assailed at all.” The historic knowledge of this singular document, which ignores not merely Nebuchadnezzar and Antiochus Epiphanes, but their own Pompeius, stands on the same level with its extravagance in the praise of a very ordinary feat of arms.

185 The account of Josephus, that Titus with his council of war resolved not to destroy the temple, excites suspicion by the manifest intention of it, and, as the use made of Tacitus in the chronicle of Sulpicius Severus is completely proved by Bernays, it may certainly well be a question whether his quite opposite account (Chron. ii. 30, 6), that the council of war had resolved to destroy the temple, does not proceed from Tacitus, and whether the preference is not to be given to it, although it bears traces of Christian revision. This view further commends itself through the fact that the dedication addressed to Vespasian of the Argonautica of the poet Valerius Flaccus celebrates the victor of Solyma, who hurls the fiery torches.

186 That the emperor took this land for himself (?d?a? a?t? t?? ???a? f???tt??) is stated by Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 6, 6; not in accord with this is his command p?sa? ??? ?p?d?s?a? t?? ???da??? (l. c.), in which doubtless there lurks an error or a copyist’s mistake. It is in keeping with the expropriation that land was by way of grace assigned elsewhere to individual Jewish landowners (Josephus, vit. 16). We may add that the territory was probably employed as an endowment for the legion stationed there (Eph. epigr. ii. n. 696; Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 54).

187 Eusebius, H. E. iv. 2, puts the outbreak on the 18th, and so, according to his reckoning (in the Chronicle), the penultimate year of Trajan; and therewith Dio, lxviii. 32, agrees.

188 Eusebius himself (in Syncellus) says only: ?d??a??? ???da???? ?at? ??e?a?d???? stas?????ta? ????ase?. The Armenian and Latin translations appear to have erroneously made out of this a restoration of Alexandria destroyed by the Jews, of which Eusebius, H. E. iv. 2, and Dio, lxviii. 32, know nothing.

189 This is shown by the expressions of Dio, lxix. 13: ?? ?pa?ta??? ??? ???da??? and p?s?? ?? e?pe?? ????????? ?p? t??t? t?? ?????????.

190 If, according to the contemporary Appian (Syr. 50), Hadrian once more destroyed (?at?s?a?e) the town, this proves as well that it was preceded by an at least in some measure complete formation of the colony, as that it was captured by the insurgents. Only thereby is explained the great loss which the Romans suffered (Fronto, de bello Parth. p. 218 Nab.: Hadriano imperium obtinente quantum militum a Iudaeis ... caesum; Dio, lxix. 14); and it accords at least well with this, that the governor of Syria, Publicius Marcellus, left his province to bring help to his colleague Tineius Rufus (Eusebius, H. E. iv. 6; Borghesi, Opp. iii. 64), in Palestine (C. I. Gr. 4033, 4034).

191 That the coins with this name belong to the Hadrianic insurrection is now proved (v. Sallet, Zeitschr. fÜr Numism. v. 110); this is consequently the Rabbi Eleazar from Modein of the Jewish accounts (Ewald, Gesch. Isr. vii.2, 418; SchÜrer, Lehrbuch, p. 357). That the Simon whom these coins name partly with Eleazar, partly alone, is the Bar-Kokheba of Justin Martyr and Eusebius is at least very probable.

192 Dio (lxix. 12) calls the war protracted (??t' ????????????); Eusebius in his Chronicle puts its beginning in the sixteenth, its end in the eighteenth or nineteenth year of Hadrian; the coins of the insurgents are dated from the first or from the second year of the deliverance of Israel. We have not trustworthy dates; the Rabbinic tradition (SchÜrer, Lehrbuch, p. 361) is not available in this respect.

193 Biography of Alexander, c. 22: Iudaeis privilegia reservavit, Christianos esse passus est. Clearly the privileged position of the Jews as compared with the Christians comes here to light—a position, which certainly rests in its turn on the fact that the former represent a nation the latter do not.

194 In order to make good that even in bondage the Jews were able to exercise a certain self-administration, Origen (about the year 226) writes to Africanus, c. 14: “How much even now, where the Romans rule and the Jews pay to them the tribute (t? d?d?a???), has the president of the people (? ????????) among them in his power with permission of the emperor (s????????t?? ?a?sa???)? Even courts are secretly held according to the law, and even on various occasions sentence of death is pronounced. This I, who have long lived in the land of this people, have myself experienced and ascertained.” The patriarch of Judaea already makes his appearance in the letter forged in the name of Hadrian in the biography of the tyrant Saturninus (c. 8), in the ordinances first in the year 392 (C. Th. xvi. 8, 8). Patriarchs as presidents of individual Jewish communities, for which the word from its signification is better adapted, meet us already in the ordinances of Constantine I. (C. Th. xvi. 8, 1, 2).

195 The jurists of the third century lay down this rule, appealing to an edict of Severus (Dig. xxvii. 1, 15, 6; l. 2, 3, 3). According to the ordinance of the year 321 (C. Th. xvi. 8, 3) this appears even as a right, not as a duty of the Jews, so that it depended on them to undertake or decline the office.

196 The analogous treatment of castration in the Hadrianic edict, Dig. xlviii. 8, 4, 2, and of circumcision in Paulus, Sent. v. 22, 3, 4, and Modestinus, Dig. xlviii. 8, 11 pr., naturally suggests this point of view. The statement that Severus Judaeos fieri sub gravi poena vetuit (Vita, 17), is doubtless nothing but the enforcement of this prohibition.

197 The remarkable account in Origen’s treatise against Celsus, ii. 13 (written about 250), shows that the circumcision of the non-Jew involved de iure the penalty of death, although it is not clear how far this found application to Samaritans or Sicarii.

198 This exclusion of the joint rule of the senate as of the senators is indicated by Tacitus (Hist. i. 11) with the words that Augustus wished to have Egypt administered exclusively by his personal servants (domi retinere; comp. Staatsrecht, ii. p. 963). In principle this abnormal form of government was applicable for all the provinces not administered by senators, the presidents of which were also at the outset called chiefly praefecti (C. I. L. v. p. 809, 902). But at the first division of the provinces between emperor and senate there was probably no other of these but just Egypt; and subsequently the distinction here came into sharper prominence, in so far as all the other provinces of this category obtained no legions. For in the emergence of the equestrian commandants of the legion instead of the senatorial, as was the rule in Egypt, the exclusion of the senatorial government finds its most palpable expression.

199 This ordinance holds only for Egypt, not for the other territories administered by non-senators. How essential it appeared to the government, we see from the constitutional and religious apparatus called into requisition to secure it (Trig. tyr. c. 22).

200 The current assertion that provincia is only by an abuse of language put for the districts not administered by senators is not well founded. Egypt was private property of the emperor just as much or just as little as Gaul and Syria—yet Augustus himself says (Mon. Ancyr. 5, 24) Aegyptum imperio populi Romani adieci, and assigns to the governor, since he as eques could not be pro praetore, by special law the same jurisdiction in processes as the Roman praetors had (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 60).

201 As a matter of course what is here meant is the land of Egypt, not the possessions subject to the Lagids. Cyrene was similarly organised (p. 165). But the properly Egyptian government was never applied to southern Syria and to the other territories which were for a longer or a shorter time under the power of Egypt.

202 To these falls to be added Naucratis, the oldest Greek town already founded in Egypt before the Ptolemies, and further Paraetonium, which indeed in some measure lies beyond the bounds of Egypt.

203 There was not wanting of course a certain joint action, similar to that which is exercised by the regiones and the vici of self-administering urban communities; to this category belongs what we meet with of agoranomy and gymnasiarchy in the nomes, as also the erection of honorary memorials and the like, all of which, we may add, make their appearance only to a small extent and for the most part but late. According to the edict of Alexander (C. I. Gr. 4957, l. 34) the strategoi do not seem to have been, properly speaking, nominated by the governor, but only to have been confirmed after an examination; we do not know who had the proposing of them.

204 The position of matters is clearly apparent in the inscription set up at the beginning of the reign of Pius to the well-known orator Aristides by the Egyptian Greeks (C. I. Gr. 4679); as dedicants are named ? p???? t?? ??e?a?d???? ?a? ????p???? ? e???? ?a? ? ???? ? ??t?????? ???? ??????? ?a? ?? ?? t? ???t? t?? ????pt?? ?a? ?? t?? T?a???? ???? ??????te? ?????e?. Thus only Antinoopolis, the city of the “new Hellenes,” has a Boule; Alexandria appears without this, but as a Greek city in the aggregate. Moreover there take part in this dedication the Greeks living in the Delta and those living in Thebes, but of the Egyptian towns Great-Hermopolis alone, on which probably the immediate vicinity of Antinoopolis has exercised an influence. To Ptolemais Strabo (xvii. 1, 42, p. 813) attributes a s?st?a p???t???? ?? t? ???????? t??p?; but in this we may hardly think of more than what belonged to the capital according to its constitution more exactly known to us—and so specially of the division of the burgesses into phylae. That the pre-Ptolemaic Greek city Naucratis retained in the Ptolemaic time the Boule, which it doubtless had, is possible, but cannot be decisive for the Ptolemaic arrangements.—Dio’s statement (ii. 17) that Augustus left the other Egyptian towns with their existing organisation, but took the common council from the Alexandrians on account of their untrustworthiness, rests doubtless on misunderstanding, the more especially as, according to it, Alexandria appears slighted in comparison with the other Egyptian communities, which is not at all in keeping with probability.

205 The Egyptian coining of gold naturally ceased with the annexation of the land, for there was in the Roman empire only imperial gold. With the silver also Augustus dealt in like manner, and as ruler of Egypt caused simply copper to be struck, and even this only in moderate quantities. At first Tiberius coined, after 27–28 A.D., silver money for Egyptian circulation, apparently as token-money, as the pieces correspond nearly in point of weight to four, in point of silver value to one, of the Roman denarius (Feuardent, Numismatique, Égypte ancienne, ii. p. xi.). But as in legal currency the Alexandrian drachma was estimated as obolus (consequently as a sixth, not as a fourth; comp. RÖm. MÜnzwesen, p. 43, 723) of the Roman denarius (Hermes, v. p. 136), and the provincial silver always lost as compared with the imperial silver, the Alexandrian tetradrachmon of the silver value of a denarius has rather been estimated at the current value of two-thirds of a denarius. Accordingly down to Commodus, from whose time the Alexandrian tetradrachmon is essentially a copper coin, the same has been quite as much a coin of value as the Syrian tetradrachmon and the Cappadocian drachma; they only left to the former the old name and the old weight.

206 That the emperor Hadrian, among other Egyptising caprices, gave to the nomes as well as to his Antinoopolis for once the right of coining, which was thereupon done subsequently on a couple of occasions, makes no alteration in the rule.

207 This figure is given by the so-called Epitome of Victor, c. 1, for the time of Augustus. After this payment was transferred to Constantinople there went thither under Justinian (Ed. xiii. c. 8) annually 8,000,000 artabae (for these are to be understood, according to c. 6, as meant), or 26–2/3 millions of Roman bushels (Hultsch, Metrol. p. 628), to which falls further to be added the similar payment to the town of Alexandria, introduced by Diocletian. To the shipmasters for the freight to Constantinople 8000 solidi = £5000 were annually paid from the state-chest.

208 At least Cleopatra on a distribution of grain in Alexandria excluded the Jews (Josephus, contra Ap. ii. 5), and all the more, consequently, the Egyptians.

209 The edict of Alexander (C. I. Gr. 4957), l. 33 ff., exempts the ???e?e?? ??e?a?d?e?? dwelling ?? t? ???? (not ?? t? p??e?) on account of their business from the ?e?t?????a? ?????a?.

210 “There subsist,” says the Alexandrian Jew Philo (in Flacc. 10), “as respects corporal chastisement (t?? ast????), distinctions in our city according to the rank of those to be chastised; the Egyptians are chastised with different scourges and by others, but the Alexandrians with canes (sp??a??; sp??? is the stem of the palm-leaf), and by the Alexandrian cane-bearers” (spa??f????, perhaps bacillarius). He afterwards complains bitterly that the elders of his community, if they were to be scourged at all, should not have been provided at least with decorous burgess-lashes (ta?? ??e??e???t??a?? ?a? p???t???t??a?? ?st????).

211 Josephus, contra Ap. ii. 4, ????? ????pt???? ?? ?????? ??? ??a??? t?? ????????? eta?a??e?? ?st???s??? p???te?a? ?pe????as??. 6, Aegyptiis neque regum quisquam videtur ius civitatis fuisse largitus neque nunc quilibet imperatorum (comp. Eph. epigr. v. p. 13). The same upbraids his adversary (ii. 3, 4) that he, a native Egyptian, had denied his home and given himself out as an Alexandrian.—Individual exceptions are not thereby excluded.

212 Alexandrian science, too, protested in the sense of the king against this proposition (Plutarch, de fort. Alex. i. 6); Eratosthenes designated civilisation as not peculiar to the Hellenes alone, and not to be denied to all barbarians, e.g. not to the Indians, the Arians, the Romans, the Carthaginians; men were rather to be divided into “good” and “bad” (Strabo, i. fin. p. 66). But of this theory no practical application was made to the Egyptian race even under the Lagids.

213 Admission to the equestrian positions was at least rendered difficult: non est ex albo iudex patre Aegyptio (C. I. L. iv. 1943; comp. Staatsrecht, ii. 919, note 2; Eph. epigr. v. p. 13, note 2). Yet we meet early with individual Alexandrians in equestrian offices, like Tiberius Julius Alexander (p. 246, note).

214 If the words of Pliny (H. N. v. 31, 128) are accurate, that the island of Pharos before the harbour of Alexandria was a colonia Caesaris dictatoris (comp. iv. 574), the dictator has here too, like Alexander, gone beyond the thought of Aristotle. But there can be no doubt as to the point, that after the annexation of Egypt there never was a Roman colony there.

215 The titles of Augustus run with the Egyptian priests to the following effect: “The beautiful boy, lovely through worthiness to be loved, the prince of princes, elect of Ptah and Nun the father of the gods, king of upper Egypt and king of lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Autokrator, son of the sun, lord of diadems, Kaisar, ever living, beloved by Ptah and Isis;” in this case the proper names “Autokrator, Kaisar,” are retained from the Greek. The title of Augustus occurs first in the case of Tiberius in an Egyptian translation (nti ?u), and with the retention of the Greek Seast?? under Domitian. The title of the fair, lovely boy, which in better times was wont to be given only to the children proclaimed as joint-rulers, afterwards became stereotyped, and is found employed, as for Caesarion and Augustus, so also for Tiberius, Claudius, Titus, Domitian. It is more important that in deviation from the older title, as it is found, e.g. in Greek on the inscription of Rosetta (C. I. Gr. 4697), in the case of the Caesars from Augustus onward the title "prince of princes" is appended, by which beyond doubt it was intended to express their position of great-king, which the earlier kings had not.

216 If people knew, king Seleucus was wont to say (Plutarch, An seni, 11), what a burden it was to write and to read so many letters, they would not take up the diadem if it lay at their feet.

217 That he wore other insignia than the officers generally (Hirschfeld, Verw. Gesch. p. 271), it is hardly allowable to infer from vita Hadr. 4.

218 Thus Tiberius Julius Alexander, an Alexandrian Jew, held this governorship in the last years of Nero (p. 204); certainly he belonged to a very rich family of rank, allied by marriage even with the imperial house, and he had distinguished himself in the Parthian war as chief of the staff of Corbulo—a position which he soon afterwards took up once more in the Jewish war of Titus. He must have been one of the ablest officers of this epoch. To him is dedicated the pseudo—Aristotelian treatise pe?? ??s?? (p. 168), evidently composed by another Alexandrian Jew (Bernays, Gesammelte Abhandl. ii. 278).

219 Unmistakably the iuridicus Aegypti (C. I. L. x. 6976; also missus in Aegyptum ad iurisdictionem, Bull. dell’ Inst. 1856, p. 142; iuridicus Alexandreae, C. vi. 1564, viii. 8925, 8934; Dig. i. 20, 2), and the idiologus ad Aegyptum (C. x. 4862; procurator ducenarius Alexandriae idiulogu, Eph. cp. v. p. 30, and C. I. Gr. 3751; ? ????? t?? ?d??? ?????, C. I. Gr. 4957, v. 44, comp. v. 39), are modelled on the assistants associated with the legates of the imperial provinces for the administration of justice (legati iuridici) and the finances (procuratores provinciae; Staatsrecht 12, p. 223, note 5). That they were appointed for the whole land, and were subordinate to the praefectus Aegypti, is stated by Strabo expressly (xvii. 1, 12, p. 797), and this assumption is required by the frequent mention of Egypt in their style and title as well as by the turn in the edict C. I. Gr. 4957, v. 39. But their jurisdiction was not exclusive; “many processes,” says Strabo, “are decided by the official administering justice” (that he assigned guardians, we learn from Dig. i. 20, 2), and according to the same it devolved on the Idiologus in particular to confiscate for the exchequer the bona vacantia et caduca.—This does not exclude the view that the Roman iuridicus came in place of the older court of thirty with the ????d??ast?? at its head (Diodorus, i. 75), who was Egyptian, and may not be confounded with the Alexandrian ????d??ast??, had moreover perhaps been set aside already before the Roman period, and that the Idiologus originated out of the subsistence in Egypt of a claim of the king on heritages, such as did not occur to the same extent in the rest of the empire, which latter view Lumbroso (Recherches, p. 285) has made very probable.

220 The ?????t??, according to Strabo, xvii. 1, 12, p. 797, the first civic official in Alexandria under the Ptolemies as under the Romans, and entitled to wear the purple, is certainly identical with the year-priest in the testament of Alexander appearing in the Alexander-romance very well instructed in such matters (iii. 33, p. 149, MÜller). As the Exegetes has, along with his title, doubtless to be taken in a religious sense, the ?p???e?a t?? t? p??e? ???s???, that priest of the romance is ?p?e??st?? t?? p??e??. The romance-writer will not have invented the payment with a talent and the hereditary character any more than the purple and the golden chaplet; the hereditary element, in reference to which Lumbroso (l’Egitto al tempo dei Greci e Romani, p. 152) recalls the ?????t?? ??a???? of the Alexandrian inscriptions (C. I. Gr. 4688, 4976 c.), is presumably to be conceived to the effect that a certain circle of persons was called by hereditary right, and out of these the governor appointed the year-priest. This priest of Alexander (as well as of the following Egyptian kings, according to the stone of Canopus and that of Rosetta, C. I. Gr. 4697), was under the earlier Lagids the eponym for Alexandrian documents, while later as under the Romans the kings’ names come in for that purpose. Not different from him probably was the “chief priest of Alexandria and all Egypt,” of an inscription of the city of Rome from Hadrian’s time (C. I. Gr. 5900: ????e?e? ??e?a?d?e?a? ?a? ????pt?? p?s?? ?e???? ?????? ???st??? ?a? ?p?st?t? t?? ???se??? ?a? ?p? t?? ?? ??? ????????? ??a???? te ?a? ????????? ?a? ?p? t?? pa?de?a? ?d??a???, ?p?st??e? t?? a?t?? a?t????t????); the proper title ?????t??, was avoided out of Egypt, because it usually denoted the sexton. If the chief priesthood, as the tenor of the inscription suggests, is to be assumed as having been at that time permanent, the transition from the annual tenure to the at least titular, and not seldom also real, tenure for life repeats itself, as is well known, in the sacerdotia of the provinces, to which this Alexandrian one did not indeed belong, but the place of which it represented in Egypt (p. 238). That the priesthood and the presidency of the Museum are two distinct offices is shown by the inscription itself. We learn the same from the inscription of a royal chief physician of a good Lagid period, who is withal as well exegete as president of the Museum (???se??? ??a??e?t?? ??e?a?d??a t?? s???e?? as????? ?t??ea??? ?a? ?????t?? ?a? ?p? t?? ?at??? ?a? ?p?st?t?? t?? ???se???). But the two monuments at the same time suggest that the post of first official of Alexandria and the presidency of the Museum were frequently committed to the same man, although in the Roman time the former was conferred by the prefect, the latter by the emperor.

221 Not to be confounded with the similar office which Philo (in Flacc. 16) mentions and Lucian (Apolog. 12) held; this was not an urban office, but a subaltern’s post in the praefecture of Egypt, in Latin a commentariis or ab actis.

222 This is the procurator Neaspoleos et mausolei Alexandriae (C. I. L. viii. 8934; Henzen, 6929). Officials of a like kind and of like rank, but whose functions are not quite clear, are the procurator ad Mercurium Alexandreae (C. I. L. x. 3847), and the procurator Alexandreae Pelusii (C. vi. 1024). The Pharos also is placed under an imperial freedman (C. vi. 8582).

223 The alliance of the Palmyrenes and the Blemyes is pointed to by the notice of the vita Firmi, c. 3, and by the statement, according to Zosimus, i. 71, that Ptolemais fell away to the Blemyes (comp. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 32). Aurelian only negotiated with these (Vita, 34, 41); it was Probus who first drove them again out of Egypt (Zosimus, l.c.; Vita, 17).

224 We still possess letters of this sort, addressed by the bishop of the city, at that time Dionysius († 265), to the members of the church shut off in the hostile half of the town (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 21, 22, comp. 32). When it is therein said: “one gets more easily from the West to the East than from Alexandria to Alexandria,” and ? esa?t?t? t?? p??e?? ?d??, consequently the street furnished with colonnades, running from the Lochias point right through the town (comp. Lumbroso, l’Egitto al tempo dei Greci e Romani, 1882, p. 137) is compared with the desert between Egypt and the promised land, it appears almost as if Severus Antoninus had carried out his threat of drawing a wall across the town and occupying it in a military fashion (Dio, lxxvii. 23). The razing of the walls after the overthrow of the revolt (Ammianus, xxii. 16, 15) would then have to be referred to this very building.

225 The alleged Egyptian tyrants, Aemilianus, Firmus, Saturninus, are at least not attested as such. The so-called description of the life of the second is nothing else than the sadly disfigured catastrophe of Prucheion.

226 Chr. Pasch. p. 514; Procopius, Hist. arc. 26; Gothofred. on Cod. Theod. xiv. 26, 2. Stated distributions of corn had already been instituted earlier in Alexandria, but apparently only for persons old and decayed, and—it may be conjectured—on account of the city, not of the state (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 21).

227 In the town of Alexandria there appears to have been no landed property to the strict sense, but only a sort of hereditary lease (Ammianus, xxii. 11, 6; Staatsrecht, ii. 963, note 1); but otherwise private property in the soil prevailed also in Egypt, in the sense in which the provincial law knows such a thing at all. There is often mention of domanial possession e.g. Strabo, xvii. 1, 51, p. 828, says that the best Egyptian dates grow on an island on which private persons might not possess any land, but it was formerly royal, now imperial, and yielded a large income. Vespasian sold a portion of the Egyptian domains and thereby exasperated the Alexandrians (Dio, lxvi. 8)—beyond doubt the great farmers who then gave the land in sub-lease to the peasants proper. Whether landed property in mortmain, especially of the priestly colleges, was in the Roman period still as extensive as formerly, may be doubted; as also whether otherwise large estates or small properties predominated; petty husbandry was certainly general. We possess figures neither for the domanial quota nor for that of the land-tax; that the fifth sheaf in Orosius, i. 8, 9, is copied including the usque ad nunc from Genesis, is rightly observed by Lumbroso, Recherches, p. 94. The domanial rent cannot have amounted to less than the half; even for the land-tax the tenth (Lumbroso, l. c. p. 289, 293) may have hardly sufficed. Export of grain otherwise from Egypt needed the consent of the governor (Hirschfeld, Annona, p. 23), doubtless because otherwise scarcity might easily set in in the thickly-peopled land. Yet this arrangement was certainly more by way of control than of prohibition; in the Periplus of the Egyptian corn is on several occasions (c. 7, 17, 24, 28, comp. 56) adduced among the articles of export. Even the cultivation of the fields seems to have become similarly controlled; “the Egyptians, it is said, are fonder of cultivating rape than corn, so far as they may, on account of the rape-seed oil” (Plinius, H. N. xix. 5, 79).

228 In the edict of Diocletian among the five fine sorts of linen the first four are Syrian or Cilician (of Tarsus) and the Egyptian linen appears not merely in the last place, but is also designated as Tarsian-Alexandrian, that is, prepared in Alexandria after the Tarsian model.

229 It was related of a rich man in Egypt that he had lined his palace with glass instead of with marble, and that he possessed papyrus and lime enough to provide an army with them (Vita Firmi, 3).

230 That the alleged letter of Hadrian (Vita Saturnini, 8) is a late fabrication, is shown e.g. by the fact, that the emperor in this highly friendly letter addressed to his father-in-law, Servianus, complains of the injuries which the Alexandrians at his first departure had heaped on his son Verus, while on the other hand it is established that this Servianus was executed at the age of ninety in the year 136, because he had disapproved the adoption of Verus, which had taken place shortly before.

231 The ?a??????? t?? p??e?t???? ??e?a?d?e???? st????, who set up the stone doubtless belonging to Portus, C. I. Gr. 5889, were the captains of these grain-ships. From the Serapeum of Ostia we possess a series of inscriptions (C. I. L. xiv. 47), according to which it was in all parts a copy of that at Alexandria; the president is at the same time ?p?e??t?? pa?t?? t?? ??e?a?d?e???? st???? (C. I. Gr. 5973). Probably these transports were employed mainly with the carriage of grain, and this consequently took place by succession, to which also the precautions adopted by the emperor Gaius in the straits of Reggio (Josephus, Arch. xix. 2, 5) point. With this well comports the fact, that the first appearance of the Alexandrian fleet in the spring was a festival for Puteoli (Seneca, Ep. 77, 1).

232 This is shown by the remarkable Delian inscriptions, Eph. epigr. i. p. 600, 602.

233 Already in the Delian inscriptions of the last century of the republic the Syrians predominate. The Egyptian deities had doubtless a much revered shrine there, but among the numerous priests and dedicators we meet only a single Alexandrian (Hauvette-Besnault, Bull. de corr. Hell. vi. 316 f.). Guilds of Alexandrian merchants are known to us at Tomi (I. 310, note) and at Perinthus (C. I. Gr. 2024).

234 After Juvenal has described the wild drinking bouts of the native Egyptians in honour of the local gods of the several nomes, he adds that therein the natives were in no respect inferior to the Canopus, i.e. the Alexandrian festival of Sarapis, notorious for its unbridled licentiousness (Strabo, xvii. 1, 17, p. 801): horrida sane Aegyptus, sed luxuria quantum ipse notavi, barbara famoso non cedit turba Canopo (Sat. xv. 44).

235 Ammianus, xxii. 16, 23: Erubescit apud (Aegyptios), si qui non infitiando tributa plurimas in corpore vibices ostendat.

236 This was according to Juvenal Tentyra, which must be a mistake, if the well known Tentyra is meant; but the list of the Ravennate chronicler, iii. 2, names the two places together.

237 Seneca, ad Helv. 19, 6: loquax et in contumelias praefectorum ingeniosa provincia ... etiam periculosi sales placent.

238 Dio Chrysostom says in his address to the Alexandrians (Or. xxxii. p. 663 Reiske): “Because now (the intelligent) keep in the background and are silent, there spring up among you endless disputes and quarrels and disorderly clamour, and bad and unbridled speeches, accusers, aspersions, trials, a rabble of orators.” In the Alexandrian Jew-hunt, which Philo so drastically describes, we see these mob-orators at work.

239 Dio Cassius, xxxix. 58: “The Alexandrians do the utmost in all respects as to daring, and speak out everything that occurs to them. In war and its terrors their conduct is cowardly; but in tumults, which with them are very frequent and very serious, they without scruple come to mortal blows, and for the sake of the success of the moment account their life nothing, nay, they go to their destruction as if the highest things were at stake.”

240 The “pious Egyptians” offered resistance, as Macrobius, Sat. i. 7, 14, reports, but tyrannide Ptolemaeorum pressi hos quoque deos (Sarapis and Saturnus) in cultum recipere Alexandrinorum more, apud quos potissimum colebantur, coacti sunt. As they thus had to present bloody sacrifices, which was against their ritual, they did not admit these gods, at least into the towns; nullum Aegypti oppidum intra muros suos aut Saturni aut Sarapis fanum recepit.

241 The often-quoted anonymous author of a description of the empire from the time of Constantius, a good heathen, praises Egypt particularly on account of its exemplary piety: “Nowhere are the mysteries of the gods so well celebrated as there from of old and still at present." Indeed, he adds, some were of opinion that the Chaldaeans—he means the Syrian cultus—worshipped the gods better; but he held to what he had seen with his own eyes—"Here there are shrines of all sorts and magnificently adorned temples, and there are found numbers of sacristans and priests and prophets and believers and excellent theologians, and all goes on in its order; you find the altars everywhere blazing with flame and the priests with their fillets and the incense-vessels with deliciously fragrant spices.” Nearly from the same time (not from Hadrian), and evidently also from a well-informed hand, proceeds another more malicious description (vita Saturnini, 8): “He who in Egypt worships Sarapis is also a Christian, and those who call themselves Christian bishops likewise adore Sarapis; every grand Rabbi of the Jews, every Samaritan, every Christian clergyman is there at the same time a sorcerer, a prophet, a quack (aliptes). Even when the patriarch comes to Egypt some demand that he pray to Sarapis, others that he pray to Christ.” This diatribe is certainly connected with the circumstance that the Christians declared the Egyptian god to be the Joseph of the Bible, the son of Sara, and rightfully carrying the bushel. The position of the Egyptian orthodox party is apprehended in a more earnest spirit by the author, belonging presumably to the third century, of the Dialogue of the Gods, preserved in a Latin translation among the writings attributed to Appuleius, in which the thrice-greatest Hermes announces things future to Asklepios: "Thou knowest withal, Asklepios, that Egypt is a counterpart of heaven, or, to speak more correctly, a transmigration and descent of the whole heavenly administration and activity; indeed, to speak still more correctly, our fatherland is the temple of the whole universe. And yet a time will set in, when it would appear as if Egypt had vainly with pious mind in diligent service cherished the divine, when all sacred worship of the gods will be without result and a failure. For the deity will betake itself back into heaven, Egypt will be forsaken, and the land, which was the seat of religious worships, will be deprived of the presence of divine power and left to its own resources. Then will this consecrated land, the abode of shrines and temples, be densely filled with graves and corpses. O Egypt, Egypt, of thy worships only rumours will be preserved, and even these will seem incredible to thy coming generations, only words will be preserved on the stones to tell of thy pious deeds, and Egypt will be inhabited by the Scythian or Indian or other such from the neighbouring barbarian land. New rights will be introduced, a new law, nothing holy, nothing religious, nothing worthy of heaven and of the celestials will be heard or in spirit believed. A painful separation of the gods from men sets in; only the bad angels remain there, to mingle among mankind" (according to Bernays’s translation, Ges. Abh. i. 330).

242 When the Romans ask from the famous rhetor Proaeresios (end of the third and beginning of the fourth century) one of his disciples for a professorial chair, he sends to them Eusebius from Alexandria; “as respects rhetoric,” it is said of the latter (Eunapius, Proaer. p. 92 Boiss.), “it is enough to say that he was an Egyptian; for this people, no doubt, pursues versemaking passionately, but earnest oratory (? sp??da??? ????) is not at home among them.” The remarkable resumption of Greek poetry in Egypt, to which, e.g. the epic of Nonnus belongs, lies beyond the bounds of our narrative.

243 A “Homeric poet” ?? ???se??? is ready to sing the praise of Memnon in four Homeric verses, without adding a word of his own (C. I. Gr. 4748). Hadrian makes an Alexandrian poet a member in reward for a loyal epigram (Athenaeus, xv. p. 677 e). Examples of rhetors from Hadrian’s time may be seen in Philostratus, Vit. Soph. i. 22, 3, c. 25, 3. A f???s?f?? ?p? ???se??? in Halicarnassus (Bull. de corr. Hell. iv. 405). At a later period, when the circus was everything, we find a noted pugilist figuring (so to say) as an honorary member of the philosophical class (inscription from Rome, C. I. Gr. 5914: ?e?????? t?? e??[??? Sa??p?d]?? ?a? t?? ?? t? ???se?? [se?t??]???? ?te??? f???s?f??; comp. ib. 4724, and Firmicus Maternus, de errore prof. rel. 13, 3). ?? ?? ?f?s? ?p? t?? ???se??? ?at??? (Wood, Ephesus, inscriptions from tombs, n. 7), a society of Ephesian physicians, have relation doubtless to the Museum at Alexandria, but were hardly members of it; they were rather trained in it.

244 ? ??? ?????? in Philostratus, Vit. Soph. ii. 10, 5.

245 Examples are Chaeremon, the teacher of Nero, previously installed in Alexandria (Suidas, ?????s??? ??e?a?d?e??; comp. Zeller, Hermes, xi. 430, and above, p. 259); Dionysius, son of Glaucus, at first in Alexandria, successor of Chaeremon, then from Nero down to Trajan librarian in Rome and imperial cabinet secretary (Suidas, l.c.); L. Julius Vestinus under Hadrian, who, even after the presidency of the Museum, filled the same positions as Dionysius in Rome (p. 248 note), known also as a philological author.

246 The eunuch of Candace, who reads in Isaiah (Acts of the Apostles, viii. 27) is well known; and a Candace reigned also in Nero’s time (Plinius, H. N. vi. 29, 182).

247 That the imperial frontier reached to Hiera Sycaminos, is evident for the second century from Ptolemaeus, v. 5, 74, for the time of Diocletian from the Itineraries, which carry the imperial roads thus far. In the Notitia dignitatum, a century later, the posts again do not reach beyond Syene, Philae, Elephantine. In the tract from Philae to Hiera Sycaminos, the Dodecaschoinos of Herodotus (ii. 29) temple-tribute appears to have been raised already in early times for the Isis of Philae always common to the Egyptians and Aethiopians; but Greek inscriptions from the Lagid period have not been found here, whereas numerous dated ones occur from the Roman period, the oldest from the time of Augustus (Pselchis, 2 A.D.; C. I. Gr. n. 5086), and of Tiberius (ib. 26 A.D., n. 5104, 33 A.D., n. 5101), the most recent from that of Philippus (Kardassi, 248 A.D., n. 5010). These do not prove absolutely that the place where the inscription was found belonged to the empire; but that of a land-measuring soldier of the year 33 (n. 5101), and that of a praesidium of the year 84 (Talmis, n. 5042 f.), as well as numerous others certainly presuppose it. Beyond the frontier indicated no similar stone has ever been found; for the remarkable inscription of the regina (C. I. L. iii. 83), found at MessaurÂt, to the south of Shendy (16° 25' lat., 5 leagues to the south of the ruins of Naga), the most southern of all known Latin inscriptions, now in the Berlin Museum, has been set up, not by a Roman subject, but presumably by an envoy of an African queen, who was returning from Rome, and who spoke Latin perhaps only in order to show that he had been in Rome.

248 The tropaea Niliaca, sub quibus Aethiops et Indus intremuit, in an oration probably held in the year 296 (Paneg. v. 5), apply to such a rencontre, not to the Egyptian insurrection; and the oration of the year 289 speaks of attacks of the Blemyes (Paneg. iii. 17).—Procopius, Bell. Pers. i. 19, reports the cession of the “Twelve-mile-territory” to the Nubians. It is mentioned as standing under the dominion, not of the Nubians, but of the Blemyes by Olympiodorus, fr. 37, MÜll. and the inscription of Silko, C. I. Gr. 5072. The fragment recently brought to light of a Greek heroic poem as to the victory of a late Roman emperor over the Blemyes is referred by BÜcheler (Rhein. Mus. xxxix. 279 f.) to that of Marcianus, in the year 451 (comp. Priscus, fr. 27).

249 Juvenal (xi. 124) mentions the elephant’s teeth, quos mittit porta Syenes.

250 According to the mode in which Ptolemy (iv. 5, 14, 15) treats of this coast, it seems, just like the “Twelve-mile-land,” to have lain outside of the division into nomes.

251 Our best information as to the kingdom of Axomis is obtained from a stone erected by one of its kings, beyond doubt in the better period of the empire, at Adulis (C. I. Gr. 5127 b), a sort of writing commemorative of the deeds of this apparent empire-founder in the style of that of Darius at Persepolis, or that of Augustus at Ancyra, and fixed on the king’s throne, before which down to the sixth century criminals were executed. The skilful disquisition of Dillmann (Abh. der Berliner Akademie, 1877, p. 195 f.), explains as much of it as is explicable. From the Roman standpoint it is to be noted that the king does not name the Romans, but clearly has in view their imperial frontiers when he subdues the Tangaites ???? t?? t?? ????pt?? ?????, and constructs a road ?p? t?? t?? ??? as??e?a? t?p?? ???? ????pt??, and further, names as the northern limit of his Arabian expedition Leuce Come, the last Roman station on the Arabian west coast. Hence it follows further, that this inscription is more recent than the Periplus of the Red Sea written under Vespasian; for according to this (c. 5) the king of Axomis rules ?p? t?? ??s??f???? ???? t?? ????? ?a?a??a?, and this is to be understood exclusively, since he names in c. 2 the t??a???? of the Moscophages, and likewise remarks in c. 14, that beyond the Straits of Bab el Mandeb there is no “king,” but only “tyrants.” Thus at that time the Axomitic kingdom did not reach to the Roman frontier, but only to somewhere about Ptolemais “of the chase,” just as in the other direction not to Cape Guardafui, but only as far as the Straits of Bab el Mandeb. Nor does the Periplus speak of possessions of the king of Axomis on the Arabian coast, although he on several occasions mentions the dynasts there.

252 The name of the Aethiopians was associated in the better period with the country on the Upper Nile, especially with the kingdoms of Meroe and Nabata (p. 275), and so with the region which we now call Nubia. In later antiquity, for example by Procopius, the designation is referred to the state of Axomis, and hence in more recent times is frequently employed for Abyssinia.

253 Hence the legend that the Axomites were Syrians settled by Alexander in Africa, and still spoke Syrian (Philostorgius, Hist. Eccl. iii. 6).

254 This is the praefectus praesidiorum et montis Beronices (C. I. L. ix. 3083), praefectus montis Berenicidis (Orelli, 3881), praefectus Bernicidis (C. I. L. x. 1129), an officer of equestrian rank, analogous to those adduced above (p. 249), as stationed in Alexandria.

255 The letter, which the emperor Constantius in the year 356 directs to Aeizanas, the king of the Axomites at that time, is that of one ruler to another on an equal footing; he requests his friendly and neighbourly assistance against the spread of the Athanasian heresy, and for the deposition and delivering up of an Axomitic clergyman suspected of it. The fellowship of culture comes here into the more definite prominence, as the Christian invokes against the Christian the arm of the heathen.

256 Inland lay the primeval TeimÂ, the son of Ishmael of Genesis, enumerated by the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pilesar in the eighth century before Christ among his conquests, named by the prophet Jeremiah together with Sidon, around which gather in a remarkable way Assyrian, Egyptian, Arabian relations, the further unfolding of which, after bold travellers have opened up the place, we may await from Oriental research. In Teim itself Euting recently found Aramaic inscriptions of the oldest epoch (NÖldeke, Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie, 1884, p. 813 f.) From the not far distant place MedÂin-SÂlih (Hijr) proceed certain coins modelled after the Attic, which in part replace the owl of Pallas by that image of a god which the Egyptians designate as Besa the lord of Punt, i.e. of Arabia (Erman, Zeitschrift fÜr Numismatik, ix. 296 f.) We have already mentioned the Nabataean inscriptions just found there (p. 148, note 3). Not far from thence, near ’Ola (el-Ally) inscriptions have been found, which correspond in the writing and in the names of gods and kings to those of the South-Arabian Minaeans, and show that these had a considerable station here, sixty days’ journey from their home, but on the frankincense-route mentioned by Eratosthenes, from Minaea to Aelana; and alongside of these others of a cognate but not identical South-Arabian stock (D. H. MÜller in the Berichte der Wiener Akademie of 17th December 1884). The Minaean inscriptions belong beyond doubt to the pre-Roman period. As on the annexation of the Nabataean kingdom by Trajan these districts were abandoned (p. 152), from that time another south-Arabian tribe may have ruled there.

257 The accounts connected with the trade in frankincense in Theophrastus († 287 B.C.; Hist. plant. ix. 4) and more fully in Eratosthenes († 194 B.C.); in Strabo (xvi. 4, 2, p. 768) of the four great tribes of the Minaeans (Mamali Theophr.?) with the capital Carna; the Sabaeans (Saba Theophr.) with the capital Mariaba; the Cattabanes (Kitibaena Theophr.) with the capital Tamna; the Chatramotitae (Hadramyta Theophr.) with the capital Sabata, describe the very circle out of which the Homerite kingdom developed itself, and indicate its beginnings. The much sought for Minaei are now pointed out with certainty in Ma’in in the interior above Marib and Hadramaut, where hundreds of inscriptions have been found, and have yielded already no fewer than twenty-six kings’ names. Mariaba is even now named Marib. The region Chatramotitis or Chatramitis is Hadramaut.

258 The remarkable remains of this structure, executed with the greatest precision and skill, are described by Arnaud (Journal Asiatique, 7 sÉrie, tome 3, for the year 1874, p. 3 f. with plans; comp. Ritter, Erdkunde, xii. 861). On the two sides of the embankment, which has now almost wholly disappeared, stand respectively two stone structures built of square blocks, of conical almost cylindrical form, between which a narrow opening is found for the water flowing out of the basin; at least on the one side a canal lined with pebbles leads it to this outlet. It was once closed with planks placed one above another, which could be individually removed, to carry the water away as might be needed. The one of those stone cylinders bears the following inscription (according to the translation, not indeed quite certain in all its details, of D. H. MÜller, Wiener Sitzungsberichte, vol. xcvii, 1880, p. 965): “Jata’amar the glorious, son of Samah’alÎ the sublime, prince of Saba, caused the Balap (mountain) to be pierced (and erected) the sluice-structure named Rahab for easier irrigation.” We have no secure basis for fixing the chronological place of this and numerous other royal names of the Sabaean inscriptions. The Assyrian king Sargon says in the Khorsabad inscription, after he has narrated the vanquishing of the king of Gaza, Hanno, in the year 716 B.C.: “I received the tribute of Pharaoh the king of Egypt, of Shamsiya the queen of Arabia, and of Ithamara the Sabaean; gold, herbs of the eastern land, slaves, horses, and camels” (MÜller, l. c. p. 988; Duncker, Gesch. des Alterthums, ii.5 p. 327).

259 Sallet in the Berliner Zeitschrift fÜr Numismatik, viii. 243; J. H. Mordtmann in the Wiener Numism. Zeitschrift, xii. 289.

260 Pliny, H. N. xii. 14, 65, reckons the cost of a camel’s load of frankincense by the land-route from the Arabian coast to Gaza at 688 denarii (= £30). “Along the whole tract fodder and water and shelter and various custom-dues have to be paid for; then the priests demand certain shares and the scribes of the kings; moreover the guards and the halberdiers and the body-guards and servants have their exactions; to which our imperial dues fall to be added.” In the case of the water-transport these intervening expenses were not incurred.

261 The chastising of the pirates is reported by Agatharchides in Diodorus, iii. 43, and Strabo, xvi. 4, 18, p. 777. But Ezion-Geber in Palestine, on the Elanitic gulf, ? ??? ?e?e???? ?a?e?ta? (Josephus, Arch. viii. 6, 4), was so called certainly not from an Egyptian princess (Droysen, Hellenismus, iii. 2, 349), but from the Jewess of Titus.

262 This (p??s???e???s?a? t??t???—t??? ??aa?—? ?atast??fes?a?: Strabo, xvi. 4, 22, p. 780; e? ? ? S???a??? a?t??—t?? G?????—p???d?d??, ??? ?atest???at? t?? ??da???a p?sa?: ib. xvii. 1, 53, p. 819) was the proper aim of the expedition, although also the hope of spoil, just at that time very welcome for the treasury, is expressly mentioned.

263 The account of Strabo (xvi. 4, 22 f., p. 780) as to the Arabian expedition of his “friend” Gallus (f???? ??? ?a? ?ta????, Strabo, ii. 5, 12, p. 118), in whose train he travelled in Egypt, is indeed trustworthy and honest, like all his accounts, but evidently accepted from this friend without any criticism. The battle in which 10,000 of the enemy and two Romans fell, and the total number of the fallen in this campaign, which is seven, are self-condemned; but not better is the attempt to devolve the want of success on the Nabataean vizier Syllaeos by means of a “treachery,” such as is familiar with defeated generals. Certainly the latter was so far fitted for a scapegoat, as he some years afterwards was on the instigation of Herod brought to trial before Augustus, condemned and executed (Josephus, Arch. xvi. 10); but although we possess the report of the agent who managed this matter for Herod in Rome, there is not a word to be found in it of this betrayal. That Syllaeos should have had the design of first destroying the Arabians by means of the Romans, and then of destroying the latter themselves, as Strabo “thinks,” is, looking to the position of the client-states of Rome, quite irrational. It might rather be thought that Syllaeos was averse to the expedition, because the commercial traffic through the Nabataean land might be injured by it. But to accuse the Arabian minister of treachery because the Roman transports were not fitted for navigating the Arabian coast, or because the Roman army was compelled to carry water with it on camels, to eat durra and dates instead of bread and flesh, and butter instead of oil; to bring forward the deceitfulness of the guidance as an excuse for the fact that 180 days were employed for the forward march over a distance overtaken on the return march in 60 days; and lastly, to criticise the quite correct remark of Syllaeos that a march by land from Arsinoe to Leuce Come was impracticable, by saying that a caravan route went thence to Petra, only shows what a Roman of rank was able to make a Greek man of letters believe.

264 The sharpest criticism of the campaign is furnished by the detailed account of the Egyptian merchant as to the state of the Arabian coast from Leuce Come (el-Haura to the north of JanbÔ, the port of Medina) to the Catacecaumene island (Jebel Taik near LÔhaia). "Different peoples inhabit it, who speak languages partly somewhat different, partly wholly so. The inhabitants of the coast live in pens like the ‘fish-eaters’ on the opposite coast" (these pens he describes, c. 2, as isolated and built into the clefts of the rocks), “those of the interior in villages and pastoral companies; they are ill-disposed men speaking two languages, who plunder the seafarers that drift out of their course and drag the shipwrecked into slavery. For that reason they are constantly hunted by the viceroys and chief kings of Arabia; they are called Kanraites (or Kassanites). In general navigation on all this coast is dangerous, the shore is without harbours and inaccessible, with a troublesome surf, rocky and in general very bad. Therefore, when we sail into these waters, we keep to the middle and hasten to get to the Arabian territory at the island Catacecaumene; from thence onward the inhabitants are hospitable, and we meet with numerous flocks of sheep and camels.” The same region between the Roman and the Homeritic frontiers, and the same state of things are in the view of the Axomite king, when he writes: p??a? d? t?? ??????? ?a??ss?? ??????ta? ???a?ta? ?a? ???a?d????p?ta? (comp. Ptolemaeus vi. 7, 20), st??te?a ?a?t???? ?a? pe????? d?ape??e??? ?a? ?p?t??a? a?t?? t??? as???a?, f????? t?? ??? te?e?? ????e?sa ?a? ?de?es?a? et' e?????? ?a? p??es?a?, ?p? te ?e???? ???? ??? t?? Saa??? ???a? ?p????sa.

265 These walls, built of rubble, form a circle of a mile in diameter. They are described by Arnaud (l.c., comp. p. 287, note 1).

266 That the Oriental expedition of Gaius had Arabia as its goal, is stated expressly by Pliny (particularly H. N. xii. 14, 55, 56; comp, ii. 67, 168; vi. 27, 141, c. 28, 160; xxxii. 1, 10). That it was to set out from the mouth of the Euphrates, follows from the fact that the expedition to Armenia and the negotiations with the Parthians preceded it. For that reason the Collectanea of Juba as to the impending expedition were based upon the reports of the generals of Alexander as to their exploring of Arabia.

267 Our only information as to this remarkable expedition has been preserved to us by the Egyptian captain, who about the year 75 has described his voyage on the coasts of the Red Sea. He knows (c. 26) the Adane of later writers, the modern Aden, as a village on the coast (??? pa?a?a??ss???), which belongs to the realm of Charibael, king of the Homerites, but was earlier a flourishing town, and was so termed (e?da??? d' ?pe????? p??te??? ??sa p????) because before the institution of the direct Indo-Egyptian traffic this place served as a mart: ??? d? ?? p?? p????? t?? ?et???? ?????? ?a?sa? a?t?? ?atest???at?. The last word can here only mean “destroy,” not, as more frequently, “subdue,” because the conversion of the town into a village is to be accounted for. For ?a?sa? Schwanbeck (Rhein. Mus. neue Folge, vii. 353) has proposed ?a??a??, C. MÜller ??as?? (on account of Strabo, xvi. 4, 21, p. 782): neither is possible—not the latter, because this Arabian dynast ruled in a far remote district and could not possibly be presumed as well known; not the former, because Charibael was a contemporary of the writer, and there is here reported an incident which occurred before his time. We shall not take offence at the tradition, if we reflect what interest the Romans must have had in setting aside the Arabian mart between India and Egypt, and in bringing about direct intercourse. That the Roman accounts are silent as to this occurrence is in keeping with their habit; the expedition, which beyond doubt was executed by an Egyptian fleet and simply consisted in the destruction of a presumably defenceless place on the coast, would not be from a military point of view of any importance; about great commercial dealings the annalists gave themselves no concern, and generally the incidents in Egypt came still less than those in the other imperial provinces to the knowledge of the senate and therewith of the annalists. The naked designation ?a?sa?, in which from the nature of the case the ruler then reigning is excluded, is probably to be explained from the circumstance that the reporting captain, while knowing doubtless the fact of the destruction by the Romans, knew not its date or author.—It is possible that to this the notice in Pliny (H. N. ii. 67, 168) is to be referred: maiorem (oceani) partem et orientis victoriae magni Alexandri lustravere usque in Arabicum sinum, in quo res gerente C. Caesare Aug. f. signa navium ex Hispaniensibus naufragiis feruntur agnita. Gaius did not reach Arabia (Plin. H. N. vi. 28, 160); but during the Armenian expedition a Roman squadron may very well have been conducted by one of his sub-commanders to this coast, in order to pave the way for the main expedition. That silence reigns elsewhere respecting it cannot surprise us. The Arabian expedition of Gaius had been so solemnly announced and then abandoned in so wretched a way, that loyal reporters had every reason to obliterate a fact which could not well be mentioned without also reporting the failure of the greater plan.

268 The Egyptian merchant distinguishes the ???es?? as??e?? of the Homerites (c. 23) sharply from the t??a????, the tribal chiefs sometimes subordinate to him, sometimes independent (c. 14), and as sharply distinguishes these organised conditions from the lawlessness of the inhabitants of the desert (c. 2). If Strabo and Tacitus had had eyes as open for these things as that practical man had, we should have known somewhat more of antiquity.

269 The war of Macrinus against the Arabes eudaemones (vita, 12) and their envoys sent to Aurelian (vita, 33), who are named along with those of the Axomites, would prove their continued independence at that time, if these statements could be depended on.

270 The king names himself, about the year 356 (p. 284, note 2), in a document (C. I. Gr. 5128) as??e?? ????t?? ?a? ????t?? ?a? t?? ?ae?d?? (castle in Sapphar, the capital of the Homerites; Dillmann, Abh. der Berl. Akad. 1878, p. 207) ... ?a? Saae?t?? ?a? t?? S??e? (castle in Mariaba, the capital of the Sabaeans; Dillmann, l.c.). With this agrees the contemporary mission of envoys ad gentem Axumitarum et Homerita[rum] (C. Th. xii. 12, 2). As to the later state of things comp. especially Nonnosus (fr. hist. Gr. iv. p. 179, MÜll.) and Procopius, Hist. Pers. i. 20.

271 Aristides (Or. xlviii. p. 485, Dind.) names Coptos the Indian and Arabian entrepÔt. In the romance of Xenophon the Ephesian (iv. 1), the Syrian robbers resort to Coptos, “for there a number of merchants pass through, who are travelling to Aethiopia and India.”

272 Hadrian later constructed “the new Hadrian’s road” which led from his town Antinoopolis near Hermopolis, probably through the desert to Myos Hormos, and from Myos Hormos along the sea to Berenice, and provided it with cisterns, stations (sta???), and forts (inscription in Revue ArchÉol. N. S. xxi. year 1870, p. 314). However there is no mention of this road subsequently, and it is a question whether it continued to subsist.

273 This is nowhere expressly said, but it is clearly evident from the Periplus of the Egyptian. He speaks at numerous places of the intercourse of the non-Roman Africa with Arabia (c. 7, 8), and conversely of the Arabians with the non-Roman Africa (c. 17, 21, 31; and after him Ptolemaeus, i. 17, 6), and with Persia (c. 27, 33), and India (c. 21, 27, 49); as also of that of the Persians with India (c. 36), as well as of the Indian merchantmen with the non-Roman Africa (c. 14, 31, 32), and with Persia (c. 36) and Arabia (c. 32). But there is not a word indicating that these foreign merchants came to Berenice, Myos Hormos, or Leuce Come; indeed, when he remarks with reference to the most important mart of all this circle of traffic, Muza, that these merchants sail with their own ships to the African coast outside of the Straits of Bab El Mandeb (for that is for him t? p??a?), and to India, Egypt cannot possibly be absent by accident.

274 In BÂmanghati (district Singhbhum) westward from Calcutta, a great treasure of gold coins of Roman emperors (Gordian and Constantine are named), is said to have come to light (Beglar, in Cunningham’s Archaeological Survey of India, vol. xiii. p. 72); but such an isolated find does not prove that regular intercourse extended so far. In Further India and China Roman coins have very seldom been found.

275 The designation Afer does not belong to this series. So far as we can follow it back in linguistic usage, it is never given to the Berber in contrast to other African stocks, but to every inhabitant of the Continent lying over against Sicily, and particularly also to the Phoenician; if it has designated a definite people at all, this can only have been that, with which the Romans here first and chiefly came into contact (comp. Suetonius, vita Terent.). Reasons philological and real oppose themselves to our attempt in i. 162i. 154 to trace back the word to the name of the Hebrews; a satisfactory etymology has not yet been found for it.

276 A good observer, Charles Tissot, (GÉogr. de la province romaine de l’Afrique, i. p. 403) testifies that upwards of a third of the inhabitants of Morocco have fair or brown hair, and in the colony of the inhabitants of the Riff in Tangier two-thirds. The women made the impression on him of those of Berry and of Auvergne. Sur les hauts sommets de la chaÎne atlantique, d’aprÈs les renseignements qui m’ont ÉtÉ fournis, la population tout entiÈre serait remarquablement blonde. Elle aurait les yeux bleus, gris ou “verts, comme ceux des chats,” pour reproduire l’expression mÊme dont s’est servi le cheikh qui me renseignait. The same phenomenon meets us in the mountain masses of Grand Kabylia and of the Aures, as well as on the Tunisian island Jerba and the Canary Islands. The Egyptian representations also show to us the Libu not red, like the Egyptians, but white, and with fair or brown hair.

277 Cyprian, Quod idola dii non sint, c. 2: Mauri manifeste reges suos colunt nec ullo velamento hoc nomen obtexunt. Tertullian, Apolog. 24: Mauretaniae (dei sunt) reguli sui. C. I. L. viii., 8834: Iemsali L. Percenius L. f. Stel. Rogatus v. (s. l. a.), found at Thubusuptu in the region of Sitifis, which place may well have belonged to the Numidian kingdom of Hiempsal. Thus the inscription also of Thubursicum (C. I. L. viii. n. 7* comp. Eph. epigr. v. p. 651, n. 1478) must have rather been badly copied than falsified. Still, in the year 70, it was alleged that in Mauretania a pretender to the throne had ascribed to himself the name of Juba (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 58).

278 This is attested for the year 70549 B.C. as regards both by Dio, xli. 42 (comp. Suetonius, Caes. 54). In the year 70747 B.C. Bogud lends assistance to the Caesarian governor of Spain (Bell. Alex. 59, 60), and repels an incursion of the younger Gnaeus Pompeius (Bell. Afric. 23). Bocchus, in combination with P. Sittius, in the African war makes a successful diversion against Juba and conquers even the important Cirta (Bell. Afr. 23; Appian, ii. 96; Dio, xliii. 3). The two obtained in return from Caesar the territory of the prince Massinissa (Appian, iv. 54). In the second Spanish war Bogud appears in the army of Caesar (Dio, xliii. 36, 38); the statement that the son of Bocchus had served in the Pompeian army (Dio, l.c.) must be a confusion, probably with Arabio the son of Massinissa, who certainly went to the sons of Pompeius (Appian, l.c.). After Caesar’s death Arabio possessed himself afresh of his dominion (Appian, l.c.), but after his death in the year 71440 B.C. (Dio, xlviii. 22) the Caesarian arrangement must have again taken effect in its full extent. The bestowal on Bocchus and Sittius is probably to be understood to the effect that, in the western part of the former Numidian kingdom otherwise left to Bocchus, the colony of Cirta to be founded by Sittius was to be regarded as an independent Roman town, like Tingi subsequently in the kingdom of Mauretania.

279 If, according to Dio, xl. 43, Caesar in the year 721 33 B.C. after the death of Bocchus, nominates no successor, but makes Mauretania a province, and then (li. 15) in the year 72430 B.C., on occasion of the end of the queen of Egypt, there is mention of the marriage of her daughter with Juba and his investiture with his father’s kingdom, and, lastly (liii. 26), under the year 72925 B.C. there is reported Juba’s investiture with a portion of Gaetulia instead of his hereditary kingdom, as well as with the kingdoms of Bocchus and Bogud; only the last account confirmed by Strabo, xvii. 3, 7, p. 828, is correct. The first is at least incorrect in its way of apprehending the matter, as Mauretania evidently was not made a province in 721 33 B.C., but only the investiture was held in abeyance for the time being; and the second partly anticipates, since Cleopatra, born before the triumph about 719 (Eph. epigr. i., p. 276), could not possibly be married in 724, and is partly mistaken, because Juba certainly never got back his paternal kingdom as such. If he had been king of Numidia before 729, and if it had been merely the extent of his kingdom that then underwent a change, he would have counted his years from the first installation and not merely from 729.

280 That Balbus carried on this campaign as proconsul of Africa, is shown in particular by the triumphal Fasti; but the consul L. Cornelius of the year 732 must have been another person, since Balbus, according to Velleius ii. 51, obtained that consular governorship, ex privato consularis, i.e. without having filled a curule office. The nomination, therefore, cannot have taken place according to the usual arrangement by lot. To all appearance he fell into disgrace with Augustus for good reasons on account of his Spanish quaestorship (Drumann ii. 609), and was then, after the lapse of more than twenty years, sent, as an extraordinary measure, to Africa, on account of his undoubted aptitude for this specially difficult task.

281 The tribes whom Tacitus names in his account of the war, far from clear, as always, in a geographical point of view, may be in some measure determined; and the position between the Leptitanian and the Cirtensian columns (Ann. iii. 74) points for the middle column to Theveste. The town of Thala (Ann. iii. 20) cannot possibly be sought above Ammaedara, but is probably the Thala of the Jugurthan war in the vicinity of Capsa. The last section of the war has its arena in western Mauretania about Auzia (iv. 25), and accordingly in Thubuscum (iv. 24) there lurks possibly Thubusuptu or Thubusuctu. The river Pagyda (Ann. iii. 20) is quite indefinable.

282 Ptolemaeus, iv. 3, 23, puts the Musulamii southward from the Aures, and it is only in accord therewith that they are called in Tacitus ii. 52, dwellers beside the steppe and neighbours of the Mauri; later they are settled to the north and west of Theveste (C. I. L. viii. 270, 10667). The Nattabutes dwelt according to Ptolemaeus l.c. southward of the Musulamii; subsequently we find them to the south of Calama (C. I. L. viii. 484). In like manner the Chellenses Numidae, between Lares and Althiburus (Eph. epigr. V. n. 639), and the conventus (civium Romanorum et) Numidarum qui Mascululae habitant (ib. n. 597), are probably Berber tribes transplanted from Numidia to the proconsular province.

283 In the year 70 the troops of the two Mauretanias amounted together, in addition to militia levied in large numbers, to 5 alae and 19 cohortes (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 58), and so, if we reckon on the average every fourth as a double troop, to about 15,000 men. The regular army of Numidia was weaker rather than stronger.

284 Inscription C. I. L. viii. 8369 of the year 129: Termini positi inter Igilgilitanos, in quorum finibus kastellum Victoriae positum est, et Zimiz(es), ut sciant Zimizes non plus in usum se habere ex auctoritate M. Vetti Latronis pro(curatoris) Aug(usti) qua(m) in circuitu a muro kast(elli) p(edes) D. The Zimises are placed by the Peutingerian map alongside of Igilgili to the westward.

285 If the praefect of a cohort doing garrison duty in Numidia held the command at the same time over six Gaetulian tribes (nationes, C. I. L. v. 5267), men that were natives of Mauretania were employed as irregulars in the neighbouring province. Irregular Mauretanian horsemen frequently occur, especially in the later imperial period. Lusius Quietus under Trajan, a Moor and leader of a Moorish troop (Dio lxviii. 32), no ???? ?? t?? ?p????? ?????, ???' ?? ?d???? ?a? ?p???s???? ?s?at??? (Themistius, Or. xvi p. 250 Dind.), was without doubt a Gaetulian sheikh, who served with his followers in the Roman army. That his home was formally independent of the empire, is not affirmed in the words of Themistius; the “subject-territory” is that with Roman organisation, the ?s?at?? its border inhabited by dependent tribes.

286 To the inscriptions, which prove this (C. I. L. viii. p. xviii. 747), falls now to be added the remarkable dedication of the leader of an expeditionary column from the year 174, found in the neighbourhood of GÉryville (Eph. epigr. v. n. 1043).

287 The tumultus Gaetulicus (C. I. L. viii. 6958) was rather an insurrection than an invasion.

288 Ptolemy certainly takes as boundary of the province of Caesarea the line above the Shott, and does not reckon Gaetulia as belonging to it; on the other hand he extends that of Tingis as far as the Great Atlas. Pliny v. 4, 30, numbers among the subject peoples of Africa “all Gaetulia as far as the Niger and the Ethiopian frontier,” which points nearly to Timbuctoo. The latter statement will accord with the official conception of the matter.

289 Already in Nero’s time Calpurnius (Egl. iv. 40) terms the shore of Baetica trucibus obnoxia Mauris.—If under Pius the Moors were beaten off and driven back as far as and over the Atlas (vita Pii, 5; Pausanias viii. 43), the sending of troops at that time from Spain to the Tingitana (C. I. L. iii. 5212–5215) makes it probable that this attack of the Moors affected Baetica, and the troops of the Tarraconensis marching against these followed them over the straits. The probably contemporary activity of the Syrian legion at the Aures (p. 320) suggests moreover that this war extended also to Numidia.—The war with the Moors under Marcus (vita Marci, 21, 22; vita Severi, 2), had its scene essentially in Baetica and Lusitania.—A governor of Hither Spain under Severus had to fight with the “rebels” by water and by land (C. I. L. ii. 4114).—Under Alexander (vita, 58) there was fighting in the province of Tingi, but without mention of Spain in the case.—From the time of Aurelian (vita Saturnini, 9) there is mention of Mauro-Spanish conflicts. We cannot exactly determine the time of a sending of troops from Numidia to Spain and against the Mazices (C. I. L. viii. 2786), where presumably not the Mazices of the Caesariensis but those of the Tingitana on the Riff (Ptolem. iv. 1, 10), are meant; perhaps with this is connected the fact that Gaius Vallius Maximianus, as governor of Tingitana, achieved in the province Baetica (according to Hirschfeld, Wiener Stud. vi. 123, under Marcus and Commodus) a victory over the Moors and relieved towns besieged by them (C. I. L. ii. 1120, 2015); these events prove at least that the conflicts with the Moors on the Riff and the associates that flocked to them from the country lying behind did not cease. When the Baquates on the same coast besieged the pretty remote Cartenna (Tenes) in the Caesariensis (C. I. L. viii. 9663), they perhaps came by sea. Where the wars with the Moors under Hadrian (vita, 5, 12) and Commodus (vita, 13) took place is not known.

290 More information than in the scanty accounts of Victor and Eutropius is supplied as to this war by the inscribed stones, C. I. L. viii. 2615, 8836, 9045, 9047. According to these the Quinquegentiani may be followed out from Gallienus to Diocletian. The beginning is made by the Baquates who, designated as Transtagnenses, must have dwelt beyond the Shott. Four “kings” combine for an expedition. The most dreaded opponent is Faraxen with his gentiles Fraxinenses. Towns like Mileu in Numidia not far from Cirta and Auzia in the Caesariensis are attacked, and the citizens must in good part defend themselves against the enemy. After the end of the war Maximian constructs great magazines in Thubusuctu not far from Saldae. These fragmentary accounts give in some measure an insight into the relations of the time.

291 Apart from the coins this is proved also by the inscriptions. According to the comparison, for which I am indebted to Herr Euting, the great mass of the old Punic inscriptions, that is, those written probably before the destruction of Carthage, falls to Carthage itself (about 2500), the rest to Hadrumetum (9), Thugga (the famous Phoenico-Berber one), Cirta (5), Iol-Caesarea (1). The new Punic occur most numerously in and around Carthage (30), and generally they are found not unfrequently in the proconsular province, also in Great Leptis (5) and on the islands of Girba (1) and Cossura (1); in Numidia, in and near Calama (23), and in Cirta (15); in Mauretania hitherto only in Portus Magnus (2).

292 The coining in Africa ceases in the main after Tiberius, and thereafter, since African inscriptions from the first century after Christ are before us only in very small numbers, for a considerable period documents fail us. The coins of Babba in the Tingitana, going from Claudius down to Galba, have exclusively Latin legends; but the town was a colony. The Latin-Punic inscriptions of Great Leptis, C. I. L. viii. 7, and of Naraggara, C. I. L. viii. 4636, may doubtless belong to the time after Tiberius, but as bilingual tell rather for the view that, when they were set up, the Phoenician language was already degraded.

293 From the expression in the epitome of Victor, that the emperor Severus was Latinis litteris sufficienter instructus, Graecis sermonibus eruditus, Punica eloquentia promptior, quippe genitus apud Leptim, we may not infer a Punic course of rhetoric in the Tripolis of that time; the late and inferior author has possibly given a scholastic version of the well-known notice.

294 On the statement of the younger Arnobius, writing about 460 (ad Psalm. 104, p. 481 Migne: Cham vero secundus filius Noe a Rhinocoruris usque Gadira habens linguas sermone Punico a parte Garamantum, Latino a parte boreae, barbarico a parte meridiani, Aethiopum et Aegyptiorum ac barbaris interioribus vario sermone numero viginti duabus linguis in patriis trecentis nonaginta et quattuor), no reliance is to be placed, still less upon the nonsense of Procopius, de bello Vand. ii. 10, as to the Phoenician inscription and language in Tigisis. Authorities of this sort were hardly able to distinguish Berber and Punic.

295 In a single place on the Little Syrtis the Phoenician may still have been spoken in the eleventh century (Movers, PhÖn. ii. 2, 478).

296 More clearly than by the Latin inscriptions found in Africa, which begin too late to illustrate the state of things before the second century A.D., this is shown by the four contracts of patronatus from the time of Tiberius, quoted in next note, concluded by two small places of the proconsular province Apisa maius and Siagu, and two others nowhere else mentioned, probably adjacent, Themetra and Thimiligi; according to which the statement of Strabo (xvii. 3, 15, p. 833) that at the beginning of the last war the Carthaginian territory numbered 300 towns, appears not at all incredible. In each of those four smaller places there were sufetes; even where the old and new Punic inscriptions name magistrates, there are regularly two sufetes. That these are comparatively frequent in the proconsular province, and elsewhere can only be pointed out in Calama, serves to show how much more strongly the Phoenician urban organisation was developed in the former.

297 The contracts of patronatus from the time of Caesar (C. I. L. viii. 10525), of Augustus (ib. 68 comp. 69), and Tiberius (C. I. L. v. 4919–4922), concluded by the senatus populusque of African communities (civitates) of peregrine rights with Romans of rank, appear to have been entered into quite after the Roman fashion by the common council, which represents and binds the community.

298 On the coin undoubtedly struck under Caesar (MÜller Num. de l’Afr. ii. 149) with Kar(thago) Veneris and Aristo Mutumbal Ricoce suf(etes), the first two names are probably to be taken together as a Graeco-Phoenician double name, such as elsewhere is not rare (comp. C. I. L. v. 4922: agente Celere Imilchonis Gulalsae filio sufete). Since on the one hand sufetes cannot be assigned to a Roman colony, and on the other hand the conducting of such a colony to Carthage itself is well attested, Caesar himself must either have subsequently changed the form of founding the city, or the founding of the colony must have been carried into effect by the triumvirate as a posthumous ordinance of the dictator (as is hinted by Appian, Pun. 136). We may compare the fact that Curubis stands in the earlier time of Caesar under sufetes (C. I. L. viii. 10525), in the year 709 U.C. as a Caesarian colony under duoviri (ib. 977); yet the case is different, since this town did not, like Carthage, owe its existence to Caesar.

299 For Africa and Numidia Pliny (H. N., v. 4, 29 f.) numbers in all 516 communities, among which are 6 colonies, 15 communities of Roman burgesses, 2 Latin towns (for the oppidum stipendiarium must, according to the position which is given to it, have been also of Italian rights), the rest either Phoenician towns (oppida), among which were 30 free, or else Libyan tribes (non civitates tantum, sed pleraeque etiam nationes iure dici possunt). Whether these figures are to be referred to Vespasian’s time or to an earlier, is not ascertained; in any case they are not free from errors, for, besides the six colonies specially adduced, six are wanting (Assuras, Carpi, Clupea, Curubi, Hippo Diarrhytos, Neapolis), which are referable, partly with certainty partly with probability, to Caesar or Augustus.

300 Pliny, v. 1, 2, says indeed only of Zulil or rather Zili regum dicioni exempta et iura in Baeticam petere iussa, and this might be connected with the transfer of this community to Baetica as Iulia Traducta (Strabo, iii. 1, 8, p. 140). But probably Pliny gives this notice in the case of Zili alone, just because this is the first colony laid out beyond the imperial frontier which he names. The burgess of a Roman colony cannot possibly have had his forum of justice before the king of Mauretania.

301 Frontinus in the well-known passage, p. 53 Lachm., respecting processes between the urban communities and private persons, or, as it may be, the emperor, appears not to presuppose state-districts de iure independent and of a similar nature with urban territories—such as are incompatible with Roman law—but a de facto refractory attitude of the great land-owner towards the community which makes him liable, e.g. for the furnishing of recruits or compulsory services, basing itself on the allegation that the piece of land made liable is not within the bounds of the community requiring the service.

302 The technical designation gens comes into prominence particularly in the fixed title of the praefectus gentis Musulamiorum, etc.; but, as this is the lowest category of the independent commonwealth, the word is usually avoided in dedications (comp. C. I. L. viii. p. 1100) and civitas put instead, a designation, which, like the oppidum of Pliny foreign to the technical language (p. 331, note), includes in it all communities of non-Italian or Greek organisation. The nature of the gens is described by the paraphrase (C. I. L. viii. 68) alternating with civitas Gurzensis (ib. 69): senatus populusque civitatium stipendiariorum pago Gurzenses, that is, the “elders and community of the clans of tributary people in the village of Gurza.”

303 When the designation princeps (C. I. L. viii. p. 1102) is not merely enunciative but an official title, it appears throughout in communities which are neither themselves urban communities nor parts of such, and with special frequency in the case of the gentes. We may compare the “eleven first” (comp. Eph. epigr. v. n. 302, 521, 533) with the seniores to be met with here and there. An evidence in support of both positions is given in the inscription C. I. L. viii. 7041: Florus Labaeonis f. princeps et undecimprimus gentis Saboidum. Recently at Bu JelÎda, a little westward of the great road between Carthage and Theveste, in a valley of the Jebel Rihan, and so in a quite civilised region, there have been found the remains of a Berber village, which calls itself on a monument of the time of Pius (still unprinted) gens Bacchuiana, and is under “eleven elders”; the names of gods (Saturno Achaiaei [?] Aug[usio]), like the names of men (Candidus Braisamonis fil.), are half local, half Latin. In Calama the dating after the two sufetes and the princeps (C. I. L. viii. 5306, comp. 5369) is remarkable; it appears that this probably Libyan community was first under a chief, and then obtained sufetes without the chief being dropped. It may readily be understood that our monuments do not give much information upon the gentes and their organisation; in this field doubtless little was written on stone. Even the Libyan inscriptions belong, at least as regards the majority, to towns in part or wholly inhabited by Berbers; the bilingual inscriptions found at Tenelium (C. I. L. viii. p. 514), in Numidia westward from Bona in the Sheffia plain, the same place that has furnished till now most of the Berber stone inscriptions, show indeed in their Latin part Libyan names, e.g. Chinidial Misicir f. and Naddhsen Cotuzanis f., both from the clan (tribu) of the Misiciri or Misictri; but one of these people, who has served in the Roman army and has acquired the Roman franchise, names himself in the Latin text in civitate sua Tenelio flamen perpetuus, according to which this place seems to have been organised like a town. If, therefore, success should ever attend the attempt to read and decipher the Berber inscriptions with certainty, they would hardly give us sufficient information as to the internal organisation of the Berber tribes.

304 That the Gaetulian purple is to be referred to Juba is stated by Pliny, H. N. vi. 31, 201: paucas (Mauretaniae insulas) constat esse ex adverso Autololum a Iuba repertas, in quibus Gaetulicam purpuram tinguere instituerat; by these insulae purpurariae (ib. 203) can only be meant Madeira. In fact the oldest mention of this purple is that in Horace, Ep. ii. 2, 181. Proofs are wanting as to the later duration of this manufacture, and, as the Roman rule did not extend to these islands, it is not probable, although from the sagum purpurium of the tariff of Zarai (C. I. L. viii. 4508) we may infer Mauretanian manufactures of purple.

305 The tariff of Zarai set up at the Numidian customs-frontier towards Mauretania (C. I. L. viii. 4508) from the year 202 gives a clear picture of the Mauretanian exports. Wine, figs, dates, sponges, are not wanting; but slaves, cattle of all sorts, woollen stuffs (vestis Afra), and leather wares play the chief part. The Description of the earth also from the time of Constantius says, c. 60, that Mauretania vestem et mancipia negotiatur.

306 According to an epitaph found in Mactaris in the Byzacene (Eph. epigr. v. n. 279), a man of free birth there, after having been actively engaged in bringing in the harvests far around in Africa, first throughout twelve years as an ordinary reaper and then for another eleven as a foreman, purchased for himself with the savings of his pay a town and a country house, and became in his turn a member of council and burgomaster. His poetical epitaph shows, if not culture, at least pretensions to it. A development of life of this sort was in the Roman imperial period doubtless not so rare as it at first may seem, but probably occurred in Africa more frequently than elsewhere.

307 How far our Latin texts of the Bible are to be referred to several translations originally different, or whether, as Lachmann assumed, the different recensions have proceeded from one and the same translation as a basis by means of manifold revision with the aid of the originals, are questions which can scarcely be definitely decided—for the present at least—in favour of either one or the other view. But that both Italians and Africans took part in this work—whether of translation or of correction—is proved by the famous words of Augustine, de doctr. Christ. ii. 15, 22, in ipsis autem interpretationibus Itala ceteris praeferatur, nam est verborum tenacior cum perspicuitate sententiae, over which great authorities have been perplexed, but certainly without reason. Bentley’s proposal, approved afresh of late (by Corssen, Jahrb. fÜr protestant. Theol. vii. p. 507 f.), to change Itala into illa and nam into quae, is inadmissible alike philologically and in substance. For the twofold change is destitute of all external probability, and besides nam is protected by the copyist Isidorus, Etym. vi. 4, 2. The further objection that linguistic usage would require Italica, is not borne out (e.g. Sidonius and Iordanes as well as the inscriptions of later times, C. I. L. x. p. 1146, write Italus by turns with Italicus), and the designation of a single translation as the most trustworthy on the whole is quite consistent with the advice to consult as many as possible; whereas by the change proposed an intelligent remark is converted into a meaningless commonplace. It is true that the Christian Church in Rome in the first three centuries made use throughout of the Greek language, and that we may not seek there for the Itali who took part in the Latin Bible. But that in Italy outside of Rome, especially in Upper Italy, the knowledge of Greek was not much more diffused than in Africa, is most clearly shown by the names of freedmen; and it is just to the non-Roman Italy that the designation used by Augustine points; while we may perhaps also call to mind the fact that Augustine was gained for Christianity by Ambrosius in Milan. The attempt to identify the traces of the recension called by Augustine Itala in such remains as have survived of Bible translations before Jerome’s, will at all events hardly ever be successful; but still less will it admit of being proved that Africans only worked at the pre-Hieronymian Latin Bible texts. That they originated largely, perhaps for the most part, in Africa has certainly great probability. The contrast to the one Itala can only in reason have been several Afrae; and the vulgar Latin, in which these texts are all of them written, is in full agreement with the vulgar Latin, as it was demonstrably spoken in Africa. At the same time we must doubtless not overlook the fact that we know the vulgar Latin in general principally from African sources, and that the proof of the restriction of any individual linguistic phenomenon to Africa is as necessary as it is for the most part unadduced. There existed side by side as well vulgarisms in general use as African provincialisms (comp. Eph. epigr. iv. p. 520, as to the cognomina in -osus); but that forms like glorificare, nudificare, justificare, belong to the second category, is by no means proved from the fact that we first meet with them in Africa, since analogous documents to those which we possess, e.g. for Carthage in the case of Tertullian, are wanting to us as regards Capua and Milan.

308 The arguments of Mr. B. W. Henderson (English Hist. Review, 1903, 1–23) for a different advance seem to me to be based on a misconception of some of the evidence. Thus, there is no tile of Leg. ix. at Leicester, nor any trace yet noted of Leg. ii. Aug. at Cirencester or Gloucester.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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