Grenville Mellen

DISCOVERY AND COLONIZATION.

IT is a singular fact that the science and energy of Italian navigators opened the new world to Europe, though adventurers from other countries derived the benefit of their discoveries, and established colonies on its shores. Columbus, Cabot, Verazzani, and Americo Vespucci, were all Italians; and though the latter gave his name to a hemisphere, he acquired no particular advantage for himself or his native country.

The exploits of Columbus had excited a spirit of enterprise among the English merchants, and a commission was granted by HenryVII. to John Cabot and his three sons, giving them full liberty to sail to all parts of the east, west and north; to discover countries of the heathen; to occupy all countries they could subdue, and set up the king’s banners in them; to exercise jurisdiction over them, and pay to the king one fifth part of all their gains. Asmall fleet was thus equipped, with about three hundred men. Cabot sailed north-west a few weeks, till his course was arrested by icebergs; he then steered south, subsequently changed his course, and again resumed it, till further prosecution of the voyage was finally abandoned in consequence of a mutiny which broke out on board. It is doubtful whether he ever landed in the new world. From this voyage, the English derived their claims to the territory which they subsequently acquired in this continent. For a period of sixty successive years, the English monarchs gave themselves no further trouble about the progress of discoveries in America.

During this time, France and Spain were on the alert. In a voyage patronized by FrancisI., the Florentine navigator Verazzano discovered and described with considerable accuracy the coast of Florida. In a second voyage, undertaken in the following year, he landed with some of his crew, was killed by the savages, and devoured in the presence of his companions. This melancholy event for a time damped the spirit of discovery, and it was not till after a lapse of ten years that any other French expedition was fitted out to America. In 1534, Jacques Cartier was supplied with two ships under the direction of the vice-admiral of France, and discovered the Baye des Chaleurs and the gulf of St.Lawrence. In the following spring a larger expedition was equipped under the same direction, and they proceeded direct to Newfoundland. They sailed up the river of Canada three hundred leagues, formed alliances with the natives, built a fort, and wintered in the country. This colony was afterwards broken up, and for fifty years the French made no effort to establish themselves in Canada.

To trace the course of Spanish discovery—in the year 1528, Pamphilo de Narvaez received from CharlesV. of Spain, a grant of all the lands extending from the river of Palms to the cape of Florida, with a commission to conquer and govern all the provinces within these limits. Landing at Florida, he marched to Apalache, and lost many of his troops in encounters with the natives. Being forced to direct his course towards the sea, and sailing to the westward, he was lost in a violent storm, and the enterprise frustrated. Calamitous as was the issue of this expedition, it did not deter others from pursuing the same course. In May, 1539, Fernando de Soto sailed from Havana on an exploring expedition, and landed on the western coast of Florida. Of nine hundred men engaged in this voyage, but three hundred and eleven survived it; the remainder perished in battles with the natives. Poverty and ruin involved all who were concerned in it. Soto died at the confluence of the Guacoya and Mississippi; and to prevent the Indians from obtaining a knowledge of his death, his body was deposited in a hollowed oak and sunk in the river.

About the year 1562, a party of Huguenots, under the command of Ribault, sailed with a view of colonizing Florida. After a favorable voyage, he arrived at the entrance of a river which he called May, from the month in which he reached the coast. Here he erected a fort, and then sailed for France to bring out a reinforcement. Two years afterwards a fresh expedition was fitted out, under M.RenÉ Laudonniere, who arrived in the river May in the latter part of June. He proved incompetent to manage the affairs of the new colony, and he was on the point of leaving for Europe, when a new expedition under the command of Ribault entered the river. That officer superseded Laudonniere only, however, to experience more melancholy disasters. Scarcely a week had passed after his arrival, when eight Spanish ships were seen in the river. After a variety of misfortunes which befell Laudonniere, he escaped with some of his followers in a French shallop, and finally reached in a miserable condition the port of Bristol. Amore tragic end awaited Ribault. His vessels were dashed to pieces during a storm, and their crews with great difficulty succeeded in reaching the shore. They directed their steps towards the fort, and found it to their great surprise in the hands of their inveterate enemies, the Spaniards. It was determined to open a parley, and the Spanish commander pledged his honor that they should be unharmed. Notwithstanding this pledge they were inhumanly massacred, and their dead bodies treated with the most shocking indignities. Anumber of the mangled limbs of the victims were then suspended to a tree, to which was attached the following inscription: ‘Not because they are Frenchmen, but because they are heretics and enemies of God.’

This outrage was fully avenged by Dominique de Gourgues, who devoted himself and his fortune to effect a signal retribution. Finding means to equip three small vessels, he crossed the Atlantic, sailed along the coast of Florida, and landed at a river about fifteen leagues distant from the May. The Spaniards to the number of four hundred were well stationed in different fortresses; they were all slain or taken captive. The surviving prisoners were led away, and were hung on the boughs of the same trees from which the Frenchmen had before been suspended. Gourgues attached to them the retaliatory label—‘I do not this as to Spaniards, nor as to mariners, but as to traitors, robbers, and murderers.’ Thus terminated the attempts of the French Protestants to colonize Florida.

In 1578, Sir Walter Raleigh, in conjunction with his half-brother and kindred spirit, Sir Humphry Gilbert, projected the establishment of a colony in that quarter of America which the Cabots had visited in the reign of HenryVII.; and a patent for this purpose was procured without difficulty in favor of Gilbert, from Elizabeth. As this is the first charter to a colony granted by the crown of England, the articles in it merit particular attention, as they unfold the ideas of that age with respect to the nature of such settlements. Elizabeth authorizes him to discover and take possession of all remote and barbarous lands, unoccupied by any Christian prince or people; invests in him the full right of property in the soil of those countries whereof he shall take possession; empowers him, his heirs and assigns, to dispose of whatever portion of those lands he shall judge meet, to persons settled there, in fee simple, according to the laws of England; and ordains, that all the lands granted to Gilbert shall hold of the crown of England by homage, on payment of the fifth part of the gold or silver ore found there. The charter also gave Gilbert, his heirs and assigns, full power to convict, punish, pardon, govern, and rule, by their good discretion and policy, as well in causes capital or criminal as civil, both marine and other, all persons who shall, from time to time, settle within the said countries; and declared, that all who settled there should have and enjoy all the privileges of free denizens and natives of England, any law, custom, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. And, finally, it prohibited all persons from attempting to settle within two hundred leagues of any place which Sir Humphry Gilbert, or his associates, shall have occupied during the space of six years.

Invested with these extraordinary powers, Gilbert began to collect associates, and to prepare for embarkation. The first equipment, however, of Sir Humphry, may be said to have failed, even before it set out. Being composed in a great measure of ‘voluntary men of diverse dispositions,’ there was a great falling off when it came to the point, and Sir Humphry was at last obliged to set out with only a few of his own tried friends. He encountered the most adverse weather, and was obliged to return, ‘with the loss of a tall ship, and, more to his grief, of a valiant gentleman, Miles Morgan.’ This was a severe blow, as Sir Humphry had embarked a large portion of his property in this undertaking. However, his determination continued unshaken; and by the aid of Sir George Peckham, Sir Walter Raleigh, and other persons of distinction, he was enabled to equip another expedition, with which, in the year 1583, he again put to sea.

On the 30th of July, Gilbert discovered land in about fifty-one degrees north latitude; but, finding nothing but bare rocks, he shaped his course to the southward, and on the 3d of August arrived at St.John’s harbor, at Newfoundland. There were at that time in the harbor thirty-six vessels, belonging to various nations, and they refused him entrance; but, on sending his boat with the assurance that he had no ill design, and that he had a commission from queen Elizabeth, they submitted, and he sailed into the port. Having pitched his tent on shore in sight of all the shipping, and being attended by his own people, he summoned the merchants and masters of vessels to be present at the ceremony of his taking possession of the island. When assembled his commission was read and interpreted to the foreigners. Aturf and twig was then delivered to him; and proclamation was immediately made, that, by virtue of his commission from the queen, he took possession of the harbor of St.John, and two hundred leagues every way around it, for the crown of England.

This formal possession, in consequence of the discovery by the Cabots, is considered the foundation of the right and title of the crown of England to the territory of Newfoundland, and to the fishery on its banks. Gilbert, intending to bring the southern parts of the country within his patent, the term of which had now nearly expired, hastened to make further discoveries before his return to England. He therefore embarked from St.John’s harbor with his little fleet, and sailed for the isle of Sable by the way of cape Breton. After spending eight days in the navigation from cape Race towards cape Breton, the ship Admiral was cast away on some shoals before any discovery of land, and nearly one hundred persons perished; among these was Stephen Parmenius Budeius, a learned Hungarian, who had accompanied the adventurers, to record their discoveries and exploits. Two days after this disaster, no land yet appearing, the waters being shallow, the coast unknown, the navigation dangerous, and the provisions scanty, it was resolved to return to England. Changing their course accordingly, they passed in sight of cape Race on the 2d of September; but when they had sailed more than three hundred leagues on their way home, the frigate, commanded by Sir Humphry Gilbert himself, foundered in a violent storm, at midnight, and every soul on board perished.

VIRGINIA, FROM ITS SETTLEMENT TO 1756.

Terrible as was the fate of Gilbert and his associates, the ardor of Raleigh was not daunted, nor his energies depressed. High in favor with Elizabeth, he found no difficulty in procuring a patent similar to that which had been granted to his unfortunate brother. Prompt in the execution, as intrepid in the projection of his plans, he speedily equipped two small vessels, under Amadas and Barlow, to obtain further information of the coasts, the soil, and the inhabitants of the regions he designed to colonize. Approaching America by the gulf of Florida, they touched first at the island of Ocakoke, which runs parallel to the greater part of North Carolina, and then at Roanoke, near the mouth of Albemarle sound. In both they had some intercourse with the natives, whom they found to be savages, with all the characteristic qualities of uncivilized life—bravery, aversion to labor, hospitality, a propensity to admire and a willingness to exchange their rude productions for English commodities, especially for iron, or any of the useful metals of which they were destitute. After spending a few weeks in this traffic, and in visiting some parts of the adjacent continent, Amadas and Barlow returned to England, and gave a most fervid description of the country they had been sent to explore.

Delighted with the prospect of possessing a territory so far superior to any hitherto visited by her subjects, Elizabeth was pleased to honor both the newly discovered country and herself, by bestowing upon it the title of Virginia.

These favorable circumstances not only encouraged the enterprising spirit of Raleigh, but, by their effect on public opinion, assisted him in his arrangements to form a permanent settlement; and he was soon enabled to dispatch seven ships, under the command of Sir Richard Grenville, one of the most valorous spirits of the age, with Ralph Lane, as governor of the colony, accompanied by Heriot, a mathematician of celebrity, and some other men of science. Sailing from Plymouth on the 9th of April, they proceeded to Virginia by the way of the West Indies, and, having narrowly escaped shipwreck at cape Fear, anchored at Wocokon, on the 26th of June. From this island Grenville went to the continent, accompanied by several gentlemen, and discovered various Indian towns. He then proceeded to cape Hatteras, where he was visited by Granganimo, the prince seen by Amadas and Barlow the preceding year; and having viewed the island of Roanoke, he embarked for England, leaving one hundred and seven persons under the government of Mr.Lane, to form a plantation, and to commence the first English colony ever planted in America.

The chief employment of this party, during their year’s residence in the new world, consisted in obtaining a more correct and extensive knowledge of the country; a pursuit in which the persevering abilities of Heriot were exercised with peculiar advantage. His unremitting endeavors to instruct the savages, and diligent inquiries into their habits and character, by adding to the stock of human knowledge, rendered the expedition not wholly unproductive of benefit to mankind. He endeavored to avail himself of the admiration expressed by the savages for the guns, the clock, the telescopes, and other implements that attested the superiority of the colonists, in order to lead their minds to the great source of all sense and science. But, unfortunately, the majority of the colonists were much less distinguished by piety or prudence, than by a vehement impatience to acquire sudden wealth; their first pursuit was gold; and, eagerly listening to the agreeable fictions of the natives, the adventurers consumed their time, and endured amazing hardships, in pursuit of a phantom, to the utter neglect of the means of providing for their future subsistence. The stock of provisions brought from England was exhausted; and the colony, reduced to the utmost distress, was preparing to disperse into different districts of the country in quest of food, when Sir Francis Drake appeared with his fleet, returning from a successful expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies. Ascheme which he formed, of furnishing Lane and his associates with such supplies as might enable them to remain with comfort in their station, was disappointed by a sudden storm, in which the vessel he had destined for their service was dashed to pieces; and as he could not supply them with another, at their joint request, as they were worn out with fatigue and famine, he carried them home to England.

Had the Virginia adventurers, however, remained but a little time longer at their plantation, they would have received supplies from home; for, a few days after their departure, a ship, sent by Sir Walter Raleigh to their relief, arrived at Hatteras, and made diligent search for them, but, not finding them, returned to England. Within a few days after this ship had left the coast, Sir Richard Grenville arrived at Virginia with three new vessels laden with provisions. Searching in vain for the colony that he planted, but yet unwilling to lose possession of the country, he left fifty of his crew to keep possession of the island of Roanoke, and returned to England. This was, indeed, but an inauspicious commencement for English attempts at transatlantic colonization; but, though its immediate results did not realize the high expectations which had been formed, its consequences were indirectly very beneficial. It gave Heriot opportunity to describe its soil, climate, productions, and the manners of its inhabitants, with a degree of accuracy which merits no inconsiderable praise, when compared with the childish and marvellous tales published by several of the early visitants of the new world.

Another consequence of this abortive colony is important enough to entitle it to a place in history. Lane and his associates, by their constant intercourse with the Indians, had acquired a relish for their favorite enjoyment of smoking tobacco; to the use of which, the credulity of that people not only ascribed a thousand imaginary virtues, but their superstition considered the plant itself as a gracious gift of the gods, for the solace of human kind, and the most acceptable offering which man can present to heaven. They brought with them a specimen of this new commodity to England, and taught their countrymen the method of using it; which Raleigh and some young men of fashion fondly adopted. From its being deemed a fashionable acquirement, and from the favorable opinion of its salutary qualities entertained by several physicians, the practice of smoking spread rapidly among the English; and by a singular caprice of the human species, no less inexplicable than unexampled, it has become almost as universal as the demands of those appetites originally implanted in our nature.

Virginian Colony.

Amidst all the discouraging circumstances with which the settlement of Virginia was attended, Raleigh still remained devotedly attached to the object; and early in the year 1587, equipped another company of adventurers, incorporated by the title of the Borough of Raleigh, in Virginia. John White was constituted governor, in whom, with a council of twelve persons, the legislative power was vested. They were directed to plant at the bay of Chesapeak, and to erect a fort there. This expedition sailed from Plymouth on the 8th of May, and about the 16th of July fell in with the Virginian coast. Arriving at Hatteras on the 22d of July, the governor, with a select party, proceeded to Roanoke, and landed at that part of the island where the men were left the year preceding; but discovered no signs of them, excepting the bones of one man, who had been slain by the savages. The next day the governor and several of his company went to the north end of the island, where Lane had erected his fort, and had built several decent dwelling houses, hoping to obtain some intelligence of his fellow countrymen; but, on coming to the place, and finding the fort razed, and all the houses, though standing unhurt, overgrown with weeds and vines, and deer feeding within them, they returned, in despair of ever seeing the objects of their research alive. Orders were given the same day for the repair of the houses, and for the erection of new cottages; and all the colony, consisting of one hundred and seventeen persons, soon after landed, and commenced a second plantation.

Before the close of the month of August, the governor was compelled to sail to England for supplies; but war in Europe interfered with the expectation of the colonists, and it was not till 1590 that another expedition reached Virginia. They beheld a scene similarly dreadful with that which had been before presented. The houses were demolished, though still surrounded by a palisade, and a great part of the stores was found buried in the earth; but, as no trace was ever found of this unfortunate colony, there is every reason to apprehend that they must have miserably perished. Thus after a period of one hundred and six years from the time that Cabot discovered North America, in the service of HenryVII., not a single Englishman remained in the new world.

In the last year of Elizabeth a new impulse was given to the spirit of emigration by Bartholomew Gosnold. He sailed in a small bark from Falmouth, steering directly west, and was the first Englishman who came in a direct course to this part of America. He anchored at a point which he called cape Cod. Attempting a settlement on an island which they named Elizabeth, they built a fort and storehouse, but shortly abandoned their design and returned to England. Two vessels were afterwards fitted out by the merchants of Bristol, to examine the discoveries of Gosnold, and ascertain the correctness of his statements. They were also subsequently confirmed by a similar expedition equipped and despatched by lord Arundel.

An association of able and influential men was now formed to attempt a settlement, and a petition for leave was favorably received by king James. But as the extent as well as value of the American continent began now to be better known, a grant of the whole of such a vast region to any one body of men, however respectable, appeared to him an act of impolitic and profuse liberality. For this reason he divided that portion of North America, which stretches from the thirty-fourth to the fifty-fifth degree of latitude, into two districts nearly equal; the one called the first or south colony of Virginia, the other, the second or north colony. He authorized Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, Richard Hakluyt, and their associates, mostly resident in London, to settle any part of the former which they should choose, and vested in them a right of property to the land extending along the coast fifty miles on each side of the place of their first habitation, and reaching into the interior country a hundred miles. The latter district he allotted, as the place of settlement to sundry knights, gentlemen, and merchants of Bristol, Plymouth, and other parts of the west of England, with a similar grant of territory. The supreme government of the colonies that were to be settled, was vested in a council, resident in England, named by the king, with laws and ordinances given under his sign manual; and the subordinate jurisdiction was committed to a council, resident in America, which was also nominated by the king and to act conformably to his instructions.

The charter, while it thus restricted the emigrants in the important article of internal regulation, secured to them and their descendants all the rights of denizens, in the same manner as if they had remained or had been born in England; and granted them the privilege of holding their lands in America by the freest and least burdensome tenure. The king permitted whatever was necessary for the sustenance or commerce of the new colonies to be exported from England, during the space of seven years, without paying any duty; and, as a farther incitement to industry, he granted them liberty of trade with other nations; and appropriated the duty to be levied on foreign commodities, as a fund for the benefit of the colonies, for the period of twenty-one years. He also granted them liberty of coining for their own use, of repelling enemies, and of detaining ships that should trade there without their permission.

We may regard the colonies of North and South Virginia, or Virginia and New England, as they were subsequently denominated, as forming, from this period, the subject of two distinct and continuous histories; that of the former, being earliest in point of time, will continue to occupy our attention during the remainder of this division.

The proprietors of the royal patent lost no time in carrying their plans into effect. It cannot, however, be said, that they commenced their operations on a scale at all worthy of the magnitude of the undertaking, as their fleet consisted only of three ships, conveying one hundred emigrants; and, although some persons of rank were among the number of proprietors, their pecuniary resources were but scanty. The charge of this embarkation was committed to Christopher Newport, already famous for his skill in western navigation. He sailed from the Thames on the 20th of December, 1606, having, in a sealed box, the royal instructions, and the names of the intended colonial council, with orders not to break the seal till twenty-four hours after the expedition had effected a landing; to which singular policy, may be attributed the dissensions which soon commenced among the leaders, and which continued to distract them during a voyage long and disastrous.

Captain Newport had designed to land at Roanoke; but fortunately, being driven by a storm to the northward, he stood into the spacious bay of Chesapeak, that grand reservoir into which are poured almost countless tributaries, which not only fertilize the country through which they flow, but open to it a commercial intercourse which can scarcely be said to be surpassed in any portion of the globe. The promontory on the south of the bay was named cape Henry, in honor of the prince of Wales; and that on the north, cape Charles, after the then duke of York. At night the box, containing the sealed instructions, was opened, in which Bartholomew Gosnold, John Smith, Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport, John Ratcliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall, were constituted the council of government, with power to elect a president from among their number. The adventurers were employed in seeking a place for settlement until the thirteenth of May, when they took possession of a peninsula, on the north side of the river Powhatan, called by the emigrants James river, about forty miles from its mouth.

To make room for their projected town, they commenced clearing away the forest, which had for centuries afforded shelter and food to the natives. The members of the council, while they adhered to their orders in the choice of their president, on the most frivolous pretences excluded from a seat, among them, the individual, who was probably of all others the best fitted for the office, captain Smith,98 though nominated by the same instrument from which they derived their authority. His superior talents, and the fame he had previously acquired in war, excited their envy, while possibly they induced him to assume, that a greater deference was due to his opinion than his coadjutors were willing to admit. At length, however, by the prudent exhortations of Mr.Hunt, their chaplain, the animosities which had arisen were composed, Smith was admitted into the council, and they all turned their undivided attention to the government of the colony. In honor of their monarch, they called the town, the erection of which they now commenced, Jamestown. Thus was formed the first permanent colony of the English in America.

The vicinity of the settlement was a vast wilderness, though a luxuriant one, inhabited by a race of Indian savages, possessing both the virtues and the vices peculiar to their state. At first, they treated the colonists with kindness; but misunderstandings, from various causes, ere long interrupted the peace, and annoyed the proceedings of the English. Nor was the hostility of the natives the only occasion of discomfort; the extreme heat of the summer, and the intense cold of the succeeding winter, were alike fatal to the colonists. From May to September, fifty persons died, among whom was Bartholomew Gosnold, a member of the council. The storehouse at Jamestown accidentally taking fire, the town, thatched with reeds, burned with such violence, that the fortifications, arms, apparel, bedding, and a great quantity of private goods and provision, were consumed.

These distresses naturally led them to reflect upon their situation; and having become sensible of their injustice to Smith, his personal talents and activity were, in their adversity, appealed to with that regard and deference which, in prosperous times, are yielded only to vested authority and official station. From some unaccountable jealousy on the part of the governor, the fort had been left in an unprotected state, but, by the advice of Smith, it was now put into a state to defend them against the attacks of the Indians. To procure provisions and explore the country, he made frequent and distant excursions into the wilderness. In one of these, he seized an Indian idol, made with skins stuffed with moss, for the redemption of which as much corn was brought him as he required. Some tribes he gained by caresses and presents, and procured from them a supply of provisions; others he attacked with open force, and defeating them on every occasion, whatever their superiority in numbers might be, compelled them to impart to him some portion of their winter stores. As the recompense of all his toils and dangers, he saw abundance and contentment re-established in the colony, and hoped that he should be able to maintain them in that happy state, until the arrival of ships from England in the spring. But in the midst of his energetic measures, while exploring the source of the river Chickahominy, he was surprised and attacked by a party of Indians. He defended himself bravely until his companions were killed, when he took to flight; but running incautiously, he sunk up to his shoulders in a swamp, and was taken prisoner.

The exulting savages conducted him in triumph through several towns to Werowocomoco, where Powhatan, their king, resided in state, with a strong guard of Indians around him. When the prisoner entered the apartment of the sovereign, all the people gave a shout. The queen of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands; and another person brought a bunch of feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them. Having feasted him in their best manner, they held a long consultation, at the conclusion of which, two great stones were brought before Powhatan. Smith had now reason to consider his career as drawing to a close; by the united efforts of the attendants, he was forcibly dragged, his head laid upon one of the stones, and the mighty club upraised, a few blows from which were to terminate his existence. But a very unexpected interposition now took place. Pocahontas, the favorite daughter of Powhatan, was seized with emotions of tender pity, and ran up to her father, pathetically pleading for the life of the stranger. When all entreaties were lost on that stern and savage potentate, she hastened to Smith, snatched his head in her arms, and laid her own on his, declaring that the first blow must fall upon her. The heart even of a savage father was at last melted, and Powhatan granted to his favorite daughter the life of Smith.

It appears at first to have been the intention of the savage monarch to have detained the captive, and employed him in manufacturing utensils and ornaments for his majesty’s use; but from some cause he speedily changed his mind, and in two days after his deliverance, sent him, to his high gratification, with a guard of twelve of his trusty followers, to Jamestown, upon condition that he should remit two culverins and a millstone as his ransom.

After an absence of seven weeks, Smith arrived barely in time to save the colony from being abandoned. His associates, reduced to the number of thirty-eight, impatient of farther stay in a country where they had met with so many discouragements, were preparing to return to England; and it was not without the utmost difficulty, and alternately employing persuasion, remonstrance, and even violent interference, that Smith prevailed with them to relinquish their design. Pocahontas, persevering in her generous designs, continued to supply the colony with provisions till a vessel arrived from England with supplies. Having preserved the settlement during the winter by his active exertions and his careful management, Smith embraced the earliest opportunity, in the following summer, to explore the extensive and multifarious ramifications of the Chesapeak.

In an open barge, with fourteen persons, and but a scanty stock of provisions, he traversed the whole of that vast extent of water, from cape Henry, where it meets the ocean, to the river Susquehannah; trading with some tribes of Indians, and fighting with others. He discovered and named many small islands, creeks, and inlets; sailed up many of the great rivers; and explored the inland parts of the country. During this enterprise, the Susquehannah Indians visited him, and made him presents. At this early period they had hatchets, and utensils of iron and brass, which, by their own account, originally came from the French of Canada. After sailing about three thousand miles, Smith returned to Jamestown. Having made careful observations during this excursion of discovery, he drew a map of Chesapeak bay, with its tributary rivers, annexing to it a description of the countries, and of the nations inhabiting them, and sent it to the council in England.

The superior abilities of Smith had now been so manifestly subservient to the general welfare, that they had silenced, at least, the malignity of envy and faction; and although it was comparatively a short period since he had been so unjustly calumniated, and deprived of his seat at the council-board, immediately after his return from his voyage, he was, by the election of the council and the request of the settlers, invested with the government, and received letters-patent to be president of the colony. The wisdom of his administration inspired confidence, its vigor commanded obedience, and the military exercises, which he obliged all to perform, struck the Indians with astonishment, and inspired them with awe.

Under the administration of president Smith, the colony continued to prosper; as far as it could prosper, under the circumstances of its organization. Its elements, however, were not of the best description, and the number of ‘poor gentlemen, tradesmen, serving men, libertines and such like,’ is represented to have been ten times more fit to spoil a commonwealth than either to begin or maintain one. They were lazy, avaricious, and disappointed. The Indians too became suspicious and troublesome; and the company in England were unjustly discontented with the management of captain Smith. Anew charter was therefore treated for by the company of South Virginia, and obtained; and among the new proprietors were many of the most wealthy and influential commoners and peers of the land. Lord Delaware was appointed governor of Virginia for life, though he did not accompany the expedition, which was immediately fitted out. Afleet of nine vessels sailed for the colony, one of which was wrecked at the Bermudas, and one lost in a violent storm. On board of this fleet were five hundred emigrants; chiefly young and licentious, indigent and haughty, who soon involved the colony in anarchy and confusion.

A systematic design was now meditated against the whole colony by the sovereign of the country; but it was providentially discovered and frustrated. Pocahontas, the tutelary friend of Virginia, though but a child of thirteen years of age, went in a very dark and dreary night to Jamestown, and, at the hazard of her life, disclosed to the president a plot of her father to kill him and all the English. This timely notice put the colony on its guard; and some favorable occurrences soon after contributed still farther towards its preservation. An Indian, apparently dead through the effect of a charcoal fire in a close room, was, on the application of vinegar and aqua vitÆ by the president, reanimated. This supposed miracle, with an explosion of powder, which killed two or three Indians and scorched and wounded others, excited such astonishment, mingled with such admiration of English power and art, that Powhatan and his people came to them with presents of peace; and the whole country during the remainder of Smith’s administration, was entirely free from molestation, and the colonists pursued their plans of improvement, both in agriculture and in some of the manufactures, with tolerable success. Unhappily, however, the president, while exerting himself with his usual energy in the concerns of the settlement, received a dangerous wound from the accidental explosion of a quantity of gunpowder. Completely disabled by this misfortune, and destitute of surgical aid, he was compelled to resign his command, and take his departure (and it was a final one) for England.

The departure of Smith was in every respect inauspicious for the colony. It was the signal for a general revolt among the Indians. Many of the colonists were slain, their provisions were wasted by imprudence, and they were threatened with absolute starvation. There numbers were reduced from five hundred to about sixty, in the course of half a year. In this extremity they received unexpected relief from Sir Thomas Gates and the party which had been wrecked the year before at Bermudas, and who had been enabled to build two small vessels, and succeed in reaching Virginia. It was determined to abandon the colony, and sail for Newfoundland, and every thing was prepared for embarkation, when lord Delaware, with three ships and a hundred and fifty men, arrived at the mouth of the river. By the energetic discipline of this nobleman, the affairs of the colony were soon restored to order. He erected forts, allotted to each man his respective duty, and appointed the necessary officers to enforce obedience to his commands. His health not permitting him to remain in office, he returned to England, leaving about two hundred people in health and tranquillity.

Not long after his departure, Sir Thomas Dale arrived at Virginia with three ships and three hundred emigrants. Other additions to the colony were made within a short interval. New settlements were commenced farther up the river, and a town was built, and called Henrico, in honor of prince Henry. In 1612, application was made to the king by the patentees for a new charter, with increased privileges, and it was accordingly granted.

It was in the year following the grant of the new charter, that the marriage of Pocahontas, the famed daughter of Powhatan, was celebrated; an alliance which secured peace to Virginia many years. Having been carefully instructed in the Christian religion, it was not long before she renounced the idolatry of her country, made profession of Christianity, and was baptized by the name of Rebecca. In some measure connected with this event, by the influence so powerful an alliance was calculated to have upon the minds of the natives in the vicinity, was the treaty which Sir Thomas Dale effected with the Chickahominy tribe of Indians, a bold and free people, who now voluntarily relinquished their name, for that of Tassantessus, or Englishmen; and solemnly engaged to be faithful subjects to king James.

During the interval of tranquillity procured by the alliance with Powhatan, an important change was made in the state of the colony. Hitherto no right of private property in land had been established. The fields that were cleared had been cultivated by the joint labor of the colonists; their product was carried to the common storehouses, and distributed weekly to every family, according to its number and exigencies. However suitable such an arrangement might have been deemed for the commencement of a colony, experience proved that it was decidedly opposed to its progress in a more advanced state. In order to remedy this, Sir Thomas Dale divided a considerable portion of the land into small lots, and granted one of these to each individual in full property. From the moment that industry had the certain prospect of a recompense, it advanced rapidly. The articles of primary necessity were cultivated with so much attention as secured the means of subsistence; and such schemes of improvement were formed as prepared the way for the introduction of opulence into the colony.

The increased industry of the colonists was not long before it found a new and somewhat singular channel—the cultivation of tobacco; indeed so inconsiderately and exclusively were their energies directed to that object at this time, that the most fatal consequences were rendered almost inevitable. The land which ought to have been reserved for raising provisions, and even the streets of Jamestown, were planted with tobacco. Various regulations were framed to restrain this ill-directed activity; but, from eagerness for present gain, the planters disregarded every admonition. Tobacco, however, had many trials to pass through before it reached its present established station. King James declared himself its open enemy, and drew against it his royal pen. In the work which he entitled ‘Counterblast to Tobacco,’ he poured the most bitter reproaches on this ‘vile and nauseous weed.’ He followed it up by a proclamation to restrain the disorderly trading in tobacco, as tending to a general and new corruption of both men’s bodies and minds. Yet tobacco, like other proscribed objects, throve under persecution, and achieved a final triumph over all its enemies.

Financially, the colony was now in a flourishing state; politically, it was badly administered. Its president was captain Argal, a rigid master, and absurd tyrant. One of his edicts is worth quoting: it ordered ‘That every person should go to church on Sundays and holidays, or be kept confined the night succeeding the offence, and be a slave to the colony for the following week; for the second offence, a slave for a month; and for the third, a year and a day.’ From the representations made to him of the misrule of this man, lord Delaware embarked a second time for America; but died on the voyage, in or near the bay which bears his name. His death was the signal for renewed outrages on the part of the colonial tyrant, and the office of captain-general was transferred to Mr.Yeardley. He arrived in April, and immediately convoked a colonial assembly, which met at Jamestown on the 19th of June, and was the first representative legislature which assembled in the transatlantic states.

The full tide of prosperity was now enjoyed by the colony. Its numbers greatly increased, and its settlements became widely extended. At peace with the Indians, it reposed in perfect security, and realized the happiness its fortunate situation and favorable prospects afforded, without suspecting the sudden and terrible reverse of fortune it was doomed to experience. Opechankanough, the successor of Powhatan, had adopted with ardor all the early enmity of his native tribe against the settlers; and he formed one of those dreadful schemes, so frequent in Indian annals, of exterminating the whole race at one blow. Such was the fidelity of his people, and so deep the power of savage dissimulation, that this dire scheme was matured without the slightest intimation reaching the English, who neither attended to the movements of the Indians, nor suspected their machinations; and though surrounded by a people whom they might have known from experience to be both artful and vindictive, they neglected those precautions for their own safety that were requisite in such circumstances.

All the tribes in the vicinity of the English settlements were successively gained, except those on the eastern shore, from whom, on account of their peculiar attachment to their new neighbors, every circumstance that might discover what they intended was carefully concealed. To each tribe its station was allotted, and the part it was to act prescribed. On the morning of the day consecrated to vengeance, each was at the place of rendezvous appointed; and at mid-day, the moment they had previously fixed for this execrable deed, the Indians, raising a universal yell, rushed at once on the English in all their scattered settlements, butchering men, women, and children, with undistinguishing fury, and every aggravation of brutal outrage and savage cruelty. In one hour, three hundred and forty-seven persons were cut off, almost without knowing by whose hands they fell. Indeed, the universal destruction of the colonists was prevented only by the consequences of an event, which perhaps appeared but of little importance in the colony at the time when it took place—the conversion of an Indian to the Christian faith. On the night before the massacre, this man was made privy to it by his own brother; but as soon as his brother left him he revealed the dreadful secret to an English gentleman in whose house he was residing, who immediately carried the tidings to Jamestown, and communicated them to some of the nearest settlers, scarcely in time to prevent the last hour of the perfidious truce from being the last hour of their lives.

A bloody and exterminating war followed, in which the English were victorious, but by which they were much reduced in numbers. Famine came in the train of battle, and made additional devastation. Awrit of quo warranto was issued against the company, under whose rule these calamities had been suffered. It was brought to trial in the court of king’s bench, and their charter was vacated. Anew commission was issued for the government of Virginia, in which the republican tendencies of the previous government were duly restrained.

CharlesI. on the demise of his predecessor reduced the colony under the immediate direction of the crown, appointing a governor and council, and ordering all patents and processes to issue in his own name. His first appointment of governor elevated Sir George Yeardley to that office, but he died early, and was succeeded by the despotic Sir John Harvey, who managed to make himself perfectly odious to the people whom he was sent to govern. The public mind became finally so much excited, that even the despotic Charles thought it prudent to recall his minion, and Sir William Berkeley was appointed to succeed him.

Sir William was as eminent, as his predecessor had been deficient, in all popular virtues; and he was the bearer of instructions which directed him to restore the colonial assembly, and invite it to enact a body of laws for the province. Thus unexpectedly the colonists were restored to their old system of freedom, and the consequence was universal gratitude and joy. The king became universally popular, and during the civil wars, the colony continued faithful to the royal cause.

The next incident of great interest in the history of Virginia, is the rebellion consequent on the passage of the navigation act; by which the plan of monopolizing to England the commerce of the colonies was perfected and reduced into a complete system.

This oppressive system excited great indignation in Virginia, where the extensive commerce and pre-eminent loyalty of the people rendered the pressure of the burden more severe, and the infliction of it more exasperating. The excitement became general, and was worked up to such a pitch, that nothing was wanting to precipitate the people into the most desperate acts, but some leader qualified to unite and to direct their operations. Such a leader they found in Nathaniel Bacon. He was a lawyer, educated in London, and was appointed a member of the council a short time after his emigration to Virginia. Young, bold, ambitious, with an engaging address, and commanding eloquence, he harangued the colonists upon their grievances; inflamed their resentment against their rulers; declaimed particularly against the languor with which the war, then existing with the Indians, had been conducted; and such was the effect of his representations, that he was elected general by the people. To give some color of legitimacy to the authority he had acquired, and perhaps expecting to precipitate matters to the extremity which his interest required that they should speedily reach, he applied to the governor for an official confirmation of the popular election, and offered instantly to march against the common enemy. This Sir William Berkeley firmly refused, and issued a proclamation commanding the dispersion of the insurgents. Bacon had advanced too far to recede; and he hastened, at the head of six hundred armed followers, to Jamestown, surrounded the house where the governor and council were assembled, and repeated his demand.

Intimidated by the threats of the enraged multitude, the council hastily prepared a commission, and, by their entreaties, prevailed on the governor to sign it. Bacon and his troops then began their march against the Indians; but no sooner were the council relieved from their fears, than they declared the commission void, and proclaimed Bacon a rebel. Enraged at this conduct, he instantly returned, with all his forces, to Jamestown. The aged governor, unsupported, and almost abandoned, fled precipitately to Accomack, on the eastern shore of the colony; collecting those who were well affected towards his administration, he began to oppose the insurgents, and several skirmishes were fought, with various success. Aparty of the insurgents burned Jamestown, laid waste those districts of the colony which adhered to the old administration, and confiscated the property of the loyalists. The governor, in retaliation, seized the estates of many of the insurgents, and executed several of their leaders. In the midst of these calamities Bacon sickened and died. Destitute of a leader to conduct and animate them, their sanguine hopes of success subsided; all began to desire an accommodation; and after a brief negotiation with the governor they laid down their arms, on obtaining a promise of general pardon.

On hearing of the disturbances in Virginia, Charles despatched, though with no great haste, a fleet with some troops for its pacification. These did not arrive, however, till they might well have been dispensed with. With them came colonel Jeffreys, appointed to recall and replace Sir William Berkeley in the government of the colony. This brave and benevolent man did not long survive his dismissal, and may justly be said to have lived and died in the service of Virginia.

A succession of weak and tyrannical rulers followed the recall of Sir William Berkeley. Notwithstanding the unfavorable circumstances under which it labored, the colony continued to increase. Tobacco grew in demand in Europe, and its cultivation gave constant employment to the planters. The situation of the colony, removed alike from the French in Canada, and the Spaniards in Florida, saved it from their hostile incursions, and procured for it a comparative repose.

MASSACHUSETTS.

In the order of time, the settlement of the northern states followed next after that of Virginia. In the year 1614, captain Smith explored the coast with much care between Penobscot and cape Cod. He presented a chart and description of it to Charles, prince of Wales, who was so well pleased with the country that he called it New England; a name which has since been applied to the provinces east of the Hudson.

In 1620, that country began to be colonized by a body of Puritans; who had been first driven to Holland, by the mad intolerance of the English government, and afterwards determined to emigrate to America. They applied to the Virginia company for a patent, and it was not unwilling to favor their views. They solicited full freedom of conscience, but this the king declined granting under the great seal: he promised, however, not to molest them, so long as they behaved themselves peaceably.

The first band of these Puritans, consisting of one hundred and one persons, reached cape Cod at break of day on the 9th of November, 1620. Observing that they were beyond the limits of the company’s patent, they had no powers of government derived from authority; and, therefore, even before landing, they formed themselves into a ‘civil body politic, under the crown of England, for the purpose of framing just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices,’ to which they promised all due submission and obedience. Forty-one persons signed this contract. It contained the elements of those forms of government peculiar to the new world. Under this system, John Carver was, by general consent, chosen their first governor, ‘confiding,’ as the electors say, ‘in his prudence, that he would not adventure upon any matter of moment without the consent of the rest, or, at least, advice of such as were known to be the wisest among them.’

Government being thus established, sixteen men, well armed, with a few others, were sent on shore the same day, to fetch wood and make discoveries; but they returned at night without having found any person or habitation. The company, having rested during the Sabbath, disembarked on Monday, the 13th of November; and soon after proceeded to explore the interior of the country. In their researches they discovered heaps of earth, one of which they dug open, but, finding within implements of war, they concluded these were Indian graves; and therefore, replacing what they had taken out, they left them inviolate. In different heaps of sand they also found baskets of corn, a large quantity of which they carried away in a great kettle, found at the ruins of an Indian house. This providential discovery gave them seed for a future harvest, and preserved the infant colony from famine. On the 6th of December the shallop was sent out with several of the principal men, to sail round the bay in search of a place for settlement. During their researches, part of the company travelled along the shore, where they were surprised by a flight of arrows from a party of Indians; but, on the discharge of the English muskets, the Indians instantly disappeared. The shallop, after imminent hazard from the loss of its rudder and mast in a storm, and from shoals, which it narrowly escaped, reached a small island on the night of the 8th; here the company reposed themselves, grateful for their preservation during the week; and on this island they kept the Sabbath. The day following they sounded the harbor, and found it fit for shipping; went on shore, and explored the adjacent land, where they saw various corn-fields and brooks; and, judging the situation to be convenient for a settlement, they returned with the welcome intelligence to the ship.

On the 23d, as many of the company as could, with convenience, went on shore, and felled, and carried timber to the spot appropriated for the erection of a building for common use. On the 25th, they commenced the erection of the first house. Aplatform for their ordnance demanding the earliest attention, they formed one upon a hill, which commanded an extensive prospect of the plain beneath, of the expanding bay, and of the distant ocean. They divided their whole company into nineteen families; measured out the ground; and assigned to every person by lot half a pole in breadth, and three poles in length, for houses and gardens. In grateful remembrance of the Christian friends whom they found at the last town they left in their native country, they called their settlement Plymouth. Thus was founded the first British town of New England.

The climate was found much more severe than the colonists had anticipated; and they had arrived when winter was nearly one-third advanced. They had every thing to do, and in this season could do very little, even of what was indispensable. Their shelter was wretched; their sufferings were intense; their dangers were not small, and were rendered painful by an absolute uncertainty of their extent. All these evils they encountered with resolution, and sustained with fortitude. To each other they were kind: to the savages they were just: they loved the truth of the gospel; embraced it in its purity; and obeyed it with an excellence of life, which added a new wreath to the character of man.

Among the attempts at forming settlements at this time was one of a character as peculiar as it was undesirable. Captain Wollaston began a plantation, which he named after himself. One Morton, of Furnival’s inn, was of this company. He was not left in command, but contrived to make himself chief, changed the name of mount Wollaston to Merry mount, set all the servants free, erected a may-pole, and lived a life of dissipation, until all the stock intended for trade was consumed. He was charged with furnishing the Indians with guns and ammunition, and teaching them the use of them. At length, he made himself so obnoxious to the planters in all parts, that, at their general desire, the people of New Plymouth seized him by an armed force, and confined him, until they had opportunity of sending him to England.

The time was now at hand, when the causes which had induced the voluntary exile of the Leyden congregation, should produce an effect far more extensive. Applications to the Plymouth company from Puritan congregations were now becoming frequent; and, in the year 1628, the council of Plymouth sold to Sir Henry Roswell and others, their heirs and associates, that part of New England which lies between two boundaries, one three miles north of the Merrimac, and the other three miles south of Charles river, from the Atlantic to the South sea. The same year Mr.Endicot, one of the patentees, came to New England, and planted himself, with a small colony, in Naumkeag, now Salem. The following year they were joined by about two hundred others, making three hundred in the whole, one hundred of whom, however, removed the same year, and settled themselves, with the consent of Mr.Endicot, governor of the colony, at Mishawum, now Charlestown. The second Salem company brought with them a considerable number of cattle, horses, sheep, and goats; which after a little period, became so numerous as to supply all the wants of the inhabitants. Powers of government were granted to these colonists by CharlesI., which constituted them a corporation, by the name of The Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay, in New England, with power to elect annually a governor, deputy governor, and eighteen assistants; four great and general courts were to be held every year, to consist of the governor, or, in his absence, the deputy governor, the assistants, or at least six of them, and the freemen of the company.

The arbitrary proceedings of the British court, in affairs both of church and state, continued without any abatement, and induced many gentlemen of wealth and distinction to join the Plymouth company, and remove to New England. In 1629, many persons of this character, and among them the distinguished names of Isaac Johnson, John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, and Sir Richard Saltonstall, proposed to the company to remove with their families, on condition that the charter and government should be transferred to New England. To this the company assented, and in the course of the next year, John Winthrop, who had been chosen governor, with about one thousand five hundred persons, embarked. The fleet consisted of ten sail, one of which was of three hundred and fifty tons, and, from lady Arabella Johnson, who sailed in her, was called the Arabella. Among the passengers were a number of eminent non-conformist ministers. The most highly esteemed was Mr.Wilson, the son of a dignitary of the church, who, by his connexions and talents, might have aspired to its highest honors, but chose to renounce all, in order to suffer with those whom he accounted the people of God. But the circumstance which threw a greater lustre on the colony than any other, was the arrival of Mr.John Cotton, the most esteemed of all the Puritan ministers in England. Becoming an object of the persecuting fury of Laud, he left Boston in disguise, and spent some time in London, seeking a proper opportunity to emigrate. There went out with him Mr.Hooker and Mr.Stone, who were esteemed to make a glorious triumvirate, and were received in New England with the utmost exultation. Mr.Cotton was appointed to preach at Boston, now the principal town in Massachusetts bay, and was mainly employed in drawing up the ecclesiastical constitution of the colony.

On the arrival of the principal ships of the fleet at Charlestown, the governor and several of the patentees, having viewed the bottom of the bay of Massachusetts, and pitched down on the north side of Charles river, took lodgings in the great house built there the preceding year, and the rest of the company erected cottages, booths, and tents, about the town hill. Their place of assembling for divine service was under a tree. When the fleet had safely arrived, a day of thanksgiving was kept in all the plantations. Early attention was paid to the great object of the enterprise. On the 30th of July, a day of solemn prayer and fasting was kept at Charlestown, when governor Winthrop, deputy governor Dudley, and Mr.Wilson, first entered into church covenant; and at this time was laid the foundation of the church of Charlestown, and of the first church in Boston. On the 27th of August, the congregation kept a fast, and chose Mr.Wilson their teacher. ‘We used imposition of hands,’ says governor Winthrop, ‘but with this protestation by all, that it was only a sign of election and confirmation, not of any intent that Mr.Wilson should renounce the ministry he received in England.’

The colony was now gaining strength from its numbers and organization; but it had also its trials to contend with, not the least of which was the sickness arising from the severity of the climate, or, more truly, from the means of counteracting the injurious tendencies of the climate not being yet properly understood. Among those who fell an early sacrifice, none were lamented more than lady Arabella Johnson and her husband, who had left the abodes of abundance and of social comfort for the American wilderness, purely from religious principle. As soon as the severity of the winter was abated sufficiently to admit of assemblies being convened, the colonists proceeded to enact laws for their internal regulation. It has been before observed, that those who so resolutely ventured to cross the ocean, and to brave the hardships attendant on clearing the American forests, sought rather to establish churches, than to found a kingdom; it will naturally be supposed, therefore, that their legislation partook largely of an ecclesiastical character. Indeed, the history of this colony presents more matter for the ecclesiastical than the civil historian. At the very first court of election a law was passed, enacting that none should hereafter be admitted freemen, or be entitled to any share in the government, or be capable of being chosen magistrates, or even of serving as jurymen but such as had been or should hereafter be received into the church as members. ‘This was a most extraordinary order or law,’ says Hutchinson, ‘and yet it continued in force until the dissolution of the government, it being repealed in appearance only after the restoration of king CharlesII. Had they been deprived of their civil privileges in England by an act of parliament, unless they would join in communion with the churches there, it might very well have been the first in the roll of grievances. But such were the requisites to qualify for church-membership here, that the grievance was abundantly greater.’

The baneful influence of the erroneous principles of the union of the civil and ecclesiastical power, soon became apparent in the persecution of the most liberally minded man in the colony, Roger Williams. It is true that he enthusiastically supported some tenets which were deemed heterodox, and occasioned considerable excitement by inveighing against the use of the cross in the national flag. In consequence of the spread of his opinion, some of the troops would not act till the relic of popery, as they considered it, was cut out of the banner, while others would not serve under any flag from which it was erased. At length a compromise was entered into, by which it was agreed that the obnoxious emblem should be omitted from the banners of the militia, while it was retained in those of the forts. This, however, was only one of the errors charged against Williams; it is said that he maintained that no female should go abroad unless veiled; that unregenerate men ought neither to pray nor to take oaths; that, indeed, oaths had better be altogether omitted; that the churches of New England should not acknowledge or communicate with the hierarchy from which they had separated; that infants should not be subjects of baptism; that the magistrate should confine his authority wholly to temporal affairs; and that James or Charles of England had no right at all to grant away the lands of the Indians without their consent. For the zealous propagation of these sentiments, he was deemed worthy of banishment from the colony of Massachusetts. The order of the court was, that he should be transported to England; but he escaped the limits of their jurisdiction, repaired to the Narraganset country, and became the founder of a new colony.

During the year 1635, no less than three thousand persons arrived in New England. Among them was Henry Vane, a young man of noble family, animated with a devotion to the cause of religion and liberty, which induced him to relinquish all his hopes in England, and settle in an infant colony which as yet afforded little more than a bare subsistence to its inhabitants: he was naturally received in New England with high regard and admiration, and was instantly complimented with the freedom of the colony. Enforcing his claims to respect by the address and ability which he showed in conducting business, he was elected governor in the year subsequent to his arrival, by the universal consent of the colonists, and with the highest expectations of an advantageous administration. These hopes, we shall find in the sequel, were by no means realized. He entered too deeply into polemical theology, to allow him to devote the energies of his mind to the civil and political duties which afforded so abundant a field for their exercise.

A brief period elapsed after the expulsion of Roger Williams, before the repose of the colony was again interrupted by religious dissensions. The Puritans had transported, with their other religious practices, that of assembling one evening in the week to converse over the discourses of the preceding Sabbath; a proceeding well calculated to keep alive that zeal which arises from the vigorous exercise of private judgment, but not to promote the subserviency requisite to a quiet submission to the uniformity of authorized opinions. These meetings had been originally confined to the brethren; but Mrs.Hutchinson, a lady of respectable station in life, of considerable native talent, and of affable manners, deemed it desirable that the sisters should also exercise a similar privilege. Unfortunately, it was not long before this lady and her associates discovered that there would be much more propriety in their instructing their ministers than in the reverse process, which had hitherto prevailed. They adopted that most convenient dogma, that good works are no evidence of being a true Christian, or one of the elect; and that the only testimony to a state of justification, was the overpowering assurance of the mind, produced by the immediate influence of the divine Spirit.

The disturbance occasioned by the propagation of these offensive sentiments, was aggravated by the circumstance of the governor, Mr.Vane, being their decided advocate. Vehement discussions and bitter accusations abounded; but the antinomian party, though most zealous, were least numerous; and at the annual election, Mr.Vane was displaced by Mr.Winthrop, by a very decided majority. After various measures had been resorted to, in order to bring the dissentients within the pale of orthodoxy, a synod was called, which determined that the sentiments of Mrs.Hutchinson and her followers were grievously erroneous, and, as they still refused submission, the favorite measure of banishment was had recourse to. Another accession was thus made to the ‘alluvies,’ as Mather terms it, of Rhode Island; but not finding that land of liberty perfectly to her taste Mrs.Hutchinson removed to a Dutch plantation, where, not long after, she was basely murdered, with many of her family, by the Indians.

It does not fall within our plan to follow out the details of the ecclesiastical persecutions that disfigure the early history of New England. Although themselves fugitives from the terrors of persecution, the Puritans entertained no particular toleration for the tenets of those who came to different conclusions. They whipped, banished, and imprisoned Anabaptists, Quakers and others, whose obstinacy was equal to their own, and whose power was unfortunately less. Like many other enthusiasts, they entertained a strong predilection for the phraseology and manners of the Hebrews, whose laws they ill understood. Lying, drunkenness and dancing were punished with public whipping; and for a man to have long hair was considered an abomination, and inconsistent with the care of the soul.

A more important subject than religious wrangling, is the union formed by the New England colonists, for mutual defence against the savages, and for security against the claims and encroachments of the Dutch. This union, or confederation, was formed in 1643, by the name of The United Colonies of New England. It had been proposed by the colonies of Connecticut and New Haven, as early as 1638, but was not finally completed until five years after. This confederacy, which continued about forty years, constituted an interesting portion of the political history of New England. It consisted of the colonies of Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven. By the articles of confederation, as they were called, these colonies entered into a firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual advice and succor, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and liberties of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare. Each colony was to retain its own peculiar jurisdiction and government; and no other plantation or colony was to be received as a confederate, nor any two of the confederates to be united into one jurisdiction, without the consent of the rest. The affairs of the united colonies were to be managed by a legislature, to consist of two persons, styled commissioners, chosen from each colony. The commissioners were to meet annually in the colonies, in succession, and when met, to choose a president, and the determination of any six to be binding on all. This confederacy, which was declared to be perpetual, continued without any essential alteration, until the New England colonies were deprived of their charter by the arbitrary proceedings of JamesII. This union evidently served as the basis of the great confederacy afterwards formed between the thirteen states of America. An examination of the two systems will prove a similarity not only in names, but in general principles.

At the termination of the first half century from the arrival of the emigrants at Plymouth, the New England colonies were calculated to contain one hundred and twenty towns, and as many thousand inhabitants; of whom sixteen thousand were capable of bearing arms. The habits of industry and economy, which had been formed in less happy times, continued to prevail, and gave a competency to those who had nothing, and wealth to those who had a competency. The wilderness receded before these hardy and persevering laborers, and its savage inhabitants found their game dispersed, and their favorite haunts invaded. This was the natural consequence of the sales of land, which they were at all times ready to make to the whites. But this result the Indians did not foresee; and when they felt it in all its force, the strongest passions were awakened which could animate the savage breast. Aleader only was wanting to concentrate and direct their exertions, and Philip, of Pokanoket, sachem of a tribe residing within the boundaries of Plymouth and Rhode Island, assumed that station. His father was the friend, but he had ever been the enemy, of the whites; and he exerted all the arts of intrigue, of which he was master, to induce the Indians, in all parts of New England, to unite their efforts for their destruction. He succeeded in forming a confederacy, able to send into action more than three thousand warriors.

Attack on Swanzey.

The English were apprized of the plots of the Indians, and made preparations to meet their hostilities. They hoped, however, that the threatened storm would pass by, as others had, and that peace would be preserved. But the insolence of Philip, and the number of his adherents, increased daily; and, in June, 1675, some of them entered the town of Swanzey, in Plymouth, where, after slaughtering the cattle, and plundering the houses, they fired upon the inhabitants, killing and wounding several. The troops of that colony marched immediately to Swanzey, and were soon joined by a detachment from Massachusetts. The Indians fled, and marked the course of their flight by burning the buildings, and fixing on poles by the way side, the hands, scalps, and heads of the whites whom they had killed. The troops pursued, but unable to overtake them, returned to Swanzey. The whole country was alarmed, and the number of troops augmented. By this array of force, Philip was induced to quit his residence at mount Hope, and take post near a swamp at Pocasset. At that place the English attacked him, but were repulsed. Sixteen were killed, and the Indians by this success were made bolder.

Most of the settlements were surrounded by thick forests, and as the Indians lived intermixed with the whites, the former were acquainted, of course, with the dwellings of the latter, and all the avenues to them; could watch their motions, and fall upon them in their defenceless and unguarded moments. Many were shot dead as they opened their doors in the morning; many while at work in their fields, and others while travelling to visit their neighbors, or to places of worship; their lives were in continual jeopardy; and no one could tell but that, in the next moment, he should receive his death shot from his barn, the thicket, or the way side. Whenever the enemy assembled in force, detachments were sent against them; if weaker than these, they would retreat; if stronger, assault and harass, or destroy them. Defenceless villages were suddenly attacked, the houses burned, and the men, women and children killed, or carried into captivity. Their ruin was the work of a moment; and when accomplished, its authors vanished. The colonists found their numbers sensibly diminished, and their strength impaired; and they began to apprehend even total extinction. Nothing but a vigorous effort could save them.

The commissioners of the three United Colonies met on the 9th of September, and it was concluded, that the war was just and necessary; that it ought to be jointly prosecuted by all the United Colonies; and that there should be immediately raised 1000 soldiers out of the colonies, in such proportion as the articles of confederation established: Massachusetts, 527; Plymouth, 158; Connecticut, 315. At an adjourned meeting, the commissioners declared the Narragansets to be deeply accessory in the present bloody outrages of the Indians that were at open war, and determined that 1000 more soldiers be raised, for the Narraganset expedition, to obtain satisfaction of those Indians, or to treat them as enemies. On the 8th of December, the Massachusetts forces marched from Boston, and were soon joined by those of Plymouth. The troops from Connecticut joined them on the 18th, at Petaquamscot. At break of day the next morning they commenced their march, through a deep snow, toward the enemy, who were about fifteen miles distant in a swamp, at the edge of which they arrived at one in the afternoon. The Indians, apprized of an armament intended against them, had fortified themselves as strongly as possible within the swamp. The English, without waiting to draw up in order of battle, marched forward in quest of the enemy’s camp.

The Indian fortress stood on a rising ground in the midst of the swamp, and was composed of palisades, which were encompassed by a hedge, nearly a rod thick. It had but one practicable entrance, which was over a log, or tree four or five feet from the ground; and that aperture was guarded by a block-house. Falling providentially on this very part of the fort, the English captains entered it, at the head of their companies. The two first, with many of their men, were shot dead at the entrance; four other captains were also killed. When the troops had effected an entrance, they attacked the Indians, who fought desperately, and compelled the English to retire out of the fort; but after a hard-fought battle of three hours, they became masters of the place, and set fire to the wigwams, to the number of five or six hundred, and in the conflagration many Indian women and children perished. The surviving Indians fled into a cedar swamp, at a small distance; and the English retired to their quarters. Of the English there were killed and wounded about two hundred and thirty; of the Indians one thousand are supposed to have perished.

Attack on the Indian Fortress.

From this blow, the confederated Indians never recovered; but they still remained sufficiently strong to harass the settlements by continual inroads. In retaliation, the English sent several detachments into their territories, nearly all of which were successful. Captain Church, of Plymouth, and captain Dennison, of Connecticut, were conspicuous for their bravery and success. In the midst of these reverses, Philip remained firm and unshaken. His warriors were cut off; his chief men, his wife and family, were killed, or taken prisoners; and at these successive misfortunes, he is represented to have wept with a bitterness which proves him not to have been destitute of the noblest affections; but he disdained to listen to any offers of peace. He even shot one of his men, who proposed submission. At length, after being hunted from swamp to swamp, he was himself shot, by the brother of the Indian he had killed. This event was certainly the signal of complete victory. The Indians in all the neighboring country now generally submitted to the English, or fled, and incorporated themselves with distant and strange nations. Never was peace more welcome. In this short, but tremendous war, about six hundred of the inhabitants of New England, composing its principal strength, were either killed in battle, or murdered by the enemy; twelve or thirteen towns were entirely destroyed; and about six hundred buildings, chiefly dwelling-houses, were burnt. In addition to these calamities, the colonies contracted a very heavy debt; while, by the loss of their substance through the ravages of the enemy, their resources were greatly diminished. But, in their deepest distress, they forbore to apply to the mother country for assistance; and this omission excited surprise and jealousy. ‘You act,’ said a privy counsellor, ‘as though you were independent of our master’s crown; and though poor, yet you are proud.’

In this unsettled state of the country, the French in Canada and Nova Scotia instigated the northern and eastern Indians to commence hostilities against the English settlements. Dover and Salmon Falls, in New Hampshire, Casco, in Maine, and Schenectady, in New York, were attacked by different parties of French and Indians, and the most shocking barbarities perpetrated on the inhabitants. The Indians having taken the fort at Pemaquid, and the French privateers from Acadie still infesting the coast of New England, the general court of Massachusetts determined to make an attempt on Port Royal. Afleet, with seven or eight hundred men, under the command of Sir William Phipps, sailed on that expedition in the latter end of April. The fort at Port Royal, not being in a state to sustain a siege, surrendered, with little or no resistance; and Sir William took possession of the whole sea-coast, from Port Royal to the New England settlements.

Regarding Canada as the principal source of their miseries, New England and New York formed the bold project of reducing it to subjection. By great exertion they raised an army, which, under the command of general Winthrop, was sent against Montreal, and equipped a fleet, which, commanded by Sir William Phipps, was destined to attack Quebec. The fleet, retarded by unavoidable accidents, did not arrive before Quebec until the 5th of October. Phipps, the next morning, sent a summons on shore, but received an insolent answer from count Frontenac. The next day he attempted to land his troops, but was prevented by the violence of the wind. On the 8th, all the effective men, amounting to between twelve and thirteen hundred, landed at the isle of Orleans, four miles below the town, and were fired on from the woods by French and Indians. Having remained on shore three days, they received information from a deserter of the strength of the place, and precipitately embarked. Atempest soon after dispersed the fleet, which made the best of its way back to Boston. Asuccessful result had been so confidently expected, that adequate provision was not made at home for the payment of the troops. In this extremity, the government of Massachusetts issued bills of credit, or paper money; and these were the first that were ever issued in the American colonies; but though it afforded relief at the moment, it produced in its consequences extensive and complicated mischief.

The first trials for witchcraft in New England occurred in the year 1645, when four persons charged with this crime were put to death in Massachusetts. For more than twenty years after, we hear but little of similar prosecutions. But in the year 1688, a woman was executed for witchcraft in Boston, after an investigation conducted with a degree of solemnity that made a deep impression on the minds of the people. Suspicions having been thus violently roused, the charges of witchcraft began gradually to multiply, till at length there commenced at Salem that dreadful tragedy which rendered New England for many months a scene of bloodshed, terror and madness, and at one time seemed to threaten the subversion of civil society.

In the year 1692, the frenzy of the colonists reached the highest pitch of extravagance. Suspicions and accusations of witchcraft became general among them; and on this fanciful charge many persons were put to death. This pestilential visitation first showed itself in the town of Salem. Afanatic, who was minister of a church there, had two daughters subject to convulsions. He fancied they were bewitched; and fixed his suspicions on an Indian girl who lived in the house, as the accomplice and tool of Satan in the matter. By harsh treatment he made the poor savage acknowledge herself a witch. Among a people like the New Englanders, this was throwing a firebrand into a powder magazine; and the explosion was dreadful. Every woman subject to hysterical affections instantly believed herself bewitched; and was seldom at a loss to discover the guilty cause of her malady. Persons accused of the imaginary crime of witchcraft were imprisoned, condemned, hanged, and their bodies left exposed to wild beasts and birds of prey. Counsellors who refused to plead against these devoted victims, and judges who were not forward in condemning them, were doomed to share their fate, as accomplices in their guilt.

Children of ten years of age were put to death; young women were stripped naked, and the marks of witchcraft sought for on their bodies with unblushing curiosity. Scorbutical or other spots on the bodies of old men were reckoned clear proofs of a heinous commerce with the infernal powers. Dreams, apparitions, prodigies of every kind, increased the general consternation and horror. The prisons were filled, the gibbets left standing, and the citizens were appalled. Under this frightful delirium, the miserable colonists seemed doomed to destruction by each other’s hands. The more prudent withdrew from a country polluted by the blood of its inhabitants, and the ruin of the colony seemed inevitable; when, ceasing to receive countenance from those in authority, this awful frenzy passed away, almost as suddenly as it had arisen, leaving to future ages a fearful warning against such popular insanity.

It is matter of satisfaction to the historian, that his attention is not again to be diverted, in the annals of this state, from his peculiar province, to record events which, had the intention of religion been rightly apprehended, would not have intermixed with civil affairs in fact, and therefore not in history. The legislature, at its first session under the new charter, passed a law which indicates the same independent spirit that afterwards resisted the usurpations of the British parliament. It provided that no tax should be imposed upon any of his majesty’s subjects, or their estates, in the province, but by the act and consent of the governor, council, and representatives of the people, in general court assembled. It is almost needless to add, that this law was disallowed by the king.

The war with the French and Indians, which began in 1690, was not yet terminated. For several years were the frontier settlements harassed by the savages, and the English were employed in expeditions against them. This continuance of the war on the part of the Indians, instigated and aided by the French, induced repeated applications for a force from the British government, to act in conjunction with land forces to be raised in New England and New York, for the reduction of Canada; and it was at length determined, that an expedition should be undertaken for that purpose. Afleet was to be employed in the winter in the reduction of Martinico; and, after the performance of that service, was to sail to Boston, take on board a body of land forces under Sir William Phipps, and proceed to Quebec. By attempting too much, the whole of this extensive project entirely failed.

The attacks of the natives on the English continued with little intermission till the peace of 1697. They were carried on with Indian cunning, treachery, and cruelty. ‘To these causes of suffering were superadded the power of all such motives as the ingenuity of the French could invent, their wealth furnish, or their bigotry adopt. Here all the implements of war and the means of sustenance were supplied; the expedition was planned; the price was bidden for scalps; the aid of European officers and soldiers was conjoined; the devastation and slaughter were sanctioned by the ministers of religion; and the blood-hounds, while their fangs were yet dropping blood, were caressed and cherished by men regarded by them as superior beings. The intervals between formal attacks were usually seasons of desultory mischief, plunder, and butchery; and always of suspense and dread. The solitary family was carried into captivity; the lonely house burned to the ground; and the traveller waylaid and shot in the forest. It ought, however, to be observed, to the immortal honor of these people, distinguished as they are by so many traits of brutal ferocity, that history records no instance in which the purity of a female captive was violated by them, or even threatened.’

The peace of Ryswick, which had been signed on the 20th of September, was proclaimed at Boston on the 10th of December, and the English colonies had a brief repose. By the seventh article it was agreed, that mutual restitution should be made of all the countries, forts, and colonies taken by each party during the war.

In a few years war again broke out in Europe, and hostilities speedily recommenced in America. The first blow fell upon Deerfield. In February, 1704, it was surprised in the night, about forty persons were killed, and more than one hundred were made prisoners, among whom were Mr.Williams, the minister, and his family. The killed were scalped, and the prisoners commanded to prepare for a long march to Canada. On the second day, Mrs.Williams was so exhausted with fatigue that she could go no farther. Her husband solicited permission to remain with her; but the retreating savages, according to their custom in such cases, killed her and compelled him to proceed. Before the termination of their journey, twenty more became unable to walk, and were in like manner sacrificed. Those who survived the journey to Canada were treated by the French with humanity; and after a captivity of many years, most of them were redeemed, and returned to their friends.

New York having agreed with the French and the western Indians to remain neutral, the enemy were enabled to pour their whole force upon Massachusetts and New Hampshire, the inhabitants of which, for ten years, endured miseries peculiar to an Indian war, of which the description we have given falls below the truth. The enemy were at all times prowling about the frontier settlements, watching in concealment for an opportunity to strike a sudden blow, and to fly with safety. The women and children retired into the garrisons; the men left their fields uncultivated, or labored with arms at their sides, and with sentinels at every point whence an attack could be apprehended. Yet, notwithstanding these precautions, the Indians were often successful, killing sometimes an individual, sometimes a whole family, sometimes a band of laborers, ten or twelve in number; and so swift were they in their movements, that but few fell into the hands of the whites. It was computed, that the sum of one thousand pounds was expended for every Indian killed or made captive. In 1707, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island, despatched an armament against Port Royal, in Nova Scotia, then in possession of the French, which returned, however, without effecting its object; but in 1710, the troops of New England, assisted by a British fleet, succeeded in reducing the place; and in compliment to queen Anne, changed its name to Annapolis.

We pass over various topics of interest, in regard to contests in Massachusetts between the people and their governors, relative to certain prerogatives of the crown. After a struggle of more than thirty years, the crown was compelled to yield to a bold and persevering opposition, and the controversy was not again renewed till the year 1773.

In 1744, war again broke out between England and France, and the colonies were again the theatre on which the great drama was to be acted. Commerce generally, and in particular the fisheries, suffered greatly during these hostilities from privateers fitted out at Louisburg, a French port on Cape Breton. This post was considered of vast importance, and nearly six millions of dollars had been expended on its fortifications. This post it was determined to subdue, and an expedition was sent against it under the command of Sir William Pepperell, of Kittery. In conjunction with other forces from England under the command of commodore Warren, batteries were erected before the town, and an assault eventually resolved upon. Discouraged by these adverse events and menacing appearances, the French commander consented to capitulate, and on the sixteenth of June articles were accordingly signed. After the surrender of the city, the French flag was kept flying on the ramparts, and several rich prizes were thus decoyed.

Fired with resentment at their loss, the French made extraordinary exertions to retrieve it, and to inflict chastisement on New England. The next summer they despatched to the American coast a powerful fleet, carrying a large number of soldiers. The news of its approach spread terror throughout New England; but an uncommon succession of disasters deprived it of all power to inflict injury. After remaining a short time on the coast, it returned to France, having lost two admirals, both of whom it was supposed put an end to their lives through chagrin; having also, by tempests, been reduced to one half its force, without effecting any of the objects anticipated.

In the month of November, 1747, a great tumult occurred in the town of Boston, arising from the following circumstance: Commodore Knowles, while lying at Nantasket with a number of men of war, losing some of his sailors by desertion, thought it reasonable that Boston should supply him with as many men as he had lost. He therefore sent his boats early in the morning, and surprised not only as many seamen as could be found on board any of the ships, but pressed some ship carpenters’ apprentices, and other laboring landsmen. This conduct was universally resented as outrageous; and as soon as it was dusk, several thousand people assembled in King’s street, where the general court was sitting. Stones and brickbats were thrown into the council chamber through the windows. Ajudicious speech of the governor from the balcony, disapproving of the impress, promising his utmost endeavors to obtain the discharge of the persons impressed, but reprehending the irregular proceedings of the people, had no effect.

Riot in State Street.

The seizure and restraint of the commanders and other officers who were in town were insisted on, as the only effectual method to procure the release of the inhabitants aboard the ships. The militia of Boston was summoned the next day to the aid of government, but refused to appear. The governor, judging it inexpedient to remain in town another night, withdrew to castle William; but kept up a communication with the commodore, urging the liberation of the townsmen. Meanwhile, the council and house of representatives passed some vigorous resolutions, and the tumultuous spirit began to subside. The inhabitants, assembled in town meeting, while they expressed their sense of the great insult and injury by the impress, condemned the riotous transactions. The militia of the town the next day promptly made their appearance, and conducted the governor with great pomp to his house; and the commodore dismissed most, if not all of the inhabitants who had been impressed; and the squadron sailed, to the joy and repose of the town.

In October, 1748, a treaty of peace between England and France was signed at Aix la Chapelle. By the articles of this treaty, Cape Breton was given up to the French, in a compromise for restoring the French conquests in the low countries to the empress queen of Hungary and the States General, and for a general restitution of places captured by the other belligerent powers. It was naturally a mortification to the inhabitants of New England, that what they termed, not unjustly, ‘their own acquisition,’ should be restored to France; but so long as peace continued, they sustained no disadvantage. In most respects, Massachusetts Bay was never in a more easy and happy situation, than at the close of this war.

NEW HAMPSHIRE AND MAINE.

It was in the year 1623, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges, John Mason, and others, having obtained of the Plymouth or New England company grants of several tracts of land, lying north of Massachusetts, sent from England a few persons to begin a settlement. Part landed, and for a short time remained at Little Harbor, on the west side Piscataqua river, and near its mouth, where they erected the first house, calling it Mason Hall; the remainder, proceeding higher up the river, settled at Cocheco, afterwards called Dover. Fishing and trade being the principal objects of these emigrants, their settlements increased slowly.

The persecuting policy of the Massachusetts colony peopled this country, when money and persuasion had been tried in vain. It has already been stated, that among those who were expelled from the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, at the time of the dissensions occasioned by opposition to the spread of antinomian sentiments at Boston, was the Rev.John Wheelwright. Previously to the date of Mason’s patent, he had purchased the land of the Indians, and laid the foundation of Exeter. In the year 1630, thirty-five persons residing in that town combined and established civil government; and within a year or two afterwards, the inhabitants of Dover and Portsmouth followed their example, each town remaining distinct and independent.

From Indian hostilities, this colony suffered more severely than her neighbors. The surprise of Dover, in 1689, was effected with the most shocking barbarity; though the natives having been ill-treated by one of the principal inhabitants may account for, if not palliate, their ferocious revenge. Having determined upon their plan of attack, the Indians employed their usual art to lull the suspicions of the inhabitants. So civil and respectful was their behavior, that they occasionally obtained permission to sleep in the fortified houses in the town. On the evening of the fatal night, they assembled in the neighborhood, and sent their women to apply for lodgings at the houses devoted to destruction. When all was quiet the doors were opened and the signal given. The Indians rushed into Waldron’s house, and hastened to his apartment. Awakened by the noise, he seized his sword, and drove them back, but when returning for his other arms was stunned with a hatchet, and fell. They then dragged him into his hall, seated him in an elbow chair upon a long table, and insultingly asked him, ‘Who shall judge Indians now?’ After feasting upon provisions, which they compelled the rest of the family to procure, each one with his knife cut gashes across his breast, saying, ‘I cross out my account.’ When, weakened with the loss of blood, he was about to fall from the table, his own sword was held under him, which put an end to his tortures. At other houses, similar acts of cruelty were perpetrated; in the whole, twenty-three persons were killed, and twenty-nine carried prisoners to Canada, who were mostly sold to the French. Many houses were burned, and much property was plundered; but so expeditious were the Indians, that they had fled beyond reach before the neighboring people could be collected. The war thus commenced, was not easily terminated. The French, by giving premiums for scalps, and by purchasing the English prisoners, animated the Indians to exert all their activity and address, and the frontier inhabitants endured the most aggravated sufferings. The peace of Ryswick, in 1697, closed the distressing scene till 1703, when another war began, which continued ten years.

A few years only transpired before the inhabitants again suffered the afflictions of an Indian war. Following the example of the French, the government offered premiums for scalps, which induced several volunteer companies to undertake expeditions against the enemy. One of these, commanded by captain Lovewell, was greatly distinguished. In April, 1725, with thirty-four men, he fought a famous Indian chief, named Paugus, at the head of about eighty savages, near the shores of a pond in Pequackett. Lovewell’s men were determined either to conquer or die, although outnumbered by the Indians more than twice. They fought till Lovewell and Paugus were killed, and all Lovewell’s men but nine were either killed or dangerously wounded. The savages having lost, as was supposed, sixty of their number out of eighty, and being convinced of the fierce and determined resolution of their foes, at length retreated, and left them masters of the ground. The scene of this desperate and bloody action, which took place in the town that is now called Fryburgh, is often visited with interest to this day, and the names both of those who fell, and those who survived, are yet repeated with exultation.

CONNECTICUT.

The Connecticut colony consisted of people who first emigrated from England to Massachusetts, and, in the years 1630 and 1632, settled and formed themselves into churches at Dorchester, Watertown, and Cambridge, where they resided several years. But either because the number of emigrants to Massachusetts did not allow them all such a choice as they wished of good lands, or because some jealousies had arisen between their pastors and leaders, and the leading men of the colony, they took the resolution of seating themselves again in the wilderness; and in the years 1635 and 1636 they removed their families to Windsor, Weathersfield, and Hartford, on the Connecticut river.

From the commencement of the Connecticut colony, the natives discovered a hostile disposition. Their principal enemy was the Pequods, the most numerous and warlike nation within the limits of the state, and perhaps in New England. They inhabited the country which environs the towns of New London, Groton, and Stonington. Sassacus, the great prince of the Pequods, had under him six-and-twenty sachems, and could bring into the field seven hundred or a thousand warriors, who had been long accustomed to victory. The royal residence was at a large fort situated on a beautiful eminence in the town of Groton, which commands an extensive prospect of the sea and of the surrounding country. There was also another fortress, called Mystic fort, situated in the town of Stonington. After suffering repeated injuries, and the murder of about thirty of their people, principally by the Pequods, the general court, which had been convened for the purpose, resolved on active hostilities, and immediately raised an army of ninety men, half the effective force of the colony. These were to be joined by two hundred men from Massachusetts, and forty from Plymouth.

The court which declared war was holden on the 1st of May; the men were raised and embarked on the river, under the command of captain Mason, on the 10th; and, after being wind-bound several days, sailed from the mouth of the river for Narraganset bay on the 19th. They were accompanied by sixty Mohegan and River Indians, under Uncas, a Mohegan sachem. On reaching Narraganset bay, they landed to the number of seventy-seven Englishmen, marched into the country of the Narragansets, and communicated their design to Miantonimoh, the sachem of the country, who offered to join them. Information was here received that captain Patrick had reached Providence, with a company of Massachusetts troops, but it was resolved not to wait for this reinforcement. On the next day, they marched twenty miles through the west part of Rhode Island, and reached Nihantick, which bordered on the Pequods’ country.99 The army wheeled directly to Mystic fort, which was immediately attacked; the contest, though tremendously severe, terminated in favor of the English, and in the destruction of the Indians. Although this victory was complete, the situation of the army was extremely dangerous and destressing. Several were killed, and one-fourth of their number were wounded; the remainder were exhausted with fatigue, and destitute of provisions; they were in the midst of an enemy’s country, many miles from their vessels, and their ammunition was nearly exhausted; they were but a few miles distant from the principal fortress of their foe, where there was a fresh army, which they knew would be exasperated in the highest degree on learning the fate of their brethren. In the midst of their perplexity, while they were consulting on the course to be pursued, their vessels appeared in sight, steering with a fair wind directly into the harbor. The army was received on board with great mutual joy and congratulation.

The troops employed on this successful expedition reached their homes before the expiration of a month from the day that the war was resolved upon. The Pequods, on the departure of captain Mason, burnt their wigwams, destroyed their principal fort, and scattered themselves throughout the country. Sassacus, with a party of his chief warriors, abandoned his country, and moved by slow marches towards the Hudson river. They were followed by a party of Massachusetts and Connecticut troops; and, in a great swamp in Fairfield, near the western part of Connecticut, they were overtaken, and a battle ensued. Sassacus, and about twenty of his most hardy men, escaped, and fled to the Mohawk country; but there he found no safety; he was surprised by the Mohawks, and killed, with all his party, except Mononotto, who, after being wounded, made his escape. The Pequods who remained were divided between the Mohegans and Narragansets, and the nation became extinct. The vigor and boldness with which this war was prosecuted on both sides, give it the air of romance. Its decisive termination, which was so fatal to one party, was productive of the most happy consequences to the other. It struck the Indians throughout New England with such a salutary terror, that they were contented, in general, to remain at peace for nearly forty years.

In the year 1637, Mr.John Davenport, a celebrated London minister, accompanied by several eminent merchants, made overtures to the native proprietors for the purchase of all the lands between the rivers Hudson and Connecticut. This purchase they in part effected, and from this originated the colony of New Haven. At first they recognised the authority of Massachusetts, but it being evident that they were not within the limits of the Massachusetts colony, they convened an assembly at Hartford, and formed a constitution of government of the most popular kind. The people of New Haven followed their example, and framed a similar government; and these continued the constitutions of the two colonies, till their union in 1661. On the completion of the union among the several colonies of New England, several Indian sachems came in and submitted themselves to the English government, among whom were Miantonomoh, the Narraganset, and Uncas, the Mohegan, chief.

After the restoration, the Connecticut colony sent out Mr.Winthrop of Massachusetts to England, with a petition for a charter with the royal signature. This charter he obtained, and it was one of the most liberal description. It established a government of a highly popular kind, and continued the fundamental law of Connecticut for one hundred and fifty-eight years. ‘It is remarkable,’ says a writer in the North American Review, ‘that although it was granted at a period of the world when the rights of the people were little understood and little regarded, and by a sovereign who governed England with a more arbitrary sway than any of his successors, the form of government established by this charter was of a more popular description, and placed all power within the more immediate reach of the people, than the constitution for which it has been deliberately exchanged, in these modern days of popular jealousy and republican freedom.’ In this new charter was included the colony of New Haven; though it was not for some years that the union was finally adopted.

Connecticut was destined to suffer, with the rest of the colonies, from the violent acts committed in the last years of the reign of the Stuarts. Massachusetts had been deprived of her charter, and Rhode Island had been induced to surrender hers, when, in July, 1685, a writ of quo warranto was issued against the governor and company of Connecticut. The colonial government was strongly advised by Vane to comply with the requisition, and surrender the charter; but it was determined neither to appear to defend the charter, nor voluntarily to surrender it. Sir Edmund Andros made repeated applications for its surrender, but without success.

The singular mode of its escape from his demand in person is thus recorded by Trumbull: ‘The assembly met as usual, in October, 1687, and the government continued, according to charter, until the last of the month. About this time, Sir Edmund, with his suite, and more than sixty regular troops, came to Hartford, where the assembly were sitting, demanded the charter, and declared the government under it to be dissolved. The assembly were extremely reluctant and slow with respect to any resolve to surrender the charter, or with respect to any motion to bring it forth. The tradition is, that governor Treat strongly represented the great expense and hardships of the colonists in planting the country; the blood and treasure which they had expended in defending it, both against the savages and foreigners; to what hardships and dangers he himself had been exposed for that purpose; and that it was like giving up his life now to surrender the patent and privileges so dearly bought, and so long enjoyed. The important affair was debated and kept in suspense until the evening, when the charter was brought and laid upon the table where the assembly were sitting.

‘By this time, great numbers of people were assembled, and men sufficiently bold to enterprise whatever might be necessary or expedient. The lights were instantly extinguished, and one captain Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the most silent and secret manner, carried off the charter, and secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the house of the honorable Samuel Wyllys, then one of the magistrates of the colony. The people appeared all peaceable and orderly. The candles were officiously relighted, but the patent was gone, and no discovery could be made of it, or of the person who had conveyed it away.’ Though Sir Edmund was thus foiled in his attempt to obtain possession of the charter, he did not hesitate to assume the reins of government, which he administered in a manner as oppressive in this as in the other colonies. When, on the arrival of the declaration of the prince of Orange at Boston, Andros was deposed and imprisoned, the people of Connecticut resumed their previous form of government, having been interrupted little more than a year and a half.

In the Indian war, in which Philip acted so conspicuous a part, Connecticut had her share of suffering, though it was not so great as that of some of her sister colonies. Hostilities were commenced by the aborigines, on the Connecticut river, in the summer of 1675; and, on the first of September, the inhabitants of Hadley were alarmed by the Indians during the time of public worship, and the people thrown into the utmost confusion; but the enemy were repulsed by the valor and good conduct of an aged, venerable man, who, suddenly appearing in the midst of the affrighted inhabitants, put himself at their head, led them to the onset, and, after the dispersion of the enemy, instantly disappeared. This deliverer of Hadley, then imagined to be an angel, was general Goffe, (one of the judges of CharlesI.,) who was at that time concealed in the town.

But a short time elapsed, before the colonists were again called on to defend their privileges from what they deemed an unjust encroachment. Colonel Fletcher, governor of New York, had been vested with plenary powers to command the militia of Connecticut, and insisted on the exercise of that command. The legislature of Connecticut, deeming that authority to be expressly given to the colony by charter, would not submit to his requisition; but, desirous of maintaining a good understanding with governor Fletcher, endeavored to make terms with him, until his majesty’s pleasure should be further known. All their negotiations were, however, unsuccessful; and, on the 26th of October, he came to Hartford, while the assembly was sitting, and, in his majesty’s name, demanded submission; but the refusal was resolutely persisted in. After the requisition had been repeatedly made, with plausible explanations and serious menaces, Fletcher ordered his commission and instructions to be read in audience of the trainbands of Hartford, which had been assembled upon his order.

Captain Wadsworth, the senior officer, who was exercising his soldiers, instantly called out, ‘Beat the drums!’ which, in a moment, overwhelmed every voice. Fletcher commanded silence. No sooner was a second attempt made to read, than Wadsworth vociferated, ‘Drum, drum! Isay.’ The drummers instantly beat up again, with the greatest possible spirit. ‘Silence, silence,’ exclaimed the governor. At the first moment of a pause, Wadsworth called out earnestly, ‘Drum, drum, Isay;’ and, turning to his excellency, said, ‘If Iam interrupted again, Iwill make the sun shine through you in a moment.’ Colonel Fletcher declined putting Wadsworth to the test, and, abandoning the contest, returned with his suite to New York.

RHODE ISLAND.

The settlement of PROVIDENCE AND RHODE ISLAND was made by Roger Williams, in 1636. This man was far in advance of his age. He set the first example of perfect religious equality and toleration; and extended his humane labors to enlighten, improve and conciliate the savages. When the New England colonies, in 1643, formed the celebrated confederacy, Rhode Island applied to be admitted to the union; but Plymouth objected, on the ground that the settlements were within her boundaries.

Upon the application of the inhabitants, in 1663, a charter was granted by CharlesII. to the Rhode Island and Providence plantations. On the accession of JamesII., the assembly of Rhode Island immediately transmitted an address, acknowledging themselves his loyal subjects, and begging protection for their chartered rights. But reformation of abuses in New England was then the order of the day, and articles of high misdemeanor were exhibited against them before the lords of the committee of colonies, accusing them of breaches of their charter, and of opposition to the acts of navigation. This committee ordered that Sir Edmund Andros, the governor of Massachusetts, should demand the surrender of their charter, and govern them as other colonies of New England. In December, 1686, Andros accordingly dissolved the government of Rhode Island, broke its seal, and assumed the administration of affairs. When the revolution put an end to his power, Rhode Island and Providence resumed their charter, on the ground that an act which was extorted by terror might justly be recalled when restraint no longer remained.

The wise, peaceful and beneficent counsels of Williams, had preserved the colonists from the dangers of Indian incursions. Their prosperity was proportionate to their moderation. The population increased with great rapidity, and in 1761 amounted to forty thousand. Brown university was founded at Warren, in 1764. Six years afterwards it was removed to Providence, where a large and elegant building was erected for the students.

NEW YORK.

NEW YORK was first settled by the Dutch, who erected a fort near Albany, which they called fort Orange, and a few trading-houses on the island of New York, then called by the Indians Manhattan. The claims of the Dutch to the property of the soil were disputed by the king of Great Britain, who founded an adverse claim on the discovery of the Cabots in the previous century. In the first year of their settlement, they were visited by captain Argal, who claimed the country for his sovereign, and warned them to acknowledge his authority. The colony was small, and prudently acquiesced in the demand: but within a twelvemonth their number was increased, and the demands of the English were promptly resisted. For a series of years they continued in undisturbed quiet, and by toil, perseverance and unwearied activity, surmounted the dangers and troubles of an infant colony.

In 1621, the Dutch republic granted to their West India company an extensive territory on both sides of the Hudson, and called it New Netherlands. Under the management of this company, the settlement was soon both consolidated and extended; and the foundations were laid of the cities of New Amsterdam, afterwards New York, and of Albany. In 1623, they erected a fort on the Delaware, which they called Nassau; and, ten years afterwards, another on the Connecticut, which they called Good Hope. Near the former the Swedes had a settlement; and from the interfering claims of the two nations, quarrels arose between the settlers, which, in a few years, terminated in the subjugation of the Swedes.

The policy of the Dutch, in extending their settlements so far eastward as Connecticut, soon brought them into collision with more powerful neighbors. Numberless causes of dispute arose between New Netherlands and the colonies of Connecticut and New Haven; but neither party allowed itself to forget the substantial claims of humanity, or the forms of ordinary courtesy. In the Indian wars, the English never delayed to render due assistance to their Dutch neighbors, who were so unwarlike that they found it necessary to invite captain Underhill, who had been banished from Boston for his eccentricities in religion, to take command of their troops. Collecting a flying party of one hundred and fifty men, he was enabled to preserve the Dutch settlements from destruction. The number of Indians whom he killed in the course of the war, was supposed to exceed four hundred. In 1646, a severe battle was fought on that part of Horse-Neck called Strickland’s Plain. The Dutch were victorious; on both sides great numbers were slain; and for a century afterwards the graves of the dead were distinctly visible.

When CharlesII. ascended the British throne, he did not hesitate to assert his claim to the province of New Netherlands; and without any attempt at negotiation with the states, he executed a charter, conveying to the duke of York the whole territory from the eastern shore of the Delaware to the western bank of the Connecticut. This grant took no notice of the existing possession of the Dutch, or of the recent Connecticut charter, which it entirely superseded. No sooner did the duke of York obtain this grant, than he conveyed to lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret all that portion now constituting the province of New Jersey. To carry such a grant into effect, it was necessary to call in the aid of the military, and an armament was despatched from England under the command of colonel Nichols; who was also appointed governor of the province he was about to conquer. After touching at Boston, the fleet sailed to the Hudson and took a position before the capital of New Netherlands. The Dutch governor, Stuyvesant, had determined on a resolute resistance, but his followers were of a less gallant temperament, and compelled him to agree to a treaty of capitulation.

Immediately after its subjugation, New Amsterdam, and the whole conquered province, received the name of New York. Few of the inhabitants thought proper to remove from the country; even governor Stuyvesant lived and died there. Nichols at once assumed command of the conquered territory, and proceeded to reduce the affairs of the state to one uniform constitution and policy. Many of the Dutch forms of government were retained, but English influence gradually brought about a change; and on the twelfth of June, 1665, the inhabitants of New York were incorporated under a mayor, five aldermen, and a sheriff. At the peace of Breda, New York was regularly ceded to England in exchange for Surinam, by a general stipulation that each of the belligerents should retain what its arms had acquired since the commencement of hostilities.

The interior of New York was originally inhabited by a confederacy, which consisted at first of five, and afterwards of six, nations of Indians. This confederacy was formed for mutual defence against the Algonquins, a powerful Canadian nation, and displayed much of the wisdom and sagacity which mark the institutions of a civilized people. By their union they had become formidable to the surrounding tribes. Being the allies of the English, the French were alarmed at their successes, and became jealous of their power. In the year 1684, De la Barre, the governor of Canada, marched to attack them, with an army of seventeen hundred men. His troops suffered so much from hardships, famine, and sickness, that he was compelled to ask peace of those whom he had come to exterminate. He invited the chiefs of the Five Nations to meet him at his camp, and those of three of them accepted the invitation. Standing in a circle, formed by the chiefs and his own officers, he addressed a speech to Garrangula, of the Onondago tribe, in which he accused the confederates of conducting the English to the trading grounds of the French, and threatened them with war and extermination if they did not alter their behavior. Garrangula, knowing the distresses of the French troops, heard these threats with contempt. After walking five or six times round the circle, he addressed De la Barre in the following bold language, calling him Yonnondio, and the English governor, Corlear:—

‘Hear, Yonnondio, Ido not sleep; Ihave my eyes open, and the sun which enlightens me, discovers to me a great captain at the head of a company of soldiers, who speaks as if he was dreaming. He says that he only came to smoke the great pipe of peace with the Onondagas. But Garrangula says, that he sees the contrary; that it was to knock them on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms of the French. We carried the English to our lakes, to trade there with the Utawawas, and Quatoghies, as the Adirondacs brought the French to our castles, to carry on a trade which the English say is theirs. We are born free; we neither depend on Yonnondio nor Corlear. We may go where we please, and buy and sell what we please. If your allies are your slaves, use them as such; command them to receive no other but your people. Hear, Yonnondio! what Isay is the voice of all the Five Nations. When they buried the hatchet at Cadaracui, in the middle of the fort, they planted the tree of peace in the same place, to be there carefully preserved, that instead of a retreat for soldiers, the fort might be a rendezvous for merchants. Take care that the many soldiers who appear there do not choke the tree of peace, and prevent it from covering your country and ours with its branches. Iassure you that our warriors shall dance under its leaves, and will never dig up the hatchet to cut it down, till their brother Yonnondio or Corlear shall invade the country which the Great Spirit has given to our ancestors.’

De la Barre was mortified and enraged at this bold reply; but, submitting to necessity, he concluded a treaty of peace, and returned to Montreal. His successor, De Nonville, led a larger army against the confederates; but fell into an ambuscade, and was defeated. These wars within the limits of the colony served to perpetuate the enmity of the Indians against the French, and their attachment to the English.

When JamesII. ascended the throne, it was determined to superadd New York and the Jerseys to the jurisdiction of the four colonies of New England; and a new commission was issued, appointing Sir Edmund Andros captain-general and vice-admiral over the whole. His authority, however, was a brief one. In the following year, intelligence was received of the accession of William and Mary to the British throne; and while the principal officers and magistrates were assembled to consult for the general good, Jacob Leisler, a captain of militia, seized the fort and held it for the prince of Orange. The province was for some time subsequently ruled by a committee of safety, with Leisler at their head. In a few months, a letter arrived from the ministry in England, directed ‘to such as, for the time being, take care of administering the laws of the province,’ and conferring authority to perform all the duties of lieutenant governor. This letter Leisler understood as addressed to himself, and assumed the authority conferred by it, without ceremony.

The people of Albany acknowledged king William, but refused to submit to Leisler. Force was resorted to, with the view of compelling obedience; and the estates of the rebellious were confiscated. In this disturbed state, the colonists of New York remained nearly two years; when the miseries of foreign aggression were added to those of internal discord.

War had been declared between France and England; and De Nonville had been replaced in the governorship of Canada by count Frontignac, a veteran officer, whose skilful and energetic measures, aided by a large reinforcement, soon raised the affairs of the French from the brink of ruin, and enabled them to act on the offensive. Frontignac was indefatigable in his efforts to gain over the Five Nations, who had made two attacks upon Montreal, and murdered a great number of inhabitants. He held a great council with them at Onondaga; and, as they seemed to be somewhat inclined to peace, he resolved to give their favorable disposition no time for change, and, at the same time, to inspirit his own drooping countrymen, by finding them immediate employment against the English colonies. On the 19th of January, a party of about two hundred French, and some Cahnuaga Indians, set out, in a deep snow, for Schenectady; they arrived on the 8th of February, at eleven o’clock at night; and the first intimation the inhabitants had of their design, was conveyed in the noise of their own bursting doors. The village was burnt, sixty persons were butchered, twenty-seven suffered the worse fate of captivity, the rest made their way naked through the snow towards Albany, where some arrived in extreme distress, while many perished in the attempt. Aparty of young men, and some Mohawk Indians, set out from the latter place, pursued the enemy, and killed or captured twenty-five.

To avenge these barbarities, and others perpetrated in New England, a combined expedition against Canada was projected. An army, raised in New York and Connecticut, proceeded as far as the head of lake Champlain, whence, finding no boats prepared, they were obliged to return. Sir William Phipps, with a fleet of more than thirty vessels, sailed from Boston into the St.Lawrence, and, landing a body of troops, made an attack by land and water upon Quebec; but the return of the army to New York allowing the whole force of the enemy to repair to the assistance of the garrison, he was obliged to abandon the enterprise. Leisler, transported with rage when he was informed of the retreat, caused Winthrop, who commanded the New England forces, to be arrested, but was instantly compelled, by universal indignation, to release him. It was to the misconduct or incapacity of Leisler and Milborne, (the latter of whom, as commissary-general, had made no adequate provision for the enterprise,) that the failure of this expedition was attributed.

Leisler was afterwards superseded by colonel Sloughter, and, together with Milborne, was executed for refusing to surrender his authority to the officer legally appointed to receive it. Sloughter’s administration was inefficient and turbulent. He was succeeded by colonel Fletcher, a man of great energy of character, but violent in his disposition and mean. His administration was signalized by no occurrence worthy of particular record. The war between the French and the Five Indian Nations raged with great fury, and both parties seemed inspired with a mutual emulation of cruelty in victory, no less than of prowess in battle. Prisoners were tortured, and put to death, without the least regard to the rights of humanity, or the laws of war.

In 1697, the peace of Ryswick, which was concluded between Great Britain and France, gave security and repose to the colonies. The next year, the earl of Bellamont was appointed governor. He was particularly desirous of clearing the American seas of the pirates with which they had for some time been grievously infested. The government, however, declining to furnish an adequate naval force, the earl engaged with others in a private undertaking against them. Among the associates were lord chancellor Summers and the duke of Shrewsbury; the king himself, too, held a tenth share. The company, having procured a vessel of war, gave the command to captain Kid, and despatched him on a cruise against the pirates. He had been but a short time at sea, when he made a new contract with his crew, and, on the Atlantic and Indian oceans, became himself a daring and successful pirate. Three years afterwards he returned, burned his ship, and, with a strange infatuation, appeared in public at Boston.

The earl of Bellamont wrote to the secretary of state, desiring that Kid might be sent for, and a man-of-war was despatched upon this service; but being driven back by a storm, a general suspicion prevailed in England, that there was collusion between the ministry and the adventurers, who were thought unwilling to produce Kid, lest he might discover that the chancellor and the other associates were confederates in the piracy. So powerful was this feeling, that a motion was made in the house of commons, that all who were concerned in the adventure might be deprived of their employments; but it was rejected by a great majority, and all subsequent attempts to implicate the unfortunate shareholders, only proved more satisfactorily their entire innocence of any participation either in the designs or the profits of captain Kid; although their imprudence in selecting a person whose previous character was very indifferent, was evident and undeniable. Ultimately Kid was conveyed to England, where he was tried and executed.

Lord Bellamont found affairs in great confusion, and the colony divided into two bitter factions, contending with increased animosity. His administration was prudent, and promised to be highly beneficial; but was early terminated by his death, in March, 1701. Lord Cornbury was appointed his successor, a man eminent only for his meanness and profligacy: dismissed by his friends to place him out of the reach of his creditors. His rule was oppressive and extravagant; and the infamy of his private character exposed him to universal odium. He was finally removed, and was succeeded by lord Lovelace. His lordship died soon after his arrival, and general Hunter was appointed to the vacant chair. He brought with him nearly three thousand Germans, who were dispersed through New York and Pennsylvania.

In the year 1709, extensive preparations were made for an attack on the French settlements in Canada; the plan was afterwards abandoned, but in 1711 resumed. It was unsuccessful, and nothing was accomplished by it. To defray its expenses, the newly-elected assembly passed several bills, which the council persisted in amending. Acontest ensued between these two bodies, in which the governor took side with the council, and finally dissolved the assembly. At the ensuing election, most of the members chosen were opposed to the governor. This assembly was dissolved by the death of the queen. The next met a similar fate from the governor soon after it met, a majority being known to be unfriendly to his views. At length, however, the people became weary of contending, and sent representatives who were not disposed to differ from the governor.

General Hunter quitted the province in 1719, and his authority devolved on Peter Schuyler, the oldest member of the council. William Burnet succeeded him in the following year. He was a man of good sense, and kind feelings, and he entertained just views of policy. His most vigilant attention was directed to Indian affairs, and to the danger to be apprehended from the vicinity of the French.

Turning his views towards the wilderness, he perceived that the French, in order to connect their settlements in Canada and Louisiana, to secure to themselves the Indian trade, and to confine the English to the sea-coast, were busily employed in erecting a chain of forts from the St.Lawrence to the Mississippi. He endeavored to defeat their design, by building a trading-house, and afterwards a fort, at Oswego, on lake Ontario. But the French had the command of more abundant resources, and applied them to the accomplishment of their object with great activity and zeal. They launched two vessels upon that lake; and, going farther into the wilderness, erected a fort at Niagara, commanding the entrance into it; they had previously erected fort Frontignac, commanding the outlet. The Jesuit Charlevoix does no more than justice to Mr.Burnet, in declaring that he left no stone unturned to defeat the French at Niagara. Besides supplanting his favorite trade at Oswego, these operations tended to the defection of the Five Nations; and, in case of a rupture, exposed the frontiers of the southern colonies to the ravages of the French and their allies. Mr.Burnet, upon whom these considerations made the deepest impression, laid the matter before the house, remonstrated against the proceedings to Longuiel, in Canada, wrote to the ministry in England, who complained of them to the French court, and met the confederates at Albany, endeavoring to convince them of the danger they themselves would be in from an aspiring, ambitious neighbor.

He spoke first about the affair privately to the sachems, and afterwards, in the public conference, informed them of all the encroachments which the French had made upon their fathers, and the ill-usage they had met with, according to La Potherie’s account, published with the privilege of the French king, at Paris, in 1722. He then reminded them of the kind treatment they had received from the English, who constantly fed and clothed them, and never attempted any act of hostility to their prejudice. This speech was extremely well drawn, the thoughts being conceived in strong figures, particularly expressive and agreeable to the Indians. The governor required an explicit declaration of their sentiments concerning the French transactions at Niagara, and their answer was truly categorical. ‘We speak now in the name of all the Six Nations, and come to you howling. This is the reason why we howl, that the governor of Canada encroaches on our land, and builds thereon.’ After which they entreated him to write to the king for succor. Mr.Burnet embraced this favorable opportunity to procure from them a deed, surrendering their country to his majesty, to be protected for their use, and confirming their grant in 1701, concerning which there was only an entry in the books of the secretary for Indian affairs.

It was an unfortunate circumstance, which tended to prevent the execution of Mr.Burnet’s vigorous designs, that the electors of the colony had become dissatisfied at the length of time which had elapsed since they had been called on to exercise their functions. The assembly elected in 1716 had been on such good terms with the governor, that he continued its existence during the long period of eleven years. In the year 1727, however, the clamors of the people induced him to dissolve it; and, as might be expected, that which next met, was composed almost exclusively of his opponents. The court of chancery, in which he presided, had become exceedingly unpopular. It had been instituted by an ordinance of the governor and council, without the concurrence of the assembly, and some of the decisions had given great offence to powerful individuals. The house passed resolutions, declaring it ‘a manifest oppression and grievance,’ and intimating that its decrees were void. Mr.Burnet no sooner heard of these votes, than he called the members before him, and dissolved the assembly. They occasioned, however, an ordinance in the spring following, as well to remedy sundry abuses in the practice in chancery, as to reduce the fees of that court, ‘which, on account of the popular clamors, were so much diminished,’ says Smith, ‘that the wheels of the chancery have ever since rusted upon their axles, the practice being contemned by all gentlemen of eminence in the profession.’

Mr.Burnet was soon after appointed governor of Massachusetts, and was succeeded at New York by colonel Montgomery, who devoted himself so much to his ease that he has left nothing else to distinguish his brief rule. Upon his death, in 1731, the supreme authority devolved upon Rip Van Dam, the senior member of the council. Under his inefficient administration, the French were permitted to erect a fort at Crown Point, within the acknowledged boundaries of New York, from which parties of savages were often secretly despatched to destroy the English settlements.

In August, 1732, Van Dam was superseded by William Crosby. Having been the advocate in parliament of the American colonies, he was at first popular, but he soon lost the affection and confidence of the people. One of his most unpopular acts was the prosecution of Zenger, the printer of a newspaper, for publishing an article derogatory to the dignity of his majesty’s government, bringing him to trial, after a severe imprisonment of thirty-five weeks from the printing of the offensive articles. Andrew Hamilton, an eminent lawyer of Philadelphia, though aged and infirm, learning the distress of the prisoner and the importance of the trial, went to New York to plead Zenger’s cause, which he did so effectually that the jury brought in the prisoner not guilty. The common council of the city of New York, for this noble and successful service, presented Mr.Hamilton the freedom of their corporation in a gold box.

Governor Crosby was succeeded, in 1736, by George Clark. During his administration, the contest which had ended, twenty years before, in the victory gained by governor Hunter over the house of representatives, was revived. The colony being in debt, the house voted to raise the sum of six thousand pounds; but, in order to prevent its misapplication, declared that it should be applied to the payment of certain specified debts. Offended by this vote, Clark immediately dissolved the assembly. At the election which ensued, the popular party was triumphant. In their second session the house voted an address to the lieutenant governor, in which, after stating some of the vital principles of free government, and referring to recent misapplications of money, they say, ‘We therefore beg leave to be plain with your honor, and hope you will not take it amiss when we tell you, that you are not to expect that we will either raise sums unfit to be raised, or put what we shall raise into the power of a governor to misapply, if we can prevent it; nor shall we make up any other deficiencies than what we conceive are fit and just to be paid; nor continue what support or revenue we shall raise for any longer time than one year; nor do we think it convenient to do even that, until such laws are passed as we conceive necessary for the safety of the inhabitants of this colony, who have reposed a trust in us for that only purpose, and which we are sure you will think it reasonable we should act agreeable to; and, by the grace of God, we shall endeavor not to deceive them.’

With men so resolute in maintaining their rights, Clark wisely declined to contend; and promised his cordial co-operation in all measures calculated to promote the prosperity of the colony. Harmony did not, however, long continue. Clark, in his speech at the opening of the next session, declared that unless the revenue was granted for as long a time as it had been granted by former assemblies, his duty to his majesty forbade him from assenting to any act for continuing the excise, or for paying the colonial bills of credit. The house unanimously resolved, that it would not pass any bill for the grant of money, unless assurance should be given that the excise should be continued and the bills of credit redeemed. The lieutenant governor immediately ordered the members to attend him. He told them that ‘their proceedings were presumptuous, daring, and unprecedented; that he could not look upon them without astonishment, nor with honor suffer the house to sit any longer;’ and he accordingly dissolved it. In April, 1740, the assembly again met. It had now risen to importance in the colony; and the adherence of the representatives to their determination, not to grant the revenue for more than one year, made annual meetings of the assembly necessary. Their attachment to liberty was construed by the lieutenant governor into a desire for independence: in a speech delivered, in 1741, he alludes to ‘a jealousy which for some years had obtained in England, that the plantations were not without thoughts of throwing off their dependence on the crown.’

George Clinton superseded Clark in the government of the colony in 1743. Like most of his predecessors he was welcomed with joy; and one of his earliest measures confirmed the favorable accounts which had preceded him, of his talents and liberality. To manifest his confidence in the people, he assented to a bill limiting the duration of the present and all succeeding assemblies. The house evinced its gratitude by adopting the measures he recommended for the defence of the province against the French, who were then at war with England. In 1745, the savages in alliance with France made frequent invasions of the English territories; and their hostilities were continued, with little intermission, till the war which terminated the French dominion in Canada.

In the middle of the seventeenth century, the whole colony of New York contained scarcely one hundred thousand inhabitants,100 not half the number which the city of New York alone can now boast. That the population would have been much more numerous at this time, had not the inhabitants been so continually exposed to the irruptions of the French and their Indian allies, is evident from its rapid increase when those unfavorable circumstances ceased to exist. The consideration of this period belongs, however, to another department of the work.

NEW JERSEY.

It was not till the year 1640 that any attempt was made by the English to colonize that portion of the continent now known as New Jersey, and then they were resisted and expelled by the Swedes. This nation remained in possession of the country on both sides of the Delaware until 1655, when the governor of New Netherlands conquered all their posts, and transported most of the Swedes to Europe. The Dutch consequently possessed themselves of the whole territory of New Jersey, New York, and Delaware; but their settlements in New Jersey shared the fate of those on the Hudson, when in the year 1664 they were captured by the English under colonel Nichols. In the same year the duke of York conveyed that portion of his grant lying between Hudson and Delaware rivers to lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. This tract was called NEW JERSEY, in compliment to Sir George, who had been governor of the island of Jersey, and had held it for the king in his contest with the parliament.

The early history of this province is a history of disputes between the inhabitants and the proprietaries. It would not be interesting to go into their details, as they are mere claims and adjudications of title. Suffice it to say, that in the course of the disputes it became partitioned into East and West Jersey, and fell into the hands of different proprietors. The former was released, in July, 1676, by William Penn and his three associates, assignees of lord Berkeley, to Philip Carteret; and he in return conveyed to them the latter, the government of which the duke retained as a dependency of New York, while that of the first was resigned to Carteret.

Philip Carteret, a natural son of Sir George, returned to East Jersey in the beginning of 1675, and was now kindly received by the inhabitants, because they had felt the rigors of conquest, which had not been softened by Andros, who had been appointed by the duke of York lieutenant over all his territories, from the western bank of the Connecticut to the farther shore of the Delaware. Having postponed the payment of quit-rents to a future day, and published new concessions with regard to the tenure of lands, tranquillity was perfectly restored. Desirous to promote the commercial interests of the colony, because he perceived its neighbor growing great and rich by trade, Carteret began, in 1676, to clear out vessels from East Jersey; but he was steadily opposed by Andros, who claimed jurisdiction over the Jersies, insisting that conquest by the Dutch divested the proprietors of all their rights. He forcibly seized, transported to New York, and there imprisoned, those magistrates why refused to acknowledge his authority. He imposed a duty upon all goods imported, and upon the property of all who came to settle in the country.

The inhabitants made repeated and energetic complaints of this injustice to the duke of York; and at length, wearied with their continual importunity, this prince consented to refer the matter to commissioners, who ultimately agreed to adhere to the opinion of Sir William Jones.

The commissioners pronounced their judgment, in conformity with the opinion of SirW. Jones, ‘that as the grant to Berkeley and Carteret had reserved no profit or jurisdiction, the legality of the taxes could not be defended.’ In consequence of this adjudication, the duke resigned all his claims on West Jersey, and confirmed the province itself in the amplest terms to its new proprietaries; and soon after granted a similar release in favor of the representatives of Sir George Carteret in East Jersey. The whole of New Jersey thus rose to the rank of an almost independent state, maintaining only a federal connection with the British crown.

The accession of numerous companies of settlers now rapidly promoted the population and prosperity of West Jersey. In the year 1681, the first representative assembly was held; and during its session were enacted the ‘Fundamental Constitutions,’ and other laws for the preservation of property, and the punishment of criminals.

Frequent disputes arising between the proprietary government of East Jersey and the colonists, the trustees of Sir George Carteret, apprehending they should derive little emolument from retaining the government under their control, offered their rights in the province for sale, and accepted the proposals of William Penn, to whom, and his associates, East Jersey was conveyed. Among the new proprietors was the author of the well-known ‘Apology;’ and his colleagues, by a unanimous vote, conferred on him the office of governor for life, with the extraordinary permission to appoint a deputy, instead of his residing at the scene of his authority.

The number of proprietors, and the frequent transfers and subdivisions of shares, introduced such confusion into titles to land, and such uncertainty as to the rights of government, that, for twenty years afterwards, both Jerseys were frequently in a state of disturbance and disorder. In 1702, the proprietors, weary of contending with each other, and with the people, surrendered the right of government to the crown. Queen Anne reunited the two divisions, and appointed lord Cornbury governor over the provinces of New Jersey and New York. From the period of his appointment till his deprivation of office, the history of New Jersey consists of little else than a detail of his contests with the colonial assemblies; and exhibits the resolution with which they opposed his arbitrary conduct, his partial distribution of justice, and his fraudulent misapplication of the public money. After repeated complaints, the queen yielded to the universal indignation; and he was superseded, in 1709, by lord Lovelace.

These provinces continued, for several years, to be ruled by the same governor, but each chose a separate assembly. In 1738, the inhabitants, by a petition to the king, desired that they might, in future, have a separate governor; and their request was granted.

The distance of New Jersey from Canada, the source of most of the Indian wars which afflicted the northern colonies, gave it a complete exemption from those direful calamities, while the Indian tribes in the neighborhood, which were far from numerous, were almost always willing to cultivate a friendly relation with the Europeans. The gravity, simplicity, and courtesy of Quaker manners seem to have been particularly acceptable to these savages; and, added to the careful observation of the principles of equity in the proceedings of the colonists, established an amicable intercourse, to the manifest advantage both of themselves and of the natives.

PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE.

During a considerable period, the colony of Delaware was attached to that of Pennsylvania, without even a separate assembly; and after it acquired that privilege, it remained for some time longer under the same governor: its history requires, therefore, to be blended with that of Pennsylvania, although it was settled at a much earlier period. It does not appear that the date of the first European plantation on South river, or the Delaware, can now be ascertained with any precision; some authorities, however, assert that a Swedish colony settled at cape Henlopen as early as the year 1627; although Chalmers is of opinion that, ‘though various Europeans may have trafficked in Delaware, their plantations had not yet embellished her margin, probably in the year 1632.’

The colony which forms the chief subject of this division was founded in the year 1681, by the celebrated William Penn. His attention was attracted to colonization by his connection with New Jersey. While he was engaged in the government of that territory, he received information of the country situate to the westward of the Delaware, which induced in his mind the desire of acquiring an estate in that quarter. He therefore presented a petition to CharlesII., urging his claim for a debt incurred by the crown to his father, and soliciting a grant of land to the northward of Maryland, and westward of the Delaware. After a conference with the duke of York and lord Baltimore, to ascertain that the grant would not interfere with any prior claims of theirs, a charter, making conveyance of that territory, was signed and sealed by the king. It constituted William Penn and his heirs true and absolute proprietaries of the province of Pennsylvania, saving to the crown their allegiance and the sovereignty. It gave him, his heirs, and their deputies, power to make laws, by advice of the freemen, and to erect courts of justice for the execution of those laws, provided they be not repugnant to the laws of England.101

The charter being thus obtained, Penn invited purchasers by public advertisement. Many single persons, and some families, chiefly of the denomination of Quakers, were induced to think of a removal; and a number of merchants and others, forming themselves into a company, purchased twenty thousand acres of this land, which was sold at the rate of twenty pounds for every thousand acres. In May he despatched Markham, a relative, with a few associates, to take possession of the newly granted territory; and in the autumn three ships, with a considerable number of emigrants, sailed for the same destination. The philanthropic proprietor sent a letter to the Indians, informing them that ‘the great God had been pleased to make him concerned in their part of the world, and that the king of the country where he lived, had given him a great province therein; but that he did not desire to enjoy it without their consent; that he was a man of peace, and that the people whom he sent were of the same disposition; and if any difference should happen between them, it might be adjusted by an equal number of men chosen on both sides.’ The position selected by these emigrants for their abode, was immediately above the confluence of the Schuylkill and Delaware. In the following April, Penn published ‘the frame of government for Pennsylvania.’ The chief intention of this famous charter was declared to be, ‘for the support of power in reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power. For, liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without liberty is slavery.’

The first page in the annals of Pennsylvania is one of the brightest in the history of mankind, recording an event not more to the credit of the wise and benevolent legislator through whose agency it happened, than honorable to humanity itself. At a spot which is now the site of one of the suburbs of Philadelphia, the Indian sachems, at the head of their assembled warriors, awaited in arms the approach of the Quaker deputation. Penn, distinguished from his followers only by a sash of blue silk, and holding in his hand a roll of parchment that contained the confirmation of the treaty, arrived, at the head of an unarmed train, carrying various articles of merchandise, which, on their approach to the sachems, were spread on the ground. He addressed the natives through an interpreter, assuring them of his friendly and peaceable intentions; and certainly the absence of all warlike weapons was a better attestation of his sincerity than a thousand oaths. The conditions of the proposed purchase were then read; and he delivered to the sachems not only the stipulated price, but a handsome present of the merchandise which he had spread before them. He concluded by presenting the parchment to the sachems, and requesting that they would carefully preserve it for three generations. The Indians cordially acceded to his propositions, and solemnly pledged themselves to live in love with William Penn and his children as long as the sun and moon should endure.

Having received information from his agent that his presence was necessary in England, Penn departed from America, in August, 1684, leaving his province in profound peace, under the administration of five commissioners chosen from the provincial council. The unfortunate JamesII. ascended the throne soon after Penn’s arrival. ‘As he has,’ said Penn, ‘been my friend, and my father’s friend, Ifeel bound in justice to be a friend to him.’ He adhered to him while seated on the throne; and for two years after he was expelled from his kingdom, the government of the province was administered in his name. By this display of attachment to the exiled monarch, he incurred the displeasure of WilliamIII. On vague suspicion and unfounded charges, he was four times imprisoned. The king took the government of Pennsylvania into his own hands; and colonel Fletcher was appointed governor of this province, as well as of New York. On the arrival of colonel Fletcher at Philadelphia, the persons in the administration appear to have surrendered the government to him, without any notice or order to them, either from the crown or the proprietary. By the severest scrutiny, however, it was rendered apparent, that Penn had not suffered personal gratitude to lead him to any serious dereliction of duty, and he consequently regained the good opinion of king William; and being permitted to resume and exercise his rights, he appointed William Markham to be his deputy governor.

During several years the colony continued in a course of prosperity, without any occurrence requiring historical record. In the year 1699, Penn revisited his Pennsylvanian associates, accompanied by his family, with an intention of spending the remainder of his life amongst them. But several points soon came up, on which a difference of opinion existed between himself and the legislature, and disappointed him in his hopes of obtaining influence as a lawgiver. He consequently determined to return to England, and he naturally desired to have some frame of government finally adopted before his departure. In 1701, he prepared and presented one to the assembly, which was accepted. It confirmed to them, in conformity with that of 1696, the right of originating bills, which, by the charters preceding that date, had been the right of the governor alone, and of amending or rejecting those which might be laid before them. To the governor it gave the right of rejecting bills passed by the assembly, of appointing his own council, and of exercising the whole executive power.

Immediately after his fourth frame was accepted, Penn returned to England; but he had scarcely arrived there, when the disputes between the province and the territories broke forth with greater bitterness than ever; and in the following year, the separate legislature of Delaware was permanently established at Newcastle. In addition to the tidings of these prolonged disagreements, and of the final rupture between the two settlements, Penn was harassed by complaints against the administration of governor Evans; and having ascertained, by a deliberate examination of them, that they were too well founded, he appointed in his place Charles Gookin, a gentleman of ancient Irish family, who seemed qualified to give satisfaction to the people over whom he was sent to preside. Finding his people still in a discontented state, Penn, now in his sixty-sixth year, for the last time addressed the assembly, in a letter replete with calm solemnity and dignified concern. This letter is said to have produced a deep and powerful impression on the more considerate part of the assembly, who now began to feel for the father of his country, and to regard with tenderness his venerable age; to remember his long labors, and to appreciate their own interest in his distinguished fame: but it is very doubtful if this change of sentiment was ever known to its illustrious object, who was attacked shortly afterwards by a succession of apoplectic fits, which impeded, in a great degree, the exercise of his memory and understanding, and ultimately terminated his life.

The legislatures and governors continuing to act on the noble principles and example which their founder left for their imitation, the colony acquired, by well-conducted purchases from the Indians, a most extensive and unembarrassed territory, and proceeded rapidly in its prosperous course. The only circumstance which appears to have created any internal disunion worthy of notice, was a dispute between the governors and the assembly, on the question of exempting the land of the proprietaries from the general taxation; a claim which the inhabitants deemed very inequitable. In January, 1757, the assembly of Pennsylvania voted a bill for granting to his majesty the sum of one hundred thousand pounds by tax on all the estates, real and personal, and taxables, within the province. On submitting it to governor Denny for his sanction, he refused it. ‘The proprietaries,’ he observed in his message, ‘are willing their estates should be taxed in the manner that appears to them to be reasonable, and agreeable to the land-tax acts of parliament in our mother country.’ The governors of Pennsylvania still refusing their assent to any tax bill that did not exempt the estates of the proprietaries, the assembly of that province deputed the celebrated Benjamin Franklin as an agent to London, to petition the king for redress. The subject was discussed before the privy council; and Mr.Franklin acceding to a proposal to enter into engagements that the assessments should be fair and equitable, a bill for levying a general tax, which had previously received the governor’s assent, though after the agent’s departure from the province, was stamped with the royal approbation. These disputes, by calling the energetic mind of Benjamin Franklin into a new field of exertion, enlarged the sphere of his observation, and fitted him for those extraordinary services in which he acquired his greatest glory by contributing to that of his country.

MARYLAND.

The founder of the state of Maryland was lord Baltimore. Before the date of his charter, it was a portion of the territory of Virginia; but by that instrument it was separated, and declared subject only to the crown of England. Lord Baltimore was created the absolute proprietary of it, and was empowered, with the assent of delegates, whom he was to assemble for that purpose, to make laws for the province, and to administer them. Having thus obtained a most favorable charter, he proceeded to carry its provisions into execution.

He appointed his brother, Leonard Calvert, governor of the new province, and concurred with him in the equipment of vessels, which conveyed a numerous body of emigrants, chiefly Roman Catholics, and many of them gentlemen of rank and fortune. After a circuitous voyage the governor arrived, accompanied by his brother George, at Point Comfort, in Virginia, in February, 1634. Early in March, he proceeded up the bay of Chesapeake to the northward, and entered the Potomack, up which he sailed twelve leagues, and came to an anchor under an island, which he named St.Clement. Here he erected a cross, and took possession ‘in the name of the Savior of the world, and of the king of England.’ Thence he went fifteen leagues higher to the Indian town of Potowmack, on the Virginia side of the river, now called New Marlborough, where he was received in a friendly manner. Arriving at the town of Piscatawa, on the Maryland side, he found Henry Fleet, an Englishman, who had resided several years among the natives, and was held by them in great esteem, who was very serviceable as an interpreter.

An interview having been procured with the werowance, or prince, Calvert asked him, whether he was willing that a settlement should be made in his country; he replied, ‘Iwill not bid you go, neither will Ibid you stay; but you may use your own discretion.’ Having convinced the natives that his designs were honorable and pacific, the governor now sought a suitable station for commencing his colony. He visited a creek on the northern side of the Potomack, on which he found an Indian village. Here he acquainted the prince of the place with his intentions, and by presents to him and his principal men, conciliated his friendship so much as to obtain permission to reside in one part of the town until next harvest, when it was agreed that the natives should entirely quit the place. Both parties entered into a contract to live together in a friendly manner. After Calvert had given a satisfactory consideration, the Indians readily yielded a number of their houses, and retired to the others. Thus, on the 27th of March, 1634, the governor took peaceable possession of the country of Maryland, and gave to the town the name of St.Mary, and to the creek on which it was situate, the name of St.George. The desire of rendering justice to the natives by giving them a reasonable compensation for their lands, is a trait in the character of the first planters, which will always do honor to their memory.

Circumstances favored the rapid population of the colony. The charter granted more ample privileges than had ever been conceded to a subject; the country was inviting; the natives were friendly; from the south Churchmen drove Puritans, from the north Puritans drove Churchmen, into her borders, where all were freely received, protected, and cherished. The colony was soon able to export Indian corn and other products to New England and Newfoundland, for which they received in return dried fish and other provisions. The Indians also killed many deer and turkeys, which they sold to the English for knives, beads, and other small articles of traffic, while cattle, swine, and poultry, were procured from Virginia.

It is a fact, which reflects the greatest credit on these early colonists, that fifteen years after they first landed, the general assembly of the people passed an act, entitled ‘An Act concerning Religion,’ in which the great principles of religious toleration and liberty are extensively recognised. This law was passed by an assembly composed entirely of Roman Catholics, and is the more remarkable, as being the first legislative act which is recorded to have been passed by any government, administered by members of the Romish hierarchy, in favor of the unlimited toleration of all Christian sects.

In 1676, Cecil, lord Baltimore, the father of the province, died. For more than forty years he had directed its affairs as proprietor, and displayed in all his conduct a benevolent heart and enlightened understanding. Although he lived in an age of bigotry, he was liberal in his opinions; and for all his exertions to contribute to the happiness of his fellow-beings, he desired no reward but their gratitude. This reward he received. The records of the Maryland assembly contain frequent memorials of the respect and affection of the people. He was succeeded, as proprietor, by his eldest son, Charles, who had for several years been governor of the colony, and displayed the same amiable qualities which had rendered his father respected and beloved.

The closing years of the proprietary government were embittered by a circumstance similar to that which the institution of the colony of Maryland had inflicted on Virginia. The grant which had been made by CharlesII. to the celebrated Penn included the territory of Delaware, which lord Baltimore had always considered within the limits of his patent. On the arrival of William Penn in America, a meeting took place between him and lord Baltimore, in the hope of effecting an amicable adjustment of the boundaries of their respective territorial grants. But the pretensions of the parties were so completely incompatible, that it proved impossible at the time to adjust them in a manner satisfactory to both. Penn ultimately complained to the English government, and by his interest at court, procured it to be adjudged that the debatable territory should be divided into two equal parts, one of which was appropriated to himself, and the other to lord Baltimore. This adjudication was carried into effect; and the territory which now composes the state of Delaware was thus dismembered from the provincial limits of Maryland.

In the year following the revolution of 1688, the repose of Maryland was again disturbed. Arumor was artfully circulated that the Catholics had leagued with the Indians to destroy all the Protestants in the province. An armed association was immediately formed, for the defence of the Protestant religion, and for asserting the rights of king William and queen Mary. The magistrates attempted to oppose this association by force; but, meeting with few supporters, they were compelled to abdicate the government. King William directed those who had assumed the supreme authority to exercise it in his name; and for twenty-seven years the crown retained the entire control of the province. In 1716, the proprietor was restored to his rights; and he and his descendants continued to enjoy them until the commencement of the revolution. The people then assumed the government, adopted a constitution, and refused to admit the claims of the representatives of lord Baltimore either to jurisdiction or to property.

NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA.

The final settlement of this country originated with the earl of Clarendon and other courtiers of CharlesII., who were presented with a grant of all the lands lying between the thirty-first and thirty-sixth degrees of north latitude, and received in their charter ample powers of administration and judicature. Some previous efforts had been unsuccessfully made to colonize this portion of the North American continent, and grants had been given to different individuals, which were now all pronounced void by the privy council. Afew settlers were scattered in different parts, and those on Albemarle sound were on certain conditions allowed to retain their lands. Agovernment was organized over them, at the head of which Mr.Drummond was placed.

Having taken the command of the infant settlement at Albemarle, the proprietaries directed a survey of the coast to the southward, and projected the establishment of a new colony in Clarendon country, which had been recently abandoned by the emigrants from New England. In furtherance of this object, they conferred on John Yeamans, a respectable planter of Barbadoes, the appointment of commander-in-chief of Clarendon country. In the autumn, he conducted from Barbadoes a body of emigrants, who landed on the southern bank of cape Fear. He cultivated the good will of the natives, and insured a seven years’ peace. The planters, in opening the forest to make room for the operations of tillage, ‘necessarily prepared timber for the uses of the cooper and builder, which they transmitted to the island whence they had emigrated, as the first subject of a feeble commerce, that kindled the spark of industry which soon gave animation to the whole.’ Another settlement was also projected to the southward of cape Remain, which received the name of Carteret, and was placed under a separate governor.

In pursuance of the authority with which the proprietors were invested by their charter, they began to frame a system of laws for the government of their colony; in which they availed themselves of the assistance of the illustrious John Locke. The form of government proposed by this eminent man proved utterly impracticable and useless. It received no favor from the people, and never attained the force of fundamental laws.

Notwithstanding these constitutions and legal preparations, several years elapsed before the proprietors of Carolina made any serious efforts towards its settlement. In 1667, they fitted out a ship, gave the command of it to captain William Sayle, and sent him out to bring them some account of the coast. His report to his employers, as might naturally be expected, was favorable. He praised their possessions, and encouraged them to engage with vigor in the execution of their project. His observations respecting the Bahama islands, which he had visited, induced them to apply to the king for a grant of them, and Charles bestowed on them by patent all those islands lying between the twenty-second and twenty-seventh degrees of north latitude. Nothing then remained but to make preparations for sending a colony to Carolina. Two ships were procured, on board of which a number of adventurers embarked, with provisions, arms, and utensils requisite for building and cultivation.

Sayle was appointed the first governor, and received a commission, bearing date July26, 1669. The expenses of this first embarkation amounted to twelve thousand pounds; a proof that the proprietors entertained no small hopes with respect to their palatinate. The number of men, however, must have been by no means adequate to the undertaking, especially considering the multitude of savages that ranged through that extensive wilderness. In what place governor Sayle first landed is uncertain; but he was dissatisfied with his first situation, and, moving to the southward, took possession of a neck of land between Ashley and Cooper rivers, where he laid out a town, which, in honor of the king then reigning, he called Charleston; but dying soon after, Sir John Yeamans, who had for several years been governor at Clarendon, was appointed to succeed him. This new settlement attracted many inhabitants from that at Clarendon, and ultimately entirely exhausted it. Being at a great distance from Albemarle, the proprietors established a separate government over it, and hence arose the distinctive appellations of North and South Carolina.

The affairs of the northern colony must now occupy a portion of our attention. The fundamental constitutions, which have already been described, were received by the colonists with disgust and disunion. Their promulgation produced no other effect than to excite the most inveterate jealousy of the designs of the proprietaries; till, in process of time, a refractory spirit took possession of the minds of the people, and was at length exasperated into sentiments as hostile to subordination, as the policy of the proprietaries was repugnant to liberty. From this period the history of the northern province, for a series of years, is involved in such confusion and contradiction, that it is impossible to render it interesting, and difficult to make it even intelligible. It is a record of insurrection and revolt, not easily understood, and not sufficiently interesting to demand more than this slight allusion.

To return to the affairs of the southern colony, now under the administration of Joseph West. The situation of Old Charleston being found inconvenient, the inhabitants, in 1680, removed to Oyster Point, where a new city was laid out, to which the name of the other was given. In the same year commenced a war with the Westoes, a powerful tribe of Indians, which threatened great injury to the colony; peace, however, was soon restored. Governor West was superseded by Sir Richard Kirle, an Irish gentleman, who died six months after his arrival in the country. After his decease, colonel Robert Quarry was chosen his successor. During the time of his government, a number of pirates put into Charleston, and purchased provisions with their Spanish gold and silver. Those public robbers, instead of being taken and tried by the laws of England, were treated with great civility and friendship, in violation of the laws of nations.

Whether the governor was ignorant of the treaty made with Spain, by which England had withdrawn her former toleration from these plunderers of the Spanish dominions, or whether he was afraid to bring them to trial from the notorious courage of their companions in the West Indies, we have not sufficient authority to affirm; but one thing is certain, that CharlesII., for several years after the restoration, winked at their depredations, and many of them performed such valiant actions, as, in a good cause, would have justly merited honors and rewards; he even knighted Henry Morgan, a Welshman, who had plundered Porto Bello and Panama, and carried off large treasures from them. For several years so formidable was this body of plunderers in the West Indies, that they struck a terror into every quarter of the Spanish dominions. Their gold and silver, which they lavishly spent in the colony, insured to them a kind reception among the Carolinians, who opened their ports to them freely, and furnished them with necessaries. They could purchase the favor of the governor, and the friendship of the people, for what they deemed a trifling consideration. Leaving their gold and silver behind them for clothes, arms, ammunition, and provisions, they embarked in quest of more. However, the proprietors, having intelligence of the encouragement given to pirates by governor Quarry, dismissed him from the office he held; and, in 1685, landgrave Joseph Morton was appointed to the government of the colony.

It is not now of importance to recur to the difficulties between the proprietary government and the people: they led to extreme irritation, and in the year 1690, at a meeting of the representatives, a bill was brought in and passed, for disabling James Colleton, then governor of the province, from holding any office, or exercising any authority, civil or military, in the colony, and he was informed that in a limited time he must depart from the colony.

During these public commotions, Seth Sothel, one of the proprietors, who had been driven from North Carolina, appeared suddenly at Charleston, and, aided by a powerful faction, assumed the reins of government. At first the people gladly acknowledged his authority, while the current of their enmity ran against Colleton; especially as he stood forth as an active and leading man in opposition to that governor, and ratified the law for his exclusion and banishment; but they afterwards found him void of every principle of honor, and even of honesty. Such was the insatiable avarice of this man, that every restraint of common justice and equity was trampled upon by him; and oppression, such as usually attends the exaltation of vulgar and ambitious scramblers for power, extended her rod of iron over the distracted colony. The fair traders from Barbadoes and Bermuda were seized as pirates by order of this popular governor, and confined until such fees as he was pleased to exact were paid him; bribes from felons and traitors were accepted to favor their escape from the hands of justice; and plantations were forcibly taken possession of, upon pretences the most frivolous and unjust. At length, the people, weary of his grievous impositions and extortions, agreed to take him by force, and ship him off for England. He then evinced the meanness of spirit generally associated with a disposition to tyranny, and humbly begged liberty to remain in the country, promising to submit his conduct to the trial of the assembly at their first meeting. When the assembly met, thirteen different charges were brought against him, and all supported by the strongest evidence; upon which, being found guilty, they compelled him to abjure the government and country forever.

The next important incident that attracts our attention is the unsuccessful expedition against St.Augustine, planned by governor Moore, in the year 1702, at the time of a rupture in Europe between England and Spain. It failed utterly, and entailed a debt on the colony of six thousand pounds sterling; which led to many severe reflections against the governor, and brought him sadly into disrepute. To redeem his character, the governor resolved upon an expedition against the Apalachian Indians; in consequence of the insults and injuries which they had been instigated by the Spaniards to commit. To make his conquest permanent, he transplanted fourteen hundred of these Indians to the territory now included in Georgia; a measure which seems to have led to the settlement of the English in that part of the country.

The northern colony continued to receive accessions to its strength from several of the European states. In 1707, a company of French Protestants arrived and seated themselves on the river Trent, a branch of the Neuse; and three years afterwards a large number of palatines, fleeing from religious persecution in Germany, sought refuge in the same part of the province. To each of these bodies of emigrants the proprietors granted a hundred acres of land. On their newly acquired possessions they were living in peace, in the enjoyment of liberty of conscience, and in the prospect of competence and ease, when suddenly a terrible calamity fell upon them. The Tuscarora and Coree Indians, smarting under recent aggressions, and dreading total extinction from the encroachment of these strangers, with characteristic secrecy, plotted their entire destruction. Sending their families to one of their fortified towns, twelve hundred bowmen sallied forth, and in the same night attacked, in separate parties, the nearest settlements of the palatines. Men, women, and children were indiscriminately butchered. The savages, with the swiftness and ferocity of wolves, ran from village to village. Before them was the repose of innocence; behind, the sleep of death. Afew escaping alarmed the settlements more remote, and hastened to South Carolina for assistance. Governor Craven immediately despatched to the aid of the sister colony nearly a thousand men, under the command of colonel Barnwell. Hideous was the wilderness through which colonel Barnwell had to march, and the utmost expedition was requisite. There was no road through the woods upon which either horses or carriages could pass; and his army had all manner of hardships and dangers to encounter, from the climate, the wilderness, and the enemy.

In spite of every difficulty, however, Barnwell advanced against them, and being much better supplied with arms and ammunition than his enemy, he did great execution among them, killing in the first battle three hundred Indians, and taking about one hundred prisoners. The Tuscaroras then retreated to their town, fortified within a wooden breastwork; but there Barnwell surrounded them, and forced them to sue for peace; and some of his men being wounded, and others having suffered greatly by constant watching, and much hunger and fatigue, the savages the more easily obtained their request. After having killed, wounded, or captured nearly a thousand Tuscaroras, Barnwell returned to South Carolina. The peace was, however, of short duration, and upon the recommencement of hostilities, assistance was again solicited from the southern colony. Colonel James Moore, an active young officer, was immediately despatched, with forty white men and eight hundred friendly Indians. He found the enemy in a fort near Cotechny river; and after a siege, which continued more than a week, the fort was taken, and eight hundred Indians made prisoners. The Tuscaroras, disheartened by this defeat, migrated, in 1713, to the north, and joined the celebrated confederacy, denominated the Five Nations. The others sued for peace, and afterwards continued friendly.

The northern colony had scarcely recovered from the scourge of Indian war, when the southern was exposed to the same calamity. All the tribes from Florida to cape Fear, had been for some time engaged in a conspiracy to extirpate the whites. On the day before the Yamassees began their bloody operations, captain Nairn and some of the traders observing an uncommon gloom on their savage countenances, and apparently great agitations of spirit, which to them prognosticated approaching mischief, went to their chief men, begging to know the cause of their uneasiness, and promising, if any injury had been done them, to give them satisfaction. The chiefs replied, they had no complaints to make against any one, but intended to go a-hunting early the next morning. Captain Nairn accordingly went to sleep, and the traders retired to their huts, and passed the night in seeming friendship and tranquillity. But next morning at daybreak, the 15th day of April, all were alarmed with the cries of war. The leaders were all out under arms, calling up their followers, and proclaiming aloud designs of vengeance. The young men, burning with fury and passion, flew to their arms, and, in a few hours, massacred above ninety persons in Pocotaligo town and the neighboring plantations; and many more must have fallen a sacrifice on Port Royal island, had they not providentially been warned of their danger. Mr.Burrows, a captain of the militia, after receiving two wounds, by swimming one mile and running ten escaped to Port Royal, and alarmed the town. Avessel happening fortunately to be in the harbor, the inhabitants in great hurry repaired on board, and sailed for Charleston; a few families of planters on that island, not having timely notice, fell into the barbarous hands of the Indians, and of them some were murdered, and others made prisoners of war.

While the Yamassees, with whom the Creeks and Apalachians had joined, were advancing against the southern frontiers, and spreading desolation and slaughter through the province, the colonists on the northern borders also found the Indians among their settlements in formidable parties. The Carolinians had foolishly entertained hopes of the friendship of the Congarees, the Catawbas, and Cherokees; but they soon found that they had also joined in the conspiracy, and declared for war. It was computed that the southern division of the enemy consisted of above six thousand bowmen, and the northern of between six hundred and a thousand. In the muster-roll at Charleston there were no more than one thousand two hundred men fit to bear arms, but as the town had several forts into which the inhabitants might retreat, governor Craven resolved to march with this small force into the woods against the enemy. He proclaimed martial law, and laid an embargo on all ships, to prevent either men or provisions from leaving the country. He obtained an act of assembly, empowering him to impress men, and seize arms, ammunition, and stores, wherever they were to be found, to arm such trusty negroes as might be serviceable at a juncture so critical, and to prosecute the war with the utmost vigor.

Being no stranger to the ferocious temper of his enemies, and their horrid cruelty to prisoners, the governor advanced against them by slow and cautious steps, always keeping the strictest guard round his army. He knew well under what advantages they fought among their native thickets, and the various wiles and stratagems they made use of in conducting their wars; and therefore he was watchful above all things against surprises, which might throw his followers into disorder, and defeat the end of his enterprise. The fate of the whole province depended on the success of his arms, and his men had no other alternative but to conquer or die a painful death. As he advanced, the straggling parties fled before him, until he reached Saltcatchers, where they had pitched their great camp. Here a sharp and bloody battle ensued from behind trees and bushes, the Indians whooping, hallooing, and giving way one while, and then again and again returning with double fury to the charge. But the governor, notwithstanding their superior number, and their terrible shrieks, kept the provincials close at their heels, and drove them before him like a flock of wolves. He expelled them from their settlement at Indian river, pursued them over the Savannah, and entirely freed the province of this formidable tribe of savages. What number of the army was killed does not appear; but in the whole war nearly four hundred unfortunate inhabitants of Carolina fell a prey to Indian cruelty, property of great value was destroyed, and a large debt contracted.

Of this debt the proprietors refused to pay any portion, and by their harsh and arbitrary conduct in regard to this matter and its consequences, a bitter hostility grew up between them and the people. It was resolved to throw off their yoke. Afavorable opportunity presented itself at a general review of the militia at Charleston, in 1719; the officers and soldiers binding themselves by a solemn compact to resist the tyranny of the proprietors. The assembly was dissolved by the governor, but it immediately met in convention, and assumed the direction of public affairs. In spite of all opposition they established themselves in the full possession of the government, both in its legislative and executive relations.

The agent for Carolina at length procured a hearing from the lords of the regency and council in England, the king being at that time in Hanover; who gave it as their opinion, that the proprietors had forfeited their charter, and ordered the attorney-general to take out a scire facias against it. In consequence of this decision, in September, 1720, they appointed general Francis Nicholson provisional governor of the province, with a commission from the king. Several years afterwards, seven of the proprietors sold to the king their claim to the soil and rents, and all of them assigned to him their right of jurisdiction. The government of both Carolinas was subsequently administered in each colony by a governor and council appointed by the crown, and by assemblies chosen by the people. They soon attracted general attention, and their population was increased by accessions from several of the states of Europe.

In 1738, an alarming insurrection of the negroes occurred in the southern colony. Anumber of them assembled at Stono, and surprised and killed two men who had charge of a warehouse, from which they took guns and ammunition. They then chose a captain, and, with drums beating and colors flying, marched south-westward. They burned every house on their way, killed all the whites they could find, and compelled other negroes to join them. Governor Bull, who was returning to Charleston from the southward, accidentally met them, hastened out of their way, and spread an alarm. The news soon reached Wiltown, where, fortunately, a large congregation were attending divine service. The men having, according to a law of the province, brought their arms to the place of worship, marched instantly in quest of the negroes, who, by this time, had become formidable, and spread terror and desolation around them, having killed about twenty of the whites. While, in an open field, they were carousing and dancing, with frantic exultation at their late success, they were suddenly attacked; some were killed, and the remainder took to flight, but most of them were taken and tried. Those who had been compelled to join the conspirators were pardoned; but the leaders and principal instigators suffered death. Under apprehensions resulting, probably, from this rebellion, the legislature of South Carolina passed an act, that whoever shall teach, or cause any slave or slaves to be taught to write, or shall use or employ any slave as a scribe in any manner of writing whatsoever, shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds.

The Carolinas were frequently exposed to the injurious effects of war from the French and Spaniards, as well as from some of the Indian tribes; but after the treaty of Paris, the progress of these colonies was no longer retarded from that cause. The assembly of South Carolina, taking advantage of the peaceful state of the colony to encourage emigration, appropriated a large fund for bounties to foreign Protestants, and such industrious poor people of Great Britain and Ireland as should resort to the province within three years, and settle on the inland parts. Two townships, each containing forty-eight thousand acres, were laid out; one on the river Savannah, called Mecklenburgh, and the other on the waters of Santee, at Long Cane, called Londonderry. Not long after, the colony received a considerable accession from Germany.

Beside foreign Protestants, several persons emigrated from England and Scotland, and great multitudes from Ireland, and settled in Carolina. An accession was also derived from the northern colonies, from which, in the space of one year, above a thousand families removed thither. To these adventurers lands in small tracts were allotted on the frontiers, by which means the back settlements soon became the most populous part of the province, while the whole felt the important benefits resulting from such accessions to its population.

GEORGIA.

The last of the colonies established previous to the war of independence was Georgia. Acompany of wealthy and influential individuals obtained a patent from GeorgeIII., conferring the necessary powers, and lost no time in the prosecution of their design. In November, 1733, James Oglethorpe embarked at Gravesend for Georgia, with one hundred and sixteen persons, destined for settlement in that country. In the following January he arrived at Charleston, where he was kindly received, and whence he started to explore the territory granted by the patent. He selected the present site of Savannah as the most desirable point for the new settlement. Having completed a fort at this place, and put the colony in a state of defence, he next sought to cultivate friendly relations with the Indians, and to treat with them for a share of their possessions. Having made such arrangements as seemed to insure safety, Oglethorpe returned to England, carrying with him several Indians, among whom was Tomochichi, a chief of the Creeks, and his queen. Here they remained on a visit of about four months.

In the year 1740, the trustees rendered an account of their administration. At that time nearly two thousand five hundred emigrants had arrived in the colony; of whom more than fifteen hundred were indigent Englishmen, or persecuted Protestants. The benefactions from government and from individuals had been nearly half a million of dollars; and it was computed that, for every person transported and maintained by the trustees, more than three hundred dollars had been expended. The hopes which the trustees had cherished, that the colony would be prosperous and the objects of their benevolence happy, were far from realized. Such was the character of the greater part of the settlers and the nature of the restrictions imposed, that the plantations languished, and continued to require the contributions of the charitable. In the mean time events were preparing a rupture in Europe, and a war between England and Spain appeared inevitable. The plenipotentiaries, appointed for settling the boundaries between Georgia and Florida, and other differences and misunderstandings subsisting between the two crowns, had met at Pardo in convention, where preliminary articles were drawn up; but the conference ended to the satisfaction of neither party. The merchants had lost all patience under their sufferings, and became clamorous for letters of reprisal, which at length they obtained; all officers of the navy and army were ordered to their stations, and, with the unanimous voice of the nation, war was declared against Spain on the 23d of October, 1739.

As soon as intelligence of the declaration of war reached Georgia, general Oglethorpe passed over to Florida with four hundred select men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians; and a few days after, he marched with his whole force, consisting of above two thousand men, regulars, provincials, and Indians, to fort Moosa, within two miles of St.Augustine. The Spanish garrison evacuating the fort on his approach, and retiring into the town, put themselves in a posture of defence; and the general soon discovering that an attempt to take the castle by storm would be presumptuous, changed his plan of operations, and resolved, with the assistance of the ships of war which were lying at anchor off Augustine bar, to turn the siege into a blockade. Having made the necessary dispositions, he summoned the Spanish governor to surrender; but, secure in his strong-hold, he sent him for an answer that he would be glad to shake hands with him in his castle.

Indignant at this reply, the general opened his batteries against the castle, and at the same time threw a number of shells in the town. The fire was returned with equal spirit from the Spanish fort, and from six half-galleys in the harbor; but the distance was so great that the cannonade, though it continued several days, did little execution on either side. It appears that, notwithstanding the blockade, the Spanish garrison contrived to admit a reinforcement of seven hundred men, and a large supply of provisions. All prospect of starving the enemy being lost, the army began to despair of forcing the place to surrender. The Carolina troops, enfeebled by the heat of the climate, dispirited by sickness, and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marched away in large bodies. The naval commander, in consideration of the shortness of his provisions, and of the near approach of the usual season of hurricanes, judged it imprudent to hazard his fleet longer on that coast. The general himself was sick of a fever, and his regiment was worn out with fatigue, and disabled by sickness. These combined disasters rendered it necessary to abandon the enterprise; and Oglethorpe, with extreme sorrow and regret, returned to Frederica.

After a lapse of two years the Spaniards prepared to retaliate by the invasion of Georgia, intending, if successful, to subjugate the Carolinas and Virginia. On receiving information of their approach, general Oglethorpe solicited assistance from South Carolina: but the inhabitants of that colony, entertaining a strong prejudice against him, and terrified by the danger which threatened themselves, determined to provide only for their own safety, though without avowing their intention. General Oglethorpe, however, made preparations for a vigorous defence. He assembled seven hundred men, exclusive of a body of Indians, fixed his head-quarters at Frederica, on the island of St.Simon, and, with this small band, determined to encounter whatever force might be brought against him. It was his utmost hope that he might be able to resist the enemy until a reinforcement should arrive from Carolina, which he daily and anxiously expected. On the last day of June, the Spanish fleet, consisting of thirty-two sail, and having on board more than three thousand men, came to anchor off St.Simon’s bay. Notwithstanding all the resistance which general Oglethorpe could oppose, they sailed up the river Altamaha, landed upon the island, and there erected fortifications. Convinced that his small force, if divided, must be entirely inefficient, Oglethorpe assembled the whole of it at Frederica. One portion he employed in strengthening his fortifications; the Highlanders and Indians, ranging night and day through the woods, often attacked the outposts of the enemy. The toil of the troops was incessant; and the long delay of the expected succors, still unexpectedly withheld by South Carolina, caused the most gloomy and depressing apprehensions.

Oglethorpe, at length, learning by an English prisoner who escaped from the Spanish camp, that a difference subsisted between the troops from Cuba and those from St.Augustine, so as to occasion a separate encampment, resolved to attack the enemy while thus divided. Taking advantage of his knowledge of the woods, he marched out in the night with three hundred chosen men, the Highland company and some rangers, with the intention of surprising the enemy. Having advanced within two miles of the Spanish camp, he halted his troops, and went forward himself with a select corps to reconnoitre the enemy’s situation. While he was endeavoring cautiously to conceal his approach, a French soldier of his party discharged his musket, and ran into the Spanish lines. Thus betrayed, he hastened his return to Frederica, and endeavored to effect by stratagem what could not be achieved by surprise. Apprehensive that the deserter would discover to the enemy his weakness, he wrote him a letter, desiring him to acquaint the Spaniards with the defenceless state of Frederica, and the ease with which his small garrison might be cut to pieces. He pressed him to bring forward the Spaniards to an attack; but, if he could not prevail thus far, to use all his art and influence to persuade them to stay at least three days more at fort Simon; for within that time, according to advices he had just received from Carolina, he should have a reinforcement of two thousand land forces, with six British ships of war. The letter concluded with a caution to the deserter against dropping the least hint of admiral Vernon’s meditated attack upon St.Augustine, and with an assurance that for his service he should be amply rewarded by the British king.

Oglethorpe gave it to a Spanish prisoner, who, for a small reward together with his liberty, promised to deliver it to the French deserter. On his arrival at the Spanish camp, however, he gave the letter, as Oglethorpe expected, to the commander-in-chief, who instantly put the deserter in irons. This letter perplexed and confounded the Spaniards; some suspecting it to be a stratagem to prevent an attack on Frederica, and others believing it to contain serious instructions to direct the conduct of a spy. While the Spanish officers wore deliberating what measures to adopt, an incident, not within the calculation of military skill, or the control of human power, decided their counsels. Three ships of force, which the governor of South Carolina had sent out to Oglethorpe’s aid, appeared at this juncture off the coast. The agreement of this discovery with the contents of the letter convinced the Spanish commander of its real intention. The whole army, seized with an instant panic, set fire to the fort, and precipitately embarked, leaving several cannon, with a quantity of provisions and military stores; and thus, in the moment of threatened conquest, was the infant colony providentially saved.

Thus was Georgia, with trifling loss, delivered from the most imminent danger. General Oglethorpe not only retrieved, but established his reputation. From the Carolinians, grateful for their preservation, and from the governors of most of the northern colonies, he received cordial congratulations upon his address and good fortune. But on an impeachment brought forward before this invasion, Oglethorpe still felt himself bound in honor to return to England, where, on trial, the charge was adjudged to be false, malicious and groundless, and its author dismissed his majesty’s service. The character of this able general now appeared in its true light; and his contemporaries acknowledged what impartial history records, that to him Carolina was indebted for her safety and repose, as well as Georgia for her existence and protection. After this period general Oglethorpe never returned to the province of Georgia, but upon all occasions discovered in England an uncommon zeal for its prosperity and improvement.

In the year 1749, the colony was exposed to great danger from a quarter as unexpected as it was singular. During the whole of his administration, general Oglethorpe had, from motives of policy, treated an Indian, or rather half-breed woman, called Mary Musgrove, afterwards Mary Bosomworth, with particular kindness and generosity. Finding that she had great influence amongst the Creeks, and understood their language, he made use of her as an interpreter, in order the more easily to form treaties of alliance with them; allowing her for her services one hundred pounds sterling a year. Thomas Bosomworth, who was chaplain to Oglethorpe’s regiment, had married this woman, accepted a tract of land from the crown, and settled in the province. Being unsuccessful in most of his speculations, he had recourse to one of an extraordinary kind. He persuaded his wife to assert herself to be the elder sister of Malatche, the Indian chief, and to have descended, by a maternal line, from an Indian king, who held from nature the whole territory of the Creeks; and therefore to possess a right to them, superior not only to that of the trustees, but also to that of the king. Accordingly, Mary assumed the title of an independent empress, disavowing all subjection or allegiance to the king of Great Britain, otherwise than by way of treaty or alliance, such as one independent sovereign might voluntarily enter into with another; a meeting of all the Creeks was summoned, to whom Mary made a long speech, in which she set forth the justice of her claim, and the great injury she and her beloved subjects had sustained by the loss of their territories, and urged them to a defence of their rights by force of arms. The Indians were fired with rage at the idea of such indignity, and to a man pledged themselves to stand by her to the last drop of their blood in defence of her royal person and their lands; in consequence of which, queen Mary, escorted by a large body of her savage subjects, set out for Savannah, to demand from the president and council a formal acknowledgment of her rights in the province.

Several interviews between the magistrates and the Indian chiefs took place on this strange occurrence, and the president and council were flattering themselves with the idea of an amicable compromise of all the existing difficulties, and rejoicing in the re-establishment of friendly intercourse with the Creeks, when Mary, excited with liquor, and disappointed in her royal views, rushed in amongst them like a fury, told the president that these were her people, that he had no business with them, and that he should soon be convinced of it to his cost. The president calmly advised her to retire to her lodgings, and forbear to poison the minds of the Indians, adding that he would otherwise order her into close confinement; upon which, turning about to Malatche, in great rage, she repeated, with some ill-natured comments, what the president had said; Malatche started from his seat, laid hold of his arms, calling upon the rest to follow his example, and dared any man to touch the queen. The whole house was filled in a moment with tumult and uproar; every Indian having his tomahawk in his hand, the president and council expected nothing but instant death. During this confusion, captain Jones, who commanded the guard, very seasonably interposed, and ordered the Indians immediately to surrender their arms, endeavoring, however, not merely to overawe them, but using prudence to avoid coming to extremities: with reluctance the Indians submitted, and Mary was conveyed to a private room, where a guard was placed over her, and all further communication with the Indians denied her during their stay in Savannah. Ultimately the soi-disant queen was compelled to abandon her pretensions, and the Indians were induced to depart, to the great joy of the inhabitants, who had been so long harassed by their turbulent visit.

The wars to which it had been subject had much retarded the progress of the colony, and in 1752 the trustees surrendered their charter to the king. Georgia thus became a royal government. At this time the whole exports of Georgia did not amount to ten thousand pounds a year.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.

The formation and progress of all the colonies which constituted the North American republic at the era of its independence, have now been traced up to the middle of the eighteenth century. From that period circumstances tended rapidly to promote that federation which eventually effected the independence of the colonies, and laid the basis of their future prosperity; indeed, in the prosecution of the French war, which commenced in 1756, the energies of the colonies were so united in the attainment of one common object, that the generalization of their political history from that period is not only rendered preferable, but almost inevitable.

Not to enter into a detail of the progress of French discovery, it is sufficient to say that France had established settlements on the St.Lawrence and at the mouth of the Mississippi, and formed the bold plan of uniting these points by a chain of forts, stretching across the continent, and intended to confine the English colonists to the eastern side of the Alleghanies. In their northern colonies, the military strength of the French was considerable; Quebec and Montreal were strongly fortified; and at other points, Louisbourg, Cape Breton, and the forts of lake Champlain, Niagara, Crown Point, Frontignac, Ticonderoga, and several others, defended the frontiers. They had also erected a considerable fort at the junction of the Alleghany with the Monongahela, then called Du Quesne, but now forming the site of Pittsburg.

The proceedings of the French in America excited a strong interest in the minds of the British government; and deeming war inevitable, orders were sent to the governors of the several colonies to repel force by force, and to dislodge the French from their posts on the Ohio. These orders were accompanied with a recommendation to form a union of the colonies for more effective defence. Delegates had already been appointed to meet at Albany, for the purpose of conferring with the Five Nations; and governor Shirley recommended that the subject of union should also be discussed at the convention. The commissioners from Massachusetts had ample powers to co-operate in the formation of a plan; those from Maryland were instructed to observe what others did; and those from New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and New York, had no instructions at all on the subject. As soon, however, as the friendship of the Indians was thought to be secured by a distribution of presents, the delegates appointed a committee to devise some scheme for the proposed confederation; and the committee recommended the adoption of a government analogous to that of the individual colonies. There was to be a grand council, composed of deputies from the several provinces, and a president-general, appointed by the crown, with the power of negativing the acts of the council. The Connecticut delegates, however, dissented from this plan, because it placed too preponderating a power in the hands of the crown.

It was rejected by the British ministry for the very opposite reason; they suggested, however, that the several governors, with one or two of their counsellors, should meet and adopt such measures as the common safety might demand. But this scheme was defeated by a provision, that they might draw upon the British treasury for all necessary sums, which parliament would undertake to repay by imposing a general tax upon the colonies. The Massachusetts assembly sent special instructions to its agent in London to oppose most strenuously any measure which had for its object the establishment of taxes on the colonies, under whatever plea of utility; and Franklin, to whom the governor of Virginia had sent the proposition of the British minister, states most distinctly in his letter in reply, the reasons which would ever prevent the Americans from consenting to such a proposal. He observes that it would inspire universal discontent among the Americans to attempt the imposition of taxes by a parliament where they were not represented; a point of which neither the colonies nor the British government ever lost sight, from this period till the contest it originated terminated in the entire separation of the former from its dependence on the British crown.

Early in the spring of 1755, the British government despatched general Braddock to America, with a respectable force, to expel the French, and keep possession of the territory; and preparations having been made by France to despatch a reinforcement to her armies in Canada, admiral Boscawen was ordered to endeavor to intercept the French fleet before it should enter the gulf of St.Lawrence. In April, general Braddock met the governors of the several provinces to confer upon the plan of the ensuing campaign. Three expeditions were resolved upon; one against Du Quesne, to be commanded by general Braddock; one against forts Niagara and Frontignac, to be commanded by governor Shirley; and one against Crown Point, to be commanded by general Johnston. This last originated with Massachusetts, and was to be executed by colonial troops raised in New England and New York.

While preparations were making for these expeditions, another, which had been previously concerted, was carried on against the French forts in Nova Scotia. This province was settled by the French, but was ceded to the English by the treaty of Utrecht. Its boundaries not having been defined, the French continued to occupy a portion of the territory claimed by the English, and had built forts for their defence. To gain possession of these was the object of the expedition. About two thousand militia, commanded by colonel Winslow, embarked at Boston; and being joined on their passage by three hundred regulars, arrived in April at the place of their destination. The forts were invested, the resistance made was trifling and ineffectual, and in a short time the English gained entire possession of the province according to their own definition of its boundaries. Three only of their men were killed.

As soon as the convention of governors was dissolved, general Braddock proceeded to the post at Wells’ Creek, whence the army commenced its march about the middle of June. Their progress was very much retarded by the necessity of cutting a road; and, lest the enemy should have time to collect in great force, the general concluded to set forward with twelve hundred select men, while colonel Dunbar should follow slowly in the rear, with the main body and the heavy baggage. Colonel Washington’s regiment had been split into separate companies, and he had only joined the army as aid to the general. The roughness of the country prevented the advanced corps from reaching the Monongahela till the 8th of July. It was resolved to attack Du Quesne the very next day; and lieutenant-colonel Gage was sent in front with three hundred British regulars, while the general himself followed at some distance with the main body. He had been strongly cautioned by colonel Washington to provide against an ambuscade, by sending forward some provincial companies to scour the woods; but he held the provincials and the enemy in equal contempt. The Monongahela was crossed the second time, about seven miles from Du Quesne; and the army was pressing forward in an open wood, through high and thick grass, when the front was suddenly thrown into disorder by a volley from small arms. The main body was formed three deep, and brought to its support: the commander-in-chief of the enemy fell; and a cessation of the fire led general Braddock to suppose that the assailants had fled; but he was soon attacked with redoubled fury.

Concealed behind trees, logs, and rocks, the Indians poured upon the troops a deadly and incessant fire; officers and men fell thickly around, and the survivors knew not where to direct their aim to revenge their slaughtered comrades. The whole body was again thrown into confusion; but the general, obstinate and courageous, refused to retreat; and instead of withdrawing them beyond the reach of the enemy’s muskets, where their ranks might easily have been formed anew, undertook to rally them on the very ground of attack, and in the midst of a most incessant and deadly fire. He persisted in these efforts until five horses had been shot under him, and every one of his officers on horseback, except colonel Washington, was either killed or wounded. The general at length fell, and the rout became universal. The troops fled precipitately until they met the division under Dunbar, then sixty miles in the rear. Sixty-four officers out of eighty-five, and about half of the privates, were killed or wounded. General Braddock died in Dunbar’s camp; and the whole army, which appears to have been panic struck, marched back to Philadelphia. The provincial troops, whom Braddock had so lightly esteemed, displayed during the battle the utmost calmness and courage. Though placed in the rear, they alone, led on by Washington, advanced against the Indians, and covered the retreat; and had they at first been permitted to engage the enemy in their own way, they would easily have defeated them.

The two northern expeditions, though not so disastrous, failed in attaining their proposed objects. The campaign of 1755 was thus utterly unsuccessful. Immense preparations had been made, but no desired result was obtained. By the failure of the three expeditions, the whole frontier was left open to the ravages of the Indians. The second campaign was almost as pregnant with evil. Montcalm had marched against Oswego, and by destroying it had thrown the English and American army on the defensive. No successful measures were put in operation to carry out the plans of the colonists, and it was necessary to wait till the following year.

At the commencement of the following year a council was held at Boston, composed of lord Loudoun, and the governors of the New England provinces and of Nova Scotia. At this council his lordship proposed that New England should raise four thousand men for the ensuing campaign; and that a proportionate number should be raised by New York and New Jersey. These requisitions were complied with; and in the spring his lordship found himself at the head of a very considerable army. Admiral Holbourn arriving in the beginning of July at Halifax with a powerful squadron, and a reinforcement of five thousand British troops, under George viscount Howe, lord Loudoun sailed from New York with six thousand regulars, to join those troops at the place of their arrival. Instead of the complex operations undertaken in previous campaigns, his lordship limited his plan to a single object. Leaving the posts on the lakes strongly garrisoned, he resolved to direct his whole disposable force against Louisbourg; Halifax having been determined on as the place of rendezvous for the fleet and army destined for the expedition. Information was, however, soon received, that a French fleet had lately sailed from Brest; that Louisbourg was garrisoned by six thousand regulars, exclusive of provincials; and that it was also defended by seventeen line-of-battle ships, which were moored in the harbor. There being no hope of success against so formidable a force, the enterprise was deferred to the next year; the general and admiral on the last of August proceeded to New York; and the provincials were dismissed.

The marquis De Montcalm, availing himself of the absence of the principal part of the British force, advanced with an army of nine thousand men, and laid siege to fort William Henry. The garrison at this fort consisted of between two and three thousand regulars, and its fortifications were strong and in very good order; and for the additional security of this important post, general Webb was stationed at fort Edward with an army of four thousand men. The French commander, however, urged his approaches with such vigor, that, within six days after the investment of the fort, colonel Monro, the commandant, having in vain solicited succor from general Webb, found it necessary to surrender by capitulation. The garrison was to be allowed the honors of war, and to be protected against the Indians until within the reach of fort Edward; but the next morning, a great number of Indians, having been permitted to enter the lines, began to plunder; and meeting with no opposition, they fell upon the sick and wounded, whom they immediately massacred. Their appetite for carnage being excited, the defenceless troops were attacked with fiend-like fury. Monro in vain implored Montcalm to provide the stipulated guard, and the massacre proceeded. All was turbulence and horror. On every side savages were butchering and scalping their wretched victims. Their hideous yells, the groans of the dying, and the frantic shrieks of others shrinking from the uplifted tomahawk, were heard by the French unmoved. The fury of the savages was permitted to rage without restraint until fifteen hundred were killed, or hurried captives into the wilderness. The day after this awful tragedy, major Putnam was sent with his rangers to watch the motions of the enemy. When he came to the shore of the lake, their rear was hardly beyond the reach of musket-shot. The prospect was horrible in the extreme; the fort demolished; the barracks and buildings yet burning; innumerable fragments of human carcasses still broiled in the decaying fires; and dead bodies, mangled with tomahawks and scalping knives, in all the wantonness of Indian barbarity, were everywhere scattered around. Thus ended the third campaign in America; happily forming the last of a series of disasters, resulting from folly and mismanagement, rather than from want of means and military strength.

The British nation was alarmed and indignant, and the king found it necessary to change his councils. At the head of the new ministry he placed the celebrated William Pitt, afterwards earl of Chatham, under whose administration public confidence revived, and the nation seemed inspired with new life and vigor. He was equally popular in both hemispheres. Lord Loudoun was replaced by general Abercrombie, who, early in the spring of 1758, was ready to enter upon the campaign at the head of fifty thousand men, the most powerful army ever seen in America.

Three points of attack were marked out for this campaign; the first Louisbourg; the second Ticonderoga and Crown Point; and the third, fort Du Quesne. Its result was highly honorable to the British arms. Of the three expeditions, two completely succeeded, and the leader of the third had made an important conquest. Fort Du Quesne was reduced, supplied with a new garrison, and its name changed to Pittsburg. As usual, the Indians joined the strongest side. Apeace was concluded with all the tribes between the Ohio and the lakes; and the frontier inhabitants of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, were once more relieved from the terrors of fire and scalping knives.

To the commanding talents of Pitt, and the confidence which they inspired, this change of fortune must be chiefly attributed; and in no respect were these talents more strikingly displayed than in the choice of men to execute his plans. The advantages of this campaign had, however, been purchased by an expensive effort and corresponding exhaustion of provincial strength; and, when a circular letter from Mr.Pitt to the several governors induced the colonies to resolve upon making the most vigorous preparation for the next, they soon discovered that their resources were by no means commensurate with their zeal.

Notwithstanding these difficulties, it was resolved to signalize the year 1759 by the complete conquest of Canada. The plan of the campaign was, that three powerful armies should enter the French possessions by three different routes, and attack all their strong-holds at nearly the same time. At the head of one division of the army, brigadier-general Wolfe, a young officer who had signalized himself at the siege of Louisbourg, was to ascend the St.Lawrence and lay siege to Quebec, escorted by a strong fleet to co-operate with his troops. The central and main army, composed of British and provincials, was to be conducted against Ticonderoga and Crown Point by general Amherst, the new commander-in-chief, who, after making himself master of these places, was to proceed over lake Champlain and by the way of Richelieu river to the St.Lawrence, and, descending that river, form a junction with general Wolfe before the walls of Quebec. The third army, to be composed principally of provincials, reinforced by a strong body of friendly Indians, was to be commanded by general Prideaux, who was to lead this division first against Niagara, and, after the reduction of that place, to embark on lake Ontario, and proceed down the St.Lawrence against Montreal. It has been observed by a recent author, ‘Had the elements been laid, and the enemy spell-bound, the whole of this brilliant plan could not have helped succeeding.’ This sentence, however, betrays a very limited view of a plan that was well worthy of the mind of Pitt. In this arrangement immediate advantage was not sacrificed; while the more remote results exhibited a prospect highly calculated to excite the ambition of the leaders, and to arouse all the energies of the troops. It is in thus affording motives which tend to bring physical force into most effective and persevering action, that intellectual superiority becomes manifest, confounding the calculations of ordinary minds.

Early in the winter, general Amherst commenced preparations for his part of the enterprise; but it was not till the last of May that his troops were assembled at Albany; and it was as late as the 22d of July, when he appeared before Ticonderoga. As the naval superiority of Great Britain had prevented France from sending out reinforcements, none of the posts in this quarter were able to withstand so great a force as that of general Amherst. Ticonderoga was immediately abandoned; the example was followed at Crown Point; and the only way in which the enemy seemed to think of preserving their province was by retarding the English army with shows of resistance till the season of operation should be past, or till, by the gradual concentration of their forces, they should become numerous enough to make an effectual stand. From Crown Point they retreated to Isle-aux-Noix, where general Amherst understood there was a body of between three and four thousand men, and a fleet of several armed vessels. The English made great exertions to secure a naval superiority; and had it not been for a succession of adverse storms upon the lake, they would most probably have accomplished the original design of forming a junction at Quebec, instead of being obliged to go into winter quarters at Crown Point.

In prosecution of the enterprise against Niagara, general Prideaux had embarked with an army on lake Ontario; and on the 6th of July landed without opposition within about three miles of the fort, which he invested in form. While directing the operations of the siege he was killed by the bursting of a cohorn, and the command devolved on Sir William Johnson. That general, prosecuting with judgment and vigor the plan of his predecessor, pushed the attack of Niagara with an intrepidity that soon brought the besiegers within a hundred yards of the covered way. Meanwhile, the French, alarmed at the danger of losing a post which was a key to their interior empire in America, had collected a large body of regular troops from the neighboring garrisons of Detroit, Venango, and Presqu’ Isle, with which, and a party of Indians, they resolved, if possible, to raise the siege. Apprised of their intention to hazard a battle, general Johnson ordered his light infantry, supported by some grenadiers and regular foot, to take post between the cataract of Niagara and the fortress; placed the auxiliary Indians on his flanks; and, together with this preparation for an engagement, took effectual measures for securing his lines, and bridling the garrison. About nine in the morning of the 24th of July, the enemy appeared, and the horrible sound of the war-whoop from the hostile Indians was the signal of battle. The French charged with great impetuosity, but were received with firmness; and in less than an hour were completely routed. This battle decided the fate of Niagara. Sir William Johnson the next morning opened negotiations with the French commandant; and in a few hours a capitulation was signed. The garrison, consisting of six hundred and seven men, were to march out with the honors of war, to be embarked on the lake, and carried to New York; and the women and children were to be carried to Montreal. The reduction of Niagara effectually cut off the communication between Canada and Louisiana.

The expedition against the capital of Canada was the most daring and important. Strong by nature, and still stronger by art, Quebec had obtained the appellation of the Gibraltar of America; and every attempt against it had failed. It was now commanded by Montcalm, an officer of distinguished reputation; and its capture must have appeared chimerical to any one but Pitt. He judged rightly, however, that the boldest and most dangerous enterprises are often the most successful, especially when committed to ardent minds glowing with enthusiasm, and emulous of glory. Such a mind he had discovered in general Wolfe, whose conduct at Louisbourg had attracted his attention. He appointed him to conduct the expedition, and gave him for assistants brigadier-generals Monckton, Townshend, and Murray; all, like himself, young and ardent. Early in the season he sailed from Halifax with eight thousand troops, and, near the last of June, landed the whole army on the island of Orleans, a few miles below Quebec. From this position he could take a near and distinct view of the obstacles to be overcome. These were so great, that even the bold and sanguine Wolfe perceived more to fear than to hope. In a letter to Mr.Pitt, written before commencing operations, he declared that he saw but little prospect of reducing the place.

Quebec stands on the north side of the St. Lawrence, and consists of an upper and lower town. The lower town lies between the river and a bold and lofty eminence, which runs parallel to it far to the westward. At the top of this eminence is a plain, upon which the upper town is situated. Below, or east of the city, is the river St.Charles, whose channel is rough, and whose banks are steep and broken. At a short distance farther down is the Montmorency; and between these two rivers, and reaching from one to the other, was encamped the French army, strongly entrenched, and at least equal in number to that of the English. General Wolfe took possession of Point Levi, on the southern bank of the St.Lawrence, and there erected batteries against the town. The cannonade which was kept up, though it destroyed many houses, made but little impression on the works, which were too strong and too remote to be materially affected; their elevation, at the same time, placing them beyond the reach of the fleet.

Convinced of the impossibility of reducing the place, unless he could erect batteries on the north side of the St.Lawrence, Wolfe soon decided on more daring measures. The northern shore of the St.Lawrence, to a considerable distance above Quebec, is so bold and rocky as to render a landing in the face of an enemy impracticable. If an attempt were made below the town, the river Montmorency passed, and the French driven from their entrenchments, the St.Charles would present a new, and perhaps an insuperable barrier. With every obstacle fully in view, Wolfe, heroically observing that ‘a victorious army finds no difficulties,’ resolved to pass the Montmorency, and bring Montcalm to an engagement. In pursuance of this resolution, thirteen companies of English grenadiers, and part of the second battalion of royal Americans, were landed at the mouth of that river, while two divisions, under generals Townshend and Murray, prepared to cross it higher up. Wolfe’s plan was to attack first a redoubt, close to the water’s edge, apparently beyond reach of the fire from the enemy’s entrenchments, in the belief that the French, by attempting to support that fortification, would put it in his power to bring on a general engagement; or, if they should submit to the loss of the redoubt, that he could afterwards examine their situation with coolness, and advantageously regulate his future operations.

On the approach of the British troops the redoubt was evacuated; and the general, observing some confusion in the French camp, changed his original plan, and determined not to delay an attack. Orders were immediately despatched to the generals Townshend and Murray to keep their divisions in readiness for fording the river; and the grenadiers and royal Americans were directed to form on the beach until they could be properly sustained. These troops, however, not waiting for support, rushed impetuously toward the enemy’s entrenchments; but they were received with so strong and steady a fire from the French musketry, that they were instantly thrown into disorder, and obliged to seek shelter at the redoubt which the enemy had abandoned. Detained here awhile by a dreadful thunder storm, they were still within reach of a severe fire from the French; and many gallant officers, exposing their persons in attempting to form the troops, were killed, the whole loss amounting to nearly five hundred men. The plan of attack being effectually disconcerted, the English general gave orders for repassing the river, and returning to the isle of Orleans.

Compelled to abandon the attack on that side, Wolfe deemed that advantage might result from attempting to destroy the French fleet, and by distracting the attention of Montcalm with continual descents upon the northern shore. General Murray, with twelve hundred men in transports, made two vigorous but abortive attempts to land; and though more successful in the third, he did nothing more than burn a magazine of warlike stores. The enemy’s fleet was effectually secured against attacks, either by land or by water, and the commander-in-chief was again obliged to submit to the mortification of recalling his troops. At this juncture, intelligence arrived that Niagara was taken, that Ticonderoga and Crown Point had been abandoned, but that general Amherst, instead of pressing forward to their assistance, was preparing to attack the Isle-aux-Noix.

While Wolfe rejoiced at the triumph of his brethren in arms, he could not avoid contrasting their success with his own disastrous efforts. His mind, alike lofty and susceptible, was deeply impressed by the disasters at Montmorency; and his extreme anxiety, preying upon his delicate frame, sensibly affected his health. He was observed frequently to sigh; and, as if life was only valuable while it added to his glory, he declared to his intimate friends, that he would not survive the disgrace which he imagined would attend the failure of his enterprise. Nothing, however, could shake the resolution of this valiant commander, or induce him to abandon the attempt. In a council of his principal officers, called on this critical occasion, it was resolved, that all the future operations should be above the town. The camp at the isle of Orleans was accordingly abandoned; and the whole army having embarked on board the fleet, a part of it was landed at point Levi, and a part higher up the river. Montcalm, apprehending from this movement that the invaders might make a distant descent and come on the back of the city of Quebec, detached M.de Bougainville with fifteen hundred men, to watch their motions, and prevent their landing.

Baffled and harassed in all his previous assaults, general Wolfe seems to have determined to finish the enterprise by a single bold and desperate effort. The admiral sailed several leagues up the river, making occasional demonstrations of a design to land troops; and, during the night, a strong detachment in flat-bottomed boats fell silently down with the stream, to a point about a mile above the city. The beach was shelving, the bank high and precipitous, and the only path by which it could be scaled, was now defended by a captain’s guard and a battery of four guns. Colonel Howe, with the van, soon clambered up the rocks, drove away the guard, and seized upon the battery. The army landed about an hour before day, and by daybreak was marshalled on the heights of Abraham.

Montcalm could not at first believe the intelligence; but, as soon as he was assured of its truth, he made all prudent haste to decide a battle which it was no longer possible to avoid. Leaving his camp at Montmorency, he crossed the river St.Charles with the intention of attacking the English army. No sooner did Wolfe observe this movement, than he began to form his order of battle. His troops consisted of six battalions, and the Louisbourg grenadiers. The right wing was commanded by general Monckton, and the left by general Murray. The right flank was covered by the Louisbourg grenadiers, and the rear and left by Howe’s light infantry. The form in which the French advanced indicating an intention to outflank the left of the English army, general Townshend was sent with the battalion of Amherst, and the two battalions of royal Americans, to that part of the line, and they were formed en potence, so as to present a double front to the enemy. The body of reserve consisted of one regiment, drawn up in eight divisions, with large intervals. The dispositions made by the French general were not less masterly. The right and left wings were composed about equally of European and colonial troops. The centre consisted of a column, formed of two battalions of regulars. Fifteen hundred Indians and Canadians, excellent marksmen, advancing in front, screened by surrounding thickets, began the battle. Their irregular fire proved fatal to many British officers, but it was soon silenced by the steady fire of the English.

About nine in the morning the main body of the French advanced briskly to the charge, and the action soon became general. Montcalm having taken post on the left of the French army, and Wolfe on the right of the English, the two generals met each other where the battle was most severe. The English troops reserved their fire until the French had advanced within forty yards of their line, and then, by a general discharge, made terrible havoc among their ranks. The fire of the English was vigorously maintained, and the enemy everywhere yielded to it. General Wolfe, who, exposed in the front of his battalions, had been wounded in the wrist, betraying no symptom of pain, wrapped a handkerchief round his arm, and continued to encourage his men. Soon after, he received a shot in the groin; but, concealing the wound, he was pressing on at the head of his grenadiers with fixed bayonets, when a third ball pierced his breast.102 The army, not disconcerted by his fall, continued the action under Monckton, on whom the command now devolved, but who, receiving a ball through his body, soon yielded the command to general Townshend. Montcalm, fighting in front of his battalions, received a mortal wound about the same time; and general Senezergus, the second in command also fell.

The British grenadiers pressed on with their bayonets. General Murray, briskly advancing with the troops under his direction, broke the centre of the French army. The Highlanders, drawing their broadswords, completed the confusion of the enemy; and after having lost their first and second in command, the right and centre of the French were entirely driven from the field; and the left was following the example, when Bougainville appeared in the rear, with the fifteen hundred men who had been sent to oppose the landing of the English. Two battalions and two pieces of artillery were detached to meet him; but he retired, and the British troops were left the undisputed masters of the field. The loss of the French was much greater than that of the English. The corps of French regulars was almost entirely annihilated. The killed and wounded of the English army did not amount to six hundred men. Although Quebec was still strongly defended by its fortifications, and might possibly be relieved by Bougainville, or from Montreal, yet general Townshend had scarcely finished a road in the bank to get up his heavy artillery for a siege, when the inhabitants capitulated, on condition that during the war they might still enjoy their own civil and religious rights. Agarrison of five thousand men was left under general Murray, and the fleet sailed out of the St.Lawrence.

The fall of Quebec did not immediately produce the submission of Canada. The main body of the French army, which, after the battle on the plains of Abraham, retired to Montreal, and which still consisted of ten battalions of regulars, had been reinforced by six thousand Canadian militia, and a body of Indians. With these forces M.de Levi, who had succeeded the marquis de Montcalm in the chief command, resolved to attempt the recovery of Quebec. He had hoped to carry the place by a coup de main during the winter; but, on reconnoitring, he found the outposts so well secured, and the governor so vigilant and active, that he postponed the enterprise until spring. In the month of April, when the upper part of the St.Lawrence was so open as to admit a transportation by water, his artillery, military stores, and heavy baggage, were embarked at Montreal, and fell down the river under convoy of six frigates; and M.de Levi, after a march of ten days, arrived with his army at Point au Tremble, within a few miles of Quebec.

General Murray, to whom the care of maintaining the English conquest had been intrusted, had taken every precaution to preserve it; but his troops had suffered so much by the extreme cold of the winter, and by the want of vegetables and fresh provisions, that instead of five thousand, the original number of his garrison, there were not at this time above three thousand men fit for service. With this small but valiant body he resolved to meet the enemy in the field; and on the 28th of April marched out to the heights of Abraham, where, near Sillery, he attacked the French under M.de Levi with great impetuosity. He was received with firmness; and, after a fierce encounter, finding himself outflanked, and in danger of being surrounded by superior numbers, he called off his troops, and retired into the city. In this action the loss of the English was near a thousand men, and that of the French still greater. The French general lost no time in improving his victory. On the very evening of the battle he opened trenches before the town, but it was the 11th of May before he could mount his batteries, and bring his guns to bear on the fortifications. By that time general Murray, who had been indefatigable in his exertions, had completed some outworks, and planted so numerous an artillery on his ramparts, that his fire was very superior to that of the besiegers, and in a manner silenced their batteries. ABritish fleet most opportunely arriving a few days after, M.de Levi immediately raised the siege, and precipitately retired to Montreal. Here the marquis de Vaudreuil, governor-general of Canada, had fixed his head-quarters, and determined to make his last stand. For this purpose he called in all his detachments, and collected around him the whole force of the colony.

The English, on the other hand, were resolved upon the utter annihilation of the French power in Canada; and general Amherst prepared to overwhelm it with an irresistible superiority of numbers. Almost on the same day, the armies from Quebec, from lake Ontario, and from lake Champlain, were concentrated before Montreal; a capitulation was immediately signed; Detroit, Michilimackinac, and, indeed, all New France, surrendered to the English. The French troops were to be carried home; and the Canadians to retain their civil and religious privileges.

The history of modern Europe, with whose destiny that of the colonies was closely interwoven, may be designated as the annals of an interminable war. Her sovereigns, ever having the oily words of peace on their lips, have seldom had recourse to the olive branch but as the signal of a truce, the duration of which should be coeval with the reinvigoration of military strength. It was thus with France on the present occasion. Equally unsuccessful on both continents, and exhausted by her strenuous and continued efforts, she was at length induced to make overtures of peace; and every thing seemed to be in a fair train for adjustment, when the treaty was suddenly broken off by an attempt of the court of Versailles to mingle the politics of Spain and of Germany with the disputes between France and Great Britain. Asecret family compact between the Bourbons to support each other through evil and good, in peace and in war, had rendered Spain desirous of war, and induced France once more to try her fortune. As the interests of the two nations were now identified, it only remained for England to make a formal declaration of hostility against Spain. The colonies of New England, being chiefly interested in the reduction of the West India islands, furnished a considerable body of troops to carry on the war. Alarge fleet was despatched from England; the land forces amounted to sixteen thousand; and before the end of the second year, Great Britain had taken the important city of Havannah, the key of the Mexican gulf, together with the French provinces of Martinique Grenada, St.Lucia, St.Vincent, and the Caribbee islands.

The progress of the British conquests, which threatened all the remaining colonial possessions of their opponents, was arrested by preliminary articles of peace, which, towards the close of 1762, were interchanged at Fontainbleau between the ministers of Great Britain, France, and Spain. On the 10th of February in the following year, a definitive treaty of peace was signed at Paris, and soon after ratified. France ceded to Great Britain all the conquests which the latter had made in North America; and it was stipulated between the two crowns, that the boundary line of their respective dominions in the new hemisphere should run along the middle of the Mississippi, from its source as far as the Iberville, and along the middle of that river, and of lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain.

Thus terminated a war, which originated in an attempt on the part of the French to surround the English colonists, and chain them to a narrow strip of country along the coast of the Atlantic; and ended with their giving up the whole of what was then their only valuable territory in North America. The immediate advantage the colonies derived from the successful issue of the contest was great and apparent. Although, for a short period after the conquest of Canada had been effected, they were subject to attacks from the Indian tribes attached to the French, and also from the Cherokees on their south-western borders, they were soon enabled to visit their cruelties with severe retribution, and to procure a lasting repose, as the Indians had no forts to which to repair for protection or aid. But the indirect results, though almost unperceived at first, were far more important, and prepared the way for those momentous efforts which issued in the loss to Great Britain of the fairest portion of her colonies, and the establishment of her vassal as a rival. The colonists became inured to the habits and hardships of a military life, and skilled in the arts of European warfare; while the desire of revenge for the loss of Canada, which France did not fail to harbor, was preparing for them a most efficient friend, and making way for the anomalous exhibition of a despotic sovereign exerting all his power in the cause of liberty and independence.

COMMENCEMENT OF THE REVOLUTION.

Our limits will not permit us to enter into any speculations as to the remote origin of the American revolution. The immediate and exciting causes of the spirit of opposition to the government were twofold; the rigorous execution of the navigation laws, which destroyed a most important and profitable, though contraband and illegal trade; and the assertion by the British parliament of its right to tax the colonies. The latter so speedily followed the former, and afforded so preferable a ground on which to make a stand, that the navigation laws were seldom exhibited as one of the chief grievances; although, had not the stamp act and other similar measures been brought forward, the laws affecting the trade of the colonies would inevitably have excited the same opposition.

The attempt to hold a people, circumstanced as were the American colonists, under the legislation of Great Britain, was as irrational as it was unjust. Financial embarrassments called forth the erroneous policy into action, which, as often happens in private life, deeply aggravated the evil it was designed to remedy; and the attempt to wring a few thousands per annum from the colonists, terminated in plunging Great Britain into debt, and in depriving her of an immense territory, which, under a just and liberal management, might still have continued one of the most illustrious appendages of the British crown.

Plans of laying internal taxes, and of drawing a revenue from the colonies, had been at various times suggested to the ministry, and particularly to Sir Robert Walpole. This statesman, however, was too wise and sagacious to adopt them. ‘Iwill leave the taxation of the Americans,’ Walpole answered, ‘for some of my successors, who may have more courage than Ihave, and be less friendly to commerce than Iam. It has been a maxim with me,’ he added, ‘during my administration, to encourage the trade of the American colonies to the utmost latitude; nay, it has been necessary to pass over some irregularities in their trade with Europe; for, by encouraging them to an extensive and growing foreign commerce, if they gain five hundred thousand pounds, Iam convinced that, in two years afterwards, full two hundred and fifty thousand of this gain will be in his majesty’s exchequer by the labor and product of this kingdom, as immense quantities of every kind of our manufactures go thither; and as they increase in the foreign American trade, more of our produce will be wanted. This is taxing them more agreeably to their own constitution and laws.’ The first Pitt, also, in his celebrated speech on the repeal of the stamp act, referring to the conduct of the several preceding administrations, says, ‘None of these thought, or even dreamed, of robbing the colonies of their constitutional rights. That was reserved to mark an era of the late administration; not that there were wanting some, when Ihad the honor to serve his majesty, to propose to me to burn my fingers with an American stamp act. With the enemy at their back, with our bayonets at their breasts, in the day of their distress, perhaps the Americans would have submitted to the imposition; but it would have been taking an ungenerous and unjust advantage.’

Whatever might have been the views or wishes of any individual of the British cabinet, at any period, relative to drawing a revenue directly from the colonies, no one had been bold enough to make the attempt until after the reduction of the French power in America. This was deemed a favorable moment to call upon the Americans for taxes, to assist in the payment of a debt, incurred, as was alleged, in a great measure, for their protection against a powerful enemy, now no longer an object of their dread.103 ABritish statesman should have reflected, that, if the Americans were relieved from the dread of their ancient enemy, they no longer required the protection of the parent country against that enemy; and that the strongest hold on their dependence was gone when Canada was gained.

The conquest of Canada had scarcely been effected, when rumors were extensively prevalent that a different system of government was about to be adopted by the parent state; that the charters would be taken away, and the colonies reduced to royal governments. The officers of the customs began to enforce with strictness all the acts of parliament regulating the trade of the colonies, several of which had been suspended, or had become obsolete. Governor Bernard, of Massachusetts, who was always a supporter of the royal prerogative, appears to have entered fully into these views, and to have indicated, by his appointment of confidential advisers, that his object would be to extend the power of the government to any limits which the ministry might require. The first demonstration of the new course intended to be pursued, was the arrival of an order in council to carry into effect the acts of trade, and to apply to the supreme judicature of the province for writs of assistance, to be granted to the officers of the customs. According to the ordinary course of law, no searches or seizures can be made without a special warrant, issued upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, particularly designating the place to be searched and the goods to be seized. But the writ of assistance was to command all sheriffs and other civil officers to assist the person to whom it was granted in breaking open and searching every place where he might suspect any prohibited or uncustomed goods to be concealed. It was a sort of commission, during pleasure, to ransack the dwellings of the citizens, for it was never to be returned, nor any account of the proceedings under it rendered to the court whence it issued. Such a weapon of oppression in the hands of the inferior officers of the customs might well alarm even innocence, and confound the violators of the law.

The mercantile part of the community united in opposing the petition, and was in a state of great anxiety as to the result of the question. The officers of the customs called upon Mr.Otis for his official assistance, as advocate-general, to argue their cause: but as he believed these writs to be illegal and tyrannical, he resigned the situation, though very lucrative, and if filled by a compliant spirit, leading to the highest favors of government. The merchants of Salem and Boston applied to Otis and Thacher, who engaged to make their defence. The trial took place in the council chamber of the old town-house, in Boston. The judges were five in number, including lieutenant governor Hutchinson, who presided as chief justice; and the room was filled with all the officers of government and the principal citizens, to hear the arguments in a cause that inspired the deepest solicitude. The case was opened by Mr.Gridley, who argued it with much learning, ingenuity, and dignity, urging every point and authority that could be found, after the most diligent search, in favor of the custom-house petition; making all his reasoning depend on this consideration,—‘if the parliament of Great Britain is the sovereign legislator of the British empire.’ He was followed by Mr.Thacher on the opposite side, whose reasoning was ingenious and able, delivered in a tone of great mildness and moderation. ‘But,’ in the language of president Adams, ‘Otis was a flame of fire; with a promptitude of classical allusion, a depth of research, a rapid summary of historical events and dates, a profusion of legal authorities, a prophetic glance into futurity, and a rapid torrent of impetuous eloquence, he hurried away all before him. American independence was then and there born. The seeds of patriots and heroes to defend the Non sine Diis animosus infans, to defend the vigorous youth, were then and there sown. Every man of an immense crowded audience appeared to me to go away as Idid, ready to take arms against writs of assistance. Then and there was the first scene of the first act of opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain. Then and there the child Independence was born. In fifteen years, i. e. in 1776, he grew up to manhood and declared himself free.’104

In consequence of this argument, the popularity of Otis was without bounds, and at the next election he was for the first time chosen a member of the house of representatives, by an almost unanimous vote. Some idea of the state of public sentiment at that period may be derived from the following remarkable language of the governor, in his speech at the commencement of the session. ‘Let me recommend to you to give no attention to declamations tending to promote a suspicion of the civil rights of the people being in danger. Such harangues might suit well in the times of Charles and James, but in the times of the Georges they are groundless and unjust. Since the accession of the first George, there has been no instance of the legal privileges of any corporate body being attacked by any of the king’s ministers or servants, without public censure ensuing. His present majesty has given uncommon assurances how much he has at heart the preservation of the liberty, rights, and privileges of all his subjects. Can it be supposed that he can forfeit his word; or that he will suffer it to be forfeited by the acts of any servant of his with impunity? An insinuation so unreasonable and injurious Iam sure will never be well received among you.’

In the following session governor Bernard informed the house of representatives, that, during the recess of the legislature, he had appropriated a small sum towards fitting out the sloop Massachusetts to protect the fishery. The committee appointed to prepare an answer reported to the house a message, in which, after desiring his excellency to restore the sloop to her former condition, they add, ‘Justice to ourselves and to our constituents obliges us to remonstrate against the method of making or increasing establishments by the governor and council. It is in effect taking from the house their most darling privilege, the right of originating all taxes. It is, in short, annihilating one branch of the legislature. And when once the representatives of a people give up this privilege, the government will very soon become arbitrary. No necessity, therefore, can be sufficient to justify a house of representatives in giving up such a privilege; for it would be of little consequence to the people whether they were subject to George or Louis, the king of Great Britain or the French king, if both were arbitrary, as both would be if both could levy taxes without parliament.’ ‘Treason, treason!’ cried one of the members when these words were read; but the report was accepted, and the message sent unaltered to the governor. The same day he returned it, accompanied by a letter requesting that a part of it might be expunged, as disrespectful to the king. It was then proposed to insert an amendment in the message, expressive of loyalty; but a certain member crying ‘Rase them, rase them,’ the obnoxious words, which had been underlined by the governor, were erased; ‘it being obvious that the remonstrance would be the same in effect with or without them.’ The governor sent a vindication of his conduct to the house, and prorogued the assembly before there was time to answer it.

The year 1764 was prolific in measures calculated to agitate and arouse the spirit of the Americans. Early in March an act was passed, which declared that the bills which had been issued by the several colonial governments, should no longer be regarded as legal currency; an enactment which, although in some cases it might have the beneficial effect of preventing an injurious excess of paper, was very prejudicial to the interests, as well as galling to the feelings, of the colonists. On the 10th of March the house of commons passed eighteen resolutions for imposing taxes and duties on the colonies. The execution of that which declared that it might be proper to impose certain stamp duties on them, was deferred to the next session; but the others were immediately enforced by ‘An Act for granting certain Duties in America;’ which, after stating that it was just and expedient to raise a revenue there, imposed duties on silks and colored calicoes from Persia, India, or China, and on sugar, wines, coffee, and pimento, made the sugar and molasses act perpetual, reducing the duty on molasses from six-pence to three-pence per gallon; and this for the express and sole purpose of raising a revenue. The same act increased the number of enumerated commodities, laid new and harsh restrictions on commerce, re-enacted many of the obsolete laws of trade, and provided that all penalties and forfeitures, accruing under any of them, might be sued for, at the election of the informer, in any court of record or of admiralty, or in that of vice-admiralty to be established over all America. The declaration which was made, that all these duties should be devoted to the maintenance of an army for the defence of the colonies, was by no means satisfactory: it was indeed urged by the ministry, to prove to Americans that the money which was raised from them would ultimately be spent again among their own inhabitants; but the colonists sagaciously conjectured, that now they had no other enemy than a few exhausted tribes of Indians, there must be some other design than that of defence in maintaining a standing army among them; and they could attribute the plan to no other source than a desire on the part of the ministry to secure the destruction of their liberties by military force.

The direct assertion by the British parliament of its right to tax the colonies, accompanied, as it evidently was, by a determination to carry the principle into almost immediate effect, excited the most extensive clamor and agitation, not only among individuals, but in the minds of the constituted authorities. ‘Taxation without representation is tyranny,’ was the universal watchword; the proposed exaction was everywhere the topic of conversation, and the subject of the severest animadversion. Every day beheld the affection of the Americans for the parent country sensibly diminish, while the disposition to resist by force was silently but effectually fostered. Several of the provincial assemblies sent instructions to their agents in London to employ every means to prevent the obnoxious measure being carried into effect.

The people of Boston, at their meeting in May, instructed their representatives to the general court on this important subject. In these instructions, (which were drawn up by Samuel Adams, one of the committee appointed for that purpose,) after commenting on the sugar and molasses act, they proceed to observe: ‘But our greatest apprehension is, that these proceedings may be preparatory to new taxes; for if our trade may be taxed, why not our lands? why not the products of our lands, and every thing we possess or use? This, we conceive, annihilates our charter rights to govern and tax ourselves. It strikes at our British privileges which, as we have never forfeited, we hold in common with our fellow-subjects who are natives of Britain. If taxes are laid upon us, in any shape, without our having a legal representation where they are laid, we are reduced from the character of free subjects, to the state of tributary slaves. We, therefore, earnestly recommend it to you to use your utmost endeavors to obtain from the general court all necessary advice and instruction to our agent, at this most critical juncture. We also desire you to use your endeavors that the other colonies, having the same interests and rights with us, may add their weight to that of this province; that by united application of all who are aggrieved, all may obtain redress.’

This was the first act in the colonies, in opposition to the ministerial plans of drawing a revenue directly from America; and it contained the first suggestion of the propriety of that mutual understanding and correspondence among the colonies, which laid the foundation of their future confederacy. The house of representatives of Massachusetts, in June following, declared, ‘That the sole right of giving and granting the money of the people of that province, was vested in them, or their representatives, and that the imposition of duties and taxes by the parliament of Great Britain upon a people not represented in the house of commons, is absolutely irreconcilable with their rights; that no man can justly take the property of another, without his consent; upon which original principles, the power of making laws for levying taxes, one of the main pillars of the British constitution, is evidently founded.’ The same sentiments are expressed, though in stronger language, in their letter of instructions to their agent. ‘If the colonists are to be taxed at pleasure,’ they say, ‘without any representatives in parliament, what will there be to distinguish them, in point of liberty, from the subjects of the most absolute prince? If we are to be taxed at pleasure, without our consent, will it be any consolation to us, that we are to be assessed by a hundred instead of one? If we are not represented, we are slaves.’ The house, also, at the same time, appointed a committee, to sit during the recess of the court, to write to the other colonies, requesting them to join in applying for a repeal of the sugar act, and in endeavoring to prevent the passage of the act laying stamp duties, or any other act imposing taxes on the American provinces.

In addition to the acts and declarations of the colonial legislatures, various individuals enlightened and animated the colonists by numerous publications both in the newspapers and by separate pamphlets. Among the latter, ‘The Rights of the Colonists asserted and proved,’ by Mr.Otis, and ‘The Sentiments of a British American,’ by Oxenbridge Thacher, were particularly distinguished. Mr.Otis, among other things, declared, ‘That the imposition of taxes, whether on trade or on land, on houses or ships, on real or personal, fixed or floating property in the colonies, is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the colonists, as British subjects and as men.’ On the subject of the sugar and molasses act, Mr.Thacher stated his objections, the first of which was, ‘That a tax was thereby laid on several commodities, to be raised and levied in the plantations, and to be remitted home to England. This is esteemed,’ he said ‘a grievance, inasmuch as the same are laid without the consent of the representatives of the colonists. It is esteemed an essential British right, that no man shall be subject to any tax but what, in person or by his representative, he hath a voice in laying.’

In the winter of 1765, at the request of the other agents of the colonies Dr.Franklin, Jared Ingersoll, Mr.Jackson, and Mr.Garth, had a conference with Mr.Grenville, on the subject of the stamp duty. Mr.Ingersoll was from Connecticut, and had been requested to assist Mr.Jackson in any matters relating to that colony; Mr.Garth was agent for South Carolina, and he and Mr.Jackson were members of parliament. These gentlemen, and particularly Dr.Franklin and Mr.Ingersoll, informed the minister of the great opposition to the proposed tax in America, and most earnestly entreated him, that if money must be drawn from the colonies by taxes, to leave it with the colonists to raise it among themselves in such manner as they should think proper, and best adapted to their circumstances and abilities. Dr.Franklin informed the minister, that the legislature of Pennsylvania had by a resolution declared, ‘That as they always had, so they always should, think it their duty to grant aids to the crown, according to their abilities, whenever required of them in the usual constitutional way.’

Neither the remonstrances of the colonists, however, nor the entreaties of their agents, were of any avail with the ministry or parliament. The bill for laying the stamp and other duties was soon brought before the house, and petitions from the colonies of Virginia, Connecticut, and South Carolina, were offered in opposition to it. The house, however, refused to receive them; in the first place, because they questioned or denied the right of parliament to pass the bill; and in the second place, because it was contrary to an old standing rule of the house,—‘that no petition should be received against a money bill.’ The majority against receiving the petitions was very large, and those from the other colonies were not offered. The petition from New York was expressed in such strong language, that no member of the house could be prevailed upon to present it. The admirable speech of colonel BarrÉ in reply to Charles Townshend, so familiar to all of us, although it produced a profound impression, did not of course defeat the measure; and the colonial petitions and remonstrances, with the petition of the London merchants trading to America, were equally unavailing. In the house of commons there were about two hundred and fifty for, and only fifty against it. In the lords it passed without debate, with entire unanimity; and on the 22d of March it obtained the royal assent.

This enactment, which was to come into operation on the 1st of November, excited the most serious alarm throughout the colonies. It was viewed as a violation of the British constitution, and as destructive of the first principles of liberty; and combinations against its execution were everywhere formed. The house of burgesses in Virginia, which was in session when intelligence of the act was received, passed several spirited resolutions, asserting the colonial rights, and denying the claim of parliamentary taxation. The resolutions were introduced into the Virginia assembly by the eloquent Patrick Henry, who, on the envelope of a copy of them in his own hand-writing, has given the following interesting particulars: ‘They formed,’ says Mr.Henry, ‘the first opposition to the stamp act, and the scheme of taxing America by the British parliament. All the colonies, either through fear, or want of opportunity to form an opposition, or from influence of some kind or other, had remained silent. Ihad been for the first time elected a burgess a few days before, was young inexperienced, unacquainted with the forms of the house, and the members that composed it. Finding the men of weight averse to opposition, and the commencement of the tax at hand, and that no person was likely to step forth, Idetermined to venture; and alone, unadvised, and unassisted on a blank leaf of an old law book wrote the within. Upon offering them to the house, violent debates ensued. Many threats were uttered, and much abuse cast on me, by the party for submission. After a long and warm contest, the resolutions passed by a very small majority, perhaps of one or two only. The alarm spread throughout America with astonishing quickness, and the ministerial party were overwhelmed. The great point of resistance to British taxation was universally established in the colonies. This brought on the war, which finally separated the two countries, and gave independence to ours. Whether this will prove a blessing or a curse, will depend upon the use our people make of the blessings which a gracious God hath bestowed on us. If they are wise, they will be great and happy. If they are of a contrary character, they will be miserable. Righteousness alone can exalt them as a nation.’

‘It was in the midst of this magnificent debate,’ says his biographer, Mr.Wirt, ‘while he was descanting on the tyranny of the obnoxious act, that he exclaimed in a voice of thunder, “CÆsar had his Brutus—Charles the First his Cromwell—and George the Third”—(“Treason,” cried the speaker; “Treason, treason,” echoed from every part of the house: it was one of those trying moments which are decisive of character. Henry faltered not for an instant; but rising to a loftier attitude, and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most determined fire, he finished his sentence with the firmest emphasis,)—“may profit by their example. If this be treason, make the most of it.”’

In the province of Massachusetts the dissatisfaction at the passing the stamp act was strong, and was strongly manifested. On the meeting of the legislature in May, it was recommended that there should be an early meeting of committees from the houses of representatives or burgesses in the several colonies, to consult together on their grievances and devise some plan for their relief. In accordance with the views of the Massachusetts legislature, the proposed convention was held at New York in October, and consisted of twenty-eight delegates from the assemblies of the colonies, excepting the assemblies of Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, which were either not in session, or were otherwise prevented from sending representatives. Timothy Ruggles of Massachusetts was chosen president. Adeclaration of rights and grievances was adopted. Apetition to the king, and a memorial to each house of parliament were also agreed on; and it was recommended to the several colonies to appoint special agents, who should unite their utmost endeavors in soliciting redress.

The populace in various parts of the colonies were unwilling to wait for the effect of the constitutional measures their representatives were adopting. One day in the month of August the effigy of Andrew Oliver, the proposed distributor of stamps in Massachusetts, was found hanging on a tree, afterwards well known by the name of Liberty tree, in the main street of Boston. At night it was taken down, and carried on a bier, amidst the acclamations of an immense collection of people, through the court-house, down King street, to a small brick building, supposed to have been erected for the reception of the detested stamps. This building being soon levelled with the ground, the rioters next attacked Mr.Oliver’s house, and having broken the windows, entered it, and destroyed part of the furniture. The next day, however, Mr.Oliver authorized several gentlemen to announce on the exchange, that he had declined having any concern with the office of stamp master; but in the evening a bonfire was made, and a repetition of this declaration exacted of him. On the 26th the tumults were renewed. The rioters assembled in King street, and proceeded to the house of the deputy register of the court of admiralty, whose private papers, as well as the records and files of the court, were destroyed. The house of Benjamin Hallowell, jun., comptroller of the customs, was next entered; and elevated and emboldened by liquors found in his cellar, the mob, with inflamed rage, directed their course to the house of lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, who, after vainly attempting resistance, was constrained to depart to save his life. By four in the morning one of the best houses in the province was completely in ruins, nothing remaining but the bare walls and floors. The plate, family pictures, most of the furniture, the wearing apparel, about nine hundred pounds sterling, and the manuscripts and books which Mr.Hutchinson had been thirty years collecting, besides many public papers in his custody, were either carried off or destroyed. The whole damage was estimated at two thousand five hundred pounds.105

The town of Boston the next day voted unanimously, that the selectmen and magistrates be desired to use their utmost endeavors, agreeably to law, to suppress the like disorders for the future, and that the freeholders and other inhabitants would do every thing in their power to assist them. The officer appointed to receive the stamped paper, which was daily expected, having resigned his commission, the governor determined to receive the paper into his own charge at the castle; and, by advice of council, he ordered the enlistment of a number of men to strengthen the garrison. This caused great murmur among the people. To pacify them he made a declaration in council, that he had no authority to open any of the packages, or to appoint a distributor of stamps; that his views in depositing the stamped paper in the castle, and in strengthening the garrison there, were to prevent imprudent people from offering an insult to the king; and to save the town, or province, as it might happen, from being held to answer for the value of the stamps, as they certainly would be if the papers should be taken away. This declaration the council desired him to publish, but it did not stop the clamor. He was forced to stop the enlistment, and to discharge such men as had been enlisted. The first day of November, on which the stamp act was to begin its operation, was ushered in at Boston by the tolling of bells; many shops and stores were shut; and effigies of the authors and friends of that act were carried about the streets, and afterwards torn in pieces by the populace.

Nor was Massachusetts alone;—the obnoxious act received similar treatment in the other colonies. On the 24th of August a gazette extraordinary was published at Providence, with Vox Populi vox Dei, for a motto; effigies were exhibited, and in the evening cut down and burnt. Three days afterwards, the people of Newport conducted effigies of three obnoxious persons in a cart, with halters about their necks, to a gallows near the town-house, where they were hung, and after a while cut down and burnt amidst the acclamations of thousands. On the last day of October, a body of people from the country approached the town of Portsmouth, (New Hampshire,) in the apprehension that the stamps would be distributed; but on receiving assurance that there was no such intention, they quietly returned. All the bells in Portsmouth, Newcastle, and Greenland, were tolled, to denote the decease of Liberty; and in the course of the day, notice was given to her friends to attend her funeral. Acoffin, neatly ornamented, and inscribed with ‘LIBERTY, aged CXLV. years,’ was prepared for the funeral procession, which began from the state-house, attended with two unbraced drums; minute guns were fired until the corpse arrived at the grave, when an oration was pronounced in honor of the deceased: but scarcely was the oration concluded, when, some remains of life having been discovered, the corpse was taken up; and the inscription on the lid of the coffin was immediately altered to ‘LIBERTY REVIVED;’ the bells suddenly struck a cheerful sound, and joy appeared again in every countenance. In Connecticut, Mr.Ingersoll, the constituted distributor of stamps, was exhibited and burnt in effigy in the month of August; and the resentment at length became so general and alarming, that he resigned his office.

The spirit manifested by the citizens of New York produced a similar resignation; and the obnoxious act was contemptuously cried about the streets, labelled, ‘The Folly of England and Ruin of America.’ The stamp papers arriving toward the end of October, lieutenant-governor Colden took every precaution to secure them. On the first of November, many of the inhabitants of New York, offended at the conduct and disliking the political sentiments of the governor, having assembled in the evening, broke open his stable, and took out his coach; and after carrying it through the principal streets of the city, marched to the common, where a gallows was erected, on one end of which they suspended his effigy, with a stamped bill of lading in one hand, and a figure of the devil in the other. When the effigy had hung a considerable time, they carried it in procession suspended to the gallows to the gate of the fort, whence it was removed to the bowling green, under the muzzle of the guns, and a bonfire made, in which the whole pageantry, including the coach, was consumed, amidst the acclamations of several thousand spectators. The next day, the people insisting upon having the stamps, it was agreed that they should be delivered to the corporation, and they were deposited in the city hall. Ten boxes of stamps, which arrived subsequently, were committed to the flames.

At Philadelphia, on the appearance of the ships having the stamps on board, all the vessels in the harbor hoisted their colors half-mast high, the bells were muffled, and continued to toll until evening. The body of Quakers, with a part of the church of England and of the Baptists, seemed inclined to submit to the stamp act; but great pains were taken to engage the Dutch and the lower class of people in the opposition, and Mr.Huges, the stamp master, found it necessary at length to resign. In Maryland, Mr.Hood, the stamp distributor for that colony, to avoid resigning his office, fled to New York; but he was constrained by a number of freemen to sign a paper, declaring his absolute and final resignation. In Virginia, when the gentleman who had been appointed distributor of stamps arrived at Williamsburg, he was immediately urged to resign: and the next day he so handsomely declined acting in his office, that he received the acclamations of the people; at night the town was illuminated, the bells were rung, and festivity expressed the universal joy.

Associations had already been formed in the colonies, under the title of the Sons of Liberty, and were composed of some of the most respectable of their citizens. The association in New York held a meeting on the 7th of November, at which it was determined that they would risk their lives and fortunes to resist the stamp act. Notice of this being sent to the Sons of Liberty in Connecticut, an union of the two associations was soon after agreed upon, and a formal instrument drawn and signed; in which, after denouncing the stamp act as a flagrant outrage on the British constitution, they most solemnly pledged themselves to march with their whole force whenever required, at their own proper cost and expense, to the relief of all who should be in danger from the stamp act or its abettors; to be vigilant in watching for the introduction of stamped paper, to consider all who are caught in introducing it as betrayers of their country, and to bring them if possible to condign punishment, whatever may be their rank; to defend the liberty of the press in their respective colonies from all violations or impediments on account of the said act; to save all judges, attorneys, clerks, and others from fines, penalties, or any molestation whatever, who shall proceed in their respective duties without regard to the stamp act; and lastly, to use their utmost endeavors to bring about a similar union with all the colonies on the continent. In pursuance of this plan, circular letters were addressed to the Sons of Liberty in Boston, New Hampshire, and as far as South Carolina, and the proposal was received with almost universal enthusiasm.

Societies were formed also in most of the colonies, including females, and those of the highest rank and fashion, of persons who resolved to forego all the luxuries of life, sooner than be indebted for them to the commerce of England under the restrictions imposed upon it by parliament. These societies denied themselves the use of all foreign articles of clothing; carding, spinning, and weaving became the daily employment of ladies of fashion; sheep were forbidden to be used as food, lest there should not be found a sufficient supply of wool; and to be dressed in a suit of homespun was to possess the surest means of popular distinction. So true were these patriotic societies to their mutual compact, that the British merchants and manufacturers soon began to feel the necessity of uniting with the colonies in petitioning parliament for the repeal of the obnoxious law; and the table of the minister was loaded with petitions and remonstrances from most of the manufacturing and mercantile towns in the kingdom.

PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

While the colonies were thus brought into a state bordering on insurrection by the injudicious and unjust measures of the Grenville administration, the administration itself was rapidly hastening to its dissolution. GeorgeIII. had ascended the throne not long after the capture of Quebec and in the following October, the patriot Pitt, who had devised and executed the grand scheme of expelling the French from North America, resigned the seals of office. Lord Bute, who appears to have been a personal friend of the new king, was appointed Mr.Pitt’s successor; and under his brief administration the peace of Paris was concluded. He was succeeded by Mr.Grenville, whose name will always bear an unhappy notoriety as the author of the stamp act; and whose measures have formed the subject of the preceding division. However the king might approve his political sentiments, and the king was a decided tory, Grenville was not personally in favor with his majesty; and the result was, (after some unsuccessful negotiation with Mr.Pitt, who expressed his unwillingness to go to St.James’ ‘without he could carry the constitution along with him,’) the formation of the Rockingham administration.

On the twenty-second of February, 1766, a bill was introduced in the house of commons for a repeal of the stamp act. The mover of the bill was general Conway, the same individual who in the first instance had denied the authority of parliament to impose it. On the proposed repeal a warm and interesting debate ensued, and it was finally carried by a large majority. In the upper house it was carried by a vote of one hundred and five to seventy-one.

On the 19th of March, his majesty went to the house of peers, and passed the bill for repealing the American stamp act, as also that for securing the dependency of the colonies on the British crown. On this occasion the American merchants made a most numerous appearance to express their gratitude and joy; ships in the river displayed their colors; the city was illuminated; and every method was adopted to demonstrate the sense entertained of the wisdom of parliament in conciliating the minds of the people on this critical occasion. In America, the intelligence was received with acclamations of the most sincere and heart-felt gratitude by all classes of people. Public thanksgivings were offered up in all the churches. The resolutions which had been passed on the subject of importations were rescinded, and their trade with the mother country was immediately renewed with increased vigor. The homespun dresses were given to the poor, and once more the colonists appeared clad in the produce of British looms.

The administration of the marquis of Rockingham terminated in July, 1766, and a new ministry was formed, under the direction of Mr.Pitt, composed of men of different political principles and parties. The duke of Grafton was placed at the head of the treasury; lord Shelburne was joined with general Conway, as one of the secretaries of state; Charles Townshend was made chancellor of the exchequer; Camden lord chancellor; Pitt had the privy seal, and was made a peer, with the title of the earl of Chatham; and lord North and George Cooke were joint paymasters. Under this chequered administration, the scheme of taxing America was revived. In May, 1767, the new chancellor of the exchequer submitted a plan of this kind to parliament. Charles Townshend was a man of genius and talents, but of high passions, eccentric, and versatile. He had warmly supported Grenville in the passage of the stamp act, and had voted with the marquis of Rockingham in its repeal. The ex-minister Grenville may indeed be considered the real author of the second plan for taxing the colonies, for he was ever urging the subject on the new ministers.106

The measure proposed by Townshend to the house was for imposing duties on glass, paper, pasteboard, white and red lead, painters’ colors, and tea, imported into the colonies. The preamble declared, ‘that it was expedient to raise a revenue in America, and to make a more certain and adequate provision for defraying the charge of the administration of justice and the support of the civil government in the provinces, and for defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and securing them.’ The earl of Chatham was then confined by sickness in the country; the bill passed both houses without much opposition, and on the 29th of June received the royal assent.

The conduct of the assemblies of Massachusetts and New York had given great dissatisfaction in Great Britain. The refusal of the assembly of the latter to comply with the requisitions of the mutiny act, in particular, had excited the indignation of the ministry and parliament to such a degree, that three days after the passage of the new tax bill an act was passed restraining the legislature of that province from passing any act whatever, until they had furnished the king’s troops with all the articles required by the mutiny act. The ministry at the same time determined to establish a new board of custom-house officers in America. An act was therefore passed, enabling the king to put the customs and other duties in America, and the execution of the laws relating to trade there, under the management of commissioners to be appointed for that purpose, and to reside in the colonies. This, as the preamble declares, would ‘tend to the encouragement of commerce, and to better securing the rates and duties, and the more speedy and effectual collection thereof.’ These three acts arrived in America about the same time.

The appropriation of the new duties to the support of crown officers and to the maintenance of troops in America, was a subject of serious complaint. It had long been a favorite object of the British cabinet to establish in the colonies a fund, from which the salaries of the governors, judges, and other officers of the crown, should be paid, independent of the annual grants of the colonial legislatures. As these officers held their places during the pleasure of the king, the people of Massachusetts, it will be remembered, had uniformly resisted such establishment, though repeatedly urged on the part of the crown. On this subject the house of representatives maintained, in resolutions indicative of great firmness, their former purpose. The house also, during this session, addressed a circular letter to the other colonies, stating the difficulties to be apprehended by the operation of the late acts of parliament, and requesting their co-operation for redress. When the question of addressing a circular to the colonies was first presented to the house it was opposed, as seeming to countenance the meeting of another congress, heretofore so offensive to the British government; and the motion was negatived. The subject was afterwards reconsidered, and the letter so worded as to satisfy a large majority of the house. The other colonies approved of the proceedings of Massachusetts, and joined in applying to the king for relief.

The circular letter of Massachusetts created no little alarm in the British cabinet. Directions were issued by the secretary of state to the governor of this colony, requiring him to demand of the house of representatives a recantation of that offensive measure. This the house peremptorily refused. They viewed the letter of lord Hillsborough as an unwarrantable attempt on their rights; and in their answer to the communication of the governor on this subject, express themselves with no little warmth. ‘If the votes of the house were to be controlled by the direction of a minister,’ they say, ‘we have left us but a shadow of liberty!’ On the question to rescind, Mr.Otis, one of the representatives from Boston, said—‘When lord Hillsborough knows that we will not rescind our acts, let him apply to parliament to rescind theirs. Let Britain rescind their measures, or they are lost forever.’ On receiving information of the decision of the house, the governor immediately dissolved the assembly. This ministerial mandate to the other colonies was equally disregarded.

Americans looked with astonishment at such a system of policy proceeding from a ministry of which lord Chatham constituted a part. They found it impossible to reconcile the conduct now adopted towards them with their ideas of his lordship’s character. They had heretofore regarded him as a friend, in whose honest and liberal principles they might securely trust the management of all that concerned the colonies; but here was a melancholy evidence before their eyes of the insincerity of ministerial professions. In justice to the character of lord Chatham, however, it must be observed, that he was not in parliament during any part of the time that these measures of Mr.Townshend were under discussion. The state of his health was such as not only to detain him from his seat in the house, but to render him incapable of attending to any of the duties of his high station; and it appears that his opinion weighed but little with the men whom he had raised to power.

Charles Townshend, from whom all the troubles and commotions that were now rapidly spreading through the colonies in a great measure originated, did not live to witness their effects. He died in September, 1767, and was succeeded as chancellor of the exchequer by Frederick lord North, a young nobleman, then but little known in the political world, but who will be found to make a conspicuous figure in the sequel of this history. Very soon afterwards, lord Chatham, disgusted at the corrupt influence which manifested itself in every act of the court, and sick of the political world, resigned the privy seal.

The colonists meanwhile were adopting all the peaceable means in their power to show their sense of the wrongs heaped upon them. Petitions, memorials, and remonstrances to the king and parliament, and letters to the individual friends of America, were addressed from all the legislatures; but the most favorable reply which any of them received was an exhortation to suffer with patience and in silence. To suffer tamely, and without seeking redress, however, was not the character of the sturdy sons of freedom who inhabited the colonies. They entered into the same kind of resolutions of non-importation, the effects of which had been so severely felt by the traders in England under the stamp act. Boston, as before, took the lead. At a town meeting held in October, it was voted that measures should be immediately taken to promote the establishment of domestic manufactures, by encouraging the consumption of all articles of American manufacture. They also agreed to purchase no articles of foreign growth or manufacture, but such as were absolutely indispensable. New York and Philadelphia soon followed the example of Boston; and in a short time the merchants themselves entered into associations to import nothing from Great Britain but articles that necessity required.

The new board of commissioners of the customs established at Boston had now entered on the duties of their office. From the great excitement at that place, a collision between the new custom-house officers and the people was by no means improbable. The indignation of the people of Boston was at length excited to open opposition by the seizure of Mr.Hancock’s sloop Liberty, for a violation of the revenue laws. Under the idea that the sloop would not be safe at the wharf in their custody, the custom-house officers had solicited aid from a ship of war which lay in the harbor, the commander of which ordered the sloop to be cut from her fastenings and brought under the guns of his ship. It was to prevent this removal that the mob collected; many of the officers were severely wounded in the scuffle, and the mob, being baffled in their attempts to retain the sloop at the wharf, repaired to the houses of the collector, comptroller, and other officers of the customs, where they committed many acts of violence and injury to their property. This riotous disposition continued for several days, during which the commissioners applied to the governor for assistance, but his excellency not being able to protect them, advised them to remove from Boston; they consequently retired, first on board the Romney man-of-war, and then to castle William. The excitement at Boston was greatly increased about this time by the impressment of some seamen belonging to that town by order of the officers of the Romney. The inhabitants of Boston were assembled on this occasion, and their petition to the governor, praying his interference to prevent such outrages for the future, shows to what a state of alarm, anxiety, and even despair, they were then reduced. ‘To contend,’ they said, ‘against our parent state, is, in our idea, the most shocking and dreadful extremity; but tamely to relinquish the only security we and our posterity retain for the enjoyment of our lives and properties without one struggle, is so humiliating and base, that we cannot support the reflection.’

The general court of Massachusetts having been dissolved by governor Bernard, who refused to convene it again without his majesty’s command, on the proposal of the selectmen of Boston to the several towns in the colony, a convention met in that town on the 22d of September, to deliberate on constitutional measures to obtain redress of their grievances. The convention, disclaiming legislative authority, petitioned the governor; made loyal professions; expressed its aversion to standing armies, to tumults and disorders, its readiness to assist in suppressing riots, and preserving the peace; recommended patience and good order; and, after a short session, dissolved itself.

The day before the convention rose, advice was received that a man-of-war and some transports from Halifax, with about nine hundred troops, had arrived at Nantasket harbor. On the day after their arrival, the fleet was brought to anchor near castle William. Having taken a station which commanded the town, the troops, under cover of the cannon of the ships, landed without molestation, and, to the number of upwards of seven hundred men, marched, with muskets charged, bayonets fixed, martial music, and the usual military parade, into the common. In the evening, the selectmen of Boston were required to quarter the two regiments in the town; but they absolutely refused. Atemporary shelter, however, in Faneuil hall, was permitted to one regiment that was without its camp equipage. The next day, the state-house, by order of the governor, was opened for the reception of the soldiers; and, after the quarters were settled, two field-pieces, with the main guard, were stationed just in its front. Every thing was calculated to excite the indignation of the inhabitants. The lower floor of the state-house, which had been used by gentlemen and merchants as an exchange, the representatives-chamber, the court-house, Faneuil hall—places with which were intimately associated ideas of justice and freedom, as well as of convenience and utility—were now filled with troops of the line.

Guards were placed at the doors of the state-house, through which the council must pass in going to their own chamber. The common was covered with tents. Soldiers were constantly marching and countermarching to relieve the guards. The sentinels challenged the inhabitants as they passed. The Sabbath was profaned, and the devotion of the sanctuary disturbed, by the sound of drums and other military music. There was every appearance of a garrisoned town. The colonists felt disgusted and injured, but not overawed, by the presence of such a body of soldiery. After the troops had obtained quarters, the council were required to provide barracks for them, agreeably to act of parliament; but they resolutely declined any measure which might be construed into a submission to that act. In a few weeks several more transports arrived at Boston from Cork, having on board part of the sixty-fourth and sixty-fifth British regiments, under colonels Mackey and Pomeroy.

The general court of Massachusetts was at length convened, on the 31st of May, and their first act was to send a committee to the governor, assuring him of their intention to make a thorough inquiry into the grievances of the people, and to have them redressed; and demanding of his excellency to order the removal of the forces from the harbor, and from the gates of the capital, during the sitting of the assembly. To this message the governor replied, ‘that he had no control of the king’s troops stationed in the town or province, and that he had received no orders for their removal.’

The assembly proved to be independent and resolute, and came to an open breach with governor Bernard. This body was accordingly removed to Cambridge, and the troops retained possession of the capital. On the 6th of July, the assembly received a message from the governor, desiring funds for the expenditures of his majesty’s troops, and provision for their further quartering in Boston and Castle island, according to act of parliament. This measure was strenuously resisted, and all provision of the kind was peremptorily refused. The prorogation of the assembly to the 10th of January following immediately ensued.

In August, 1769, Sir Francis Bernard was recalled, and left the administration to lieutenant-governor Hutchinson. The occasion of his taking leave was one of great joy to Boston. The bells were rung, guns were fired from Mr.Hancock’s wharf, Liberty tree was covered with flags, and in the evening a great bonfire was made upon Fort hill.

In 1770, lord North was elevated to the premiership; and his administration will ever be celebrated by the fact, that it cost the country more money, and lost it more territory, than that of any other man. His first measure was for the repeal of the port duties of 1767, with the exception of the duty on tea; this was to be retained in token of the supremacy of parliament. This single reservation was of course sufficient to frustrate all hopes of making this bill a peace-offering to the Americans.

The public mind in the colonies was still farther agitated by the continuance of the troops of the line in Boston. The inhabitants felt that their presence was designed to overawe and control the expression of their sentiments, and the military appear to have viewed their residence in the town in the same light. Under the excitement that was thus occasioned, affrays were frequently occurring between the populace and the soldiers; and it would appear that, as might be expected, neither party conducted themselves with prudence or forbearance. On the one hand, the soldiers are represented as parading the town, armed with heavy clubs, insulting and seeking occasion to quarrel with the people;107 while, on the other, the populace are declared to be the aggressors, and the military to have acted on the defensive.108 Early in the evening of the 5th of March, the inhabitants were observed to assemble in different quarters of the town; parties of soldiers were also driving about the streets, as if both the one and the other had something more than ordinary upon their minds.

About eight o’clock, one of the bells of the town was rung in such manner as is usual in case of fire. This called people into the streets. Alarge number assembled in the market-place, not far from King street, armed with bludgeons, or clubs. Asmall fray between some of the inhabitants arose at or near the barracks at the west part of the town, but it was of little importance, and was soon over. Asentinel who was posted at the custom-house, not far from the main guard, was next insulted, and pelted with pieces of ice and other missiles, which caused him to call to the main guard to protect him. Notice was soon given to captain Preston, whose company was then on guard, and a sergeant with six men was sent to protect the sentinel; but the captain, to prevent any precipitate action, followed them himself. There seem to have been but few people collected when the assault was first made on the sentinel; but the sergeant’s guard drew a greater number together, and they were more insulted than the sentinel had been, and received frequent blows from snowballs and lumps of ice. Captain Preston thereupon ordered them to charge; but this was no discouragement to the assailants, who continued to pelt the guard, daring them to fire. Some of the people who were behind the soldiers, and observed the abuse of them, called on them to do so. At length one received a blow with a club, which brought him to the ground; but, rising again, he immediately fired, and all the rest, except one, followed the example.

This seems, from the evidence on the trials and the observation of persons present, to have been the course of the material facts. Three men were killed, two mortally wounded, who died soon after, and several slightly wounded. The soldiers immediately withdrew to the main guard, which was strengthened by additional companies. Two or three of the persons who had seen the action ran to the lieutenant-governor’s house, which was about half a mile distant, and begged he would go to King street, where they feared a general action would come on between the troops and the inhabitants. He went immediately, and, to satisfy the people, called for captain Preston, and inquired why he had fired upon the inhabitants without the direction of a civil magistrate. The noise was so great that his answer could not be understood; and some persons, who were apprehensive of the lieutenant-governor’s danger from the general confusion, called out, ‘The town-house, the town-house!’ when, with irresistible violence, he was forced up by the crowd into the council chamber.

There demand was immediately made of him, to order the troops to withdraw from the town-house to their barracks. He refused; but calling from the balcony to the great body of people who remained in the street, he expressed his great concern at the unhappy event; assured them he would do every thing in his power to obtain a full and impartial inquiry, that the law might have its course; and advised them to go peaceably to their homes. Upon this there was a cry—‘Home, home!’ and a great part separated, and went home. He then signified his opinion to lieutenant-colonel Carr, that if the companies in arms were ordered to their barracks, the streets would be cleared and the town in quiet for that night. Upon their retiring, the rest of the inhabitants, except those in the council chamber, retired also.

Lieutenant-colonel Dalrymple, at the desire of the lieutenant-governor, came to the council chamber, while several justices were examining persons who were present at the transactions of the evening. From the evidence it was apparent that the justices would commit captain Preston, if taken. Several hours passed before he could be found, and the people suspected that he would not run the hazard of a trial; but at length he surrendered himself to a warrant for apprehending him, and, having been examined, was committed to prison. The next morning the soldiers who were upon guard surrendered also, and were committed. This was not sufficient to satisfy the people, and early in the forenoon they were in motion again. The lieutenant-governor caused his council to be summoned, and desired the two lieutenant-colonels of the regiments to be present. The selectmen of Boston were waiting the lieutenant-governor’s coming to council, and, being admitted, made their representation, that, from the contentions arising from the troops quartered in Boston, and, above all, from the tragedy of the last night, the minds of the inhabitants were exceedingly disturbed; that they would presently be assembled in a town meeting; and that, unless the troops should be removed, the most terrible consequences were to be expected.

The justices also of Boston and several of the neighboring towns had assembled, and desired to signify their opinion, that it would not be possible to keep the people under restraint, if the troops remained in town. The lieutenant-governor acquainted both the selectmen and the justices, that he had no authority to alter the place of destination of the king’s troops; but that he expected the commanding officers of the two regiments, and would let them know the applications which had been made. Presently after their coming, a large committee from the town meeting presented an address to the lieutenant-governor, declaring it to be the unanimous opinion of the meeting that nothing could rationally be expected to restore the peace of the town, ‘and prevent blood and carnage,’ but the immediate removal of the troops. The committee withdrew into another room to wait for an answer. Some of the council urged the necessity of complying with the people’s demand; but the lieutenant-governor declared that he would, upon no consideration whatever, give orders for their removal. Lieutenant-colonel Dalrymple then signified, that, as the twenty-ninth regiment had originally been designed to be placed at the castle, and was now peculiarly obnoxious to the town, he was content that it should be removed to the castle, until the general’s pleasure should be known. The committee was informed of this offer, and the lieutenant-governor rose from council, intending to receive no further application upon the subject; but the council prayed that he would meet them again in the afternoon, and colonel Dalrymple desiring it also, he complied.

Before the council met again, it had been intimated to them that the ‘desire’ of the governor and council to the commanding officer to remove the troops, would cause him to do it, though he should receive no authoritative ‘order.’ As soon as they met, a committee from the town meeting attended with a second message, to acquaint the lieutenant-governor that it was the unanimous voice of the people assembled, consisting, as they said, of near three thousand persons, that nothing less than a total and immediate removal of the troops would satisfy them. Ultimately the scruples of the lieutenant-governor were overcome, and he expressed his desire that the troops should be wholly withdrawn from the town to the castle, which was accordingly done. The funeral of the victims was attended with extraordinary pomp. Most of the shops were closed, all the bells of the town tolled on the occasion, and the corpses were followed to the grave by an immense concourse of people arranged six abreast, the procession being closed by a long train of carriages belonging to the principal gentry of the town. Captain Preston and the party of soldiers were afterwards tried. The captain and six of the men were acquitted, and two were brought in guilty of manslaughter; a result which reflected great honor on John Adams and Josiah Quincy, the council for the prisoners, and on the jury.

During the year 1771, nothing of moment occurred either in Boston or the colonies. The encouragement given by the agreement of the merchants to smuggling, occasioned continual contests with revenue officers; and it appears that the magistrates, when appealed to, refused to interfere. One circumstance, however, transpired, which must not be omitted. Early in this year, Mr.Hutchinson received his appointment to the office of governor of Massachusetts, an office which his political opponents allege to have always been the darling object of his ambition; while he maintains, that, however in ordinary times he might have desired it, he now ‘determined, not only to desire to be excused from the honor intended for him, but to be superseded in his place of lieutenant-governor; and he wrote to the secretary of state accordingly.’

The occurrences of the year 1772, afforded new sources of mutual animosity. The destruction of his majesty’s revenue schooner Gaspee, was one of those popular excesses which highly incensed the British ministry. Lieutenant Doddington, who commanded that vessel, had become very obnoxious to the inhabitants of Rhode Island, by his extraordinary zeal in the execution of the revenue laws. On the 9th of June, the Providence packet was sailing into the harbor of Newport, and lieutenant Doddington thought proper to require the captain to lower his colors. This the captain of the packet deemed repugnant to his patriotic feelings, and the Gaspee fired at the packet to bring her to: the American, however, still persisted in holding on her course, and by keeping in shoal water, dexterously contrived to run the schooner aground in the chase.

As the tide was upon the ebb, the Gaspee was set fast for the night, and afforded a tempting opportunity for retaliation; and a number of fishermen, aided and encouraged by some of the most respectable inhabitants of Providence, being determined to rid themselves of so uncivil an inspector, in the middle of the night manned several boats, and boarded the Gaspee. The lieutenant was wounded in the affray; but, with every thing belonging to him, he was carefully conveyed on shore, as were all his crew. The vessel, with her stores, was then burnt; and the party returned unmolested to their homes. When the governor became acquainted with this event, he offered a reward of five hundred pounds for the discovery of the offenders, and the royal pardon to those who would confess their guilt. Commissioners were appointed also to investigate the offence, and bring the perpetrators to justice; but, after remaining some time in session, they reported that they could obtain no evidence, and thus the affair terminated; a circumstance which forcibly illustrates the inviolable brotherhood which then united the people against the government.

Active resistance to the measures of the British government in relation to the colonies, had for some time been principally confined to Massachusetts. The other colonists, however, had not been idle or indifferent spectators of the scenes that had passed in Massachusetts. To remain long in their present state seemed impossible; and in the event of an opposition by force, unity of action, as well as of sentiment, was all important. To promote this object, the house of burgesses in Virginia originated what ultimately proved a powerful engine of resistance—a committee for corresponding with the legislatures of the several colonies; and by this means a confidential communication and interchange of opinions was kept up between them.

The British government determined to carry the duty on tea into effect, and the East India company were authorized to export their tea free of duties to all places whatever; by which means it could be furnished more cheaply in America than before it had been made a source of revenue.

Confident of finding a market at their reduced prices, the company freighted several ships with that article, and appointed agents for the disposal of it. Cargoes were sent to New York, Philadelphia, Charleston, and Boston. The inhabitants of the two former cities sent the ships back to London; and in the latter the tea was unloaded and stored in cellars, where it finally perished.

At Boston, before the vessels arrived with it, a town meeting was called to devise measures to prevent the landing and sale within the province. The agreement not to use tea while a duty was imposed was now solemnly renewed; and a committee was chosen to request the consignees of the East India company neither to sell nor unlade the tea which should be brought into the harbor. They communicated the wishes of the town to the merchants, who were to have the custody and sale of the tea; but they declined making any such promise, as they had received no orders or directions on the subject. On the arrival of the vessels with the tea in the harbor of Boston, another meeting of the citizens was immediately called. ‘The hour of destruction,’ it was said, ‘or of manly opposition, had now come;’ and all who were friends to the country were invited to attend, ‘to make an united and successful resistance to this last and worst measure of the administration.’ Agreat number of the people assembled from the adjoining towns, as well as from the capital, in the celebrated Faneuil hall, the usual place of meeting on such occasions, but the meeting was soon adjourned to one of the largest churches in the town. Here it was voted, as it had been at a meeting before the tea arrived, that they would use all lawful means to prevent its being landed, and to have it returned immediately to England.

After several days spent in negotiations, the consignees still refused to return the tea, and, fearing the vengeance of an injured people, they retired to the castle. The owner of the ship which brought the tea was unable to obtain a pass for her sailing, as the officer was in the interest of the British ministers. Application was then made to the governor, to order that a pass be given for the vessel; but he declined interfering in the affair. When it was found no satisfactory arrangement could be effected, the meeting broke up; but, late in the evening, a number of men, disguised as Mohawk Indians, proceeded to the vessels, then lying at the wharf, which had the tea on board, and in a short time every chest was taken out, and the contents thrown into the sea; but no injury was done to any other part of their cargoes. The inhabitants of the town, generally, had no knowledge of the event until the next day. It is supposed, the number of those concerned in the affair was about fifty; but who they were has been only a matter of conjecture to the present day.

PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

The British ministry appear to have been highly gratified that the town of Boston, which they ever regarded as the focus of sedition in America, had rendered itself, by the violent destruction of the property of the East India company, obnoxious to their severest vengeance. On the 7th of March lord North presented a message from his majesty to both houses of parliament, commenting on the outrageous proceedings at the town and port of Boston. In a few days a bill was introduced ‘for the immediate removal of the officers concerned in the collection of customs from Boston, and to discontinue the landing and discharging, lading and shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandise, at Boston, or within the harbor thereof.’ The bill also levied a fine upon the town, as a compensation to the East India company for the destruction of their teas, and was to continue in force during the pleasure of the king. The opposition to this measure was very slight, and it was finally carried in both houses without a division.

This, however, was only a part of lord North’s scheme of coercion. He proposed two other bills, which were intended to strike terror into the province of Massachusetts, and to deter the other colonies from following her example. By one of these, the constitution and charter of the province were completely subverted, all power taken out of the hands of the people, and placed in those of the servants of the crown. The third scheme of lord North was the introduction of ‘a bill for the impartial administration of justice in Massachusetts.’ By this act, persons informed against or indicted for any act done for the support of the laws of the revenue, or for the suppression of riots in Massachusetts, might by the governor, with the advice of the council, be sent for trial to any other colony, or to Great Britain; an enactment which, in effect, conferred impunity on the officers of the crown, however odious might be their violations of the law.

These plans of the administration were opposed by Burke, lord Chatham, BarrÉ, and others, in language of the highest indignation. They originated in mistaken views of the opinion and temper of the people. The government, too, maintained that any measures were justifiable for supporting the authority of the king and parliament, and calculated on bringing the refractory and disaffected to submission by severity and force.

As a measure indicative of a determination to conduct the proceedings against the refractory colonists with the utmost vigor, general Gage was appointed, with powers of the most unlimited extent, to supersede governor Hutchinson. The offices of governor of the province of Massachusetts and commander of his majesty’s forces in America were united in his person. The intelligence of the passing of the Boston port bill had preceded general Gage a few days. On the day after his arrival, the general court having been dissolved by the late governor, a town meeting was convened and very numerously attended. They declared and resolved, ‘that the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, exceed all their powers of expression; and therefore,’ they say, ‘we leave it to the censure of others, and appeal to God and the world.’ They also declared it as their opinion, that, ‘if the other colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all importation from, and exportation to, Great Britain, and every part of the West Indies, till the act be repealed, the same would prove the salvation of North America and her liberties.’

The idea was probably entertained by the British ministry, that the other colonies would be inclined rather to avail themselves of the commercial advantages which the closing of one of the chief sea-ports would open to them, than to make common cause with Boston, at the hazard of incurring a similar penalty. In this instance, as in most others, the government made a great miscalculation of American character. The several colonies lost no time in expressing the deepest sympathy for the sufferings of the inhabitants of Boston, and in contributing to their pecuniary necessities, as well as in affording them moral countenance. In this patriotic course Virginia took the lead.

The convention of Virginia recommended to the committee of correspondence, that they should communicate with their several corresponding committees, on the expediency of appointing deputies from the several colonies of British America, to meet in general congress at such place annually as might be deemed most convenient; there to deliberate on those general measures which the united interests of America might from time to time require.

Similar expressions of determined opposition to the port bill, and assurances of support to the disfranchised citizens of Boston, were made wherever the act became known. In some places it was printed upon mourning paper, and hawked about the streets; in others it was publicly burned, with every demonstration of abhorrence. At New York there was a considerable struggle between the friends of administration and the friends of liberty, but the latter at length prevailed, by the influence and management of two individuals, who had on several occasions manifested great activity and zeal in their opposition to the obnoxious measures of the ministry. Addresses were also sent from Pennsylvania, the Carolinas, and some other provinces, to the committee of Boston, assuring them of support, and declaring that they considered the cause of Boston as the common cause of the country.

The two last of the coercive enactments of the British legislature did not reach Boston till July. By one, the governor alone was authorized to appoint all civil officers; and by the other, the counsellors were to be selected by the king and his ministers in England. Alist of those appointed was soon made known, and gave great dissatisfaction, as they were the most unpopular characters in the province. To add to the anxiety which now pervaded every breast, a large military force was ordered into the province, an act of parliament having been passed, which directed the governor to provide quarters for them in any town he might choose.

It had been agreed by the delegates which had now been appointed by most of the colonies, that they should meet in general congress in September; and the desire to await the result of its determinations prevented any violent proceedings during the interim; while, however, great attention was given by the inhabitants to military discipline. Independent companies were formed, who elected their own officers, many of whom had served during the French war, and were well able to instruct their pupils in military tactics. On the other hand, general Gage was no less active in adopting measures calculated, in his estimation, to overawe the inhabitants, and to deter them from having recourse to force. With this view, although ostensibly for the purpose of preventing desertion, he fortified the isthmus which connects Boston with the main land, called Boston neck, the only entrance by land into the town of Boston, and therefore the only route by which, according to the port bill, the merchants and traders could carry on their business. This measure, however, served only the more to exasperate the people, and the subsequent seizure of the gunpowder at Charlestown added to their alarm.

Before daybreak, on the 1st of September, general Gage despatched a party of soldiers to bring into his own custody a quantity of provincial powder from the arsenal at Charlestown. Immediately this transaction became generally known, the inhabitants of the neighboring towns flew to arms, and agreed on Cambridge as a general rendezvous; and it was with great difficulty that they were dissuaded, by their more prudent leaders, from marching at once to Boston to require the restoration of the powder, or, in case of refusal, to attack the garrison.

It was under the excitement of these circumstances that, in defiance of the act of parliament, and the governor’s proclamation founded upon it prohibiting public assemblies, the county of Suffolk, of which Boston was the capital, elected delegates to meet for the purpose of taking into consideration the most proper course to be adopted in the present state of affairs. With a boldness and decision surpassing that of any former assembly, they passed resolutions declaring themselves constitutionally exempt from all obedience to the late measures of the British parliament, that the government of the province was in fact dissolved, and that they should consider all persons who dared to act in any official capacity under the new regulations as open enemies of their country. They sent a copy of their resolutions, and of their letter to the governor, with his answer, to the general congress, upon whose judgment they rested the decision of their future conduct.

This congress, which will ever be celebrated in the page of history, and held sacred in the annals of liberty, met at Philadelphia, on the 5th of September. Representatives from eleven of the colonies were present at the opening, and those from North Carolina arrived shortly after; Georgia alone having demurred to send delegates. Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, was elected president, and Charles Thompson, of Philadelphia, secretary; and after a brief controversy on the mode of voting, which resulted in the determination that each province should have only one vote, whatever number of delegates might be present, the assembly proceeded to business with all the solemnity of an organized legislature.

‘The most eminent men of the various colonies were now, for the first time, brought together. They were known to each other by fame, but they were personally strangers. The meeting was awfully solemn. The object which had called them together was of incalculable magnitude. The liberties of no less than three millions of people, with that of all their posterity, were staked on the wisdom and energy of their councils. No wonder, then, at the long and deep silence which is said to have followed upon their organization; at the anxiety with which the members looked round upon each other, and the reluctance which every individual felt to open a business so fearfully momentous. In the midst of this deep and death-like silence, and just when it was beginning to become painfully embarrassing, Mr.Henry arose slowly, as if borne down by the weight of the subject. After faltering, according to his habit, through a most impressive exordium, in which he merely echoed back the consciousness of every other heart, in deploring his inability to do justice to the occasion, he launched gradually into a recital of the colonial wrongs. Rising, as he advanced, with the grandeur of his subject, and glowing at length with all the majesty of the occasion, his speech seemed more than that of mortal man.’109 Mr.Henry was followed by Mr.Richard Henry Lee, in a speech scarcely less powerful, and still more replete with classic eloquence. One spirit of ardent love of liberty pervaded every breast, and produced a unanimity as advantageous to the cause they advocated, as it was unexpected and appalling to their adversaries.

One of the first acts of this assembly was the appointment of a committee, consisting of two from each colony, to state the rights of the colonists in general, the several instances in which those rights had been violated, and the means most proper to be pursued for obtaining a restoration of them. The congress proceeded with great deliberation; its debates were held with closed doors, and it was not till the 14th of October that they published a series of resolutions, embodying in spirited language their opinions on the chief subjects of difference between the colonies and the mother country. An agreement was also signed by all the members to abstain from commercial intercourse with Great Britain.

Upon the principles and in the spirit of the preceding resolutions, was composed an address to the people of Great Britain, as also one to the king; a statement to the aggrieved colonies, and an address to the inhabitants of Canada. These documents were drawn up with great ability. The gentlemen selected from the several colonies for this memorable congress were no less distinguished for their talents than their patriotism; and when perusing these state papers, no one can fail to regret that the speeches delivered on that occasion by such distinguished statesmen and orators as John Adams, John Jay, Richard Henry Lee, Patrick Henry, John Dickinson, Samuel Chase, John Rutledge, and many others of that illustrious band of patriots, are lost to the world.

During the session of the congress most of the colonies had adopted the plan of instituting provincial assemblies, regardless of their old form of government. In Massachusetts, general Gage had convoked a general court, to assemble at Salem, on the 5th of October; but events which subsequently transpired, induced him to issue a proclamation dissolving the assembly. The members, however, regarded that proclamation as illegal, and met at Salem on the day appointed. After waiting in vain the whole day for the governor’s appearance to administer the oaths, they resolved themselves into a provincial congress, and adjourned to Concord. After appointing John Hancock president, and addressing a communication to the governor, they again adjourned, to meet at Cambridge on the 17th. Here they appointed a committee of safety, and a committee of supplies. They also voted to enlist one-fourth of the militia as minute men, to be frequently drilled, and held in readiness for service at a minute’s warning; and after appointing three general officers, they adjourned to the 23d of November.

Before the close of the year the busy note of preparation resounded through almost every colony. The Massachusetts committees were indefatigable in providing for the most vigorous defence in the spring. They had procured all sorts of military supplies for the service of twelve thousand men, and had engaged the assistance of the three neighboring provinces of New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut.

While these hostile preparations were proceeding in America, the British monarch was meeting a new parliament. The king informed his parliament, that a most daring resistance and disobedience to the law still prevailed in Massachusetts, and had broken out in fresh violences; that these proceedings had been countenanced and encouraged in the other colonies, and that unwarrantable attempts had been made to obstruct the commerce of the kingdom, by unlawful combinations; and he expressed his firm determination to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of parliament over all the dominions of the crown. Addresses in answer to the speech, concurring in the sentiments expressed by the king, were carried in both houses, by large majorities.

After the recess, parliament met on the 20th of January, and on the same day lord Chatham moved, ‘That an humble address be presented to his majesty, most humbly to advise and beseech his majesty, that, in order to open the way towards our happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay ferments and soften animosities there; and, above all, for preventing in the mean time any sudden and fatal catastrophe at Boston, now suffering under daily irritation of an army before their eyes, posted in their town; it may graciously please his majesty that immediate orders may be despatched to general Gage for removing his majesty’s forces from the town of Boston, as soon as the rigor of the season and other circumstances, indispensable to the safety and accommodation of the said troops, may render the same practicable.’ This motion was supported by one of the most eloquent and impressive speeches ever delivered by that distinguished statesman and orator.

Lord Chatham’s motion was seconded by lord Camden, who affirmed that ‘whenever oppression begins, resistance becomes lawful and right;’ and it was ably supported by the marquis of Rockingham and lord Shelburne; but, like all other motions opposed to the views of the ministry, it was lost by a large majority. The administration declared their determination never to relax in their measures of coercion, until America was forced into obedience. This, however, did not prevent lord Chatham from presenting to the house, soon afterwards, a bill, containing his favorite plan ‘for settling the troubles, and for asserting the supreme legislative authority and superintending power of Great Britain over the colonies.’ Though this bill, as it contained a direct avowal of the supreme authority of parliament over the colonies, in all cases except that of taxation, could never have received the assent of the Americans, yet, as it expressly denied the parliamentary power of taxing the colonies, without the consent of their assemblies, and made other concessions, it was rejected by a large majority on its first reading.110

On the 20th of February, lord North astonished both his friends and opponents, by introducing into the house of commons a proposition of a conciliatory nature. This was at first opposed from all quarters, but those who usually acted with the minister were finally persuaded to join him in this measure. But it did not prevent Mr.Burke and Mr.Hartley from presenting to the house their respective plans of reconciliation. They were of course rejected by the ministerial majority.

While most of the colonies afforded sufficient occupation for the watchfulness of the British government, those of New England called forth the most vigorous efforts of the royalists, both by sea and land. The naval forces were frequently engaged in destroying armed American vessels, congress having fitted out several, which were very successful in capturing store ships sent with supplies of provisions and ammunition for the royal army. At Gloucester, the Falcon sloop of war, having chased an American vessel into the harbor, despatched three boats, with about forty men, to bring her off, when the party were so warmly received by the militia who had collected on the shore, that the captain thought it necessary to send a reinforcement, and to commence cannonading the town. Avery smart action ensued, which was kept up for several hours, but resulted in the complete defeat of the assailants, leaving upwards of thirty prisoners in the hands of the Americans. This repulse excited the British to deeds of revenge upon several of the defenceless towns on the coast, and to declare that many of them should be reduced to ashes, unless the inhabitants consented to an unconditional compliance with all their demands.

Another occurrence also tended to mutual exasperation. In compliance with a resolution of the provincial congress to prevent tories from conveying out their effects, the inhabitants of Falmouth, in the north-eastern part of Massachusetts, had obstructed the loading of a mast ship. The destruction of the town was therefore determined on, as an example of vindictive punishment. Captain Mowat, detached for that purpose with armed vessels by admiral Greaves, arrived off the place on the evening of the 17th of October, and gave notice to the inhabitants that he would allow them two hours ‘to remove the human species.’ The next day, captain Mowat commenced a furious cannonade and bombardment; and a great number of people, standing on the heights, were spectators of the conflagration, which reduced many of them to penury and despair. More than four hundred houses and stores were burnt. Newport, Rhode Island, being threatened with a similar attack, was compelled to stipulate for a weekly supply to avert it.

Warlike operations were not confined to the sea-ports. Their success in the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point stimulated the Americans to more extensive operations in the north; and the movements of Sir G. Carleton, the governor of Canada, appeared to call for them, congress having reason to believe that a formidable invasion was intended from that quarter. The management of military affairs in this department had been committed to the generals Schuyler and Montgomery. On the 10th of September, about one thousand American troops effected a landing at St.John’s, the first British port in Canada, lying one hundred and fifteen miles only to the northward of Ticonderoga, but found it advisable to retreat to Isle aux Noix, twelve miles south of St.John’s. An extremely bad state of health soon after inducing general Schuyler to retire to Ticonderoga, the command devolved on general Montgomery. That enterprising officer in a few days returned to the vicinity of St.John’s, and opened a battery against it; and the reduction of fort Chamblee, by a small detachment, giving him possession of six tons of gunpowder, enabled him to prosecute the siege of St.John’s with vigor. General Carleton advanced against him with about eight hundred men; but, in attempting to cross the St.Lawrence, with the intention of landing at Langueil, he was attacked by colonel Warner, at the head of three hundred Green Mountain boys, and compelled to retire with precipitancy. This repulse induced the garrison of St.John’s to surrender, on honorable terms of capitulation.

While Montgomery was prosecuting the siege of St.John’s, colonel Ethan Allen, who had been despatched on a service necessary to that object, hearing that Montreal was in a defenceless state, attempted its capture without the knowledge of his superior in command; he was, however, with a part of his detachment, taken prisoner, and, to the disgrace of general Carleton, loaded with irons, and in that state sent to England. After the capture of St.John’s, Montgomery directed his attention to Montreal, with different success. On his approach, the few British troops there repaired on board the shipping, in hopes of escaping down the river; but general Prescot, and several officers, with about one hundred and twenty privates, were intercepted, and made prisoners on capitulation; eleven sail of vessels, with all their contents, fell into the hands of the provincials. Governor Carleton was secretly conveyed away in a boat with muffled paddles, and arrived safely at Quebec. General Montgomery, leaving some troops in Montreal, and sending detachments into different parts of the province to encourage the Canadians and to forward provisions, advanced with his little army to Quebec, where he found, to his surprise, that a body of American troops had arrived before.

General Washington, foreseeing that the whole force of Canada would be concentrated about Montreal, had projected an expedition against Quebec in a different direction from that of Montgomery. His plan was to send out a detachment from his camp before Boston, to march by way of Kennebec river; and, passing through the dreary wilderness lying between the settled parts of the province of Maine and the St.Lawrence, to penetrate into Canada about ninety miles below Montreal. This extraordinary and most arduous enterprise was committed to colonel Arnold, who, with one thousand one hundred men, consisting of New England infantry, some volunteers, a company of artillery, and three companies of riflemen, commenced his march on the 13th of September. It is almost impossible to conceive the labor, hardships, and difficulties which this detachment had to encounter in their progress up the rapid stream of the Kennebec, frequently interrupted by falls, where they were obliged to land and carry the boats upon their shoulders, until they surmounted them, through a country wholly uninhabited, with a scanty supply of provisions, the season cold and rainy, and the men daily dropping down with fatigue, sickness and hunger.

Arnold was indefatigable in his endeavors to alleviate the distresses of his men, but to procure provisions for them was not in his power. They were at one time reduced to so great an extremity of hunger, that the dogs belonging to the army were killed and eaten, and many of the soldiers devoured their leather cartouch boxes. Arnold and his party at length arrived at Point Levi, opposite the town of Quebec: but in consequence of information the British had received, by the treachery of the Indian to whom Arnold had intrusted a letter to general Schuyler, the boats which he expected to find there to transport his troops across the river had been removed, and the enemy were no longer in a state to be surprised. Arnold, however, was not to be deterred from attempting something against the town; he calculated strongly upon the defection of the inhabitants: and having supplied himself with canoes, he crossed the river in the night, and gained possession of the heights of Abraham. Here, though he had no artillery, and scarcely half the number of men that composed the garrison of the town, he made a bold experiment to try the loyalty of the enemy’s troops, by sending a flag to summon them to surrender. But no message would be admitted, and Arnold found himself compelled to retire to more comfortable quarters, where he awaited the arrival of general Montgomery.

General Carleton, who, as we have already stated, had arrived at Quebec, had taken the best measures for its defence, and was prepared to receive him. In a few days the American general opened a six-gun battery within about seven hundred yards of the walls; but his artillery was too light to make a breach, and he could do nothing more than amuse the enemy, and conceal his real purpose. After continuing a siege nearly a month, he resolved on a desperate attempt to carry the place by escalade. To distract the garrison, two feigned attacks were made on the upper town by two divisions of the army under majors Brown and Livingston, while two real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town were made by two other divisions under Montgomery and Arnold. Early in the morning of the last day in the year, the signal was given, and the several divisions moved to the assault in the midst of a heavy fall of snow, which covered the assailants from the sight of the enemy. Montgomery, at the head of the New York troops, advanced along the St.Lawrence, by Aunce de Mere, under cape Diamond.

The first barrier to be surmounted on that side was defended by a battery, in which were mounted a few pieces of artillery, in front of which were a blockhouse and picket. The guard at the blockhouse, after giving a random fire, threw away their arms and fled to the barrier, and for a time the battery itself was deserted. Enormous piles of ice impeded the progress of the Americans, who, pressing forward in a narrow defile, reached at length the blockhouse and picket. Montgomery, who was in front, assisted in cutting down or pulling up the pickets, and advanced boldly and rapidly at the head of about two hundred men, to force the barrier. By this time one or two persons had ventured to return to the battery, and, seizing a slow match, discharged one of the guns. Casual as this fire appeared, it was fatal to general Montgomery and to two valuable young officers near his person, who, together with his orderly sergeant and a private, were killed on the spot. Colonel Campbell, on whom the command devolved, precipitately retired with the remainder of the division.

In the mean time, colonel Arnold, at the head of about three hundred and fifty men, made a desperate attack on the opposite side. Advancing with the utmost intrepidity along the St.Charles, through a narrow path, exposed to an incessant fire of grape-shot and musketry, as he approached the first barrier at the Saut des Matelots, he received a musket ball in the leg, which shattered the bone, and he was carried off to the camp. Captain Morgan, who commanded a company of Virginia riflemen, rushed forward to the batteries at their head, and received a discharge of grape-shot, which killed one man only. Afew rifles were immediately fired into the embrasures, and the barricade was mounted; the battery was instantly deserted, but the captain of the guard, with the greater part of his men, fell into the hands of the Americans. Morgan formed his men, but from the darkness of the night and total ignorance of the situation of the town, it was judged unadvisable to proceed. He was soon joined by lieutenant-colonel Green and majors Bigelow and Meigs, with several fragments of companies, amounting collectively to about two hundred men. At daylight this gallant party was again formed; but after a bloody and desperate engagement, in which they sustained the force of the whole garrison three hours, they were compelled to surrender themselves prisoners of war.111

After this brave but disastrous assault, the commander of the American troops did not muster more than four hundred effective men: in the hope, however, of receiving reinforcements, they maintained a position at a short distance from Quebec; and, although the garrison was very superior in numbers, the bravery the colonists had evinced, and the mixed character of his own troops, disinclined general Carleton from leaving his ramparts to attack the Americans.

In the end of May and beginning of June, generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, with reinforcements from Britain, arrived at Boston. The British general, in common with his troops, resolved on active operations; but every movement which they made was watched with an attentive eye by zealous Americans in Boston, who found means to penetrate every design before it was carried into execution, and to transmit secret intelligence to the American head-quarters. About the middle of June, it was suspected that general Gage intended to cross the river Charles, on the north side of Boston, and take possession of Breed’s or Bunker’s hill, in the vicinity of Charlestown.

On the night of the 16th of June, upwards of one thousand Americans, under colonel William Prescot, were ordered to proceed to this eminence, and to intrench themselves upon it. The movement was not without difficulty and danger; for British vessels of war were lying both in the Medford and Charles, on each side of the narrow peninsula. But the provincials marched to the place in profound silence; and, about midnight, began their operations. They labored with such assiduity, that before the dawn of day they had thrown up a breastwork, nearly across the peninsula, and constructed a small redoubt on their right.

About four in the morning of the 17th of June, the American works were observed by the captain of the Lively sloop of war, lying in the river Charles, who instantly began a heavy fire upon them, and was soon joined by the other ships, and by the battery on Copp’s hill at Boston. The Americans steadily continued their labors under a furious cannonade and an incessant shower of balls and bombs; but so harmless was this fearful noise that they lost only one man in the course of the morning. As in this post the Americans overlooked Boston, it was necessary to dislodge them; and, for this purpose, soon after mid-day, a detachment of British troops, under the command of generals Howe and Pigot, crossed the river in boats, and landed near the point of the peninsula; but, on observing the formidable position of the Americans, they waited for a reinforcement, which soon arrived. Meanwhile the steeples and the roofs of the houses in Boston, the eminences in the adjacent country, and the ships in the rivers, were crowded with anxious spectators, agitated by different hopes and fears according to their different attachments and interests. The main body of the American army encamped beyond Charlestown neck were looking on; and generals Clinton and Burgoyne, and other British officers of high rank, took their station in the battery on Copp’s hill to view the approaching conflict.

While general Howe waited for this reinforcement, the Americans received an accession of strength, under generals Warren and Pomeroy, who crossed Charlestown neck under a brisk cannonade from the shipping in the rivers, to join their countrymen and take part in the battle. By their arrival the provincial force was increased to fifteen hundred at least. The Americans also took advantage of general Howe’s halt to strengthen part of their position, by pulling down some rail-fences, forming the stakes into two parallel lines at a short distance from each other, and filling the interval with hay.

The British detachment, consisting of upwards of two thousand men, advanced towards the American line. The light infantry, commanded by general Howe, was on the right; the grenadiers, under general Pigot, on the left. They began the attack by a brisk cannonade from some field-pieces and howitzers, the troops proceeding slowly, and sometimes halting, to give time to the artillery to produce some effect. On advancing, the left set fire to Charlestown, a thriving town, containing about three hundred wooden houses, besides other buildings, and entirely consumed it. The rising flames added not a little to the grandeur and solemnity of the scene.

Secure behind their intrenchments, the Americans reserved their fire, and silently waited the approach of the British, till within fifty or sixty yards, when they poured upon them an incessant and well directed discharge of musketry. The British returned the fire for some time, without attempting to advance; but the discharge from the American line was so close and so destructive, that the troops at length gave way, and fell back towards the landing place. By the vigorous exertions of their officers, however, they were again brought to the charge; and the Americans, again reserving their fire till the troops were very near, directed it against them with the same deadly aim as before. Many fell: at one time, general Howe, for a few seconds, was left alone, every officer and soldier near him having been killed or wounded. The troops gave way a second time; but at that critical moment Sir Henry Clinton arrived from Boston, and was very active in leading them back to a third and more successful attack, in which they entered the American lines with fixed bayonets. The colonists had nearly exhausted their powder, and hence their fire had slackened. Being mostly armed with old rusty muskets, and ill provided with bayonets, they were unprepared for a close encounter. They therefore retreated; and, in passing Charlestown neck, were exposed to the fire of the Glasgow sloop of war, and two floating batteries, from which they sustained their greatest loss.

Battle of Bunker’s Hill.

The British troops had suffered so severely in the engagement, that no pursuit was ordered; and, indeed, a pursuit could have served no good purpose, as the main body of the American army was at a small distance beyond the neck, and the royal troops were in no condition to encounter it. They were protected merely by the ships of war and floating batteries in the rivers Charles and Medford. The battle lasted about an hour, during the greater part of which time there was an incessant blaze of musketry from the American line.

This was a severe battle; and, considering the numbers engaged, extremely destructive to the British; for nearly one half of the detachment fell. According to the return made by general Gage, they lost one thousand and fifty-four men; two hundred and twenty-six of whom were slain on the field, and eight hundred and twenty-eight wounded. Nineteen commissioned officers were killed, and seventy wounded; among the former was major Pitcairn, whose inconsiderate conduct at Lexington had occasioned the first shedding of blood.

Among the killed on the side of the Americans were several lamented officers; but the death of general Warren was particularly regretted. By profession this gentleman was a physician of unsullied reputation. He did every thing in his power to prevent a rupture; but when an appeal to arms became unavoidable he joined the colonial standard.

After the engagement the British intrenched themselves on Bunker’s hill, the scene of action; and the Americans on Prospect hill, at a small distance in front of them. The colonists had been driven from their intrenchments; the royal troops had suffered severely in the battle, and neither party was forward to renew the conflict. Each fortified his post, and stood on the defensive.

On the 2d of July, general Washington, accompanied by general Lee and several other officers of rank, arrived at Cambridge, the head-quarters of the provincial army. On his journey he had everywhere been received with much respect, and escorted by companies of gentlemen, who volunteered their services on the occasion.

The existence of armed vessels in the service of the colonies has already been adverted to. From the peculiar situation of Massachusetts, it was perceived that important advantages might be gained by employing armed vessels on the coasts, to prevent the British from collecting provisions from any places accessible to them, and to capture the enemy’s ships loaded with military stores. Before the subject of a naval armament was taken up by congress, it appears that not only Massachusetts, but Rhode Island and Connecticut had each of them two vessels, at least, fitted, armed, and equipped by the colonial authorities. Subsequently, the general court of Massachusetts passed an act for encouraging the fitting out of armed vessels to defend the sea-coast of America, and for erecting a court to try and condemn all vessels that should be found infesting the same. Shortly afterwards, a committee of congress, appointed to devise ways and means for fitting out a naval armament, brought in their report, which was adopted. It was resolved to fit out for sea thirteen ships, five of thirty-two guns, five of twenty-eight, and three of twenty-four guns; a committee was nominated, with full powers to carry the report into execution with all possible expedition, and Ezekiel Hopkins was appointed commander. Thus commenced the American navy. The advantages that had been anticipated from armed vessels were soon experienced. Captain Manly, of Marblehead, one of the first who put to sea, on the 29th of November took an ordnance brig from Woolwich, containing, besides a large brass mortar, several pieces of fine brass cannon, a large quantity of small arms and ammunition, with all kinds of tools, utensils, and machines, necessary for camps and artillery; and, nine days after, three ships, from London, Glasgow, and Liverpool, with various stores for the British army. Abrig, with fifteen thousand pounds of powder, was captured by a vessel fitted out by the council of safety of South Carolina. The supplies obtained by these means were of vast importance to the American army, which was in very great want of ammunition and military stores.

Among other measures tending to promote the general welfare, congress resolved that a line of posts should be appointed from Falmouth, in New England, to Savannah, in Georgia; and Benjamin Franklin was unanimously chosen postmaster-general. They also directed the establishment of an hospital, adequate to the necessities of an army consisting of twenty thousand men; and Dr.Church was appointed director and physician of the establishment.112

General Washington, on his first arrival in camp, found the materials for a good army; but they were in the crudest state. The troops having been raised by different colonial governments, no uniformity existed among the regiments; and imbued with the spirit of that very liberty for which they were preparing to fight, and unaccustomed to discipline, they neither felt an inclination to be subject to military rules, nor realized the importance of being so. The difficulty of establishing subordination was greatly increased by the shortness of the terms of enlistment, some of which were to expire in November, and none to continue longer than December. Various causes operated to lead congress to the almost fatal plan of temporary military establishments. Among the most important of these were a prospect of accommodation with the parent state, and the want of experience in the management of war upon an extensive scale.

The fear of accumulating expenses which the resources of the country could not discharge, had a further influence to deter the American government from the adoption of permanent military establishments; for, although the recommendations of congress, and the regulations of state conventions, had, in the day of enthusiasm, the force of law, yet the ruling power thought it inexpedient to attempt to raise large sums by direct taxes, at a time when the commerce of the country was annihilated, and the cultivators of the ground were subjected to heavy services in the field of war. The only recourse was to a paper medium, without funds for its redemption, or for the support of its credit, and therefore of necessity subject to depreciation, and, in its nature, capable of only a temporary currency; congress, therefore, was justly afraid of the expense of a permanent army. Jealousy of a standing army had also a powerful influence upon the military arrangements of America. Indeed this spirit early insinuated itself into the legislative bodies of the colonies, and was displayed in many of their measures: an indication of this feeling appears in the address presented by the provincial assembly of New York to general Washington, while on his journey to the American camp. ‘We have the fullest assurance,’ say they, ‘that whenever this important contest shall be decided, by that fondest wish of each American soul, an accommodation with our mother country, you will cheerfully resign the important deposit committed to your hands, and reassume the character of our worthiest citizen.’

The want of subordination was by no means the only difficulty with which the commander-in-chief had to contend; he soon made the alarming discovery, that there was no more powder than would furnish each man with nine cartridges. Although this dangerous deficiency was carefully concealed from the enemy, yet the want of bayonets, which was very considerable, could not be kept secret. The army was also so destitute of tents as to be unavoidably lodged in barracks, a circumstance extremely unfavorable to sudden movements, to health, and to discipline. There was no commissary-general, and therefore no systematic arrangement for obtaining provisions; and a supply of clothes was rendered peculiarly difficult by the non-importation agreements. Added to this there was a total want of engineers, and a great deficiency of working tools.

The general, happily qualified at once to meet difficulties and to remove them, took immediate care to organize the troops, to fit them for actual service, and to make arrangements for the necessary supplies. Next to these objects, he considered the re-enlistment of the army the most interesting. To this essential point he had early solicited the attention of congress, assuring that body that he must despair of the liberties of his country, unless he were furnished with an army that should stand by him until the conclusion of their enterprise. Congress at length resolved to raise a standing army, to consist of about seventy-five thousand men, to serve for the term of three years, or during the war; and that it should be composed of eighty-eight battalions, to be raised in the colonies, according to their respective abilities. Recruiting orders were accordingly issued; but the progress in raising recruits was by no means proportioned to the public exigencies. On the last day of December, when all the old troops not engaged on the new establishments were disbanded, there had been enlisted for the army of 1776 no more than nine thousand six hundred and fifty men. An earnest recommendation of general Washington to congress to try the influence of a bounty was not acceded to until late in January; but during the winter the number of recruits was considerably augmented. ‘The history of the winter campaign,’ says the biographer of Washington, ‘is a history of continued and successive struggles on the part of the American general, under the vexations and difficulties imposed by the want of arms, ammunition, and permanent troops, on a person in an uncommon degree solicitous to prove himself, by some grand and useful achievement, worthy of the high station to which the voice of his country had called him.’

In the space of time between the disbanding the old army and the constitution of an effective force from the new recruits, the lines were often in a defenceless state; the English must have known the fact, and no adequate reason can be assigned why an attack was not made. ‘It is not,’ says general Washington in his communications to congress, ‘in the pages of history to furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post within musket shot of the enemy, for six months together, without ammunition, and, at the same time, to disband one army and recruit another, within that distance of twenty odd British regiments, is more, probably, than ever was attempted. But if we succeed as well in the last as we have heretofore in the first, Ishall think it the most fortunate event of my whole life.’ Such a measure, with the organization and discipline of the men, will be supposed to have employed every active power of the general; yet this did not satisfy his mind. He knew that congress anxiously contemplated more decisive steps, and that the country looked for events of greater magnitude. The public was ignorant of his actual situation, and conceived his means for offensive operations to be much greater than they were and they expected from him the capture or expulsion of the British army in Boston. He felt the importance of securing the confidence of his countrymen by some brilliant action, and was fully sensible that his own reputation was liable to suffer if he confined himself solely to measures of defence.

To publish to his anxious country the state of his army, would be to acquaint the enemy with his weakness, and to hazard his destruction. The firmness and patriotism of general Washington were displayed, in making the good of his country an object of higher consideration than the applause of those who were incapable of forming a correct opinion of the propriety of his measures. While he resolutely rejected every measure which in his calm and deliberate judgment he did not approve, he daily pondered the practicability of a successful attack upon Boston. As a preparatory step, he took possession of Plowed hill, Cobble hill, and Lechmere’s point, and erected fortifications upon them. These posts brought him within half a mile of the enemy’s works on Bunker’s hill; and, by his artillery, he drove the British floating batteries from their stations in Charles river. He erected floating batteries to watch the movements of his enemy, and to aid in any offensive operations that circumstances might warrant. He took the opinion of his general officers a second time respecting the meditated attack; they again unanimously gave their opinion in opposition to the measure, and this opinion was immediately communicated to congress. Congress appeared still to favor the attempt, and, that an apprehension of danger to the town of Boston might not have an undue influence upon the operations of the army, resolved, ‘That if general Washington and his council of war should be of opinion that a successful attack might be made on the troops in Boston, he should make it in any manner he might think expedient, notwithstanding the town, and property therein, might thereby be destroyed.’

General Howe had, in October, succeeded general Gage in the command of the British army, and through the winter confined himself to measures of defence. The inability of the American general to accomplish the great object of the campaign, repeatedly pointed out by congress, was doubtless a source of extreme mortification to him; but he indulged the hope of success in some military operations during the winter that would correspond with the high expectations of his country, and procure him honor in his exalted station of commander-in-chief of the American army. Early in January he summoned a council of war, in which it was resolved, ‘That a vigorous attempt ought to be made on the ministerial troops in Boston, before they can be reinforced in the spring, if the means can be provided, and a favorable opportunity shall offer.’

It was not, however, till the middle of February, that the ice became sufficiently strong for general Washington to march his forces upon it into Boston; he was then inclined to risk a general assault upon the British posts, although he had not powder to make any extensive use of his artillery; but his general officers in council voted against the attempt, and in their decision he reluctantly acquiesced. By the end of the month the stock of powder was considerably increased, and the regular army amounted to fourteen thousand men, which was reinforced by six thousand of the militia of Massachusetts. General Washington now resolved to take possession of the heights of Dorchester, in the prospect that this movement would bring on a general engagement with the enemy under favorable circumstances; or, should this expectation fail, that from this position he would be enabled to annoy the ships in the harbor, and the troops in the town. To mask the design, a severe cannonade and bombardment were opened on the British works and lines for several nights in succession. As soon as the firing began on the night of the 4th of March, a strong detachment marched from Roxbury over the neck of land connecting Roxbury with Dorchester heights, and, without discovery, took possession of the heights. General Ward, who commanded the division of the army in Roxbury, had fortunately provided fascines before the resolution passed to fortify the place; these were of great use, as the ground was deeply frozen; and, in the course of the night, the party, by uncommon exertions, erected works sufficient for their defence.

When the British discovered these works, nothing could exceed their astonishment. Their only alternative was either to abandon the town, or to dislodge the provincials. General Howe, with his usual spirit, chose the latter part of the alternative, and took measures for the embarkation on that very evening of five regiments, with the light infantry and grenadiers, on the important but most hazardous service. The transports fell down in the evening towards the castle with the troops, amounting to about two thousand men; but a tremendous storm at night rendered the execution of the design absolutely impracticable. Acouncil of war was called the next morning, which agreed to evacuate the town as soon as possible. Afortnight elapsed before that measure was effected. Meanwhile, the Americans strengthened and extended their works; and on the morning of the 17th of March the king’s troops, with those Americans who were attached to the royal cause, began to embark; before ten, all of them were under sail. As the rear embarked, general Washington marched triumphantly into Boston, where he was joyfully received as a deliverer.

The issue of the campaign was highly gratifying to all classes; and the gratulation of his fellow-citizens upon the repossession of the metropolis of Massachusetts, was more pleasing to the commander-in-chief than would have been the honors of a triumph. Congress, to express the public approbation of the military achievements of their general, resolved, ‘That the thanks of congress, in their own name, and in the name of the thirteen united colonies, be presented to his excellency general Washington, and the officers and soldiers under his command, for their wise and spirited conduct in the siege and acquisition of Boston; and that a medal of gold be struck, in commemoration of this great event, and presented to his excellency.’ In his letter, informing congress that he had executed their order, and communicated to the army the vote of thanks, he says, ‘They were, indeed, at first, a band of undisciplined husbandmen; but it is, under God, to their bravery and attention to their duty, that Iam indebted for that success which has procured me the only reward Iwish to receive—the affection and esteem of my countrymen.’

Although Halifax was mentioned as the destined place of the British armament, general Washington apprehended that New York was their object. On this supposition, he detached several brigades of his army to that city, before the evacuation of Boston; and as soon as the necessary arrangements were made in the latter city, he followed with the main body of his army to New York, where he arrived on the 14th of April. The situation of New York was highly favorable for an invading army, supported by a superior naval force; and general Washington doubted the practicability of a successful defence; but the importance of the place, the wishes of congress, the opinion of his general officers, and the expectation of his country, induced him to make the attempt; and the resolution being formed, he called into action all the resources in his power to effect it, and, with unremitted diligence, pushed on his works. Hulks were sunk in the North and East rivers; forts were erected on the most commanding situations on their banks; and works were raised to defend the narrow passage between Long and York islands. The passes in the Highlands, bordering on the Hudson, became an object of early and solicitous attention. The command of this river was equally important to the American and the British general. By its possession, the Americans easily conveyed supplies of provision and ammunition to the northern army, and secured an intercourse between the southern and northern colonies essential to the success of the war. If the river were in the hands of the British, this necessary communication would be interrupted, and an intercourse between the Atlantic and Canada opened to them. General Washington ordered the passes to be fortified, and made their security an object of primary importance through every period of his command.

While these operations were carrying on in New England, general Arnold, under all his discouragements, continued the blockade of Quebec; but, in the month of May, in a council of war, it was unanimously determined, that the troops were in no condition to risk an assault, and the army was removed to a more defensible position. The Canadians at this juncture receiving considerable reinforcements, the Americans were compelled to relinquish one post after another, and by the 18th of June they had evacuated Canada.

In Virginia, the zeal and activity which had been excited by the spirited enterprise of Patrick Henry still continued to manifest themselves in various parts of the colony. The governor’s family, alarmed by the threatening march of Mr.Henry towards Williamsburgh, had already taken refuge on board the Fowey man-of-war; and only a few weeks elapsed before lord Dunmore himself adopted the same means of personal safety. Soon after fixing his residence on board the Fowey, his lordship required the house of burgesses to attend him there; but instead of obeying the requisition, they passed sundry resolutions, in which they declared that his lordship’s message was ‘a high breach of the rights and privileges of the house,’ and that his conduct gave them reason to fear ‘that a dangerous attack was meditated against the unhappy people of the colony.’ On the 24th of July the colonial convention met; they appointed a committee of safety, passed an ordinance for regulating the militia, and for raising a regular force of two regiments, the command of which was given to Patrick Henry, who was also made the commander of all the forces raised, and to be raised, for the defence of the colony. The ships of war belonging to his majesty, which had been cruising in James and York rivers during the whole summer, had committed many petty acts of depredation and plunder along the shores, which the people now eagerly desired to resent, and an opportunity of gratification soon offered.

The captain of the Otter sloop of war, on the 2d of September, ventured upon one of his plundering expeditions in a tender, and was driven on shore near Hampton by a violent tempest. The crew left the vessel on the shore, and made their escape in the night, and next morning the people boarded and set fire to her. This naturally roused captain Squire’s resentment, and he threatened instant destruction to the town; but the committee of safety at Williamsburgh, having heard of the affair, detached colonel Woodford with three companies to repel the attack, which was so effectually done, that the assailants were soon glad to make a precipitate flight, with considerable loss. This affair produced a proclamation from his lordship, (who continued to hold his head-quarters on board one of the ships,) in which he not only declared martial law, but freedom to all the slaves who would join his standard. By this means he soon collected a crew well suited to his designs; and having fortified himself at the great bridge, near Norfolk, continued for some time to commit such acts of wanton barbarity and contemptible depredations, as to disgust even those who had until now continued friendly to the cause of the king.

The committee of safety finding themselves called upon to put a stop to his lordship’s savage warfare, despatched colonel Woodford to drive him from his hold. Having arrived within cannon shot of lord Dunmore’s position, the Americans halted, and threw up some hasty intrenchments. His lordship, hearing that the provincials amounted only to three hundred men, badly armed, conceived the design of surprising them; and for this purpose captain Leslie, with the regulars and slaves, crossed the bridge before daylight, and entered the camp of the provincials, just as they were parading under arms. Captain Fordyce advanced to the attack of the grenadiers, and was among the first that fell. The whole number of grenadiers were either killed, wounded, or made prisoners, and the rest of the royal party were obliged to make a rapid retreat. Disappointed in their hopes, the governor’s party abandoned their works the following night, and retired to their shipping, leaving Woodford, who was now joined by colonel Howe from North Carolina, the complete command of Norfolk. After continuing to assail the coasts of Virginia for a considerable time, but almost everywhere unsuccessfully,113 lord Dunmore was at length compelled to abandon his hostile designs against the colonists. Some of his ships were driven upon that coast, where the wretched fugitives were made prisoners by their own fellow-citizens, and immured in dungeons. To escape a similar fate, Dunmore burnt the ships of least value; and the miserable remains of soldiers and loyalists, assailed at once by tempests, famine, and disease, sought refuge in Florida, Bermudas, and the West Indies.

Notwithstanding the extent to which hostilities had been carried, a large portion of the colonists had hitherto continued to entertain some hope of an amicable termination of the dispute; and it is evident, from the transactions we are about to record, that many felt sincerely desirous not to frustrate such a result. The want of more regular and stable governments had for some time been felt in those colonies where royal governments had hitherto existed; and in the autumn of 1775, New Hampshire applied to congress for their advice and direction on this subject. In November, congress advised the convention of that colony to call a full and free representation of the people; when the representatives, if they thought it necessary, should establish such a form of government as, in their judgment, would best promote the happiness of the people, and most effectually secure peace and good order during the continuance of the dispute between Great Britain and the colonies. On this question the members of congress were not unanimous. It was viewed by some as a step necessarily leading to independence; and by some of its advocates it was probably intended as such. To render the resolution less exceptionable, the duration of the government was limited to the continuance of the dispute with the parent country. Soon afterwards similar directions and advice were given to South Carolina and Virginia.

The last hopes of the colonists for reconciliation rested on the success of their second petition to the king; and the answer of their sovereign to this application was expected with extreme solicitude. Information, however, was soon received from Mr.Penn, who was intrusted with the petition, that no answer would be given. This intelligence was followed by that of great additional preparations to subdue the ‘American rebels.’ The king, in his speech at the opening of parliament in October, not only accused the colonists of revolt, hostility, and rebellion, but stated that the rebellious war carried on by them was for the purpose of establishing an independent empire. To prevent this he declared that the most decisive and vigorous measures were necessary; that he had consequently increased his naval establishment, had augmented his land forces, and had also taken measures to procure the aid of foreign troops. He at the same time stated his intention of appointing certain persons with authority to grant pardons to individuals, and to receive the submission of whole colonies disposed to return to their allegiance. Large majorities in both houses assured the king of their firm support in his measures for reducing the colonists to obedience. The addresses, however, in answer to the speech, were opposed with great ability. The project of employing foreign troops to destroy American subjects was reprobated by the minority in the strongest terms. The plans of the ministry, however, were not only approved by parliament, but by a majority of the nation.

The idea of making the colonists share their burdens could not easily be relinquished by the people of Great Britain; and national pride would not permit them to yield the point of supremacy. War was now therefore to be waged against the colonies, and a force sent out sufficiently powerful to compel submission, even without a struggle. For these purposes the aid of parliament was requisite; and about the last of December an act was passed, prohibiting all trade and commerce with the colonies, and authorizing the capture and condemnation, not only of all American vessels with their cargoes, but all other vessels found trading in any port or place in the colonies, as if the same were the vessels and effects of open enemies; and the vessels and property thus taken were vested in the captors, and the crews were to be treated, not as prisoners, but as slaves.

The passing of this act shut the door against the application of the colonies for a reconciliation. The last petition of congress to the king had, indeed, been laid before parliament, but both houses refused to hear it, or even to treat upon any proposition coming from such an unlawful assembly, or from those who were then in arms against their lawful sovereign. In the house of lords, on the motion of the duke of Richmond, Mr.Penn was examined on American affairs. He stated, among other things, that the colonists were desirous of reconciliation, and did not aim at independence; that they were disposed to conform to the acts regulating their trade, but not to taxation; and that on this point a spirit of resistance was universal. After this examination the duke of Richmond moved a resolution, declaring that the petition of congress to the king was a ground for a reconciliation of the differences between the two countries. This motion was negatived, after a warm debate, by eighty-six to thirty-three. These proceedings of the king and parliament, with the employment of sixteen thousand foreign mercenaries, convinced the leading men in each colony that the sword alone must decide the contest, and that the colonists must now declare themselves totally independent of Great Britain.

Time, however, was still requisite, to convince the great mass of the American people of the necessity of a complete separation from their parent country, and the establishment of independent governments. The ablest pens were employed throughout America, in the winter of 1775–6, on this momentous subject. The propriety and necessity of the measure was enforced in the numerous gazettes, and in pamphlets. Among the latter, ‘Common Sense,’ from the popular pen of Thomas Paine, produced a wonderful effect in the different colonies in favor of independence. Influential individuals in every colony urged it as a step absolutely necessary to preserve the rights and liberties, as well as to secure the happiness and prosperity of America.114

When the prohibitory act reached America, congress, justly viewing it as a declaration of war, directed reprisals to be made, both by public and private armed vessels, against the ships and goods of the inhabitants of Great Britain, found on the high seas, or between high and low water mark. They also burst the shackles of commercial monopoly, which had so long kept them in bondage, and opened their ports to all the world, except the dominions of Great Britain. In this state of things, it was preposterous for the colonists any longer to consider themselves as holding or exercising the powers of government under the authority of Great Britain. Congress, therefore, on the 10th of May, recommended to the assemblies and conventions of the colonies where no sufficient government had been established, ‘to adopt such government as should, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general.’ They also declared it necessary, that the exercise of every kind of authority under the crown should be suppressed, and that all the powers of government should be exercised ‘under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation of internal peace, virtue, and good order, as well as for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies.’ This was a preliminary step to a general declaration of independence. Some of the colonial assemblies and conventions about the same time began to express their opinions on this great question. On the 22d of April, the convention of North Carolina empowered their delegates in congress ‘to concur with those in the other colonies in declaring independency.’ This, it is believed, was the first direct public act of any colonial assembly or convention in favor of the measure.115 The convention of Virginia soon afterwards expressed itself still more decidedly. After full deliberation, the following resolutions were passed unanimously:—

‘That the delegates appointed to represent this colony in general congress be instructed to propose to that respectable body, to declare the United Colonies free and independent states, absolved from all allegiance to or dependence upon the crown or parliament of Great Britain; and that they give the assent of this colony to such declaration, and to whatever measures may be thought proper and necessary by the congress for forming foreign alliances, and a confederation of the colonies, at such time and in the manner as to them shall seem best: provided that the power of forming governments for, and the regulations of, the internal concerns of each colony, be left to the respective colonial legislatures.

‘That a committee be appointed to prepare a declaration of rights, and such a plan of government as will be most likely to maintain peace and order in this colony, and secure substantial and equal liberty to the people.’116

Early in the year the British government had prepared a considerable expedition to reduce the southern colonies to obedience. The command was intrusted to Sir Peter Parker and earl Cornwallis. On the 3d of May, admiral Parker, with twenty sail, arrived at cape Fear. They found general Clinton ready to co-operate with them. He had left New York, and proceeded to Virginia, where he had an interview with lord Dunmore; but finding nothing could be effected in that colony, he repaired to cape Fear, to await the arrival of the armament from England. Meanwhile, the Carolinians had been making great exertions. In Charleston the utmost energy and activity was evinced. The citizens pulled down the valuable storehouses on the wharves, barricadoed the streets, and constructed lines of defence along the shore. Abandoning their commercial pursuits, they engaged in incessant labor, and prepared for bloody conflicts. The troops, amounting to between five and six thousand men, were stationed in the most advantageous positions. Amidst all this bustle and preparation, lead was so extremely scarce, that the windows of Charleston were stripped of their weights, in order to procure a small supply of that necessary article for bullets.

Early in June, the armament, consisting of between forty and fifty vessels, appeared off Charleston bay, and thirty-six of the transports passed the bar, and anchored about three miles from Sullivan’s island. Some hundreds of the troops landed on Long island, which lies on the west of Sullivan’s island, and which is separated from it by a narrow channel, often fordable. On the 10th of the month, the Bristol, a fifty-gun ship, having taken out her guns, got safely over the bar; and on the 25th, the Experiment, a ship of equal force, arrived, and next day passed in the same way. On the part of the British every thing was now ready for action. Sir Henry Clinton had nearly three thousand men under his command. The naval force, under Sir Peter Parker, consisted of the Bristol and Experiment, of fifty guns; the Active, Acteon, Solebay, and Syren frigates; the Friendship, of twenty-two, and the Sphinx, of twenty guns; the Ranger sloop, and Thunder bomb. On the forenoon of the 28th of June, this fleet advanced against the fort on Sullivan’s island, which was defended by colonel Moultrie, with about three hundred and fifty regular troops, and some militia. The Thunder bomb began the battle. The Active, Bristol, Experiment, and Solebay, followed boldly to the attack, and a terrible cannonade ensued. The fort returned the fire of the ships slowly, but with deliberate and deadly aim; and the contest was carried on during the whole day with unabating fury. The Sphinx, Acteon, and Syren were ordered to attack the western extremity of the fort, which was in a very unfinished state; but, as they proceeded for that purpose, they got entangled with a shoal, called the Middle-ground. Two of them ran foul of each other: the Acteon stuck fast; the Sphinx and Syren got off; but, fortunately for the Americans, that part of the attack completely failed.

It was designed that Sir Henry Clinton, with his corps, should co-operate with the naval operations by passing the narrow channel which separates Long island from Sullivan’s island, and assail the fort by land; but this the general found impracticable, for the channel, though commonly fordable, was at that time, by a long prevalence of easterly winds, deeper than usual; and even had the channel been fordable, the British troops would have found the passage an arduous enterprise; for colonel Thomson, with a strong detachment of riflemen, regulars, and militia, was posted on the east end of Sullivan’s island to oppose any attack made in that quarter. The engagement, which began about eleven o’clock in the forenoon, continued with unabated fury till seven in the evening, when the fire slackened, and about nine entirely ceased on both sides. During the night all the ships, except the Acteon, which was aground, removed about two miles from the island. Next morning the fort fired a few shots at the Acteon, and she at first returned them; but, in a short time, her crew set her on fire and abandoned her. She blew up shortly afterwards. In this obstinate engagement both parties fought with great gallantry. The loss of the British was very considerable, upwards of sixty being killed, and one hundred and sixty wounded; while the garrison lost only ten men killed, and twenty-two wounded.

Although the Americans were raw troops, yet they behaved with the steady intrepidity of veterans. One circumstance may serve to illustrate the cool but enthusiastic courage which pervaded their ranks. In the course of the engagement the flag-staff of the fort was shot away; but sergeant Jasper leaped down upon the beach, snatched up the flag, fastened it to a sponge-staff, and, while the ships were incessantly directing their broadsides upon the fort, he mounted the merlon and deliberately replaced the flag. The fate of this expedition contributed greatly to establish the popular government it was intended to destroy, while the news of it spread rapidly through the continent, and exercised an equally unfavorable influence on the royal cause: the advocates of the irresistibility of British fleets and armies were mortified and silenced; and the brave defence of fort Moultrie saved the southern states from the horrors of war for several years.

In South Carolina the government look advantage of the hour of success to conciliate their opponents in the province. The adherents of royal power, who, for a considerable time, had been closely imprisoned, on promising fidelity to their country, were set at freedom and restored to all the privileges of citizens. The repulse of the British was also attended with another advantage, that of leaving the Americans at liberty to turn their undivided force against the Indians, who had attacked the western frontier of the southern states with all the fury and carnage of savage warfare. In 1775, when the breach between Great Britain and her colonies was daily becoming wider, one Stuart, the agent employed in conducting the intercourse between the British authorities and the Cherokees and Creeks, used all his influence to attach the savages to the royal cause, and to inspire them with jealousy and hatred of the Americans.

He found little difficulty in persuading them that the Americans, without provocation, had taken up arms against Britain, and were the means of preventing them from receiving their yearly supplies of arms, ammunition, and clothing, from the British government. The Americans had endeavored to conciliate the good will of the Indians, but their scanty presents were unsatisfactory, and the savages resolved to take up the hatchet. Deeming the appearance of the British fleet in Charleston bay a fit opportunity, the Cherokees invaded the western frontier of the province, marking their track with murder and devastation. The speedy retreat of the British left the savages exposed to the vengeance of the Americans, who, in separate divisions, entered their country at different points, from Virginia and Georgia, defeated their warriors, burned their villages, laid waste their corn-fields, and incapacitated the Cherokees for a considerable time from giving the settlers further annoyance. Thus, in the south, the Americans triumphed both over the British and the Indians.

On the 7th of June, the great question of independence was brought directly before congress, by Richard Henry Lee, one of the delegates from Virginia. He submitted a resolution, declaring ‘that the United Colonies are, and ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.’ The resolution was postponed until the next day, and every member enjoined to attend, to take the same into consideration. On the 8th it was debated in committee of the whole house. No question of greater magnitude was ever presented to the consideration of a deliberative body, or debated with more energy, eloquence, and ability. On the 10th it was adopted in committee, by a bare majority. The delegates from Pennsylvania and Maryland were instructed to oppose it, and the delegates from some of the other colonies were without special instructions on the subject. To give time for greater unanimity, the resolution was postponed in the house until the 1st of July. In the mean time, a committee was appointed to prepare a declaration of independence. During this interval measures were taken to procure the assent of all the colonies.

On the day appointed, the resolution relating to independence was resumed in the general congress, referred to a committee of the whole house, and assented to by all the colonies, except Pennsylvania and Delaware. The committee appointed to prepare a declaration of independence selected Mr.Adams and Mr.Jefferson as a sub-committee, and the original draft was made by Mr.Jefferson. This draft, without any amendment by the committee, was reported to congress, and, after undergoing several amendments, received their sanction.

The course of time has now brought us to the decisive hour when a new empire, of a character the most extraordinary, springs into being. The world has known no rest since this grand confederacy took her rank among the nations of the earth; her example infused a power into the principles of liberty which for nearly two centuries had been dormant; although in another hemisphere, it has exercised more influence on the state of the public mind in Europe than did the great struggle in the days of the commonwealth; and the world will know rest no more, till, under whatever form, the great lessons of freedom which American history enforces, have been listened to, and embodied in action, by every nation of the globe.

FROM THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776 TO THAT OF 1779.

General Washington, after compelling the British to abandon Boston, had made every possible preparation for the defence of New York, where he had fixed his head-quarters. To second his exertions, the congress instituted a flying camp, to consist of an intermediate corps, between regular soldiers and militia; and called for ten thousand men from the states of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Delaware, to be in constant service to the first day of the ensuing December; and for thirteen thousand eight hundred of the common militia from Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey. The command of the naval force destined to operate against New York was given to admiral Howe, while his brother, Sir William, was intrusted with the command of the army; and, in addition to their military powers, the brothers were appointed commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies. General Howe, after waiting two months at Halifax for expected reinforcements from England, sailed with the force which he had previously commanded in Boston; and, directing his course towards New York, arrived on the 25th of June off Sandy Hook. Admiral lord Howe, with part of the reinforcement from England, arrived at Halifax soon after his brother’s departure, and, without dropping anchor, followed, and joined him on the 12th of July at Staten island. General Clinton arrived there about the same time with the troops brought back from the expedition of Charleston and South Carolina; commodore Hotham also appeared there with the reinforcement under his escort; and in a short time the British army amounted to about twenty-four thousand men, English, Hessians, and Waldeckers.

The royal commissioners, before they commenced military operations, attempted to effect a reunion between the colonies and Great Britain. Lord Howe announced his pacific powers to the principal magistrates of the several colonies. He promised pardon to all who, in the late times, had deviated from their allegiance, on condition of their speedily returning to their duty; and, in case of their compliance, encouraged their expectation of the future favor of their sovereign. In his declaration, he observed, ‘that the commissioners were authorized, in his majesty’s name, to declare any province, colony, county, district, or town, to be at peace with his majesty; that due consideration should be had to the meritorious services of any who should aid or assist in restoring the public tranquillity; that their dutiful representations should be received, pardons granted, and suitable encouragement to such as would promote the measures of legal government and peace, in pursuance of his majesty’s most gracious purposes.’ These pacific proposals were regarded by the Americans as only an attempt to sow dissensions among them, and were never for a moment seriously regarded by any of the patriotic party. The British forces waited so long to receive accessions from Halifax, the Carolinas, the West Indies, and Europe, that the month of August was far advanced before they commenced the campaign. The commanders, having resolved to make their first attempt on Long island, landed their troops, estimated at about twenty-four thousand men, at Gravesend bay, to the right of the Narrows.

The Americans, to the amount of fifteen thousand, under major-general Sullivan, were posted on a peninsula between Mill creek, a little above Red Hook, and an elbow of East river, called Whaaleboght bay. Here they had erected strong fortifications, which were separated from New York by East river, at the distance of a mile. Aline of intrenchment from the Mill creek inclosed a large space of ground, on which stood the American camp, near the village of Brooklyn. This line was secured by abatis, and flanked by strong redoubts. The armies were separated by a range of hills, covered with a thick wood, which intersects the country from west to east, terminating on the east near Jamaica. Through these hills there were three roads; one near the Narrows, a second by the Flatbush road, and a third by the Bedford road; these were the only passes from the south side of the hills to the American lines, excepting a road which led to Jamaica round the easterly end of the hills; and general Putnam, agreeably to the instructions of general Washington, had detached a considerable part of his men to occupy them.

On the 26th, the main body of British troops, with a large detachment of Germans, landed under cover of the ships, on the south-western extremity of Long island, and advancing in three divisions, took post upon the south skirt of the wood; general Grant upon their left, near the coast; the German general, de Heister, in the centre, at Flatbush; and general Clinton upon their right, at Flatland. Only the range of hills now separated the two armies, and the different posts of the British were distant from the American camp from four to six miles. In the evening, general Clinton, without beat of drum, marched with the infantry of his division, a party of light-horse, and fourteen field-pieces, to gain the defile on the Jamaica road. During the night he surprised an American party stationed here to give the alarm of an approaching enemy, and, undiscovered by Sullivan, seized the pass. At daybreak he passed the heights, and descended into the plain on the side of Brooklyn. Early in the morning, general de Heister, at Flatbush, and general Grant, upon the west coast, opened a cannonade upon the American troops, and began to ascend the hill; but they moved very slowly, as their object was to draw the attention of the American commander from his left, and give general Clinton opportunity to gain the rear of the American troops stationed on the heights. General Putnam, in the apprehension that the serious attack would be made by de Heister and Grant, sent detachments to reinforce general Sullivan and lord Sterling at the defiles, through which those divisions of the enemy were approaching.

When general Clinton had passed the left flank of the Americans, about eight o’clock in the morning of the 27th, de Heister and Grant vigorously ascended the hill; the troops which opposed them bravely maintained their ground, until they learned their perilous situation from the British columns which were gaining their rear. As soon as the American left discovered the progress of general Clinton, they attempted to return to the camp at Brooklyn, but their flight was stopped by the front of the British column. In the mean time, the Germans pushed forward from Flatbush, and the troops in the American centre, under the immediate command of general Sullivan, having also discovered that their flank was turned, and that the enemy was gaining their rear, in haste retreated towards Brooklyn. Clinton’s columns continuing to advance, intercepted them; they were attacked in front and rear, and alternately driven by the British on the Germans, and by the Germans on the British. Desperate as their situation was, some regiments broke through the enemy’s columns and regained the fortified camp; but most of the detachments upon the American left and centre were either killed or taken prisoners. The detachment on the American right, under lord Sterling, maintained a severe conflict with general Grant for six hours, until the van of general Clinton’s division, having crossed the whole island, gained their rear.

Lord Sterling perceived his danger, and found that his troops could be saved only by an immediate retreat over a creek near the cove. He gave orders to this purpose; and, to facilitate their execution, he in person attacked lord Cornwallis, who, by this time having gained the coast, had posted a small corps in a house, just above the place where the American troops must pass the creek. The attack was bravely made with four hundred men; but his lordship being reinforced from his own column, and general Grant attacking lord Sterling in the rear, this brave band was overpowered by numbers, and those who survived were compelled to surrender themselves prisoners of war; but this spirited assault gave opportunity for a large proportion of the detachment to escape. General Washington passed over to Brooklyn in the heat of the action; but, unable to rescue his men from their perilous situation, was constrained to be the inactive spectator of the slaughter of his best troops. The loss of the Americans on this occasion, for the number engaged, was great; general Washington stated it at a thousand men; but his returns probably included only the regular regiments. General Howe, in an official letter, made the prisoners amount to one thousand and ninety-seven. Among these were major-general Sullivan, and brigadier-generals Sterling and Woodhull. The amount of the killed was never with precision ascertained. The British loss, as stated by general Howe, was twenty-one officers, and three hundred and forty-six privates killed, wounded, and taken prisoners.

The British now encamped in front of the American lines, and on the succeeding night broke ground within six hundred yards of a redoubt on the left. In this critical state of the American army on Long island,—in front a numerous and victorious enemy with a formidable train of artillery, the fleet indicating an intention to force a passage into East river to make some attempt on New York, the troops lying without shelter from heavy rains, fatigued and dispirited,—it was determined to withdraw from the island; and this difficult movement was effected with great skill and judgment, and with complete success.

The defeat of the 27th made a most unfavorable impression upon the army. Agreat proportion of the troops lost their confidence in their officers, and in themselves. Before this unfortunate event, they met the enemy in the spirit of freemen fighting for their highest interests, and under the persuasion that their thorough use of arms rendered them equal to the disciplined battalions which they were to oppose. But on this occasion, by evolutions which they did not comprehend, they found themselves encompassed with difficulties from which their utmost exertions could not extricate them, and involved in dangers from which their bravery could not deliver them; and entertaining a high opinion of the adroitness of the enemy, in every movement they apprehended a fatal snare.117 No sooner had the British secured the possession of Long island, than they made dispositions to attack New York. It was a serious question whether that place was defensible against so formidable an enemy; and general Washington called a council of general officers, to decide whether it should be evacuated without delay, or longer defended. The general officers, in compliance with the views of congress, were very averse from the abandonment of the city; and it was resolved, contrary to the individual opinion of Washington, to endeavor to defend the city.

The army was accordingly arranged into three divisions, one of which, consisting of five thousand men, was to remain in New York; another, amounting to nine thousand, was to be stationed at King’s Bridge; and the residue of the army was to occupy the intermediate space, so as to support either extreme. The unexpected movements of the British soon evinced the correctness of the opinion of the general-in-chief; and in a second council it was determined, by a large majority, that it had become not only prudent, but necessary, to withdraw the army from New York. Several English ships of war passed up North river on the one side of York island, and East river on the other side; Sir Henry Clinton embarked at Long island, at the head of four thousand men, proceeded through Newtown bay, crossed East river, and landed, under cover of the ships, at Kipp’s bay, about three miles above New York. Works of considerable strength had been thrown up at this place, to oppose the landing of the enemy; but they were immediately abandoned by the troops stationed in them, who, terrified at the fire of the ships, fled precipitately toward their main body, and communicated their panic to a detachment marching to their support. General Washington, to his extreme mortification, met this whole party retreating in the utmost disorder, and exerted himself to rally them; but, on the appearance of a small corps of the British, they again broke, and fled in confusion. Nothing was now left him but to withdraw the few remaining troops from New York, and to secure the posts on the heights. The retreat from New York was effected with a very inconsiderable loss of men; but all the heavy artillery, and a large portion of the baggage, provisions, and military stores, were unavoidably abandoned.

The British, taking possession of New York, stationed a few troops in the capital; but the main body of their army was on York island, at no great distance from the American lines. The day after the retreat from New York, a considerable body of the British appearing in the plains between the two camps, the general ordered colonel Knowlton, with a corps of rangers, and major Leitch, with three companies of a Virginia regiment, to get in their rear, while he amused them by making apparent dispositions to attack their front. The plan succeeded; and a skirmish ensued, in which the Americans charged the enemy with great intrepidity, and gained considerable advantage; but the principal benefit of this action was its influence in reviving the depressed spirits of the whole army. The armies did not long retain their position on York island. The British frigates having passed up North river under a fire from fort Washington and the post opposite to it on the Jersey shore, general Howe embarked a great part of his army in flat-bottomed boats, and, passing through Hellgate into the sound, landed at Frog’s neck.

The object of the British general was, either to force Washington out of his present lines, or to inclose him in them. Aware of this design, general Washington moved a part of his troops from York island to join those at King’s Bridge, and detached some regiments to West Chester. Acouncil of war was now called, and the system of evacuating and retreating was adopted, with the exception of fort Washington, for the defence of which nearly three thousand men were assigned. After a halt of six days the royal army advanced, not without considerable opposition, along the coast of Long Island sound, by New Rochelle, to White Plains, where the Americans took a strong position behind intrenchments. This post was maintained for several days, till the British having received considerable reinforcements, general Washington withdrew to the heights of North Castle, about five miles from White Plains, where, whether from the strength of his position, or from the British general having other objects in view, no attempt at attack was made.

Immediately on leaving White Plains, general Howe directed his attention to fort Washington and fort Lee, as their possession would secure the navigation of the Hudson, and facilitate the invasion of New Jersey. On the 15th of November, general Howe, being in readiness for the assault, summoned the garrison to surrender. Colonel Magaw, the commanding officer, in spirited language, replied, that he should defend his works to extremity. On the succeeding morning the British made the assault in four separate divisions; and having, after a brave and obstinate resistance, surmounted the outworks, again summoned the garrison to surrender. His ammunition being nearly expended, and his force incompetent to repel the numbers which were ready on every side to assail him, colonel Magaw surrendered himself and his garrison, consisting of two thousand men, prisoners of war. The enemy lost in the assault about eight hundred men, mostly Germans.

The conquest of fort Washington made the evacuation of fort Lee necessary. Orders were therefore issued to remove the ammunition and stores in it; but, before much progress had been made in this business, lord Cornwallis crossed the Hudson, with a number of battalions, with the intention to inclose the garrison between the Hackensack and North rivers. This movement made a precipitate retreat indispensable, which was happily effected with little loss of men; but the greater part of the artillery, stores, and baggage was left for the enemy. The loss at fort Washington was heavy. The regiments captured in it were some of the best troops in the army. The tents, camp-kettles, and stores, lost at this place and at fort Lee, could not, during the campaign, be replaced, and for the want of them the men suffered extremely. This loss was unnecessarily sustained, as those posts ought, unquestionably, to have been evacuated before general Howe was in a situation to invest them; and this event was the more to be deplored, as the American force was daily diminished by the expiration of the soldiers’ term of enlistment, and by the desertion of the militia.

These successes encouraged the British to pursue the remaining American force, with the prospect of annihilating it. General Washington, who had taken post at Newark, on the south side of the Passaic, finding himself unable to make any real opposition, withdrew from that place as the enemy crossed the Passaic, and retreated to Brunswick, on the Rariton; and lord Cornwallis on the same day entered Newark. The retreat was still continued from Brunswick to Princeton; from Princeton to Trenton; and from Trenton to the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware. The pursuit was urged with so much rapidity, that the rear of one army was often within shot of the van of the other.118 The winter being now set in, the British army went into quarters, between the Delaware and the Hackensack. Trenton, the most important post and barrier, was occupied by a brigade of Hessians, under colonel Rawle. General Howe now issued a proclamation, in the name of his brother and himself, in which pardon was offered to all persons who, within the space of sixty days, should take the oath of allegiance, and submit to the authority of the British government. The effects of this proclamation were soon apparent. People from several quarters availed themselves of it, and threw down their arms. No city or town, indeed, in its corporate capacity, submitted to the British government; but many families of fortune and influence discovered an inclination to return to their allegiance. Many of the yeomanry claimed the benefit of the commissioners’ proclamation; and the great body of them were too much taken up with the security of their families and their property, to make any exertion in the public cause. Another source of mortification to the Americans was the capture of general Lee, who had imprudently ventured to lodge at a house three miles distant from his corps.119

This was the most gloomy period of the revolutionary war. It was the crisis of the struggle of the United States for independence. The American army, reduced in numbers, depressed by defeat, and exhausted by fatigue, naked, barefoot, and destitute of tents, and even of utensils with which to dress their scanty provisions, was fleeing before a triumphant enemy, well appointed and abundantly supplied. Ageneral spirit of despondency through New Jersey was the consequence of this disastrous state of public affairs. But in this worst of times congress stood unmoved; their measures exhibited no symptoms of confusion or dismay; the public danger only roused them to more vigorous exertions, that they might give a firmer tone to the public mind, and animate the citizens of United America to a manly defence of their independence. Beneath this cloud of adversity, too, general Washington shone with a brighter lustre than in the day of his highest prosperity. Not dismayed by all the difficulties which encompassed him, he accommodated his measures to his situation, and still made the good of his country the object of his unwearied pursuit. He ever wore the countenance of composure and confidence, by his own example inspiring his little band with firmness to struggle with adverse fortune.

While Washington was retreating over the Delaware, the British, under Sir Pelew Parker and general Clinton, took possession of Rhode Island, and blocked up commodore Hopkins’ squadron and a number of privateers at Providence; but this measure was disadvantageous to the British, as it required the presence of troops which might have been much more advantageously employed.

The neighborhood of Philadelphia now becoming the seat of war, congress adjourned to Baltimore; resolving at the same time ‘that general Washington should be possessed of full powers to order and direct all things relative to the department and the operations of the war.’ In this extremity, judicious determinations in the cabinet were accompanied with vigorous operations in the field. The united exertions of civil and military officers had by this time brought a considerable body of militia into their ranks. General Sullivan too, on whom the command of general Lee’s division devolved on his capture, promptly obeyed the orders of the commander-in-chief, and at this period joined him, and general Heath marched a detachment from Peck’s Kill.

The army, with these reinforcements, amounted to seven thousand men, and general Washington determined to commence active and bold operations. He had noticed the loose and uncovered state of the winter quarters of the British army, and contemplated the preservation of Philadelphia, and the recovery of New Jersey, by sweeping, at one stroke, all the British cantonments upon the Delaware. The present position of his forces favored the execution of his plan. The troops under the immediate command of general Washington, consisting of about two thousand four hundred men, were ordered to cross the river at M’Konkey’s ferry, nine miles above Trenton, to attack that post. General Irvine was directed to cross with his division at Trenton ferry, to secure the bridge below the town, and prevent the retreat of the enemy that way. General Cadwallader received orders to pass the river at Bristol ferry, and assault the post at Burlington. The night of the twenty-fifth was assigned for the execution of this daring scheme. It proved to be severely cold, and so much ice was made in the river, that general Irvine and general Cadwallader, after having strenuously exerted themselves, found it impracticable to pass their divisions, and their part of the plan totally failed. The commander-in-chief was, however, more fortunate, and, though with much difficulty and considerable loss of time, succeeded in crossing the river, and reached Trenton by eight o’clock in the morning.

The brave colonel Rawle, the commanding officer, assembled his forces for the defence of his post; but he was mortally wounded by the first fire, and his men, in apparent dismay, attempted to file off towards Princeton. General Washington, perceiving their intention, moved a part of his troops into this road in their front, and defeated the design. Their artillery being seized, and the Americans pressing upon them, they surrendered. Twenty of the Germans were killed, and a thousand made prisoners. By the failure of general Irvine, a small body of the enemy stationed in the lower part of the town escaped over the bridge to Bordentown. Of the American troops, two privates were killed and two frozen to death, and one officer and three or four privates were wounded. Could the other divisions have crossed the Delaware, general Washington’s plan, in its full extent, would probably have succeeded. Not thinking it prudent to hazard the fruits of this gallant stroke by more daring attempts, the general the same day recrossed the Delaware with his prisoners, with six pieces of artillery, a thousand stand of arms, and some military stores.

This display of enterprise and vigor on the part of the Americans astonished and perplexed general Howe, and, though in the depth of winter, he found it necessary to commence active operations. Such was the reviving influence on the minds of the American soldiers, and such the skill which the commander-in-chief exercised, that, after several successful operations following that of Trenton, he not only saved Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, but recovered the greatest part of the Jerseys, in defiance of an army vastly superior to his, in discipline, resources, and numbers. Of all their recent extensive possessions in the Jerseys, the English retained now only the posts of Brunswick and Amboy. These successful operations on the part of the Americans were immediately followed by a proclamation, in the name of general Washington, absolving all those who had been induced to take the oaths of allegiance tendered by the British commissioners, and promising them protection on condition of their subscribing to a form of oath prescribed by congress. The effects of this proclamation were almost instantaneous. The inhabitants of the Jerseys, who had conceived a violent hatred to the British army, on account of their unchecked course of plundering, instantly renounced their allegiance to Great Britain, and attached themselves to the cause of America. Several who were resolved to avenge their wrongs, joined the army under general Washington, while others rendered equal service to the side to which they attached themselves, by supplying the American army with provisions and fuel, and by conveying intelligence of the operations of the British army.

Before entering on the campaign of 1777, it will be proper briefly to notice the state of affairs in Canada. The Americans still possessed Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and were masters of lake Champlain. To dispossess them of these posts was an arduous and a difficult task, inasmuch as the British had not a vessel on lake Champlain to oppose the American fleet. Difficult, however, as it was, general Carleton resolved to use every effort to procure an adequate naval force, and at length succeeding in the attainment of his object, he acquired a decided superiority. On the 11th of October, the British fleet discovered that of their opponents very advantageously posted off the island Valicour, with an intention of defending the passage between that island and the western main. Aschooner and some gun-boats, being considerably ahead of the rest of the fleet, began the engagement, which was continued for some hours on both sides with great intrepidity. Brigadier-general Waterbury, in the Washington galley, fought with undaunted bravery, until nearly all his officers were killed or wounded, and his vessel greatly injured, when Arnold ordered the remaining shattered vessels to retire up the lake towards Crown Point, to refit.

Two days afterwards they were overtaken by the British, and the action was renewed. The Washington galley, crippled in the first action, was soon obliged to strike and surrender. General Arnold, having obstinately defended himself with great judgment and gallantry against a superior force, was at length so closely pressed, that he was compelled to run on shore his own vessel, the Congress galley, which, with five gondolas, was abandoned and blown up. Of sixteen American vessels, eleven were taken or destroyed; of the British, two gondolas were sunk, and one blown up with sixty men. The loss of men on each side was supposed to be nearly equal; that of the Americans was estimated at about a hundred. The British army and fleet now established themselves at Crown Point, and proceeded to strengthen the old fortifications, originally erected at this place by the French in 1756; but they very soon abandoned this station, and retired into Canada.

Having secured the Hessian prisoners on the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware, Washington recrossed the river two days after the action, and took possession of Trenton. Generals Mifflin and Cadwallader, who lay at Bordentown and Crosswix with three thousand six hundred militia, were ordered to march up in the night of the 1st of January, to join the commander-in-chief, whose whole effective force, including this accession, did not exceed five thousand men. The detachments of the British army which had been distributed over New Jersey, now assembled at Princeton, and were joined by the army from Brunswick under lord Cornwallis. From this position they advanced toward Trenton in great force, on the morning of the 2d of January; and, after some slight skirmishing with troops detached to harass and delay their march, the van of their army reached Trenton about four in the afternoon. On their approach, general Washington retired across the Assumpinck, a rivulet that runs through the town, and by some field-pieces, posted on its opposite banks, compelled them, after attempting to cross in several places, to fall back out of the reach of his guns. The two armies, kindling their fires, retained their positions on opposite sides of the rivulet, and kept up a cannonade until night.

The situation of the American general was at this moment extremely critical. Nothing but a stream, in many places fordable, separated his army from an enemy in every respect its superior. If he remained in his present position, he was certain of being attacked the next morning, at the hazard of the entire destruction of his little army. If he should retreat over the Delaware, the ice in that river not being firm enough to admit a passage upon it, there was danger of great loss, perhaps of a total defeat; the Jerseys would be in full possession of the enemy; the public mind would be depressed; recruiting would be discouraged; and Philadelphia would be within the reach of general Howe. In this extremity, he boldly determined to abandon the Delaware, and, by a circuitous march along the left flank of the enemy, fall into their rear at Princeton. When it was dark, the army, leaving its fires lighted, and the sentinels on the margin of the creek, decamped with perfect secrecy. About sunrise two British regiments, that were on their march to join the rear of the British army at Maidenhead, fell in with the van of the Americans, conducted by general Mercer, and a very sharp action ensued. The advanced party of Americans, composed chiefly of militia, soon gave way, and the few regulars attached to them could not maintain their ground. General Mercer, while gallantly exerting himself to rally his broken troops, received a mortal wound.

General Washington, however, who followed close in their rear, now led on the main body of the army, and attacked the enemy with great spirit. While he exposed himself to their hottest fire, he was so well supported by the same troops which had aided him a few days before in the victory at Trenton, that the British were compelled to give way, and Washington pressed forward to Princeton. Aparty of the British that had taken refuge in the college, after receiving a few discharges from the American field-pieces, surrendered themselves prisoners of war; but the principal part of the regiment that was left there, saved itself by a precipitate retreat to Brunswick. In this action upwards of a hundred of the British were killed, and nearly three hundred were taken prisoners. Great was the surprise of lord Cornwallis when the report of the artillery at Princeton, and the arrival of breathless messengers, apprized him that the enemy was in his rear. Alarmed by the danger of his position, he commenced a retreat; and, being harassed by the militia and the countrymen who had suffered from the outrages perpetrated by his troops on their advance, he did not deem himself in safety till he arrived at Brunswick, from whence, by means of the Rariton, he had communication with New York.

The successes of the American arms at Trenton and at Princeton were followed by important consequences. The affairs of the United States before these events, appeared to be desperate. Two thousand of the regular troops had a right, on the 1st of January, to demand their discharge. The recruiting service was at an end, and general despondency prevailed. The triumphs of the British through the previous parts of the campaign produced a common apprehension, in the citizens of the middle slates, that any further struggle would be useless, and that America must eventually return to her allegiance to Great Britain. Many individuals made their peace with the commissioners, and took protection from the officers of the crown; and more discovered an inclination to do it, when opportunity should present itself. General Howe supposed New Jersey restored to the British government, and thought the war drawing to a close. But these successes were considered as great victories, and produced important effects upon the public mind. The character of the commander-in-chief proportionably rose in the estimation of the great mass of American people, who now respected themselves, and confided in their persevering efforts to secure the great object of contention—the independence of their country. Other causes had a powerful operation upon the minds of the yeomanry of New Jersey.

The British commanders tolerated, or at least did not restrain, gross licentiousness in their army. The inhabitants of the state which they boasted was restored to the bosom of the parent country, were treated not as reclaimed friends, but as conquered enemies. The soldiers were guilty of every species of rapine, and with little discrimination between those who had opposed or supported the measures of Britain. The abuse was not limited to the plundering of property. Every indignity was offered to the persons of the inhabitants, not excepting those outrages to the female sex which are felt by ingenuous minds with the keenest anguish, and excite noble spirits to desperate resistance. These aggravated abuses roused the people of New Jersey to repel that army to which they had voluntarily submitted, in the expectation of protection and security. At the dawn of success upon the American arms, they rose in small bands to oppose their invaders. They scoured the country, cut off every soldier who straggled from his corps, and in many instances repelled the foraging parties of the enemy. Early in this year also the Americans were gratified by the arrival of a vessel from France at Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, with upwards of eleven thousand stand of arms, and a thousand barrels of powder; and about the same time ten thousand stand of arms arrived in another part of the United States.

This supply was, however, in some measure counterbalanced. In the month of March the British sent out two detachments to destroy the American stores at Peekskill, on the North river, and at Danbury, in Connecticut. Both succeeded in their attempt; and although the stores destroyed did not equal in quantity the report on which the expeditions were planned, yet their loss was sensibly felt by the Americans in the active season of the campaign.

Sir William Howe, having in vain attempted to entice or provoke general Washington to an engagement, had, in June, retired with his army from the Jerseys to Staten island. After keeping the American general in long and perplexing suspense concerning his intended operations, he at length sailed from Sandy Hook with about sixteen thousand men, entered Chesapeake bay, and on the 24th of August arrived at the head of Elk river. Generals Grant and Knyphausen having joined him on the 8th of September with the troops under their command, the whole army moved onward in two columns toward Philadelphia, the possession of which was now evidently the object of the British commander. Washington, who regulated his movements by those of the enemy, had by this time, with the whole American army excepting the light infantry, which remained on the lines, taken a position behind Red Clay creek, on the road leading directly from the enemy’s camp to Philadelphia. The British rapidly advanced until they were within two miles of the Americans; while Washington crossed the Brandywine, and took post on a height behind that river.

At daybreak on the morning of the 11th it was ascertained that Sir William Howe in person had crossed the Brandywine at the forks, and was rapidly marching down the north side of the river to attack the American army. The commander-in-chief now ordered general Sullivan to form the right wing to oppose the column of Sir William. General Wayne was directed to remain at Chadd’s ford with the left wing, to dispute the passage of the river with Knyphausen. General Green, with his division, was posted as a reserve in the centre between Sullivan and Wayne, to reinforce either, as circumstances might require. General Sullivan marched up the river, until he found favorable ground on which to form his men; his left was near the Brandywine, and both flanks were covered with thick wood. At half-past four o’clock, when his line was scarcely formed, the British, under lord Cornwallis, commenced a spirited attack. The action was for some time severe; but the American right, which was not properly in order when the assault began, at length gave way, and exposed the flank of the troops that maintained their ground to a destructive fire, and continuing to break from the right, the whole line finally gave way. As soon as the firing began, general Washington, with general Green’s division, hastened towards the scene of action, but before his arrival Sullivan was routed, and the commander-in-chief could only check the pursuit of the enemy, and cover the retreat of the beaten troops. During these transactions general Knyphausen assaulted the works erected for the defence of Chadd’s ford, and soon carried them. General Wayne, by this time learning the fate of the other divisions, drew off his troops. General Washington retreated with his whole force that night to Chester. The American loss in this battle was about three hundred killed and six hundred wounded. Four hundred were made prisoners, but these chiefly of the wounded.

Perceiving that the enemy were moving into the Lancaster road, towards the city, general Washington took possession of ground near the Warren tavern, on the left of the British, and twenty-three miles from Philadelphia. The protection of his stores at Reading was one object of this movement. The next morning he was informed of the approach of the British army. He immediately put his troops in motion to engage the enemy. The advance of the two hostile armies met and began to skirmish, when a violent storm came on, which prevented a general engagement, and rendered the retreat of the Americans absolutely necessary. The inferiority of the muskets in the hands of the American soldiery, which had been verified in every action, was strikingly illustrated in this retreat. The gun-locks being badly made, and the cartridge-boxes imperfectly constructed, this storm rendered most of the arms unfit for use; and all the ammunition was damaged. The army was in consequence extremely exposed, and their danger became the greater, as many of the soldiers were destitute of bayonets. Fortunately the tempest, which produced such serious mischief to the Americans, prevented the pursuit of the British. Washington still continued to make every effort to save the capital; but Sir William Howe, having secured the command of the Schuylkill, on the 23d of September, crossed it with his whole army; on the 26th he advanced to Germantown; and on the succeeding day lord Cornwallis, at the head of a strong detachment, entered Philadelphia in triumph.

The American army, reinforced to eight thousand continental troops and three thousand militia, took a position at Shippack creek, on the east side of the Schuylkill, about twenty miles from Philadelphia, and sixteen from Germantown. At the latter place was posted the main body of the British army. The first object of Sir William Howe was to subdue the defences, and remove the impediments of the Delaware, that a communication might be opened with the British shipping. General Washington made every effort to prevent the execution of his enemy’s design, in the hope of forcing general Howe out of Philadelphia, by preventing supplies of provisions from reaching him. Of the attainment of this important object he had no doubt, could the passage of the Delaware be rendered impracticable. For this purpose works had been erected on a bank of mud and sand in the river, near the confluence of the Schuylkill, and about seven miles below Philadelphia. The place, from these works, was denominated Fort island, and the works themselves fort Mifflin. On a neck of land on the opposite shore of New Jersey, called Red Bank, a fort was constructed and mounted with heavy artillery, and called fort Mercer. Fort island and Red Bank were distant from each other half a mile. In the channel of the Delaware, which ran between them, two ranges of chevaux-de-frise were sunk. These consisted of large pieces of timber, strongly framed together, and pointed with iron, and they completely obstructed the passage of ships. These works were covered by several galleys, floating batteries, and armed ships.

Sir William Howe having detached a considerable force from Germantown to operate against the works on the Delaware, general Washington thought this a favorable opportunity to attack the British army in their cantonments. The line of the British encampment crossed the village of Germantown at right angles, near its centre, and its flanks were strongly covered. The army, having moved from its ground about seven in the afternoon of the 3d of October, began an attack about sunrise the next morning. The advance of the column, led by Sullivan, and accompanied by the commander-in-chief, encountered and drove in a picket, which presently gave way; and his main body, soon following, engaged the light infantry and other troops encamped near the picket, and forced them from their ground. Though closely pursued, lieutenant-colonel Musgrove, with six companies, took post in a strong stone house, which lay in the way of the Americans, and severely galled them by a fire of musketry from the doors and windows. General Washington immediately ordered a brigade to surround the house; but colonel Musgrove refused to surrender.

Four pieces of cannon were brought against him, but he sustained the fire of them until major-general Gray, with the third brigade, and brigadier-general Agnew, with the fourth, came to his assistance, and attacked the Americans with great spirit. In the mean time general Green arrival with his column, and attacked the right wing of the British. Colonel Matthews routed a party of the British opposed to him; but being enveloped in a most extraordinary fog, he lost sight of the brigade to which he belonged, and was taken prisoner with his whole regiment. At length a part of the right wing of the British attacked the Americans on the opposite side of the town; and the embarrassments among the American troops, occasioned by the darkness, gave the English time to recover from their consternation. Sullivan’s division had penetrated far into Germantown; but the main body of the American army now commenced a retreat, and all efforts to rally it proved ineffectual. In this battle the loss of the Americans in killed, wounded, and prisoners, was not less than twelve hundred men, while that of the British did not exceed half that number. The American army encamped again on Shippack creek, but soon after advanced to White Marsh, while the royal army removed from Germantown to Philadelphia.

The works in the Delaware now engaged the attention of the British and American generals. Lord Howe, by continued exertion, having overcome the obstructions which the Americans had placed in the river at Billingsport, a joint attack by sea and land was planned against Red Bank and Fort island. The Augusta, a sixty-four gun ship, the Merlin frigate, and several small armed vessels, moved up the Delaware to assault the works on Fort or Mud island. Count Donop crossed into New Jersey with twelve hundred Germans, and in the evening of the 22d appeared before fort Mercer, on Red Bank. His assault was highly spirited, and the defence intrepid and obstinate. Colonel Green, the commandant, whose garrison did not exceed five hundred men, was unable adequately to map the outworks; but he galled the Germans in their advance, and on their near approach he quitted them, and retired within the inner intrenchments. They pressed forward with undaunted bravery, and the Americans poured upon them a deadly fire. Count Donop was himself mortally wounded at the head of his gallant corps; the second in command soon after fell, and the third immediately drew off his forces. The assailants had four hundred men killed and wounded, while the garrison, fighting under cover, had only thirty. In the mean time, fort Mifflin was attacked by the shipping, and by batteries erected on the Pennsylvania shore. Incessant volleys of bombs and cannon-balls were discharged upon it. But at ebb tide the Augusta and Merlin grounded, and were burnt. The garrison supported this tremendous fire without material injury. The resistance of the forts on the Delaware far exceeding the expectations of the British commanders, they adopted measures to overcome it without the hazard of a second assault. They erected batteries upon Providence island, within five hundred yards of the American fort. They also brought up their shipping, gun-boats,&c., and from the 10th to the 16th of November, battered the American works. By this time the defences were entirely beaten down, every piece of cannon was dismounted, and one of the ships approached so near fort Mifflin as to throw hand-grenades from her tops into it, which killed the men upon the platform. The brave garrison received orders to quit the post. Red Bank being no longer useful, its garrison and stores were also withdrawn on the approach of lord Cornwallis with five thousand men to invest it.

While these inauspicious operations were carried on in the south, the northern portion of the country was a theatre of events that more than counterbalanced them. Aprincipal object of the British in the campaign of this year, was to open a free communication between New York and Canada. The British ministry were sanguine in their hopes, that, by effecting this object, New England, which they considered as the soul of the confederacy, might be severed from the neighboring states, and compelled to submission. In prosecution of this design, an army of British and German troops, amounting to upwards of seven thousand men, exclusive of artillery, was put under the command of lieutenant-general Burgoyne, an enterprising and able officer. The plan of operations consisted of two parts. General Burgoyne with the main body was to advance by way of lake Champlain, and force his way to Albany, or, at least, so far as to effect a junction with the royal army from New York; and lieutenant-colonel St.Leger, with about two hundred British, a regiment of New York loyalists, raised and commanded by Sir John Johnson, and a large body of Indians, was to ascend the St.Lawrence to lake Ontario, and from that quarter to penetrate toward Albany by the way of the Mohawk river.

General Burgoyne arrived at Quebec in May. In the latter end of June he advanced with his army to Crown Point, and from thence proceeded to invest Ticonderoga, which was soon abandoned by the Americans, under general St.Clair, who, after a distressing march, joined general Schuyler at fort Edward, on the river Hudson. General Burgoyne, having with incredible labor and fatigue conducted his army through the wilderness from Skenesborough, reached fort Edward on the 30th of July. As he approached that place, general Schuyler, whose forces, even since the junction of St.Clair, did not exceed four thousand four hundred men, retired over the Hudson to Saratoga. Early in August St.Leger invested fort Schuyler, and at first obtained some advantages over the Americans; but, by stratagem,120 the Indians were induced to desert him, and finding himself abandoned by seven or eight hundred of these important auxiliaries,121 he decamped in great confusion, and returned to Montreal, leaving his tents, with most of his artillery and stores, in the field. While St.Leger was thus unsuccessful at fort Schuyler, a detachment under colonel Baum, despatched to seize a large depot in New Hampshire grants, was also defeated by a body of militia under general Stark.122 Meanwhile, general Burgoyne, having collected about thirty days’ provision, and thrown a bridge of boats over the Hudson, crossed that river on the 13th and 14th of September, and encamped on the heights and plains of Saratoga. General Gates, who had recently taken the chief command of the northern department of the American army, advanced toward the British, and encamped three miles above Stillwater.

On the night of the 17th, Burgoyne encamped within four miles of the American army; and about noon on the 19th advanced in full force against it. The right wing was commanded by general Burgoyne, and covered by general Frazer and colonel Breyman with the grenadiers and light infantry, who were posted along some high grounds on the right. The front and flanks were covered by Indians, provincials, and Canadians. The left wing and artillery were commanded by major-generals Phillips and Reidesel, who proceeded along the great road. Colonel Morgan, who was detached to observe their motions, and to harass them as they advanced, soon fell in with their pickets in front of their right wing, attacked them sharply, and drove them in. Astrong corps was brought up to support them, and, after a severe encounter, Morgan was compelled to give way; but a regiment was ordered to assist him, and the action became more general. The commanders on both sides supported and reinforced their respective parties; and about four o’clock, Arnold, with nine continental regiments and Morgan’s corps, was completely engaged with the whole right wing of the British army. The engagement began at three o’clock in the afternoon, and continued till after sunset, when the Americans thought proper to retire, and leave the British masters of the field of battle. The loss on each side was nearly equal, six hundred being killed and wounded on the part of the British, and the same number on the side of the Americans. No advantages resulted to the British troops from this encounter; while the conduct of the Americans fully convinced every one ‘that they were able to sustain an attack in open plains with the intrepidity, the spirit, and the coolness of veterans. For four hours they maintained a contest hand to hand; and when they retired, it was not because they were conquered, but because the approach of night made a retreat to their camp absolutely necessary.’

Both armies lay some time in sight of each other, each fortifying its camp in the strongest manner possible. Meanwhile, the difficulties of the British general were daily increasing; his auxiliary Indians deserted him soon after the battle of Stillwater; and his army, reduced to little more than five thousand men, was limited to half the usual allowance of provisions; the stock of forage also was entirely exhausted, and his horses were perishing in great numbers; the American army had become so augmented as to render him diffident of making good his retreat; and, to aggravate his distress, no intelligence had yet been received of the approach of general Clinton, or of any diversion in his favor from New York. In this exigency, general Burgoyne resolved to examine the possibility of dislodging the Americans from their posts on the left, by which means he would be enabled to retreat to the lakes. For this purpose he drew out fifteen hundred men, which he headed himself, attended by generals Phillips, Reidesel, and Frazer. This detachment had scarcely formed, within less than half a mile of the American intrenchments, when a furious attack was made, which, though bravely resisted, was decidedly to the advantage of the assailants. General Burgoyne now became convinced that it was impossible to conduct any further offensive operations, and endeavored to make good his retreat to fort George.

Artificers were accordingly despatched, under a strong escort, to repair the bridges, and open the roads, but they were compelled to make a precipitate retreat. The situation of general Burgoyne becoming every hour more hazardous, he resolved to attempt a retreat by night to fort Edward; but even this retrograde movement was rendered impracticable. While the army was preparing to march, intelligence was received that the Americans had already possessed themselves of the fort, and that they were well provided with artillery. No avenue to escape now appeared. Incessant toil and continual engagements had worn down the British army; its provisions were nearly exhausted, and there were no means of procuring a supply; while the American army, which was daily increasing, was already much greater than the British in point of numbers, and almost encircled them. In this extremity, the British general called a council of war; and it was unanimously resolved to enter into a convention with general Gates. Preliminaries were soon settled, and the royal army, to the number of five thousand seven hundred and fifty, surrendered prisoners of war.

The capture of an entire army was justly viewed as an event that must essentially affect the contest between Great Britain and America; and while it excited the highest joy among the Americans, it could not but have a most auspicious influence on their affairs in the cabinet and in the field. The thanks of congress were voted to general Gates and his army; and a medal of gold, in commemoration of this splendid achievement, was ordered to be struck, to be presented to him by the president, in the name of the United States.

General Burgoyne’s surrender is certainly, in a considerable degree, to be attributed to the want of co-operation both on the part of general Carleton, in Canada, and of Sir Henry Clinton, at New York. The latter, indeed, performed a service, which, if effected a little earlier, might possibly have relieved Burgoyne. With nearly three thousand men, convoyed by some ships of war under commodore Hotham, he conducted an expedition up Hudson’s river, in October, against the forts Montgomery and Clinton. When arrived within a mile of the place of destination, the troops separated into two columns; the one, consisting of nine hundred men, under lieutenant Campbell, was destined for the attack on fort Montgomery; the other, under the immediate command of Sir Henry Clinton, was to storm the stronger post of fort Clinton. The garrison, when summoned, having refused to surrender, the assault was made on both forts at the same instant. These fortresses, which were separated from each other by a creek only, were commanded by governor Clinton, a brave and intelligent officer, who made a gallant resistance from four in the afternoon, when the attack began, until dark; but, the post having been designed principally to prevent the passing of ships, the works on the land side were incomplete and untenable, and the assailants entered them with fixed bayonets. Most of the garrison, however, effected their escape, undercover of the thick smoke and darkness.

Having noticed the most important features of the military operations of the year 1777, it will be proper, before entering on those of the following years, to afford the reader some information on two very important points—the progress made by the Americans in their foreign relations, and the steps which had been taken to consolidate the general government. In both cases it will be necessary, in order to give a clear and comprehensive view of the subject, slightly to deviate from strict chronological order.

The contest between Great Britain and her colonies had not long commenced, before congress directed their attention to the possibility of attaining foreign assistance. Towards the close of the year 1775, a committee was appointed to hold secret correspondence with the friends of America, both in Europe and other parts of the world.123 Early in the year 1776, the committee, seeing little prospect of an accommodation, and well aware that France would be disposed to make great sacrifices to reduce the power of Great Britain by the separation of her North American colonies, sent Silas Deane, as a commercial and political agent, to the French court.124 Mr.Deane arrived in Paris about the 1st of July, and was indefatigable in pursuing the objects of his mission; and through Dr.Dubourg, a friend to America, was in a few days introduced to Vergennes. His arrival at Paris was immediately known in London, and lord Stormont was sent express to Paris to watch his movements. Mr.Deane stated to the French minister the objects of his mission, agreeably to his instructions, and in his first conference he touched upon the subject of forming treaties with the Americans in case of their declaring themselves independent. The American agent was favorably received by the French minister, and was asked many questions in relation to American affairs. Vergennes informed Mr.Deane, that though the French court estimated highly the importance of American commerce, yet, considering the good understanding between the courts of Versailles and London, they could not openly encourage the shipping of warlike stores; but no obstructions of any kind, he said, would be given. On the subject of independence, he observed that was an event in the womb of time, and it would be highly improper for him to say any thing on that point until it had actually taken place. This first conference with the French minister ended much to the satisfaction of the American agent.

As soon as the question of independence was decided in the affirmative, congress took the subject of foreign affairs into their own hands; and, on the 11th of June, appointed a committee to prepare a plan of treaties with foreign powers.125 In the month of September, congress appointed Dr.Franklin, Mr.Deane, and Mr.Jefferson, commissioners to proceed to France.126 Dr.Franklin and Mr.Lee arrived at Paris in December, and the objects of their mission were soon made known to the French court. The court was not yet prepared to acknowledge the independence of the United States, to form treaties with them, or openly to espouse the cause of the Americans; to prove, however, his good wishes towards the United States, the king ordered two millions of livres to be paid to them by quarterly payments, which should be augmented as the state of his finances would permit. The most profound secrecy, in relation to this donation, was enjoined. The course of policy France intended to pursue, in the contest between Great Britain and her colonies, was now obvious; and with her views of the subject, was perhaps, as it regarded herself at least, a very natural as well as wise course, as she evidently entertained serious doubts whether the states would be able to form a lasting union among themselves, or to persevere in maintaining their independence.

Although the court were thus undecided, the cause of the United States was extremely popular in France, both among the people and the army, and many French officers sought an opportunity of engaging in their service. Among these the young marquis de la Fayette was most conspicuous for his rank, and most distinguished for his ardor and enthusiasm. At an early period he communicated to the American agents his wish to join the republican armies. At first they encouraged his zeal, but learning the disasters which preceded the victory at Trenton, they, with honorable frankness, communicated the information to him, and added, that they were so destitute of funds, that they could not even provide for his passage across the ocean. ‘If your country,’ replied the gallant youth, ‘is indeed reduced to this extremity, it is at this moment that my departure to join her armies will render her the most essential service.’ He immediately hired a vessel to convey him to America, where he arrived in the spring of 1777. He was received with cordial affection by the people, became the bosom friend of Washington, solicited permission to serve without pay, and was appointed major-general in the army.

The disastrous state of American affairs at the close of the year 1776, induced congress to attend more seriously to the subject of securing foreign aid; and a new committee was appointed. Some of the members of this committee were disposed to make great sacrifices to obtain the aid of France, and were almost prepared to offer her the same monopoly of American commerce as had been enjoyed by Great Britain.127 On the 30th of December, congress came to the resolution of sending commissioners to the courts of Vienna, Madrid, and Berlin, and to the grand duke of Tuscany.128 These commissioners were instructed to assure the courts, to which they were sent, that the Americans were determined to maintain their independence, notwithstanding the suggestions of the British to the contrary.

The success of the arms of the United States by the capture of the army of general Burgoyne, gave a new aspect to their affairs in France, and indeed throughout Europe. The American commissioners at Paris now stood on commanding ground. The French court, aware of the views of the British ministry in relation to the colonies, no longer hesitated about accepting the propositions of the American envoys. M.Gerard informed the American commissioners, on the 16th of December, ‘that after a long and mature deliberation upon their propositions, his majesty had determined to recognise the independence of, and to enter into a treaty of commerce and alliance with, the United States of America; and that he would not only acknowledge their independence, but actually support it with all the means in his power; that perhaps he was about to engage himself in an expensive war upon this account, but that he did not expect to be reimbursed by them; in fine, the Americans were not to think that he had entered into this resolution solely with a view of serving them, since, independently of his real attachment to them and their cause, it was evidently the interest of France to diminish the power of England, by severing her colonies from her.’ On the 6th of February, 1778, a treaty of commerce was signed by Franklin, Deane, and Lee, on the part of the United States, and by M.Gerard on the part of France, together with a treaty of defensive alliance, in case war should be the consequence of this commercial connection. The essential and direct end of this alliance was, ‘to maintain the liberty, sovereignty, and independence, absolute and unlimited, of the United States, as well in matters of government as of commerce.’

Before leaving this subject, it is necessary to state, that as, previous to the recognition of independence by the court of France, it was imperative that the intercourse with the American agents should be conducted indirectly and with the utmost secrecy, the French government rendered their secret assistance through the agency of M.Beaumarchais, who appears to have been more desirous of serving himself than the Americans. The mode in which he converted the gratuitous aid of the French court into articles of charge in his accounts with the congress, and especially his retaining in his hands a million of livres out of the subsidy granted by the French king, are circumstances too extraordinary to be entirely passed over; but our limits compel us to refer the reader for the details to that very able work, Pitkin’s Civil and Political History, and to the volumes of Diplomatic Correspondence already alluded to.

During the first stages of the revolution, the universal enthusiasm of the people, directed to one common object, in some measure supplied the place of a general legislative and executive power. The congress had hitherto possessed no powers but such as were conferred by the instructions given by the state legislatures to their respective delegates; but on the 11th of June, 1776, the day following that in which the resolution in favor of independence had been adopted, congress determined to appoint a committee to prepare and digest the form of a confederation. This committee, on the 12th of July following, reported a plan of confederacy, consisting of twenty articles, and on the 22d of the same month it was discussed in committee of the whole house, and was under consideration until the 20th of August, when an amended draft was reported. The difficulty in agreeing upon the details of the system, as well as the gloomy aspect of American affairs at this period, prevented congress from resuming this subject until April, 1777, when they resolved that two days in each week should be employed upon it, ‘until it shall be wholly discussed.’ The amended draft was considered and debated accordingly until the 26th of June, when it was again postponed to the 2d of October, and was not finally adopted by congress until the 15th of November. The outlines of the system were, that the thirteen states formed a confederacy, under the style and name of ‘the United States of America;’ by which they entered ‘into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever.’ This plan of union was to be proposed to the legislatures of all the states, and, if approved, they were advised to authorize their delegates in congress to ratify the same; this being done, it was to be conclusive. The plan was considered by the legislatures of the several states in the winter of 1777–8, and by some was adopted without amendments, by others various amendments were proposed.

The effect produced on the British cabinet, and on the nation at large, by the intelligence of the surrender of general Burgoyne and his army, can scarcely be described. The most brilliant success had been anticipated; the most ignominious result had occurred. The pride of the nation was humbled, and those who had disapproved of the war poured upon the ministry a torrent of invective; while the embarrassments of the ministry were increased by the intelligence of the course which the hereditary enemy and rival of Great Britain had resolved to pursue. Under these circumstances it was determined in the cabinet to grant to America all that she had demanded in the beginning of the contest. An act was passed, declaring that parliament would not, in future, impose any tax upon the colonies; and commissioners were sent over, authorized to proclaim a repeal of all the offensive statutes, and to treat with the constituted authorities of America. The commissioners, arriving at Philadelphia in the spring, communicated to congress the terms offered by Great Britain, which were, however, unanimously rejected.129

The arms of congress had been successful on the Hudson; but many difficulties arose in the execution of the convention of Saratoga. It had been stipulated that general Burgoyne’s army should embark at Boston for Europe: but, at the time of signing the convention, the British general seems not to have been aware that it is difficult for ships to reach the port of Boston during the winter; and that, owing to this cause, the embarkation of his troops might be delayed till the ensuing spring. On being apprized of this circumstance, general Burgoyne immediately applied to the American commander-in-chief, desiring him to change the port of embarkation, and to appoint Newport, in Rhode Island, or some other place on the sound, instead of Boston; and, in case this request should not be complied with, soliciting, on account of his health and private business, that the indulgence might be granted to himself and suite. General Washington, not thinking himself authorized to decide on such an application, transmitted it to congress, which took no notice of the matter further than to pass a resolution, ‘That general Washington be directed to inform general Burgoyne, that congress will not receive or consider any proposition for indulgence, or altering the terms of the convention of Saratoga, unless immediately addressed to their own body.’ The application was accordingly made to congress, who readily complied with the request in so far as it respected himself personally, but refused the indulgence to his troops, and ultimately forbade their embarkation.

Congress watched with a jealous eye every movement of the convention army, and soon gave public indications of that jealousy. Early in November, they ordered general Heath, who commanded in Boston, ‘to take the name, rank, former place of abode, and description of every person comprehended in the convention of Saratoga, in order that, if afterwards found in arms against the United States, they might be punished according to the law of nations.’ General Burgoyne showed some reluctance to the execution of this order; and his reluctance was imputed to no honorable motives.

The British army in Philadelphia spent the winter in gayety and revelry, injuring at once their own respectability and the cause which they were employed to support. They disgusted the sober inhabitants by their irregularities, and provoked them by their insolence; so that many who had hailed their arrival with cordial gratulations, felt a lively satisfaction when the hour of their departure came.

General Washington quitted White Marsh, crossed the Schuylkill at Sweed’s ford, and, on the 19th of December, took a strong position at Valley Forge, about twenty-six miles from Philadelphia. Had he retired during the winter to the shelter of a large town, he must have gone to a great distance from the British army, and left an extensive tract of country open to their foraging parties; or had he cantoned his men in the adjacent villages, his army might have been beaten in detail and gradually destroyed. But at Valley Forge he was sufficiently near Philadelphia to check the foraging parties of the enemy, and his army was so much concentrated as to secure it from any sudden and desultory attack.

At Valley Forge the American commander-in-chief lodged his army in huts formed of logs, with the interstices filled with mud, which constituted very acceptable habitations to men long unaccustomed to the conveniences of life. But, though sheltered from the storm by their rude dwellings, the sufferings of the army from want of provisions and clothing were incredible. The winter was severe, and many of the men were without stockings or shoes, and almost naked. The non-importation associations rendered cloth scarce at the commencement of hostilities; the war rendered importation difficult; and the consumption exceeded the produce of the home manufacture. Hence the army was left in a destitute and deplorable condition; and the line of march, from White Marsh to Valley Forge, over rough and frozen roads, might have been traced by the blood from the bare and mangled feet of the soldiers. Under the shelter of the huts their sufferings were at first considerably alleviated; but in a short time the miseries of want, amounting almost to famine, were added to those of nakedness. In these trying circumstances numbers of the troops, especially they who had been born in Europe, eluded the vigilance of the guards, and deserted to the enemy in Philadelphia, carrying their arms along with them. Many loyalists also joined general Howe; so that the strength of his army was sensibly increased.

Many representations on the wants and hardships of the army had been submitted to congress, which had authorized the commander-in-chief to seize provisions for his army wherever he could find them, within seventy miles of head-quarters, paying for them with money, or giving certificates, for the redemption of which the faith of the United States was pledged. This odious power general Washington was extremely backward to exercise; but at Valley Forge his necessities were so pressing that he was constrained to have recourse to it; and, notwithstanding all his precautions, the manner in which his orders were executed did not always soften the rigor of this harsh measure. Men with arms in their hands, and supported by authority, are seldom delicate in supplying their urgent wants.

The American commander-in-chief was ill-provided with money, and could make his payments only in paper of very uncertain value; but the supplies carried into Philadelphia were readily paid for by the British troops in gold and silver; and the patriotism of the people was not sufficiently ardent to prevent them from carrying their goods to the best market. It was, however, no easy matter for the country people to carry provisions into Philadelphia without detection and punishment; for the American detachments and patrols, though at a respectful distance, almost encircled the city.

While the army lay at Valley Forge, a plot was formed to remove general Washington from the chief command; and in that plot several members of congress, and a very few military officers, were concerned. Insinuations against the military talents of general Washington were industriously circulated; and the public attention was directed towards general Gates, whose success at Saratoga had thrown a brilliant lustre round his name. General Thomas Conway was an active agent in the plot; and many of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, chagrined by the loss of their capital, and willing to devolve on the general who had twice, with inferior forces, fought the enemy in their defence, the blame of those misfortunes which had arisen from their own pusillanimity and carelessness in not reinforcing the army, readily joined in the clamor. The conduct of general Gates was equivocal, but he solemnly disclaimed all connection with the faction. The officers of general Washington’s army, strongly attached to him, felt the liveliest indignation against those intriguers who wished to remove their favorite leader from his command.

By the uniform tenor of his conduct, general Washington had won the affection and esteem of almost all his troops, both officers and privates; and, fortunately for America, there was enough of discernment in congress to resist the dark machinations of the faction, and to continue their brave and upright commander-in-chief at the head of the army. His situation, however, was by no means enviable. His army was much attached to him; but, weakened by disease, and irritated by nakedness and hunger, it was almost on the point of dissolution. In the midst of the difficulties and dangers with which he was surrounded, general Washington displayed a singular degree of steady perseverance, unshaken fortitude, and unwearied activity. Instead of manifesting irritable impatience under the malignant attacks made on his character, he behaved with magnanimity, and earnestly applied to congress, and to the legislative bodies of the several states, for reinforcements to his army, in order that he might be prepared to act with vigor in the ensuing campaign.

But to recruit and equip the army was no easy task. The great depreciation of paper money rendered the pay of the soldiers inadequate to their support; and, consequently, it was not likely that voluntary enlistment would be successful, especially since the patriotic ardor of many had begun to cool by the continuance of the war, and all knew that great hardships and dangers were to be encountered by joining the army. The pay even of the officers, in the depreciated paper currency, was wholly unequal to the maintenance of their rank. Some of them who had small patrimonial estates found them melting away, while their lives were unprofitably devoted to the service of their country; and they who had no private fortune could not appear in a manner becoming their station. Acommission was a burden; and many considered the acceptance of one as conferring rather than receiving a favor: a state of things highly disadvantageous to the service; for the duties of an office scarcely reckoned worth holding will seldom be zealously and actively discharged. There was reason to apprehend that many of the most meritorious officers would resign their commissions; and that they only who were less qualified for service would remain with the army.

Congress, moved by the remonstrances of the commander-in-chief, and by the complaints with which they were assailed from every quarter, deputed a committee of their body to reside in camp during the winter; and, in concert with the general, to examine the state of the army, and report on the measures necessary to be taken for placing it in a more respectable condition. But the reforms in the army were tardily made. Congress were fond of their own speculations, although experience had proved them mischievous; and were slow in rectifying the evils which arose from their own errors. The state legislatures were backward in adopting coercive measures for recruiting the army; and each of them was jealous of bearing more than its share of the war. At length, however, an efficient commissary-general was appointed; the other departments were put on a more desirable footing; and vigorous measures were pursued to prepare for the ensuing campaign.

During the winter there was a good deal of correspondence between the generals respecting prisoners of war. Complaints were mutual; and a partial cartel was agreed to.

In consequence of the treaties concluded with her revolted colonies, Great Britain declared war against France; and the ministry, presuming that assistance would be sent to the Americans, transmitted orders by the commissioners, that Philadelphia should be evacuated, and the royal troops concentrated at New York. The execution of these orders devolved upon Sir Henry Clinton, who had been appointed commander-in-chief on the resignation of general Howe. On the 18th of June the enemy quitted the city, and marched slowly eastward. Washington, leaving his huts in the forest, hung upon the rear of the British army, watching for a favorable opportunity to offer battle. On arriving at Monmouth, in New Jersey, general Lee, who had lately been exchanged, was ordered to take the command of five thousand men, and, early in the morning of the 28th, to commence an attack, being assured that he should be supported by the whole army. Lee made dispositions to attack accordingly, but perceiving the main body of the English returning to meet him, he began to retreat. Washington, advancing to render the promised support, saw him retiring, rode forward, and addressed him in language implying disapprobation of his conduct.130 He then directed him to form his men on ground which he pointed out, and there oppose the progress of the enemy. Awarm engagement ensued, and Washington, arriving with the main body of his army, compelled the British to fall back.

The day had been intensely hot, and the troops were greatly fatigued,131 yet general Washington resolved to renew the engagement; but there were so many impediments to be overcome, that before the attack could be commenced it was nearly dark. It was therefore thought most advisable to postpone further operations until morning, and the troops lay on their arms in the field of battle.132 General Washington, who had been exceedingly active through the day, and entirely regardless of personal danger, reposed himself at night in his cloak, under a tree, in the midst of his soldiers. His intention of renewing the battle was, however, frustrated; the British troops marched away about midnight in such profound silence, that the most advanced posts knew nothing of their departure until morning. The American general, declining all further pursuit of the royal army, detached some light troops to attend its motions, and drew off his soldiers to the borders of the North river. Sir Henry Clinton, after remaining a few days on the high grounds of Middleton, proceeded to Sandy Hook, whence he passed his army over to New York.

The British having entered New York, Washington conducted his army to White Plains. Congress returned to Philadelphia; and in July received, with inexpressible joy, a letter from the count D’Estaing, announcing his arrival on the coast of Virginia, with twelve sail of the line and six frigates, with about four thousand troops on board. The count had intended to surprise admiral Howe in the Delaware, but adverse winds detained him on the passage, until the British fleet had sailed for New York. He appeared before that harbor, but on sounding, found that his largest ships could not pass the bar. By the advice of Washington, a combined attack upon the British forces at Newport, in Rhode Island, was resolved on. General Sullivan, who had been appointed to command the troops, called upon the militia of New England to aid him in the enterprise. His army soon amounted to ten thousand men, and, as he was supported by the fleet he felt confident of success. On the 9th of August, he took a position on the north end of Rhode Island, and afterwards moved nearer to Newport. Admiral Howe, having received a reinforcement, now appeared before the harbor, and the count instantly put to sea to attack him. Afurious storm, however, came on, which damaged and dispersed both fleets. As soon as the weather permitted, each commander sought the port from which he had sailed; but great was the disappointment of the Americans when D’Estaing announced his intention of proceeding to Boston to refit; they earnestly remonstrated, but the count was inflexible. Deserted by the fleet, the army could remain no longer with safety on the island. General Sullivan, therefore, immediately retreated to his first position. He was pursued and attacked by the enemy; but they were gallantly resisted and repulsed with loss. The next day the two armies cannonaded each other, and the succeeding night the American general, deceiving the enemy by a show of resistance to the last, made a skilful retreat to the continent. It was a remarkable escape. The delay of a single day would probably have been fatal to the Americans; for Sir Henry Clinton, who had been impeded by adverse winds, arrived with a reinforcement of four thousand men the very next day, when a retreat, it is presumed, would have been impracticable.

At this period of the war hostilities were carried on with more than usual acrimony. In several instances the British troops, and their allies, the American tories and native Indians, exhibited a barbarity deeply to be lamented, wantonly destroying the property and injuring the persons of peaceful unarmed inhabitants. While asleep in a barn at Tappan, colonel Baylor’s troop of light dragoons were surprised by general Grey, who commanded his soldiers to use the bayonet only, and to give the rebels no quarter. Incapable of defence, they sued for mercy; but the most pathetic supplications were heard without awakening compassion; nearly one-half of the troop were killed. To many, repeated thrusts were barbarously given as long as signs of life remained; while some who had nearly a dozen stabs through the body, and were left for dead, afterwards recovered. Afew escaped, and forty were saved by the humanity of a British captain, who dared to disobey the orders of his general. With feelings of revenge yet more barbarous, Wyoming, a happy and flourishing settlement, on the eastern branch of the Susquehannah, in Pennsylvania, was attacked by a band of tories and Indians. The conditions of the capitulation were entirely disregarded by the British and savage forces, and after the fort was delivered up, all kinds of barbarities were committed by them. The village of Wilkesbarre, consisting of twenty-three houses, was burnt; men and their wives were separated from each other and carried into captivity; their property was plundered, and the settlement laid waste. The remainder of the inhabitants were driven from the valley, and compelled to proceed on foot sixty miles through the great swamp, almost without food or clothing. Anumber perished in the journey, principally women and children; some died of their wounds, others wandered from the path in search of food and were lost; and those who survived called the wilderness through which they passed ‘The Shades of Death,’ an appellation which it has since retained. Many other instances might be adduced; but it is better to suffer the record of them to perish.133

In the campaign of 1778 little on either side was accomplished. The alliance with France gave birth to expectations which events did not fulfil; but the presence of her fleets on the coast deranged the plans of the British; induced them to relinquish a part of their conquests; and prevented their making any progress in the accomplishment of their designs.

The close of this year was distinguished by a change of the theatre of war from the northern to the southern section of the confederacy. The country, weak by its scattered population, the multitude of slaves, and the number of tories, presented a prospect of easy victory. In the end of November, lieutenant-colonel Campbell, with two thousand five hundred men, sailed from New York to the coast of Georgia. Having landed his troops, he marched towards Savannah, the capital; and defeating a small body of Americans whom he met on his route, he immediately took possession of the city. After the fall of the capital, Sunbury surrendered at discretion; and these were the only military posts in Georgia.

The campaign of 1779 was opened by general Lincoln, who had been appointed to the command of the American troops in the southern department. In April, leaving South Carolina, he marched into the interior of Georgia; upon which the British army, entering the state he had left, invested Charleston, the capital. Lincoln hastened back to its defence; and on his approach, the British retired to Stono ferry, where an action was fought, and a few days afterwards they continued their retreat to Savannah. The heat of the season suspended farther operations until September; when count D’Estaing, with a fleet carrying six thousand troops, arrived on the coast. The two armies, in concert, laid siege to Savannah. At the expiration of a month, the count, impatient of delay, insisted that the siege should be abandoned, or that a combined assault upon the enemy’s works should immediately be made. General Lincoln determined upon the latter course. Great gallantry was displayed by the French and American troops, but the British repulsed the assailants, killing and wounding nearly a thousand men,134 while on their part the loss was small. The next day the siege was raised, the French returning home, and the Americans to South Carolina.

The operations of the British in the more northern parts of America were predatory rather than military. In May, a naval and land force, commanded by Sir George Collier and general Matthews, made a descent on Virginia. On their arrival, they took possession of Portsmouth and of Norfolk; destroyed the houses, vessels, naval stores, and a large magazine of provisions, at Suffolk; made a similar destruction at Kemp’s Landing, Shepherd’s, Gosport, Tanner’s Creek, and other places in the vicinity; and, after setting fire to the houses and other public buildings in the dockyard at Gosport, embarked with their booty for New York. Asimilar expedition was soon after undertaken from New York against Connecticut, by governor Tryon, with two thousand six hundred land forces, supported by brigadier-general Garth, and accompanied by Sir George Collier with armed vessels to cover the transports. Though checked in their march, they entered New Haven about one in the afternoon, from which time until eight in the evening the town was subjected to almost indiscriminate ravage and plunder. The royal army also plundered and burned the town of Fairfield, and the greatest part of the neighboring village of Green Farms. Afew days afterward they laid the town of Norwalk in ashes.

Early in the season, colonel Clarke, of Virginia, who was stationed at Kaskaskia, on the Mississippi, achieved an enterprise conspicuous for boldness of design, and evincing uncommon hardihood in its execution. With only one hundred and thirty men, he penetrated through the wilderness to St.Vincent’s, a British post on the Wabash, in the heart of the Indian country. His route lay across deep swamps and morrasses; and in one instance the party waded through water, often as high as the breast, for nearly five miles. After a march of sixteen days, they reached the town, which, having no intimation of their approach, surrendered without resistance; and a short time after, the fort capitulated. This fortunate achievement arrested an expedition which the enemy had projected against the frontiers of Virginia, and detached several tribes of Indians from the British interest.

Congress, though its measures toward the Indians were conciliatory, could not secure the western frontiers. The Six Nations had been advised by that body, and had promised, to observe a neutrality in the war; but, excepting the Oneidas, and a few others who were friendly to the Americans, those Indians took a decided part against them. The presents and promises of Sir John Johnson and other British agents, with the desire of plunder, induced them to invade the frontiers; and wherever they went, they carried slaughter and devastation. An expedition was therefore ordered against them, and general Sullivan, to whom the conduct of it was intrusted, marched into their country. The Indians, on hearing of the projected expedition, collected their strength, took possession of proper ground, and fortified it with judgment. General Sullivan attacked them in their works, and they sustained a cannonade of more than two hours; but they then gave way, and, after their trenches were forced, they fled with precipitation. The victorious army, penetrating into the heart of their country, laid it desolate. Their villages, their detached habitations, their corn-fields, their fruit-trees and gardens, were indiscriminately destroyed.

The campaign of this year, though barren in important events, was distinguished by one gallant enterprise, which reflected much honor on the American arms. Stony Point, a fortress on the North river, had been taken from the Americans, and strongly fortified by the British. It was at this time garrisoned by about six hundred men, under the command of lieutenant-colonel Johnson. General Washington, having obtained precise information of the condition of the works, the nature of the ground in their vicinity, the strength and arrangements of the garrison, and the disposition of the guards, and having in person reconnoitred the post, resolved to attempt the surprise of it. The execution of the plan was intrusted to general Wayne, and the troops employed on this service were chiefly from New England. At half-past eleven on the night of the 15th of July, the columns moved on to the charge at opposite points of the works, the van of each with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets; and at twenty minutes after twelve both columns rushed forward under a tremendous fire of musketry and grape-shot, entered the works at the point of the bayonet, and, arriving in the centre of them at nearly the same instant, compelled the garrison to surrender at discretion. Amore gallant exploit has seldom been performed, and the humanity of the victors was equal to their valor. Notwithstanding the devastations in Connecticut, and the butchery of Baylor’s troop, the scene of which was near, not an individual suffered after resistance had ceased.

Capture of Stony Point.

On the approach of the inclement season, the American army built themselves huts for winter quarters. Positions were chosen most favorable for the defence of the most important posts, and for covering the country. The army was formed into two divisions; one of these erected huts near West Point, and the other at Morristown, in New Jersey. The head-quarters of the commander-in-chief were with the last division. Great distress was felt this winter on account of the deranged state of the American finances. General Green and colonel Wadsworth, gentlemen in every respect qualified for the duties of their respective stations, were yet at the head of the quarter-master and commissary departments, but the credit of the country was fallen, they had not the means to make prompt payment for articles of supply; and they found it impossible to lay up large magazines of provisions, and extremely difficult to obtain supplies to satisfy the temporary wants of the army. Large sums had been annually raised and expended, and the ability of the people to pay taxes had progressively decreased. To supply deficiencies, paper money, to the amount of about a hundred and fifty millions of dollars, had been issued; but this was depreciated, and at the close of 1779 thirty dollars in paper were of no more value than one in specie. To purchase provisions with this money was therefore first difficult and then impossible, and congress now found their funds and their credit exhausted. Before the month of January expired, the soldiers were put upon allowance, and before its close the whole stock of provision in store was exhausted, and there was neither meat nor flour to be distributed to the troops. To prevent the dissolution of the army, the commander-in-chief was reluctantly driven to very vigorous measures: he apportioned to each county in the state of New Jersey a quantity of meat and flour, according to the ability of each, to be brought into camp in the course of six days. At the same time he wrote to the magistrates, stating the absolute necessity of the measure, and informing them, that unless the inhabitants voluntarily complied with the requisition, the exigency of the case would force him to obtain it by military exaction. To the honor of the inhabitants of New Jersey, harassed as their country had been, the full quantity of provisions required was cheerfully and seasonably afforded.

FROM THE CAMPAIGN OF 1780 TO THE TERMINATION OF THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION.

During the year 1780, the contest between Great Britain and her ancient colonies was carried on chiefly in the southern states. As soon as Sir Henry Clinton ascertained that count D’Estaing had left the American coast, he hastened to despatch an expedition against South Carolina, leaving the garrison at New York under the command of general Knyphausen. Early in February the troops landed within thirty miles of the capital. Governor Rutledge, to whom the assembly of South Carolina had recently given extraordinary powers, ordered the militia to rendezvous; but the repulse at Savannah, at the close of the preceding campaign, had produced such a dispiriting effect, that but few complied. The defences of Charleston consisted of a chain of redoubts, lines, and batteries, extending from Ashley to Cooper river, on which were mounted upwards of eighty pieces of artillery; and on all sides of the town where a landing was practicable, batteries were erected and covered with artillery. General Lincoln, trusting to these defences and expecting large reinforcements, remained in Charleston at the earnest request of the inhabitants, and, with the force under his command, resolved to defend the place.

On the 21st of March the British fleet crossed the bar, and anchored in Five Fathom Hole. Commodore Whipple, who commanded the American vessels, finding it impracticable to prevent the enemy from passing over the bar, fell back to fort Moultrie, and afterwards to Charleston. In a few days the town was invested by sea and land, and the British commanders summoned general Lincoln to surrender; the demand was, however, met with a firm refusal. The batteries of the first parallel were now opened upon the town, and soon made a visible impression; and to prevent the reception of the reinforcements which general Lincoln expected, Sir Henry Clinton detached lieutenant-colonel Webster with fourteen hundred men by the advanced guard of which detachment the American cavalry, with the militia attached to them, were surprised in the night of the 14th of April, and completely routed and dispersed. The British now extended themselves to the eastward of Cooper river; and about this time Sir Henry Clinton received a reinforcement of three thousand men from New York. The garrison having no reasonable hope of effecting a retreat, an offer was made of surrendering the town; but the proposed conditions were rejected by the British commanders.

The besiegers in the mean time were daily advancing their works, and had now completed their third parallel; the garrison of fort Moultrie surrendered; and the broken remains of the American cavalry under colonel White were again surprised by colonel Tarleton, and the whole either killed, taken, or dispersed. Sir Henry Clinton, thus successful in every operation, renewed his former offers to the garrison in case of their surrender, but the terms, so far as they respected the citizens, not being satisfactory, hostilities recommenced. The batteries of the third parallel now opened on the town, and did great execution; several houses were burned; numbers of the besieged were killed at their guns; and the British prepared to make a general assault by land and water. At length a great number of citizens of Charleston addressed general Lincoln in a petition, requesting his acceptance of the terms which had been previously offered. Acapitulation was consequently signed on the 12th of May, and the next day major-general Leslie took possession of the town.135

The capital having surrendered, measures were adopted to overawe the inhabitants of the country, and induce them to return to their allegiance to the king. Garrisons were placed in different parts of the state, and two thousand men were despatched towards North Carolina, to repel several parties of militia, who were hastening to the relief of Charleston. Colonel Tarleton, making a rapid march of a hundred and five miles in fifty-four hours, met, at the Waxhaws, and attacked one of these parties, commanded by colonel Buford. The Americans, being defeated by his superior forces, implored quarter; but nearly the whole of them were either killed or too badly wounded to be removed from the field. This sanguinary conduct spread dismay throughout the country, and imparted a similar character to future conflicts.

Indignant at the treatment they received, great numbers of the inhabitants seized their arms, and resolved on a vindictive war with their invaders. Aparty who had taken refuge in North Carolina, chose colonel Sumpter their leader. At the head of these he returned to his own state, attacked and defeated several scattered detachments from the British army; and by a succession of gallant enterprises he kept alive a spirit of determined hostility to Great Britain in every part of the state. His exertions were rendered the more effective by the approach of four thousand men, principally continentals, under the command of general Gates. Lord Cornwallis, whom Sir Henry Clinton, on his return to New York, had left chief in command, hastened to oppose the conqueror of Burgoyne. On the night of the 15th of August he marched, with his whole force, to attack the Americans in their camp at Clermont. They at the same hour began to move towards Camden, where lord Cornwallis had his head-quarters. As the two armies were marching on the same road, in opposite directions, their advanced guards met and fired on each other about half-past two in the morning. From some prisoners made on both sides, the commanders learned each other’s movements.

Both armies halted, and were formed, and the firing soon ceased, as if by mutual consent. The ground on which the two armies thus accidentally met, was exceedingly favorable to lord Cornwallis. Aswamp on each side secured his flanks, and narrowed the ground in front, so as to render the superiority of the Americans in numbers of less consequence. In the morning a severe and general action was fought. The charge of the British was made with such vigor, that the Virginia militia threw down their arms, and fled with the utmost precipitation; and the greatest part of the North Carolina militia soon followed their example. The American reserve was now brought into action, and general Gates, in conjunction with general Caswell, endeavored to rally the militia at advantageous passes in the rear of the field of action, but in vain. On the left and in the centre the contest was more obstinately maintained by the Americans, whose artillery did considerable execution; but by the flight of the militia their left flank was exposed, and the continentals, after a brave resistance of nearly three-quarters of an hour, were thrown into confusion, and forced to give way. The Americans lost the whole of their artillery, the greatest part of their baggage, several hundred men, and some very valuable officers; the loss of the British was also severe.

Sumpter, who had lately been victorious in a skirmish, retreated precipitately on hearing of the defeat of Gates; but supposing he was beyond danger, he halted at the Catawba ford to refresh his troops. Here his sentinels unhappily slept at their posts, and Tarleton’s legion rode into his camp before preparations could be made for defence. Between three and four hundred were killed or wounded. The remainder were dispersed in the woods, three hundred British prisoners were released, and all the baggage and stores fell into the power of the victors.

Apprehending the state to be subdued, Cornwallis adopted measures of extreme severity to suppress every latent inclination to revolt. He directed that all who, having once submitted, had lately given aid to the armies of congress, should be deprived of their property and imprisoned; and that all who had once borne arms with the British, and afterwards joined the Americans, should suffer death. In consequence of these orders several were executed, and many were reduced to poverty and wretchedness. In these times of confusion and distress, the mischievous effects of slavery in facilitating the conquest of the country became apparent. As the slaves had no interest at stake, the subjugation of the state was a matter of no consequence to them. Instead of aiding in its defence, they, by a variety of means, threw the weight of their influence into the opposite scale.

Although his corps had been dispersed, general Sumpter speedily recollected a band of volunteers, and kept the field in South Carolina for three months, when there was no continental army in the state. Varying his position along the Evoree, Broad, and Tyger rivers, he had frequent skirmishes with the enemy, whom he incessantly harassed. In November, he was attacked at Broad river by major Wemys, commanding a corps of infantry and dragoons, but the British were defeated, and their commanding officer taken prisoner; and in a few days afterward he was attacked near Tyger river by colonel Tarleton, who, finding himself unable to dislodge the Americans, retreated with considerable loss, and left Sumpter in possession of the field. The zeal, activity, and bravery of this officer, at that trying period, procured him the thanks of congress and the applause of his country.

While the affairs of the south were in a state by no means encouraging to the cause of independence, the general army under the command of Washington was in a state of insufferable destitution, and of consequent mutiny. Two hundred millions of dollars in paper currency were at this time in circulation upon the credit of the United States. Congress had the preceding year solemnly pledged the faith of government not to issue more than this sum, and the national treasury was now empty. Congress, the head of the nation, had, therefore, no further command of the resources of the country. The power of taxation, and of every coercive measure of government, was vested in the state sovereignties, and a system which in its execution required the conjoint agency of thirteen sovereignties, was too complex for the prompt operations of a military body. In the course of the winter, forage had failed, and many of the horses attached to the army had died, or were rendered unfit for use. General Washington therefore struggled with almost insuperable difficulties in supplying the army. The pay of the officers also had now scarcely more than a nominal value; and the officers of whole lines belonging to some of the states, in a body, gave notice, that on a certain day they should resign their commissions, unless provision was made for their honorable support.

Congress possessed not the means to apply adequate remedies to these threatening evils. They passed a resolution, indeed, “That congress will make good to the line of the army, and to the independent corps thereof, the deficiencies of their original pay, which had been occasioned by the depreciation of the continental currency;” but the promise of future compensation from a country whose neglect was conceived to be the source of all their sufferings, they deemed a feeble basis of dependence, at the moment they were severely pressed by privations of every kind. Murmurs at length broke out into actual mutiny. Two of the Connecticut regiments paraded under arms, announcing their intention to return home, or by their arms to obtain subsistence; but by the spirited and prudent exertions of the officers, the ringleaders were secured, and the regiments brought back to their duty.

This disaffection was reported to New York, with the customary exaggerations of rumor. General Knyphausen, the commanding officer at that post, supposing the American citizens and soldiers ripe for revolt, passed over into New Jersey with five thousand men, to avail himself of favorable events; but the behavior of the Americans soon convinced him he had been deceived in the report of their disaffected disposition. The troops detached from the army to oppose his progress fought with obstinate bravery; and the inhabitants, seizing their arms with alacrity, emulated the spirit and persevering courage of the regular soldier. The general, finding he must encounter serious opposition, retreated to Elizabeth Point, opposite to Staten island. In the mean time, Sir Henry Clinton, returning with his victorious troops from Charleston, ordered a reinforcement to Knyphausen, who, with the whole body, advanced a second time towards Springfield. The British were now opposed by general Green with a considerable body of continental troops, and a severe action was fought, but the Americans were forced, by superior numbers, to retire. General Green took post with his troops on a range of hills, in the hope of being attacked; but the British, having burned the town, retreated, and the next day set out on their return to New York.

Late in the spring the marquis la Fayette returned from France with the pleasing intelligence that his government had resolved to assist the United States, by employing this year a respectable land and naval force in America. This grateful information reanimated the public mind, and gave a new stimulus to the activity of congress, and of the governments of the several states, that preparation might be made to co-operate with the French armament on its arrival. Vigorous measures were in consequence adopted by congress and by the states to recruit the army, to lay up magazines, and to enable the general to comply with the reasonable expectations of their allies; but the agency of different bodies was necessary to carry these public measures into effect, and their operation was dilatory.

Early in July the first division of French troops reached the American shore, consisting of between five and six thousand men, with a large train of battering and field artillery. These forces were commanded by count de Rochambeau, whose government had placed him under the command of general Washington. The count brought information that a second division would follow him as soon as transports could be fitted out to bring them. The principal French and American officers assiduously cultivated a mutual affection between the two armies; and the commander-in-chief recommended to the officers of the United States to ingraft on the American cockade a white relief, as an emblem of the alliance of the two powers. On the arrival of the French, the Americans were unprepared to act with them, nor did the American general know what force would ultimately be brought into the field; and before any thing could be effected, information was brought that the second armament destined for America was blocked up in the harbor of Brest, and would not this season reach the American continent. The flattering prospect of terminating the war by the conquest of the British posts in a moment vanished, and elevated views of brilliant success were succeeded by grievous disappointment.

In this season of difficulty, of embarrassment, and of gloom, a circumstance occurred which excited the deepest interest throughout both armies, and indeed in the breast of the inhabitants of all the states. The American army was stationed in the strong-holds of the high lands on both sides of the North river; and for the defence of this position, and to keep command of the river, a fortress had been built at West Point, which was deemed impregnable, and had acquired the appellation of the Gibraltar of America. Of this post general Arnold solicited the command, and general Washington, far from suspecting any sinister views in an officer who had been so zealous and active in the cause of his country, complied with the solicitation. Arnold had, however, no sooner become invested with the command, than he carried on a negotiation with Sir Henry Clinton, by which it was agreed, that he should make such a disposition of his forces, as would enable the British general effectually to surprise West Point. The agent employed in this negotiation was major AndrÉ, adjutant-general of the British army; and to favor the communications, the Vulture, a British sloop of war, had been previously stationed in North river, as near Arnold’s posts as could be without exciting suspicion. On the night of the 21st of September a boat was sent from the shore to fetch major AndrÉ, and Arnold met him at the beach, without the posts of both armies. Their business not being finished until it was too near morning for AndrÉ to return to the Vulture, Arnold, telling him he must be concealed until the next night, conducted him within one of the American posts, where he continued with him the following day. The Vulture having in the mean time been compelled to alter her position, AndrÉ could return to New York in no other way than by land; changing his uniform, therefore, which he had worn under a surtout, for a plain dress, he set out on horseback, under the name of John Anderson, with a passport, signed by Arnold, ‘to go to the lines of White Plains, or lower if he thought proper, he being on public business.’ When advanced a great part of the way, he was stopped by three of the New York militia, and several papers, containing exact returns of the state of the forces, ordnance, and defences at West Point, were found in his boots. The captors, disdaining a proffered bribe of a purse of gold and permanent provision and promotion, on condition of their conveying and accompanying him to New York, delivered him a prisoner to lieutenant-colonel Jameson, who commanded the outposts. AndrÉ, with the incautious permission of Jameson, procured a letter to be sent to Arnold, informing him of his detention, which gave the traitor opportunity to escape on board the Vulture,136 in which he reached New York in safety. At this very hour Washington arrived on his return from a conference with the French general at Hartford. He repaired, without delay, to the fort of West Point, where, however, he could learn nothing of a decisive import. But some orders, issued by Arnold the day before, redoubled his suspicions; he returned to the quarters of the general, and at this instant Jameson’s messenger presented himself, and delivered the packet with which he was charged. Washington seemed for the moment overwhelmed by the discovery of a crime which ruined the fame of an American general, and wounded the honor of the American army. Those who were near him anxiously interrogated his looks in silence, which he broke by saying, ‘Ithought that an officer of courage and ability, who had often shed his blood for his country, was entitled to confidence, and Igave him mine. Iam convinced now, and for the rest of my life, that we should never trust those who are wanting in probity, whatever abilities they may possess. Arnold has betrayed us.’ Meanwhile, the precautions required by the occasion were everywhere taken. General Heath, a faithful and vigilant officer, was substituted for Arnold at West Point; the commanders of the other posts were admonished to be on their guard; Green, who had been invested with the command of the army during the absence of Washington, recalled within the forts the garrisons which the traitor had dispersed, and marched a strong division near to the lines. General Washington referred the case of AndrÉ to the examination and decision of a board, consisting of fourteen officers, who founded their report on his own statements; they reported it as their unanimous opinion, ‘that major AndrÉ ought to be considered as a spy, and that, agreeably to the laws and usages of nations, he should suffer death;’ and he was, in accordance with their sentence, hung as a spy.137

When the winter of 1780 commenced, the troops of the northern army retired to the quarters which they had last occupied. Again they endured distress at which patriotism feels indignant and humanity weeps. The harvest had been abundant; plenty reigned in the land, while want was still felt in the camp of its defenders. Lassitude had succeeded enthusiasm in the breasts of the people, and congress exerted its powers with too little vigor to draw forth the resources of the country. The soldiers of the Pennsylvania line stationed at Morristown, New Jersey, complained that, in addition to sustaining sufferings common to all, they were retained in service contrary to the terms of their enlistments. In the night of the 1st of January, thirteen hundred, on a concerted signal, paraded under arms, and declared their intention of marching to Philadelphia, and demanding of congress a redress of their grievances. The officers strove to compel them to relinquish their purpose. In the attempt, one was killed and several were wounded. General Wayne presented his pistols, as if intending to fire. They held their bayonets to his breast; ‘We love and respect you,’ said they; ‘but if you fire you are a dead man. We are not going to the enemy. On the contrary, if they were now to come out, you should see us fight under your orders with as much alacrity as ever. But we will be amused no longer; we are determined to obtain what is our just due.’ They elected temporary officers, and moved off in a body towards Princeton. General Wayne, to prevent them from plundering the inhabitants, forwarded provisions for their use. The next day he followed, and requested them to appoint a man from each regiment, to state to him their complaints; a conference was accordingly held, but he refused to comply with their demands. They then proceeded in good order to Princeton, where three emissaries from Sir Henry Clinton met them, and made liberal offers to entice them from the service of congress. The offers were indignantly rejected, and the emissaries seized and executed as spies. Here they were also met by a committee of congress, and a deputation from the state of Pennsylvania; and the latter, granting a part of their demands, succeeded in persuading them to return to their duty. This mutiny, and another in the Jersey line, which was instantly suppressed, aroused the attention of the states to the miserable condition of their troops. The amount of three months’ pay was raised and forwarded to them in specie; it was received with joy, as affording an evidence that their country was not unmindful of their sufferings.

The year on which we now enter decided the important contest which engaged the attention of Europe, and of all the civilized world, in favor of liberty, and, we must add, of justice. The boon of independence was not, however, gained without adding to the long list of widows and orphans, nor without augmenting the catalogue of cruelties more horrid than those of the Indian tribes, because perpetrated by those who had no accumulated antipathy of ages to palliate their hostility, but who only yesterday were friends and brothers. The inhabitants of the Carolinas endured calamity and distress from which humanity revolts. About equally divided in political sentiments, village was opposed to village, and neighbor to neighbor, and their hostility became embittered by attack and reprisal, until pillage, burning, and murder, became familiar to all.138 Each party aimed at the extirpation of the other, and the whole country presented a scene of slaughter and of blood. The American generals seized every occasion to discountenance such vindictive and barbarous conduct, while, with few exceptions, the British permitted and even accelerated their perpetration.

The reduction of Savannah and Charleston encouraged the British to a vigorous invasion of North Carolina. The whole army of general Green, which had at the close of last year advanced from Hillsborough to Charlottetown, consisted of about two thousand men, more than half of whom were militia. With this inconsiderable body of troops, miserably provided, general Green took the field against a superior regular force, which had already marched in triumph two hundred miles from the point of its debarkation. Soon after Green took the command, he divided his force, and sent general Morgan with a respectable detachment to the western extremity of South Carolina, where the tories were destroying the whigs without mercy and without restraint, and marched with the main body to Hick’s creek, on the north side of the Pedee. On the entrance of general Morgan into the district of Ninety-six, lord Cornwallis, who was preparing for the invasion of North Carolina, that he might not leave an enemy in his rear, ordered colonel Tarleton to proceed with about eleven hundred men, and drive him from his position. Tarleton had two field-pieces, and a superiority both of infantry and cavalry. With these advantages, he engaged Morgan at the Cowpens, near Pacolet river, on the 17th of January. The British, led to the attack by Tarleton himself, advanced with a shout, and poured in an incessant fire of musketry. The American militia, though they received the charge with firmness, were soon compelled to fall back in the rear of their second line; and this line, in its turn, after an obstinate conflict, was compelled to retreat to the cavalry. At this juncture lieutenant-colonel Washington made a successful charge on captain Ogilvie, who, with about forty dragoons, was cutting down the retreating militia; lieutenant-colonel Howard almost at the same moment rallied the continental troops, and charged with fixed bayonets, and the militia instantly followed the example. By these sudden and unexpected charges, the British, who had considered the fate of the day decided, were thrown into confusion, and driven from the ground with great slaughter. Howard and Washington pressed the advantage which they had respectively gained, until the artillery and a great part of the infantry had surrendered.139 Seldom has a victory, achieved by so small a number, been so important in its consequences. It deprived Cornwallis of one-fifth of his force, and disconcerted his plans for the reduction of North Carolina. He sought, however, to repair, by active exertions, the loss which he had suffered, and determined, if possible, to intercept Morgan, and compel him to restore the trophies of his victory. This resolution led to a military race, which maybe, without exaggeration, termed one of the most celebrated in history. Each army strove to precede the other at the fords of the Catawba, from which both were equally distant. The American troops endured almost incredible hardships, being sometimes without meat, often without flour, and entirely destitute of spirituous liquors. Alarge portion of the troops were without shoes, and, marching over frozen ground, marked with blood every step of their progress. On the twelfth day after the engagement, Morgan reached the fords and crossed the Catawba; and two hours afterwards Cornwallis arrived, and, it being then dark, encamped on the bank. During the night, a heavy fall of rain made the river impassable, which gave Morgan an opportunity to remove the prisoners beyond the reach of his pursuer.

The movements of the royal army induced general Green immediately to retreat from Hick’s creek; and, leaving the main army under the command of general Huger, he rode a hundred and fifty miles through the country to join the detachment under general Morgan, that he might be in front of lord Cornwallis, and so direct both divisions of his army as to form a speedy junction between them. Lord Cornwallis, after three days’ delay, effected the passage of the Catawba, and recommenced the pursuit. The Americans, continuing their expeditious movements, crossed the Yadkin on the 3d of February, and secured their boats on the north side; but the British, though close in their rear, were incapable of crossing it through the rapid rising of the river from preceding rains, and the want of boats. This second remarkable escape confirmed the impression on the minds of the Americans, that their cause was favored by Divine Providence. After a junction of the two divisions of the American army at Guildford court-house, it was concluded, in a council of officers called by general Green, that he ought to retire over the Dan, and to avoid an engagement until he should be reinforced.

Lord Cornwallis kept the upper countries, where only the rivers are fordable, and attempted to get between general Green and Virginia, to cut off his retreat, and oblige him to fight under many disadvantages; but the American general completely eluded him. So urgent was the pursuit of the British, that, on the 14th of February, the American light troops were compelled to retire above forty miles; and on that day general Green, by indefatigable exertions, transported his army over the Dan into Virginia. Here again the pursuit was so close, that the van of the British just arrived as the rear of the Americans had crossed. The continental army being now driven out of North Carolina, earl Cornwallis left the Dan, and proceeded to Hillsborough, where he set up the royal standard. Green, perceiving the necessity of some spirited measure to counteract his lordship’s influence on the inhabitants of the country, concluded, at every hazard, to recross the Dan. After manoeuvring in a very masterly manner to avoid an action with Cornwallis three weeks, his army was joined by two brigades of militia from North Carolina, and one from Virginia, and also by four hundred regulars.

This reinforcement giving him a superiority of numbers, he determined no longer to avoid an engagement, and, on the 15th of March, he accepted battle; but at the first fire the North Carolina militia, who were in the front line, fled; the second line was also routed. The continentals, who composed the third, fought with their usual bravery, and for an hour and half maintained the conflict with great firmness. They at length gave way, but retreated in good order, the slaughter they had made in the enemy’s ranks preventing pursuit. The victory, won by a far inferior force, was more glorious than advantageous to the British army. Soon after the action, lord Cornwallis began a march toward Wilmington. General Green, on receiving intelligence of this movement, put his army in motion to follow him, and continued the pursuit to Ramsay’s mill, on Deep river. Cornwallis, having halted and refreshed his men about three weeks at Wilmington, marched across the country to Petersburg, in Virginia.

Before general Green was aware that lord Cornwallis intended to enter Virginia, he had formed the bold resolution of returning into South Carolina. Marching towards Camden, where nine hundred men, under the command of lord Rawdon, were posted, he took a position on Hobkirk’s hill, about a mile from the British intrenchments. Here the Americans were attacked on the 25th of April. In the beginning of the action their bravery gained advantages, which, in its progress, were lost by the premature retreat of two companies, occasioned by the death of their officers. At this reverse of fortune, Green retired a few miles from the field, both armies having sustained nearly an equal loss.

Several British posts in South Carolina speedily fell into the power of the brave and active partisans, who, with small bodies of troops, were ever present where oppression was to be resisted or glory won. Lee joined Marion; and, on the 15th of April, they unexpectedly presented themselves before fort Watson, a British post on the Santee. It was an Indian mound, rising thirty or forty feet above the level of the plain. Neither the garrison nor the assailants had artillery; but in a few days the Americans constructed a work on an unusual plan, which overlooked the fort, and from the top of which the riflemen fired with such unerring aim that not a man of the garrison could show himself without certain destruction. On the 23d, the garrison, consisting of one hundred and fourteen men, capitulated.

Orangeburg and fort Motte surrendered to Sumpter. Lee captured fort Granby, and Marion drove from Georgetown the troops stationed to defend it. Immediately after the surrender of fort Granby, lieutenant-colonel Lee marched to Augusta, and joined brigadier-general Pickens, who, with a body of militia, had some time before taken post in the vicinity; and these two able officers jointly carried on their approaches against fort Cornwallis. Two batteries were erected within thirty yards of the parapet which overlooked the fort; and from them the American riflemen shot into the inside of the works with effect. The garrison, almost entirely burying themselves underground, obstinately refused to capitulate until resistance became useless, and then the fort, with about three hundred men, surrendered on honorable terms of capitulation. The Americans, during the siege, had about forty men killed and wounded. On the 22d of May, general Green laid siege to Ninety-six, which was defended by lieutenant-colonel Cruger, with upwards of five hundred men. The works of the besiegers were carried forward with indefatigable industry and success until the 18th of June, when, on intelligence of the approach of lord Rawdon for the relief of the place, it was concluded to attempt its reduction by assault. The assailants displayed great resolution; but, failing of success, general Green raised the siege, and retreated over the Saluda.

Lord Rawdon having returned to England, the command of the British troops in South Carolina devolved upon lieutenant-colonel Stewart; who, in the beginning of September, took post at Eutaw Springs. General Green marched against him from the hills of Santee. The rival forces were equal, amounting on each side to two thousand men. On the 8th an attack was made by the Americans; a part of the British line, consisting of new troops, broke and fled; but the veteran corps received the charge of the assailants on the points of their bayonets. The hostile ranks were for a time intermingled, and the officers fought hand to hand; but lieutenant-colonel Lee, who had turned the British left flank, charging them at this instant in the rear, their line was soon completely broken, and driven off the field. They were vigorously pursued by the Americans, who took upwards of five hundred of them prisoners. The British, on their retreat, took post in a large three-story brick house, and in a picketed garden; and from these advantageous positions renewed the action. Four six-pounders were ordered up before the house; but the Americans were compelled to leave these pieces and retire. They formed again at a small distance in the woods; but general Green, thinking it inexpedient to renew the desperate attempt, left a strong picket on the field of battle, and retired with his prisoners to the ground from which he had marched in the morning. In the evening of the next day, lieutenant-colonel Stewart, leaving seventy of his wounded men and one thousand stand of arms, moved from Eutaw towards Charleston. The loss of the British, inclusive of prisoners, was supposed to be not less than eleven hundred men. The loss of the Americans, in killed, wounded, and missing, was about half that number. This battle was attended by consequences very advantageous to the Americans, and maybe considered as closing the revolutionary war in South Carolina.

Brilliant as were the successes of general Green in the Carolinas it was in Virginia that the last great stroke in favor of American independence was to be effected. The army under the commander-in-chief had passed another distressing winter, and symptoms of mutiny had again manifested themselves, but were happily suppressed. Deplorably deficient of provisions and supplies, and promised reinforcements being grievously delayed, Washington still remained undiscouraged, and determined, in conjunction with the French fleet, to resume vigorous operations. New York was the destined point of the combined attack; but the large reinforcements which had recently arrived there, and other unfavorable circumstances, induced the commander-in-chief, so late as August, entirely to change the plan of the campaign, and to resolve to attempt the capture of the army of lord Cornwallis, which had now taken up a position at Yorktown, in Virginia. The defence of West Point, and of the other posts on the Hudson, was committed to general Heath, and a large portion of the troops raised in the northern states was for this service left under his command.

General Washington resolved in person to conduct the Virginia expedition. The troops under count Rochambeau, and strong detachments from the American army, amounting to more than two thousand men, and consisting of the light infantry, Lamb’s artillery, and several other corps, were destined for it. By the 25th of August the whole body, American and French, had crossed the North river. An intercepted letter of general Washington’s, in which he communicated, as the result of a consultation with the French commanders, the design to attack New York, had excited the apprehensions of the British general for the safety of that city. This apprehension was kept alive, and the real object of the Americans concealed, by preparations for an encampment in New Jersey, opposite to Staten island, by the route of the American army, and other appearances, indicating an intention to besiege New York; and the troops had passed the Delaware, out of reach of annoyance, before Sir Henry suspected their destination. General Washington pressed forward with the utmost expedition, and at Chester he received the important intelligence that count de Grasse had arrived with his fleet in the Chesapeake, and that the marquis St.Simon had, with a body of three thousand land forces, joined the marquis de la Fayette. Having directed the route of his army from the head of the Elk, he, accompanied by Rochambeau, Chatelleux, Du Portail, and Knox, proceeded to Virginia. They reached Williamsburg on the 14th of September, and immediately repaired on board the Ville de Paris, to settle with count de Grasse the plan of operations. The whole body of American and French troops reached Williamsburg by the 25th of September. At this place the allied forces were joined by a detachment of the militia of Virginia, under the command of governor Nelson, and preparations were soon made to attack the intrenchments of lord Cornwallis.

Yorktown, the head-quarters of lord Cornwallis, is a village on the south side of York river, the southern banks of which are high, and where ships of the line may ride in safety. Gloucester point is a piece of land on the opposite shore, projecting considerably into the river. Both these posts were occupied by the British; and a communication between them was commanded by their batteries, and by several ships of war. The main body of lord Cornwallis’ army was encamped on the open grounds about Yorktown, within a range of outer redoubts and field-works; and lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with a detachment of six or seven hundred men, held the post at Gloucester point.

The legion of the duke de Lauzun, and a brigade of militia under general Weedon, the whole commanded by the French general De ChoisÉ, were directed to watch and restrain the enemy on the side of Gloucester; and the grand combined army, on the 30th of September, moved down to the investiture of Yorktown. On the night of the 6th of October, advancing to within six hundred yards of the English lines, they began their first parallel, and labored with such silence and diligence, that they were not discovered until morning, when the works they had raised were sufficient to protect them. On the 9th, several batteries being completed, a heavy cannonade was begun. Many of the British guns were dismounted, and portions of their fortifications laid level with the ground. On the night of the 11th, the besiegers commenced their second parallel, three hundred yards in advance of the first. This approach was made so much sooner than was expected, that the men were not discovered at their labor until they had rendered themselves secure from all molestation in front. The fire from the new batteries was still more furious and destructive. From two British redoubts, in advance of their main works, and flanking those of the besiegers, the men in the trenches were so severely annoyed, that Washington resolved to storm them.

The enterprise against one was committed to an American force under the marquis de la Fayette, that against the other to a French detachment. Colonel Hamilton, who led the van of the former, made such an impetuous attack that possession was soon obtained, with little slaughter. The French detachment was equally brave and successful, but sustained greater loss. On the 16th, a sortie was made from the garrison by a party of three hundred and fifty, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie, who forced two batteries, and spiked eleven pieces of cannon; but the guards from the trenches immediately advancing on them, they retreated, and the pieces which they had hastily spiked were soon rendered fit for service. In the afternoon of the same day the besiegers opened several batteries in their second parallel; and in the whole line of batteries nearly one hundred pieces of heavy ordnance were now mounted. The works of the besieged were so universally in ruins as to be in no condition to sustain the fire which might be expected the next day. In this extremity, lord Cornwallis boldly resolved to attempt an escape by land with the greater part of his army. His plan was to cross over, in the night, to Gloucester point, and forcing his way through the troops under De ChoisÉ, to pass through Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Jersey, and form a junction with the royal army at New York. In prosecution of this desperate design, one embarkation of his troops crossed over to the opposite point; but a violent storm of wind and rain dispersed the boats, and frustrated the scheme.

On the morning of the 17th the fire of the American batteries rendered the British post untenable. Lord Cornwallis, perceiving further resistance to be unavailing, about ten o’clock beat a parley, and proposed a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, that commissioners might meet to settle the terms on which the posts of York and Gloucester should be surrendered. General Washington, in his answer, declared his ‘ardent desire to spare the effusion of blood, and his readiness to listen to such terms as were admissible;’ but to prevent loss of time, he desired ‘that, previous to the meeting of the commissioners, the proposals of his lordship might be transmitted in writing, for which purpose a suspension of hostilities for two hours should be granted.’ The terms proposed by his lordship were such as led the general to suppose that articles of capitulation might easily be adjusted, and he continued the cessation of hostilities until the next day. To expedite the business, he summarily stated the terms he was willing to grant, and informed earl Cornwallis, that if he admitted these as the basis of a treaty, commissioners might meet to put them into form. Accordingly, viscount de Noailles and lieutenant-colonel Laurens, on the part of the allies, and colonel Dundas and major Ross, on the part of the English, met the next day, and adjusted articles of capitulation, which were to be submitted to the consideration of the British general.

Resolving not to expose himself to any accident that might be the consequence of unnecessary delay, general Washington ordered the rough draft of the commissioners to be fairly transcribed, and sent to lord Cornwallis early next morning, with a letter expressing his expectation that the garrison would march out by two o’clock in the afternoon. Hopeless of more favorable terms, his lordship signed the capitulation, and surrendered the posts of York and Gloucester, with their garrisons, to general Washington; and the shipping in the harbor, with the seamen, to count de Grasse. The prisoners, exclusive of seamen, amounted to more than seven thousand, of which between four and five thousand only were fit for duty. The garrison lost, during the siege, six officers and five hundred and forty-eight privates, in killed and wounded. The privates, with a competent number of officers, were to remain in Virginia, Maryland, or Pennsylvania. The officers not required for this service were permitted on parole to return to Europe, or to any of the maritime posts of the English on the American continent. The terms granted to earl Cornwallis were, in general, the terms which had been granted to the Americans at the surrender of Charleston; and general Lincoln, who on that occasion resigned his sword to lord Cornwallis, was appointed to receive the submission of the royal army. The allied army, to which lord Cornwallis surrendered, amounted to sixteen thousand;—seven thousand French, five thousand five hundred continental troops, and three thousand five hundred militia. In the course of the siege they lost, in killed and wounded, about three hundred. The siege was prosecuted with so much military judgment and ardor, that the treaty was opened on the eleventh, and the capitulation signed on the thirteenth day after ground was broken before the British lines.

The capture of so large a British army excited universal joy, and on no occasion during the war did the Americans manifest greater exultation. From the nature and duration of the contest, the affections of many had been so concentrated upon their country, and so intense was their interest in its fate, that the news of this brilliant success produced the most rapturous emotions, under the operations of which, it is said, some were even deprived of their reason, and one aged patriot in Philadelphia expired.

The day after the capitulation general Washington ordered, ‘that those who were under arrest should be pardoned and set at liberty;’ and announced, that ‘divine service shall be performed to-morrow in the different brigades and divisions. The commander-in-chief recommends, that all the troops that are not upon duty do assist at it with a serious deportment, and that sensibility of heart which the recollection of the surprising and particular interposition of Providence in our favor claims.’ Congress, as soon as they received general Washington’s official letter giving information of the event, resolved to go in procession to the Dutch Lutheran church, and return thanks to Almighty God for the signal success of the American arms; and they issued a proclamation, recommending to the citizens of the United States to observe the 13th of December as a day of public thanksgiving and prayer.

While these successful operations had been carrying on in Virginia, Sir Henry Clinton endeavored, if possible, to recall Washington, or at least to divert his attention, by some daring enterprise in the north. Giving to the traitor Arnold, who had just returned from his destructive expedition to Virginia, the command of a strong detachment, he sent him against New London, a flourishing city situated upon the river Thames, in his native state. Nearly opposite, on a hill in Groton, stood fort Griswold, which was then garrisoned by militia, hastily summoned from their labors in the field. Against this fort Arnold despatched a part of his troops. It was assaulted on three sides at the same moment. The garrison, fighting in view of their property and their homes, made a brave and obstinate resistance. By their steady and well-directed fire many of the assailants were killed. Pressing forward with persevering ardor, the British entered the fort through the embrasures. Immediately all resistance ceased. Irritated by gallantry which should have caused admiration, a British officer inquired who commanded the fort. ‘Idid,’ said colonel Ledyard, ‘but you do now;’ and presented him his sword. He seized it, and, with savage cruelty, plunged it into his bosom. This was the signal for an indiscriminate massacre. Of a hundred and sixty men, composing the garrison, all but forty were killed or wounded, and most of them after resistance had ceased. Seldom has the glory of victory been tarnished by such detestable barbarity. The British then entered New London, which was set on fire and consumed. The property destroyed was of immense value. Perceiving no other object within the reach of his force, Arnold led back his troops to New York.

A circumstance which evidently exercised a very favorable influence on American affairs during this period should not be omitted—the institution of a national bank. The plan of it was projected by Robert Morris, one of the delegates of Pennsylvania, a man of high reputation, and well versed in affairs of commerce and finance, whom congress had appointed treasurer. He assigned to this bank a capital of four hundred thousand dollars, divided in shares of four hundred dollars each, in money of gold or silver, to be procured by subscriptions. Twelve directors were to manage the bank, which was denominated by congress, ‘The President, Directors, and Company of the Bank of North America.’ To the financial skill and indefatigable efforts of Mr.Morris in the treasury department, it has been thought our country was scarcely less indebted, than to the valor of her soldiers and the wisdom of her statesmen. Under his auspices, public credit revived; the army was pacified; and a new impulse given to every operation in the field and the cabinet.

During this fortunate year also the compact of the confederation was rendered complete. Much difficulty had been experienced in obtaining its ratification. Various and sometimes conflicting amendments had been proposed by the states respectively; but they had successively yielded to the opinion that a federal compact would be of vast importance in the prosecution of the war. One of the greatest impediments had hitherto been, that within the chartered limits of several states there were immense tracts of vacant territory, which, it was supposed, would constitute a large fund of future wealth; and the states not possessed of this advantage insisted on considering this territory as a joint acquisition, to be applied to the common benefit. The cession made by Virginia, the preceding year, of its north-west territory, was now accepted by congress, and, to the great joy of America, the confederation was completed.140

The result of the last campaign convinced the British nation that America could not be subdued by force; and led to a change of administration and pacific overtures. Parliament met on the 27th of November, 1781; and though the speech from the throne still breathed a spirit of hostility, and answers from both houses were procured in accordance with it, yet not long after the recess, the ministers found themselves in a minority in the house of commons. On the 22d of February, 1782, general Conway moved an address to the king, praying, ‘that the war on the continent of North America might no longer be pursued for the impracticable purpose of reducing that country to obedience by force; and expressing their hope, that the earnest desire and diligent exertion to restore the public tranquillity, of which they had received his majesty’s most gracious assurances, might, by a happy reconciliation with the revolted colonies, be forwarded and made effectual; to which great end his majesty’s faithful commons would be ready to give their utmost assistance.’ This motion being lost by a single vote only, was, five days after, renewed, by the same gentleman, in a form somewhat different, and was carried; and an address in pursuance of it presented to the king. Not yet satisfied with the triumph obtained over the ministry, and considering the answer of the king not sufficiently explicit, the house of commons, on the 4th of March, on the motion of general Conway, declared, that all those who should advise, or by any means attempt, the farther prosecution of offensive war in America, should be considered as enemies to their king and country. In this state of things it was impossible for the ministry longer to continue in power, and on the 19th they relinquished their places. Anew administration was soon after formed—the marquis of Rockingham was placed at the head of the treasury, and the earl of Shelburne and Mr.Fox held the important places of secretaries of state.

Soon after their appointment, the new ministers sent a Mr.Oswald to France, to sound the French court, as well as Dr.Franklin, on the subject of peace. In a conference with the count de Vergennes, Mr.Oswald was informed that the French court were disposed to treat for peace, but could do nothing without the consent of their allies; and the count expressed a wish that Paris might be the place of meeting for entering upon this important business. About the 18th of April the British agent went back to London, and on the 4th of May returned to France with the assent of the British cabinet to treat of a general peace, and for that purpose to meet at Paris.

One of the first measures of the new administration was to appoint Sir Guy Carleton commander-in-chief in America, in the room of Sir Henry Clinton, and to authorize admiral Digby and himself to treat for peace. One object of conferring this power was to induce congress to agree to a separate treaty. Sir Guy Carleton arrived in America on the 5th of May, and two days afterwards informed general Washington that he and admiral Digby were authorized to treat for peace, and requested a passport for their secretary as the bearer of despatches to congress on the subject. Acopy of this letter was forwarded by the general to that body; but the members being determined not to negotiate without their allies, refused the passport. The same commissioners, on the 2d of August following, sent a second letter to the American commander, informing him that negotiations for a general peace had commenced at Paris, and that Mr.Grenville had full powers to treat with all the parties at war, and that, by his instructions, ‘the independency of the thirteen provinces was to be proposed by him, in the first instance, instead of being made a condition of a general treaty.’

A majority of the new British cabinet very early determined to offer America unlimited unconditional independence, as the basis of a negotiation for peace, and so instructed their minister, Mr.Grenville. This was a favorite measure with the marquis of Rockingham; on this point, however, the cabinet was divided. The earl of Shelburne, though he acquiesced, was still opposed, and it was one of the last measures to which the king would assent. The illness of the marquis of Rockingham, and his death, which happened on the 1st of July, produced no little delay and difficulty in the negotiations. The appointment of lord Shelburne as first lord of the treasury produced an open rupture in the cabinet. Lord John Cavendish, Mr.Fox, and some others, resigned their places. In consequence of this, William Pitt was made chancellor of the exchequer, and Thomas Townshend and lord Grantham secretaries of state. There can be little doubt that the king, as well as lord Shelburne, still entertained a distant hope that some arrangement might be made with the Americans short of an open and express acknowledgment of their independence; and the views of the latter on this point, probably, had no little influence in placing him at the head of the administration.141 Parliament adjourned on the 11th of July, having passed an act at the close of the session, authorizing the king to conclude a peace or truce with the Americans.

The instructions of congress to the American commissioners not to conclude peace without the consent of France, rendered their situation complicated and embarrassing. There were several questions which the Americans deemed of the first importance, in which the French court either felt no interest, or were opposed to the American claims. The principal of these points referred to the right of fishery on the Grand bank, and the western boundary of the United States. On the latter point, Spain, who was also a party to the negotiations, was extremely desirous of limiting as much as possible the extent of the American territory. These circumstances occasioned much difficulty and considerable delay. At length the American commissioners determined to agree to a provisional treaty without the concurrence of the French court. Mr.Oswald, who had succeeded Mr.Grenville, on the part of the British government, strongly urged the propriety of the American loyalists being compensated for the losses they had incurred during the struggle for independence; but this proposition was met by a counter one from Dr.Franklin, that a similar arrangement should be made by Great Britain in favor of the Americans who had suffered in their property from the destruction carried on by the British troops. This point was therefore ultimately waved, and other difficulties being overcome, a provisional treaty was agreed to on the 30th of November; and after great delay, occasioned by the strenuous endeavors of the court of Madrid to procure the cession of Gibraltar by Great Britain, preliminary treaties of peace were signed on the 20th of January, 1783, between France, Spain, and Great Britain.

On the 24th of March, intelligence of a general peace reached America by a letter from the marquis de la Fayette; and orders were immediately issued, recalling all armed vessels cruising under the authority of the United States. Congress soon after received official information of the agreement between the ministers of the United States and Great Britain, and of the exchange of ratifications of the preliminary articles between Great Britain and France; and, on the 11th of April, they issued a proclamation, declaring the cessation of arms, as well by sea as by land, agreed upon between the United States and his Britannic majesty, and enjoining its strict observance. On the 19th of April, peace was proclaimed in the American army by the commander-in-chief, precisely eight years from the day of the first effusion of blood at Lexington.

The independence of the United States was acknowledged by Sweden on the 5th of February; by Denmark, on the 25th of February; by Spain, on the 24th of March; and by Russia, in July; treaties of amity and commerce were also concluded with each of those powers. On the 8th of June, general Washington addressed a letter to each of the governors of the several states in the Union, on the present situation, and what appeared to him the wisest policy, of the United States. In this paternal and affectionate letter he stated four things which he conceived to be essential to their well-being, and even to their existence, as an independent power: ‘An indissoluble union of the states under one general head; a sacred regard to public justice; the adoption of a proper peace establishment; and the prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition, among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and politics, to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community.’

The definitive treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States of America was signed at Paris on the 3d of September, by David Hartley, Esq., on the part of his Britannic majesty, and by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, on the part of the United States. The provisions of the treaty attest the zeal and ability of the American negotiators, as well as the liberal feelings which actuated the British ministry. The independence of the United States was fully acknowledged. The right of fishing on the banks of Newfoundland, and certain facilities in the enjoyment of that right, were secured to them forever; and territory was ceded to them more extensive than the most sanguine had dared to anticipate or to hope.

In December, 1782, the officers of the American army, still retained in service but unemployed, forwarded to congress a petition, praying that all arrears which were due to them might be discharged, and that, instead of half-pay for life, a sum equal to five years’ full pay should be paid or secured to them when disbanded. The delay of congress to comply with this request produced an alarming agitation in that portion of the army stationed at Newburgh. An address to the officers was privately circulated, written with great ability, and admirably well fitted to work upon those passions which recent sufferings and gloomy forebodings had excited in every bosom. The writer boldly recommended that, as all the applications to the sympathy and justice of congress had failed of success, an appeal should be made to their fears. Fortunately, the commander-in-chief was in the camp. Though conscious that the officers had just cause of complaint, he was aware that duty to his country, and even friendship for them, required that he should prevent the adoption of rash and disorderly expedients to obtain redress. Calling them together, he, by a calm and sensible address, persuaded them to rely still longer upon the disposition of congress to perform for them whatever the limited means of the nation would permit. In a letter to that body, giving an account of these occurrences, he maintained and enforced the claims of the officers with such pathos and strength of reasoning, that their request was granted.

On the 18th of October, congress issued a proclamation for disbanding the army. New York was evacuated by the British on the 25th of November, and the Americans took possession of the city the same day; and a short time after the army was disbanded, and again mingled with their fellow-citizens.142

General Washington, taking an affectionate leave of his officers, repaired to Annapolis, where congress was sitting, and there, at a public audience, with dignity and sensibility, resigned his commission as commander-in-chief of the American armies. Then, with a character illustrious throughout the world, he returned to his residence at Mount Vernon, possessing the sincere love and profound veneration of his countrymen.

WASHINGTON’S ADMINISTRATION.

The exhausting effect of their exertions was felt by the people of the United States for a considerable period after peace, as well as independence, had been secured. The enthusiasm of a popular contest terminating in victory began to subside, and the sacrifices of the revolution soon became known and felt. The claims of those who toiled, and fought, and suffered in the arduous struggle, were strongly urged, and the government had neither resources nor power to satisfy or to silence them. The federal head had no separate or exclusive fund. The members of congress depended on the states which they respectively represented, even for their own maintenance, and money for national purposes could only be obtained by requisitions on the different members of the confederacy. On them it became necessary immediately to call for funds to discharge the arrears of pay due to the soldiers of the revolution, and the interest on the debt which the government had been compelled to contract. The legislatures of the different states received these requisitions with respect, listened to the monitory warnings of congress with deference, and with silent and inactive acquiescence. Their own situation, indeed, was full of embarrassment. The wealth of the country had been totally exhausted during the revolution. Taxes could not be collected, because there was no money to represent the value of the little personal property which had not been, and the land which could not be, destroyed; and commerce, though preparing to burst from its thraldom, had not yet had time to restore to the annual produce of the country its exchangeable value. The states owed each a heavy debt for local services rendered during the revolution, for which it was bound to provide, and each had its own domestic government to support.

Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that each state was anxious to retain for its own benefit the small but rising revenue derived from foreign commerce; and that the custom-houses in each commercial city were considered as the most valuable sources of income which the states possessed. Each state, therefore, made its own regulations, its tariff, and tonnage duties, and, as a natural consequence, the different states clashed with each other; one nation became more favored than another under the same circumstances; and one state pursued a system injurious to the interests of another. Hence the confidence of foreign countries was destroyed; and they would not enter into treaties of commerce with the confederated government, while they were not likely to be carried into effect. Ageneral decay of trade, the rise of imported merchandise, the fall of produce, and an uncommon decrease of the value of lands, ensued.

The distress of the inhabitants was continually on the increase; and in Massachusetts, where it was most felt, an insurrection of a serious character was the consequence. Near the close of the year 1786, the populace assembled to the number of two thousand, in the north-western part of the state, and, choosing Daniel Shays their leader, demanded that the collection of debts should be suspended, and that the legislature should authorize the emission of paper money for general circulation. Two bodies of militia, drawn from those parts of the state where disaffection did not prevail, were immediately despatched against them, one under the command of general Lincoln, the other of general Shepard. The disaffected were dispersed with less difficulty than had been apprehended, and, abandoning their seditious purposes, accepted the proffered indemnity of the government.

The time at length came when the public mind gave tokens of being prepared for a change in the constitution of the general government—an occurrence the necessity of which had long been foreseen by Washington and most of the distinguished patriots of that period. Evil had accumulated upon evil, till the mass became too oppressive to be endured, and the voice of the nation cried out for relief. The first decisive measures proceeded from the merchants, who came forward almost simultaneously in all parts of the country, with representations of the utter prostration of the mercantile interests, and petitions for a speedy and efficient remedy. It was shown, that the advantages of this most important source of national prosperity were flowing into the hands of foreigners, and that the native merchants were suffering for the want of a just protection and a uniform system of trade. The wise and reflecting were convinced that some decided efforts were necessary to strengthen the general government, or that a dissolution of the Union, and perhaps a devastating anarchy, would be inevitable. The first step towards a general reformation was rather accidental than premeditated. Certain citizens of Virginia and Maryland had formed a scheme for promoting the navigation of the Potomac and Chesapeake bay, and commissioners were appointed by those two states to meet at Alexandria, and devise some plan of operation. These persons made a visit to Mount Vernon, and, while there, it was proposed among themselves that more important objects should be connected with the purpose at first in view, and that the state governments should be solicited to appoint other commissioners, with enlarged powers, instructed to form a plan for maintaining a naval force in the Chesapeake, and also to fix upon some system of duties on exports and imports in which both states should agree, and that in the end congress should be petitioned to allow these privileges. This project was approved by the legislature of Virginia, and commissioners were accordingly appointed. The same legislature passed a resolution recommending the design to other states, and inviting them to unite, by their commissioners, in an attempt to establish such a system of commercial relations as would promote general harmony and prosperity. Five states only, in addition to Virginia, acceded to this proposition, namely, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York. From these states commissioners assembled at Annapolis, but they had hardly entered into a discussion of the topics which naturally forced themselves into view, before they discovered the powers with which they were intrusted to be so limited, as to tie up their hands from effecting any purpose that could be of essential utility. On this account, as well as from the circumstance that so few states were represented, they wisely declined deciding on any important measures in reference to the particular subjects for which they had come together.

This convention is memorable, however, as having been the prelude to the one which followed. Before the commissioners adjourned, a report was agreed upon, in which the necessity of a revision and reform of the articles of the old federal compact was strongly urged, and which contained a recommendation to all the state legislatures for the appointment of deputies, to meet at Philadelphia, with more ample powers and instructions. This proposal was eventually carried into effect, and, in conformity with it, a convention of delegates from the several states met at Philadelphia in May, 1787. Of this body of eminent statesmen, George Washington was unanimously elected president. They deliberated with closed doors during a period of four months. One party in the convention was anxious to enlarge, another to abridge the authority delegated to the general government. This was the first germ of parties in the United States; not that materials were wanting, for the dissensions of the revolution had left behind some bitterness of spirit, and feelings that only awaited an opportunity for their disclosure. The divisions in the convention proved the foundation of many a subsequent struggle. At length a constitution was agreed on, which, after being reported to congress, was submitted for ratification to conventions held in the respective states. This constitution differs, in many important particulars, from the articles of confederation; and, by its regulations, connects the states more closely together, under a general and supreme government, composed of three departments, legislative, executive, and judicial; and invested with powers essential to its being respected, both by foreign nations and the states whose interest it was designed to secure. The provisions and characteristics of this interesting and important political code, will receive the consideration to which they are so justly entitled in another department of our work.

As that party which was desirous to extend the powers of the constitution had been the most anxious for the formation of this system, and the most zealous advocates for its adoption, it almost naturally followed that the administration of it was committed to their hands. This party, which might, from their opinions, have been denominated nationalists, or, in more modern phraseology, centralists, acquired the name of federalists, while the appellation of anti-federalists was given to their antagonists. The latter, ardently attached to freedom, imagined that rulers, possessing such extensive sway, such abundant patronage, and such independent tenure of office, would become fond of the exercise of power, and in the end arrogant and tyrannical. The former, equally devoted to the cause of national liberty, contended that to preserve it an energetic government was necessary. They described, with powerful effect, the evils actually endured from the inefficiency of the confederation, and demanded that a trial at least should be made of the remedy proposed.

In eleven states, a majority, though in some instances a small one, decided in favor of the ratification of the constitution. Provision was then made for the election of the officers to compose the executive and legislative departments. In the highest station, the electors, by a unanimous vote, placed the illustrious Washington; and to the office of vice-president, by a vote nearly unanimous, they elevated John Adams, who, in stations less conspicuous, had, with equal patriotism, rendered important services to his country. On the 23d of April the president elect arrived at New York, where he was received by the governor of the state, and conducted with military honors, through an immense concourse of people, to the apartments provided for him. Here he received the salutations of foreign ministers, public bodies, political characters, and private citizens of distinction, who pressed around him to offer their congratulations, and to express their joy at seeing the man who had the confidence of all, at the head of the American republic. On the 30th of April the president was inaugurated. Having taken the oath of office in an open gallery adjoining the senate chamber, in the view of an immense concourse of people, who attested their joy by loud and repeated acclamations, he returned to the senate chamber, where he delivered an appropriate address.

The same disinterested spirit which had appeared in the general, was shown in the president. Having, at his entrance on the military service, renounced every pecuniary compensation, he now ‘declined any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department;’ and requested that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which he was placed, might, during his continuance in it, ‘be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.’

The government being now completely organized, and a system of revenue established, the president proceeded to make appointments of suitable persons to fill the offices which had been created.143 After a laborious and important session, in which perfect harmony subsisted between the executive and the legislature, congress adjourned on the 29th of September to the first Monday in the succeeding January.

At the next session of congress, which commenced in January, 1790, Mr.Hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, made his celebrated report upon the public debts contracted during the revolutionary war. Taking an able and enlarged view of the advantages of public credit, he recommended that not only the debts of the continental congress, but those of the states arising from their exertions in the common cause, should be funded or assumed by the general government; and that provision should be made for paying the interest, by imposing taxes on certain articles of luxury, and on spirits distilled within the country. The report of the secretary was largely discussed, and with great force of argument and eloquence. In conclusion, congress passed an act for the assumption of the state debts, and for funding the national debt. By the provisions of this act, twenty-one millions five hundred thousand dollars of the state debts were assumed in specific proportions; and it was particularly enacted, that no certificate should be received from a state creditor which could be ‘ascertained to have been issued for any purpose other than compensations and expenditures for services or supplies towards the prosecution of the late war, and the defence of the United States, or of some part thereof, during the same.’

Thus was the national debt funded upon principles which considerably lessened the weight of the public burdens, and gave much satisfaction to the public creditors. The produce of the sales of the lands lying in the western territory, and the surplus product of the revenue, after satisfying the appropriations which were charged upon it, with the addition of two millions which the president was authorized to borrow at five per cent., constituted a sinking fund to be applied to the reduction of the debt. The effect of these measures was great and rapid. The permanent value thus given to the debt produced a result equal to the most favorable anticipations. The sudden increase of monied capital derived from it invigorated commerce, and consequently gave a new stimulus to agriculture.

It has already been stated, that when the new government was first organized, but eleven states had ratified the constitution. Afterwards North Carolina and Rhode Island, the two dissenting states, adopted it; the former in November, 1789, the latter in May, 1790. In 1791, Vermont adopted it, and applied to congress to be admitted into the Union. An act was also passed, declaring that the district of Kentucky, then part of Virginia, should be admitted into the Union on the 1st day of June in the succeeding year.

During the year 1790, a termination was put to the war which, for several years, had raged between the Creek Indians and the state of Georgia. Pacific overtures were also made to the hostile tribes inhabiting the banks of the Scioto and the Wabash. These being rejected, an army of fourteen hundred men, commanded by general Harmer, was despatched against them. Two battles were fought near Chillicothe, in Ohio, between successive detachments from this army and the Indians, in which the latter were victorious. Emboldened by these successes, they continued to make more vigorous attacks upon the frontier settlements, which suffered all the distressing calamities of an Indian war.

In the course of this year was completed the first census or enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States. They amounted to three millions nine hundred twenty-one thousand three hundred and twenty-six, of which number six hundred ninety-five thousand six hundred and fifty-five were slaves. The revenue, according to the report of the secretary of the treasury, amounted to four millions seven hundred and seventy-one thousand dollars; the exports to about nineteen, and the imports to about twenty millions. Agreat improvement in the circumstances of the people began at this period to be visible. The establishment of a firm and regular government, and confidence in the men whom they had chosen to administer it, gave an impulse to their exertions which bore them rapidly forward in the career of prosperity.

Pursuant to the authority contained in the several acts on the subject of a permanent seat of the government of the United States, a district of ten miles square for this purpose was fixed on, comprehending lands on both sides of the river Potomac, and the towns of Alexandria and Georgetown. Acity was laid out, and the sales which took place produced funds for carrying on the necessary public buildings.

The war in Europe had embraced those powers with whom the United States had the most extensive relations. The French people regarded the Americans as their brethren, bound to them by the ties of gratitude; and when the kings of Europe, dreading the establishment of republicanism in her borders, assembled in arms to restore monarchy to France, they looked across the Atlantic for sympathy and assistance. The new government, recalling the minister whom the king had appointed, despatched the citizen Genet, of ardent temper and a zealous republican, to supply his place. In April, 1793, he arrived at Charleston, in South Carolina, where he was received by the governor and the citizens, in a manner expressive of their warm attachment to his country, and their cordial approbation of the change of her institutions. Flattered by his reception, and presuming that the nation and the government were actuated by similar feelings, he undertook to authorize the fitting and arming of vessels in that port, enlisting men, and giving commissions to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom the United States were at peace; captured vessels were brought into port, and the consuls of France assumed, under the authority of M.Genet, to hold courts of admiralty on them, to try, condemn, and authorize their sale. The declaration of war made by France against Great Britain and Holland reached the United States early in the same month. The president, regarding the situation of these states, issued his proclamation of neutrality on the 9th of May. In July, he requested the recall of M.Genet, who was soon afterwards recalled, and succeeded by M.Fauchet.

After the defeat of St.Clair by the Indians, in 1791, general Wayne was appointed to command the American forces. Taking post near the country of the enemy, he made assiduous endeavors to negotiate a peace. Failing in these, he marched against them at the head of three thousand men. On the 20th of August, 1794, an action took place in the vicinity of one of the British garrisons, on the banks of the Miami. Avigorous charge roused the savages from their coverts, and they were driven more than two miles at the point of the bayonet. Broken and dismayed, they fled without renewing the combat. In this decisive battle, the loss of the Americans in killed and wounded, including officers, was one hundred and seven. After remaining on the banks of the Miami three days, general Wayne returned with the army to Au Glaize, having destroyed all the villages and corn within fifty miles of the river. The Indians still continuing hostilities, their whole country was laid waste, and forts were erected in the heart of their settlements. The effect of the battle of the 20th of August was instantly and extensively felt. To the victory gained by the Americans is ascribed the rescue of the United States from a general war with the Indians north-west of the Ohio.

The year 1794 is distinguished by an insurrection in Pennsylvania. In 1791, congress had enacted laws laying duties upon spirits distilled within the United States, and upon stills. From the commencement of the operation of these laws, combinations were formed in the four western counties of Pennsylvania to defeat them, and violence was repeatedly committed. In July of the present year, about one hundred persons, armed with guns and other weapons, attacked the house of an inspector of the revenue, and wounded some persons within it. They seized the marshal of the district of Pennsylvania, and compelled him to enter into stipulations to forbear the execution of his office. Both the inspector and the marshal were obliged to fly. These and many other outrages induced president Washington, on the 7th of August, to issue a proclamation, commanding the insurgents to disperse, and warning all persons against aiding, abetting, or comforting the perpetrators of these treasonable acts. On the 25th of September the president issued a second proclamation, admonishing the insurgents, and declaring his fixed determination, in obedience to the duty assigned to him by the constitution, ‘to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.’ Fifteen thousand men, placed under the command of governor Lee, of Virginia, were marched into the disaffected counties. Afew of the most active leaders were seized and detained for legal prosecution. The great body of the insurgents, on submission, were pardoned, as were also the leaders, after trial and conviction of treason.

Great Britain and the United States had each been incessantly complaining that the other had violated the stipulations contained in the treaty of peace. For the purpose of adjusting these mutual complaints, and also for concluding a commercial treaty, Mr.Adams had been appointed, in 1785, minister to the court of St.James’; the British ministry then declined negotiating on the subject; but after the constitution of 1789 was ratified, ministers were interchanged, and the discussion was prosecuted with no little zeal. In 1794, Mr.Jay being then minister from the United States, a treaty was concluded, which, in the spring of the next year, was laid before the senate. That body advised the president to ratify it, on condition that an alteration should be made in one of the articles. The democratic party, however, exclaimed in intemperate language against most of the stipulations it contained; and the partisans of France swelled the cry of condemnation.

Public meetings were held in various parts of the Union, at which resolutions were passed, expressing warm disapprobation of the treaty, and an earnest wish that the president would withhold his ratification. General Washington, believing that an adjustment of differences would conduce to the prosperity of the republic, and that the treaty before him was the best that could, at that time, be obtained, gave it his assent, in defiance of popular clamor, and issued his proclamation stating its ratification, and declaring it to be the law of the land.

A resolution moved in the house to make the necessary appropriations to carry the British treaty into effect, excited among the members the strongest emotions, and gave rise to speeches highly argumentative, eloquent, and animated. The debate was protracted until the people took up the subject. In their respective corporations meetings were held, the strength of parties was fully tried, and it clearly appeared that the great majority were disposed to rally around the executive. Innumerable petitions were presented to congress, praying them to make the requisite appropriations. Unwilling to take upon themselves the consequences of resisting the public will, they yielded to this call.

During the year 1795, a satisfactory treaty was concluded with Spain and with the regency of Algiers.

The last two or three years had witnessed several changes in the important offices of the nation. On the first day of the year 1794, Mr.Jefferson resigned the office of secretary of state, and was succeeded by Mr.Randolph. On the last day of January, 1795, Mr.Hamilton retired from the office of secretary of the treasury. He was succeeded by Oliver Wolcott. At the close of the year 1794, general Knox resigned the office of secretary of war, and colonel Pickering, of Massachusetts, was appointed in his place. In August, Mr.Randolph having lost the confidence of the president, and having in consequence retired from the administration, Mr.Pickering was appointed his successor in the department of state, and James McHenry, of Maryland, was made secretary of war. No one of the republican party being now at the head of any of the departments, many of the leaders of that party withdrew their support from the administration; but the confidence of the people in the integrity and patriotism of the president experienced not the slightest abatement.

The conduct adopted by France towards the American republic continued to be a source of vexation. M.Fauchet charged the administration with sentiments of hostility to the allies of the United States, with partiality for their former foes, and urged the adoption of a course more favorable to the cause of liberty. Mr.Morris, the minister to Paris, having incurred the displeasure of those in power, was recalled at their request, and his place supplied by Mr.Monroe. Being an ardent republican, he was received in the most respectful manner by the convention, who decreed that the flags of the two republics, entwined together, should be suspended in the legislative hall, as a mark of their eternal union and friendship. M.Adet was appointed soon after to succeed M.Fauchet. He brought with him the colors of France, which he was instructed by the convention to present to the congress of the United States. But France required more than professions and hopes, and more than by treaty she was entitled to claim. She wished to make the states a party in the war she was waging with the despots of Europe. Failing in this, she adopted regulations highly injurious to American commerce, directing her cruisers to capture in certain cases the vessels of the United States. In consequence of these regulations, several hundred vessels, loaded with valuable cargoes, were taken while prosecuting a lawful trade, and the whole confiscated. Believing that the rights of the nation were not asserted and vindicated with sufficient spirit by Mr.Monroe, the president recalled him, and Charles C.Pinckney, of South Carolina, was appointed in his stead. In the summer of 1796, he left the United States, instructed to use every effort compatible with national honor, to restore the amicable relations which had once subsisted between the sister republics.

As the period for a new election of a president of the United States approached, after plain indications that the public voice would be in his favor, and when he probably would have been chosen for the third time unanimously, Washington determined irrevocably to withdraw to the seclusion of private life. He published, in September, 1796, a farewell address to the people of the United States, which ought to be engraven upon the hearts of all his countrymen.

On the 7th of December, 1796, the president for the last time met the national legislature. On the 4th of March, 1797, he attended the inauguration of his successor in office. Having paid his affectionate compliments to Mr.Adams, as president of the United States, he bade adieu to the seat of government, and hastened to the delights of domestic life. He intended that his journey should have been private, but the attempt was vain; the same affectionate and respectful attentions were on this occasion paid him which he had received during his presidency.

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JOHNADAMS AND JEFFERSON.

When the determination of Washington not again to accept of the presidentship left open the high office to the competition of the leaders of the great political parties, no exertion was spared throughout the Union to give success to their respective claims. The federalists, desiring that the system of measures adopted by Washington should be pursued, and dreading the influence of French sentiments and principles, made the most active efforts to elect John Adams. The republicans, believing their opponents less friendly than themselves to the maxims of liberty, and too much devoted to the British nation and to British institutions, made equal exertions to elect Thomas Jefferson. The result was the choice of Mr.Adams to be president, and Mr.Jefferson to be vice-president.

Mr.Pinckney had been appointed minister plenipotentiary to the French republic in 1796. The object of his mission was stated, in his letter of credence, to be, ‘to maintain that good understanding which, from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations; and to efface unfavorable impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union.’ On inspecting his letter of credence, the directory announced to him their determination ‘not to receive another minister plenipotentiary from the United States until after the redress of grievances demanded of the American government, which the French republic had a right to expect from it.’ The American minister was afterwards obliged, by a written mandate, to quit the territories of the French republic. Besides other hostile indications, American vessels were captured wherever found; and, under the pretext of their wanting a document, with which the treaty of commerce had been uniformly understood to dispense, they were condemned as prizes.

In consequence of this serious state of the relations with France, the president, by proclamation, summoned congress to meet on the 15th of June; when, in a firm and dignified speech, he stated the great and unprovoked outrages of the French government. Having mentioned a disposition indicated in the executive directory to separate the people of America from their government, ‘such attempts,’ he added, ‘ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince France and all the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest.’ He expressed, however, his wish for an accommodation, and his purpose of attempting it. In the mean time, he earnestly recommended it to congress to provide effectual measures of defence.

To make a last effort to obtain reparation and security, three envoys extraordinary were appointed, at the head of whom was general Pinckney. These ambassadors also the directory refused to receive. They were, however, addressed by persons verbally instructed by Talleyrand, the minister of foreign relations, to make proposals. In explicit terms, these unofficial agents demanded a large sum of money before any negotiation could be opened. To this insulting demand a decided negative was given.

When these events were known in the United States they excited general indignation. The spirit of party appeared to be extinct. The treaty of alliance with France was declared by congress to be no longer in force; and authority was given for capturing armed French vessels. Provision was made for raising immediately a small regular army, and, in case events should render it expedient, for augmenting it. Adirect tax and additional internal duties were laid. To command the armies of the United States, president Adams, with the unanimous advice of the senate, appointed George Washington. He consented, but with great reluctance, to accept the office, declaring, however, that he cordially approved the measures of the government.

The first act of hostility between the two nations appears to have been committed by the Insurgente, which was in a short period after so signally beaten by an American frigate. The schooner Retaliation, lieutenant-commandant Bainbridge, being deluded into the power of this vessel, was captured and carried into Guadaloupe. Several other United States armed vessels were in company with the Retaliation, and pursued by the French squadron, but were probably saved from capture by the address of lieutenant Bainbridge, who, being asked by the French commodore what was the force of the vessels chased, exaggerated it with so much adroitness as to induce him to recall his ships. The Constellation went to sea under the command of captain Truxton. In February, 1799, he encountered the Insurgente, and, after a close action of about an hour and a half, compelled her to strike. The rate of the Constellation was thirty-two guns, that of the Insurgente forty. The former had three men wounded, one of whom shortly after died, and none killed; the latter had forty-one wounded, and twenty-nine killed. This victory, which was so brilliant and decisive, with such a wonderful disparity of loss, gave great eclat to the victor and to the navy. Commodore Truxton again put to sea in the Constellation, being destined to renew his triumphs, and the humiliation of the foe. In February, 1800, he fell in with the Vengeance, a French ship of fifty-four guns, with which he began an engagement that lasted, with great obstinacy and spirit on both sides, from eight o’clock in the evening till one in the morning, when the Vengeance was completely silenced, and sheered off. The Constellation, having lost her main-mast, was too much injured to pursue her. The captain of the Vengeance is said to have twice surrendered during the contest, but his signals were not understood amidst the darkness of night and the confusion of battle.

The United States, thus victorious in arms at home and on the ocean, commanded the respect of their enemy; and the directory made overtures of peace. The president immediately appointed ministers, who, on their arrival at Paris, found the executive authority in the possession of Buonaparte as first consul. They were promptly received, and in September, 1800, a treaty was concluded satisfactory to both countries.

The services of Washington had not been required in his capacity of commander-in-chief; but he did not live to witness the restoration of peace. On Friday, December13, while attending some improvements upon his estate, he was exposed to a light rain, which wetted his neck and hair. Unapprehensive of danger, he passed the afternoon in his usual manner; but at night was seized with an inflammatory affection of the windpipe, attended by fever, and a quick and laborious respiration. Respiration became more and more contracted and imperfect until half-past eleven on Saturday night, when, retaining the full possession of his intellect, he expired without a struggle. Thus, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, died the father of his country. Intelligence of this event, as it rapidly spread, produced spontaneous, deep, and unaffected grief, suspending every other thought, and absorbing every different feeling. Congress, then in session at Philadelphia, immediately adjourned. The senate of the United States, in an address to the president on this melancholy occasion, indulged their patriotic pride, while they did not transgress the bounds of truth, in speaking of their Washington.

According to the unanimous resolution of congress, a funeral procession moved from the legislative hall to the German Lutheran church, where an oration was delivered by general Lee, a representative from Virginia. The procession was grand and solemn; the oration impressive and eloquent. Throughout the Union similar marks of affliction were exhibited; a whole people appeared in mourning. In every part of the republic funeral orations were delivered, and the best talents of the nation were devoted to an expression of the nation’s grief.

In the year 1800 the seat of government of the United States was removed to Washington, in the district of Columbia. After congratulating the people of the United States on the assembling of congress at the permanent seat of their government, and congress on the prospect of a residence not to be changed, the president said: ‘It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to assemble for the first time in this solemn temple, without looking up to the supreme Ruler of the universe, and imploring his blessing. May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness! In this city may that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy and self-government, which adorned the great character whose name it bears, be forever held in veneration! Here, and throughout our country, may simple manners, pure morals, and true religion, flourish forever!’

At this period a presidential election again occurred. From the time of the adoption of the constitution, the republican party had been gradually increasing in numbers. The two parties being now nearly equal, the contest inspired both with uncommon ardor. The federalists supported Mr.Adams and general Pinckney; the republicans, Mr.Jefferson and colonel Burr. The two latter received a small majority of the electoral votes; and as they received also an equal number, the selection of one of them to be president devolved upon the house of representatives. After thirty-five trials, during which the nation felt intense solicitude, Mr.Jefferson was chosen. Colonel Burr received the votes of the federalists, and lost, in consequence, the confidence of his former friends. By the provisions of the constitution he became, of course, vice-president.

Asecond census of the inhabitants of the United States was completed in 1801. They amounted to five millions three hundred and nineteen thousand seven hundred and sixty-two, having in ten years increased nearly one million four hundred thousand. In the same number of years the exports increased from nineteen to ninety-four millions, and the revenue from four millions seven hundred seventy-one thousand, to twelve millions nine hundred and forty-five thousand dollars. This rapid advance in the career of prosperity has no parallel in the history of nations, and is to be attributed principally to the institutions of the country, which, securing equal privileges to all, gave to the enterprise and industry of all free scope and full encouragement.

In 1802, the state of Ohio was admitted into the Union. It was formerly a portion of the north-western territory, for the government of which, in 1787, an ordinance was passed by the continental congress. In thirty years from its first settlement, the number of its inhabitants exceeded half a million. The state of Tennessee, which was previously a part of North Carolina, and which lies between that state and the river Mississippi, had been admitted in 1796.

The right of deposit at New Orleans, conceded to the citizens of the United States by Spain, and necessary to the people of the western country, had, until this period, been freely enjoyed. In October, the chief officer of that city prohibited the exercise of it in future. This violation of a solemn engagement produced, throughout the states of Ohio and Kentucky, indignant clamor and violent commotion. In congress a proposition was made to take possession by force of the whole province of Louisiana; but a more pacific course was adopted. Knowing that the province had been ceded, although not transferred, to France, the president instituted a negotiation to acquire it by purchase. In April, 1803, a treaty was concluded, conveying it to the United States for fifteen millions of dollars. Its acquisition was considered by the United States of the greatest importance, as it gave them the entire control of a river which is one of the noblest in the world.

At this period, also, there was another important acquisition of territory. The friendly tribe of Kaskaskia Indians, reduced by wars and other causes to a few individuals, who were unable to defend themselves against the neighboring tribes, transferred its country to the United States; reserving only a sufficiency to maintain its members in an agricultural way. The stipulations on the part of the United States were, to extend to them patronage and protection, and to give them certain annual aids, in money, implements of agriculture, and other articles of their choice. This ceded country extends along the Mississippi from the mouth of the Illinois to and up the Ohio; and is esteemed as among the most fertile within the limits of the Union.

The United States had for some time enjoyed the undisputed repose of peace, with only one exception. Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary states, had made demands founded neither in right nor in compact, and had denounced war on the failure of the American government to comply with them before a given day. The president, on this occasion, sent a small squadron of frigates into the Mediterranean, with assurances to that power of the sincere desire of the American government to remain in peace; but with orders to protect our commerce against the threatened attack. It was a seasonable and salutary measure; for the bey had already declared war; and the American commerce in the Mediterranean was blockaded, while that of the Atlantic was in peril. The arrival of the squadron dispelled the danger. The Insurgente, which had been so honorably added to the American navy, and the Pickering, of fourteen guns, the former commanded by captain Fletcher, the latter by captain Hillar, were lost in the equinoctial gale, in September, 1800.

In 1801, the Enterprise, of fourteen guns, captain Sterrett, fell in with a Tripolitan ship of war of equal force. The action continued three hours and a half, the corsair fighting with great obstinacy, and even desperation, until she struck, having lost fifty killed and wounded, while the Enterprise had not a man injured. In 1803, commodore Preble assumed the command of the Mediterranean squadron, and after humbling the emperor of Morocco, who had begun a covert war upon American commerce, concentrated most of his force before Tripoli. On arriving off that port, captain Bainbridge, in the frigate Philadelphia, of forty-four guns, was sent into the harbor to reconnoitre. While in eager pursuit of a small vessel, he unfortunately advanced so far that the frigate grounded, and all attempts to remove her were in vain. The sea around her was immediately covered with Tripolitan gun-boats, and captain Bainbridge was compelled to surrender. This misfortune, which threw a number of accomplished officers and a valiant crew into oppressive bondage, and which shed a gloom over the whole nation, as it seemed at once to increase the difficulties of a peace an hundred fold, was soon relieved by one of the most daring and chivalrous exploits that is found in naval annals. Lieutenant Stephen Decatur, then one of commodore Preble’s subalterns, proposed a plan for re-capturing or destroying the Philadelphia. The American squadron was at that time lying at Syracuse. Agreeably to the plan proposed, lieutenant Decatur, in the ketch Intrepid, four guns and seventy-five men, proceeded, under the escort of the Syren, captain Stewart, to the harbor of Tripoli. The Philadelphia lay within half gun-shot of the bashaw’s castle, and several cruisers and gun-boats surrounded her with jealous vigilance.

The Intrepid entered the harbor alone, about eight o’clock in the evening, and succeeded in getting near the Philadelphia, between ten and eleven o’clock, without having awakened suspicion of her hostile designs. This vessel had been captured from the Tripolitans, and, assuming on this occasion her former national appearance, was permitted to warp alongside, under the alleged pretence that she had lost all her anchors. The moment the vessel came in contact, Decatur and his followers leaped on board, and soon overwhelmed a crew which was paralyzed with consternation. Twenty of the Tripolitans were killed. All the surrounding batteries being opened upon the Philadelphia, she was immediately set on fire, and not abandoned until thoroughly wrapped in flames; when, a favoring breeze springing up, the Intrepid extricated herself from her prey, and sailed triumphantly out of the harbor amid the light of the conflagration. Not the slightest loss occurred on the side of the Americans to shade the splendor of the enterprise.

In July, 1804, commodore Preble brought together all his forces before Tripoli, determined to try the effect of a bombardment. The enemy having sent some of his gun-boats and galleys without the reef at the mouth of the harbor, two divisions of American gun-boats were formed for the purpose of attacking them, while the large vessels assailed the batteries and town. On the 3d of August this plan was put in execution. The squadron approached within gun-shot of the town, and opened a tremendous fire of shot and shells, which was as promptly returned by the Tripolitan batteries and shipping. At the same time the two divisions of gun-boats, the first under the command of captain Somers, the second under captain Stephen Decatur, who had been promoted as a reward for his late achievement, advanced against those of the enemy. The squadron was about two hours under the enemy’s batteries, generally within pistol-shot, ranging by them in deliberate succession, alternately silencing their fires, and launching its thunders into the very palace of the bashaw; while a more animated battle was raging in another quarter. Simultaneously with the bombardment the American gun-boats had closed in desperate conflict with the enemy. Captain Decatur, bearing down upon one of superior force, soon carried her by boarding, when, taking his prize in tow, he grappled with another, and in like manner transferred the fight to the enemy’s deck.

In the fierce encounter which followed this second attack, captain Decatur, having broken his sword, closed with the Turkish commander, and, both falling in the struggle, gave him a mortal wound with a pistol-shot, just as the Turk was raising his dirk to plunge it into his breast. Lieutenant Trippe, of captain Decatur’s squadron, had boarded a third large gun-boat, with only one midshipman and nine men, when his boat fell off, and left him to wage the unequal fight of eleven against thirty-six, which was the number of the enemy. Courage and resolution, however, converted this devoted little band into a formidable host, which, after a sanguinary contest, obliged the numerous foe to yield, with the loss of fourteen killed and seven wounded. Lieutenant Trippe received eleven sabre wounds, and had three of his party wounded, but none killed. Several bombardments and attacks succeeded each other at intervals throughout the month. Day after day death and devastation were poured into Tripoli with unsparing perseverance, each attack exhibiting instances of valor and devotedness which will give lustre to history. The eyes of Europe were drawn to the spot where a young nation, scarcely emerged into notice, was signally chastising the despotic and lawless infidel, to whom some of her most powerful governments were then paving tribute.

On the 4th of September, commodore Preble, in order to try new experiments of annoyance, determined to send a fireship into the enemy’s harbor. The Intrepid was fitted out for this service, being filled with powder, shells, and other combustible materials. Captain Somers, who had often been the emulous rival of Decatur in the career of glory, was appointed to conduct her in, having for his associates in the hazardous enterprise lieutenants Wadsworth and Israel, all volunteers. The Argus, Vixen, and Nautilus, were to convey the Intrepid as far as the mouth of the harbor. Captain Somers and lieutenant Wadsworth made choice of two of the fleetest boats in the squadron, manned with picked crews, to bring them out. At eight o’clock in the evening she stood into the harbor with a moderate breeze. Several shot were fired at her from the batteries. She had nearly gained her place of destination when she exploded, without having made any of the signals previously concerted to show that the crew was safe. Night hung over the dreadful catastrophe, and left the whole squadron a prey to the most painful anxiety. The convoy hovered about the harbor until sunrise, when no remains could be discovered either of the Intrepid or her boats. Doubt was turned into certainty, that she had prematurely blown up, as one of the enemy’s gun-boats was observed to be missing, and several others much shattered and damaged.

Commodore Preble, in his account, says, that he was led to believe ‘that those boats were detached from the enemy’s flotilla to intercept the ketch, and without suspecting her to be a fireship, the missing boats had suddenly boarded her, when the gallant Somers and the heroes of his party observing the other three boats surrounding them, and no prospect of escape, determined at once to prefer death, and the destruction of the enemy, to captivity and torturing slavery, put a match to the train leading directly to the magazine, which at once blew the whole into the air, and terminated their existence;’ and he adds, that his ‘conjectures respecting this affair are founded on a resolution which captain Somers and lieutenants Wadsworth and Israel had formed, neither to be taken by the enemy, nor suffer him to get possession of the powder on board the Intrepid.’144 Soon after these events, commodore Preble gave up the command in the Mediterranean to commodore Barron, and returned to the United States. His eminent services were enthusiastically acknowledged by his admiring fellow-citizens, as well as those of his associates in arms, ‘whose names,’ in the expressive language of congress on the occasion, ‘ought to live in the recollection and affection of a grateful country, and whose conduct ought to be regarded as an example to future generations.’

While the squadron remained before Tripoli other deeds of heroism were performed. William Eaton, who had been a captain in the American army, was, at the commencement of this war, consul at Tunis. He there became acquainted with Hamet Caramauly, whom a younger brother had excluded from the throne of Tripoli. With him he concerted an expedition against the reigning sovereign, and repaired to the United States to obtain permission and the means to undertake it. Permission was granted, the co-operation of the squadron recommended, and such pecuniary assistance as could be spared was afforded. To raise an army in Egypt, and lead it to attack the usurper in his dominions, was the project which had been concerted. In the beginning of 1805, Eaton met Hamet at Alexandria, and was appointed general of his forces. On the 6th of March, at the head of a respectable body of mounted Arabs, and about seventy Christians, he set out for Tripoli. His route lay across a desert one thousand miles in extent. On his march, he encountered peril, fatigue, and suffering, the description of which would resemble the exaggerations of romance. On the 25th of April, having been fifty days on the march, he arrived before Derne, a Tripolitan city on the Mediterranean, and found in the harbor a part of the American squadron destined to assist him. He learnt also that the usurper, having received notice of his approach, had raised a considerable army, and was then within a day’s march of the city. No time was therefore to be lost.

The next morning he summoned the governor to surrender, who returned for answer, ‘My head or yours.’ The city was assaulted, and after a contest of two hours and a half, possession was gained. The Christians suffered severely, and the general was slightly wounded. Great exertions were immediately made to fortify the city. On the 8th of May it was attacked by the Tripolitan army. Although ten times more numerous than Eaton’s band, the assailants, after persisting four hours in the attempt, were compelled to retire. On the 10th of June another battle was fought, in which the enemy were defeated. The next day the American frigate Constitution arrived in the harbor, which so terrified the Tripolitans that they fled precipitately to the desert. The frigate came, however, to arrest the operations of Eaton in the midst of his brilliant and successful career. Alarmed at his progress, the reigning bashaw had offered terms of peace, which being much more favorable than had before been offered, were accepted by Mr.Lear, the authorized agent of the government. Sixty thousand dollars were given as a ransom for the unfortunate American prisoners, and an engagement was made to withdraw all support from Hamet. The nation, proud of the exploits of Eaton, regretted this diplomatic interference, but the treaty was subsequently ratified by the president and senate.

During the year 1804, the Delaware Indians relinquished to the United States their title to an extensive tract east of the Mississippi, between the Wabash and Ohio, for which they were to receive annuities in animals and implements for agriculture, and in other necessaries. This was an important acquisition, not only for its extent and fertility, but because, by its commanding the Ohio for three hundred miles, and nearly half that distance the Wabash, the produce of the settled country could be safely conveyed down those rivers, and, with the cession recently made by Kaskaskias, it nearly consolidated the possessions of the United States north of the Ohio, from lake Erie to the Mississippi.

Early in the following year Mr.Jefferson was re-elected to fill the president’s chair by the decided majority of sixty-two votes against sixteen, a circumstance which he viewed as an indication of a great decay in the strength of the federal party.145 George Clinton was also elected vice-president.

During the year 1806, a circumstance occurred which put to the test the attachment of the inhabitants of the southern and western states, as well as the good faith of the American government in her foreign relations. Colonel Burr, whose character and influence had formerly encouraged him in the hope of filling the highest office of his country, subsequently lost the public confidence and fell into obscurity. While unobserved by his fellow-citizens he was by no means inactive; he was employed in purchasing and building boats on the Ohio, and in engaging men to descend that river. His professed intention was to form a settlement on the banks of the Washita, in Louisiana; but the nature of his preparations, and the incautious disclosures of his associates, led to the suspicion that his real object was of a far different character.

‘His conspiracy,’ says president Jefferson, in a letter to the marquis de la Fayette, ‘has been one of the most flagitious of which history will ever furnish an example. He meant to separate the western states from us, to add Mexico to them, place himself at their head, establish what he would deem an energetic government, and thus provide an example and an instrument for the subversion of our freedom. The man who could expect to affect this with American materials must be a fit subject for Bedlam. Nothing has ever so strongly proved the innate force of our form of government as this conspiracy. Burr had probably engaged one thousand men to follow his fortunes, without letting them know his projects, otherwise than by assuring them the government approved of them. The moment a proclamation was issued, undeceiving them, he found himself left with about thirty desperadoes only. The people rose in a mass wherever he was, or was suspected to be, and by their own energy the thing was crushed in one instant, without its having been necessary to employ a man of the military but to take care of their respective stations. His first enterprise was to have been to seize New Orleans, which he supposed would powerfully bridle the upper country, and place him at the door of Mexico. It is with pleasure Iinform you that not a single native Creole, and but one American, of those settled there before we received the place, took any part with him. His partisans were the new emigrants from the United States and elsewhere, fugitives from justice or debt, and adventurers and speculators of all descriptions.’ In August, 1807, he was tried before chief-justice Marshall, and the evidence of his guilt not being deemed sufficient he was acquitted. The people, however, very generally believed him guilty.

The American government at this period began to be seriously affected by the contest which was raging in Europe. Under the guidance of the splendid talents of Napoleon the military prowess of France had brought most of the European nations to her feet. America profited from the destruction of the ships and commerce of other nations; being neutral, her vessels carried from port to port the productions of France and the dependent kingdoms; and also to the ports of those kingdoms the manufactures of England: indeed, few ships were found on the ocean except those of the United States and Great Britain. These advantages were, however, too great to be long enjoyed unmolested. American ships carrying to Europe the produce of French colonies were, in the early stage of the war, captured by British cruisers, and condemned by their courts as lawful prizes; and now several European ports under the control of France were by British orders in council, dated in May, 1806, declared in a state of blockade, although not invested with a British fleet; and American vessels attempting to enter those ports were also captured and condemned. France and her allies suffered, as well as the United States, from these proceedings; but her vengeance fell not so much upon the belligerent as upon the neutral party. By a decree, used at Berlin in November, 1806, the French emperor declared the British islands in a state of blockade, and of course authorized the capture of all neutral vessels attempting to trade with those islands. From these measures of both nations the commerce of the United States severely suffered, and their merchants loudly demanded of the government redress and protection.

This was not the only grievance to which the contest between the European powers gave rise. Great Britain claimed a right to search for and seize English sailors, even on board neutral vessels while traversing the ocean. In the exercise of this pretended right, citizens of the United States were seized, dragged from their friends, transported to distant parts of the world, compelled to perform the duty of British sailors, and to fight with nations at peace with their own. Against this outrage upon personal liberty and the rights of American citizens, Washington, Adams, and Jefferson had remonstrated in vain. The abuse continued, and every year added to its aggravation. In June, 1807, a circumstance occurred which highly and justly incensed the Americans. The frigate Chesapeake, being ordered on a cruise in the Mediterranean sea, under the command of commodore Barron, sailing from Hampton roads, was come up with by the British ship of war Leopard, one of a squadron then at anchor within the limits of the United States. An officer was sent from the Leopard to the Chesapeake, with a note from the captain respecting some deserters from some of his Britannic majesty’s ships, supposed to be serving as part of the crew of the Chesapeake, and inclosing a copy of an order from vice-admiral Berkeley, requiring and directing the commanders of ships and vessels under his command, in case of meeting with the American frigate at sea, and without the limits of the United States, to show the order to her captain, and to require to search his ship for the deserters from certain ships therein named, and to proceed and search for them; and if a similar demand should be made by the American, he was permitted to search for deserters from their service, according to the customs and usage of civilized nations on terms of amity with each other.

Commodore Barron gave an answer, purporting that he knew of no such men as were described; that the recruiting officers for the Chesapeake had been particularly instructed by the government, through him, not to enter any deserters from his Britannic majesty’s ships; that he knew of none such being in her; that he was instructed never to permit the crew of any ship under his command to be mustered by any officers but her own; that he was disposed to preserve harmony, and hoped his answer would prove satisfactory. The Leopard, shortly after this answer was received by her commander, ranged along side of the Chesapeake, and commenced a heavy fire upon her. The Chesapeake, unprepared for action, made no resistance, but having suffered much damage, and lost three men killed, and eighteen wounded, commodore Barron ordered his colors to be struck, and sent a lieutenant on board the Leopard, to inform her commander that he considered the Chesapeake her prize. The commander of the Leopard sent an officer on board, who took possession of the Chesapeake, mustered her crew, and, carrying off four of her men, abandoned the ship. Commodore Barron, finding that the Chesapeake was very much injured, returned, with the advice of his officers, to Hampton roads. On receiving information of this outrage, the president, by proclamation, interdicted the harbors and waters of the United States to all armed British vessels, forbade intercourse with them, and ordered a sufficient force for the protection of Norfolk, and such other preparations as the occasion appeared to require. An armed vessel of the United States was despatched with instructions to the American minister at London, to call on the British government for the satisfaction and security which this outrage required.

Buonaparte having declared his purpose of enforcing with rigor the Berlin decree; the British government having solemnly asserted the right of search and impressment, and having intimated their intention to adopt measures in retaliation of the French decree, the president recommended to congress that the seamen, ships, and merchandise of the United States should be detained in port to preserve them from the dangers which threatened them on the ocean; and a law laying an indefinite embargo was in consequence enacted. Afew days only had elapsed when information was received that Great Britain had prohibited neutrals, except upon most injurious conditions, from trading with France or her allies, comprising nearly every maritime nation of Europe. This was followed in a few weeks by a decree issued by Buonaparte, at Milan, declaring that every neutral vessel which should submit to be visited by a British ship, or comply with the terms demanded, should be confiscated, if afterwards found in his ports, or taken by his cruisers. Thus, at the date of the embargo, were orders and decrees in existence rendering liable to capture almost every American vessel sailing on the ocean. In the New England states, the embargo, withholding the merchant from a career in which he had been highly prosperous, and in which he imagined that he might still be favored by fortune, occasioned discontent and clamor. The federalists, more numerous there than in any other part of the Union, pronounced it a measure unwise and oppressive. These representations, and the distress which the people endured, induced a zealous opposition to the measures of the government.

The president, in his message on the opening of the tenth congress, stated the continued disregard shown by the belligerent nations to neutral rights, so destructive to the American commerce; and referred it to the wisdom of congress to decide on the course best adapted to such a state of things. ‘With the Barbary powers,’ he said, ‘we continue in harmony, with the exception of an unjustifiable proceeding of the dey of Algiers towards our consul to that regency,’ the character and circumstances of which he laid before congress. ‘With our Indian neighbors the public peace has been steadily maintained. From a conviction that we consider them as a part of ourselves, and cherish with sincerity their rights and interests, the attachment of the Indian tribes is gaining strength daily, is extending from the nearer to the more remote, and will amply requite us for the justice and friendship practised towards them. Husbandry and household manufacture are advancing among them, more rapidly with the southern than northern tribes, from circumstances of soil and climate; and one of the two great divisions of the Cherokee nation has now under consideration to solicit the friendship of the United States, and to be identified with us in laws and government in such progressive manner as we shall think best.’

Mr.Jefferson, following and confirming the example of Washington, determined not to continue in office for a longer term than eight years. ‘Never did a prisoner,’ says the president of the American republic, ‘released from his chains, feel such relief as Ishall on shaking off the shackles of power. Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme delight. But the enormities of the times in which Ihave lived have forced me to take a part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the boisterous ocean of political passions. Ithank God for the opportunity of retiring from them without censure, and carrying with me the most consoling proofs of public approbation. Ileave every thing in the hands of men so able to take care of them, that if we are destined to meet misfortunes it will be because no human wisdom could avert them.’

ADMINISTRATION OF MR.MADISON.

Mr.Jefferson was succeeded in the presidency by Mr.Madison. One of the first acts of congress under the new president was to repeal the embargo; but at the same time to prohibit all intercourse with France and England.

In the non-intercourse law a provision was inserted, that if either nation should revoke her hostile edicts, and the president should announce that fact by proclamation, then the law should cease to be in force in regard to the nation so revoking. On the 23d of April, Mr.Erskine, minister plenipotentiary from his Britannic majesty to the United States, pledged his court to repeal its anti-neutral decrees by the 10th of June; and, in consequence of an arrangement now made with the British minister, the president proclaimed that commercial intercourse would be renewed on that day; but this arrangement was disavowed by the ministry; and, in October, Mr.Erskine was replaced by Mr.Jackson, who soon giving offence to the American government, all farther intercourse with him was refused, and he was recalled.

The Rambouillet decree, alleged to be designed to retaliate the act of congress which forbade French vessels to enter the ports of the United States, was issued by Buonaparte on the 23d of March. By this decree, all American vessels and cargoes, arriving in any of the ports of France, or of countries occupied by French troops, were ordered to be seized and condemned.

On the 1st of May congress passed an act, excluding British and French armed vessels from the waters of the United States; but providing, that if either of the above nations should modify its edicts before the 3d of March, 1811, so that they should cease to violate neutral commerce, of which fact the president was to give notice by proclamation, and the other nation should not, within three months after, pursue a similar course, commercial intercourse with the first might be renewed, but not with the other.

In August the French government assured Mr.Armstrong, the American envoy at Paris, that the Berlin and Milan decrees were revoked, the revocation to take effect on the first day of November ensuing. Confiding in this assurance, the president, on the second day of November, issued his proclamation, declaring that unrestrained commerce with France was allowed, but that all intercourse with Great Britain was prohibited.

Great Britain, having previously expressed a willingness to repeal her orders whenever France should repeal her decrees, was now called upon by the American envoy to fulfil that engagement. The British ministry objected, however, that the French decrees could not be considered as repealed, a letter from the minister of state not being, for that purpose, a document of sufficient authority; and still persisted to enforce the orders in council. For this purpose British ships of war were stationed before the principal harbors of the United States. All American merchantmen, departing or returning, were boarded, searched, and many of them sent to British ports as legal prizes. The contempt in which the British officers held the republican navy, in one instance, led to an action. Commodore Rogers, in the President frigate, met in the evening a vessel on the coast of Virginia; he hailed; but, instead of receiving an answer, was hailed in turn, and a shot was fired, which struck the main-mast of the President. The fire was instantly returned by the commodore, and continued for a few minutes, when, finding his antagonist was of inferior force, and that her guns were almost silenced, he desisted. On hailing again, an answer was given, that the ship was the British sloop of war Little Belt, of eighteen guns. Thirty-two of her men were killed and wounded, and the ship was much disabled.

For several years the Indian tribes residing near the sources of the Mississippi had occupied themselves in murdering and robbing the white settlers in their vicinity. At length, the frontier inhabitants being seriously alarmed by their hostile indications, in the autumn of 1811 governor Harrison resolved to move towards the Prophet’s town, on the Wabash, with a body of Kentucky and Indiana militia, and the fourth United States regiment, under colonel Boyd, to demand satisfaction of the Indians, and to put a stop to their threatened hostilities. His expedition was made early in November. On his approach within a few miles of the Prophet’s town, the principal chiefs came out with offers of peace and submission, and requested the governor to encamp for the night; but this was only a treacherous artifice. At four in the morning the camp was furiously assailed, and a bloody contest ensued; the Indians were however repulsed. The loss on the part of the Americans was sixty-two killed, and one hundred and twenty-six wounded, and a still greater number on the side of the Indians. Governor Harrison, having destroyed the Prophet’s town, and established forts, returned to Vincennes.

In November reparation was made by the British for the attack on the Chesapeake. Mr.Foster, the British envoy, informed the secretary of the United States, that he was instructed to repeat to the American government the prompt disavowal made by his majesty, on being apprized of the unauthorized act of the officer in command of his naval forces on the coast of America, whose recall from a highly important and honorable command immediately ensued, as a mark of his majesty’s disapprobation; that he was authorized to offer, in addition to that disavowal on the part of his royal highness, the immediate restoration, as far as circumstances would admit, of the men who, in consequence of admiral Berkeley’s orders, were forcibly taken out of the Chesapeake, to the vessel from which they were taken; or, if that ship were no longer in commission, to such seaport of the United States as the American government may name for the purpose: and that he was also authorized to offer to the American government a suitable pecuniary provision for the sufferers, in consequence of the attack on the Chesapeake, including the families of those seamen who fell in the action, and of the wounded survivors. The president acceded to these propositions; and the officer commanding the Chesapeake, then lying in the harbor of Boston, was instructed to receive the men who were to be restored to that ship. The British envoy, however, could give no assurance that his government was disposed to make a satisfactory arrangement of the subject of impressment, or to repeal the orders in council. These orders, on the contrary, continued to be enforced with rigor; and, on the restoration of a free commerce with France, a large number of American vessels, laden with rich cargoes, and destined to her ports, fell into the power of British cruisers, which, since 1803, had captured nine hundred American vessels.

Early in November, 1811, president Madison summoned the congress. His message indicating an apprehension of hostilities with Great Britain, the committee of foreign relations in the house of representatives reported resolutions for filling up the ranks of the army; for raising an additional force of ten thousand men; for authorizing the president to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers, and for ordering out the militia when he should judge it necessary; for repairing the navy; and for authorizing the arming of merchantmen in self-defence. Abill from the senate, for raising twenty-five thousand men, after much discussion, was also agreed to by the house.

The American congress, although continuing the preparations for war, still cherished the hope that a change of policy in Europe would render unnecessary an appeal to arms till May in the following year. Towards the close of that season, the Hornet arrived from London, bringing information that no prospect existed of a favorable change. On the 1st of June, the president sent a message to congress, recounting the wrongs received from Great Britain, and submitting the question, whether the United States should continue to endure them, or resort to war. The message was considered with closed doors. On the 18th, an act was passed, declaring war against Great Britain; and the next day a proclamation was issued. Against this declaration, however, the representatives belonging to the federal party presented a solemn protest, which was written with great ability.

At the time of the declaration of war, general Hull was also governor of the Michigan territory, of which Detroit is the capital. On the 12th of July, with two thousand regulars and volunteers, he crossed the river dividing the United States from Canada, apparently intending to attack Malden, and thence to proceed to Montreal. Information was, however, received, that Mackinaw, an American post above Detroit, had surrendered to a large body of British and Indians, who were rushing down the river in numbers sufficient to overwhelm the American forces. Panic-struck, general Hull hastened back to Detroit. General Brock, the commander at Malden, pursued him, and erected batteries opposite Detroit. The next day, meeting with no resistance, general Brock resolved to march directly forward and assault the fort. The American troops awaited the approach of the enemy, and anticipated victory; but, to their dismay, general Hull opened a correspondence, which ended in the surrender of the army, and of the territory of Michigan. An event so disgraceful, occurring in a quarter where success was confidently anticipated, caused the greatest mortification and amazement throughout the Union.

General Van Rensselaer, of the New York militia, had the command of the troops which were called the army of the centre. His head-quarters were at Lewistown, on the river Niagara, and on the opposite side was Queenstown, a fortified British post. The militia displaying great eagerness to be led against the enemy, the general determined to cross the river at the head of about one thousand men; though successful at first, he was compelled, after a long and obstinate engagement, to surrender. General Brock, the British commander, fell in rallying his troops.

The army of the north, which was under the immediate command of general Dearborn, was stationed at Greenbush, near Albany, and at Plattsburgh, on lake Champlain. From the latter post, a detachment marched a short distance into Canada, surprised a small body of British and Indians, and destroyed a considerable quantity of public stores. Other movements were anxiously expected by the people; but, after the misfortunes of Detroit and Niagara, the general deemed it inexpedient to engage in any important enterprise.

While, on land, defeat attended the arms of the republic, on the ocean we gained victories, which compensated our loss, and gained us immortal glory. On the 19th of August, captain Hull, commanding the Constitution, of forty-four guns, fell in with the British frigate Le Guerriere. She advanced towards the Constitution, firing broadsides at intervals; the American reserved her fire till she had approached within half pistol-shot, when a tremendous cannonade was directed upon her, and in thirty minutes, every mast and nearly every spar being shot away, captain Dacres struck his flag. Of the crew, fifty were killed and sixty-four wounded; while the Constitution had only seven killed and seven wounded. The Guerriere received so much injury, that it was thought to be impossible to get her into port, and she was burned. Captain Hull, on his return to the United States, was welcomed with enthusiasm by his grateful and admiring countrymen. The vast difference in the number of killed and wounded certainly evinced great skill, as well as bravery, on the part of the American seamen. But this was the first only of a series of naval victories. On the 18th of October, captain Jones, in the Wasp, of eighteen guns, captured the Frolic, of twenty-two, after a bloody conflict of three-quarters of an hour. In this action the Americans obtained a victory over a superior force; and, on their part, but eight were killed and wounded, while on that of the enemy about eighty. The Wasp was unfortunately captured, soon after her victory, by a British ship of the line. On the 25th, the frigate United States, commanded by captain Decatur, captured the British frigate Macedonian. In this instance, also, the disparity of loss was astonishingly great: on the part of the enemy, a hundred and four were killed and wounded; on that of the Americans, but eleven. The United States brought her prize safely to New York. Amost desperate action was fought on the 29th of December, between the Constitution, of forty-four guns, then commanded by captain Bainbridge, and the British frigate Java, of thirty-eight. The combat continued more than three hours; nor did the Java strike till she was reduced to a mere wreck. Of her crew, a hundred and sixty-one were killed and wounded, while of that of the Constitution there were only thirty-four.

These naval victories were peculiarly gratifying to the feelings of the Americans; they were gained in the midst of disasters on land, and by that class of citizens whose rights had been violated; they were gained over a nation whom long continued success had taught to consider themselves lords of the sea, and who had confidently affirmed that the whole American navy would soon be swept from the ocean. Many British merchantmen were also captured, both by the American navy and by privateers, which issued from almost every port, and were remarkably successful. The number of prizes made during the first seven months of the war exceeded five hundred.

At the commencement of the session of congress held in the autumn of 1812, the president, in his message, stated that immediately after the declaration of war, he communicated to the British government the terms on which its progress might be arrested; that these terms were, the repeal of the orders in council, the discharge of American seamen, and the abandonment of the practice of impressment; and that the ministry had declined to accede to his offers. He also stated that, at an early period of the war, he had received official information of the repeal of the orders in council; that two propositions for an armistice had been made to him, both of which he had rejected, as they could not have been accepted without conceding to Great Britain the right of impressment. The rejection of these propositions was approved by the national representatives, who, far from abandoning the ground they had taken, adopted more vigorous measures for the prosecution of the war.

While the war was proceeding in America, a friendly power abroad interposed for its termination. Soon after the spring session of congress, an offer was communicated from the emperor of Russia of his mediation, as the common friend of the United States and Great Britain, for the purpose of facilitating a peace between them. The offer was immediately accepted by the American government, and provision made for the contemplated negotiation. Albert Gallatin, James A. Bayard, and John Quincy Adams, were appointed commissioners, and invested with the requisite powers to conclude a treaty of peace with persons clothed with like powers on the part of Great Britain. They were also authorized to enter into such conventional regulations of the commerce between the two countries as might be mutually advantageous. The two first-named envoys proceeded to join their colleague at St.Petersburgh, where he then was as resident minister from the United States. Acommission was also given to the envoys, authorizing them to conclude a treaty of commerce with Russia, with a view to strengthen the amicable relations, and improve the beneficial intercourse, between the two countries.

On the 24th of May, congress was convened by proclamation of the president. Laws were enacted, imposing a direct tax of three millions of dollars; authorizing the collection of various internal duties; providing for a loan of seven and a half millions of dollars; and prohibiting the merchant vessels of the United States from sailing under British licenses. Near the close of the session, a committee appointed to inquire into the subject made a long report upon the spirit and manner in which the war had been conducted by the British.

The scene of the campaign of 1813 was principally in the north, towards Canada. Brigadier-general Winchester, of the United States army, and nearly five hundred men, officers and soldiers, were made prisoners at Frenchtown, by a division of the British army from Detroit, with their Indian allies, under colonel Proctor. Colonel Proctor leaving the wounded Americans without a guard, the Indians returned, and deeds of horror followed. The wounded officers were dragged from the houses, killed, and scalped in the streets. The buildings were set on fire. Some who attempted to escape were forced back into the flames, while others were put to death by the tomahawk, and left shockingly mangled in the highway. The infamy of this butchery does not fall upon the perpetrators alone, but extends to those who were able, and were bound by a solemn engagement, to restrain them. The battle and massacre at Frenchtown clothed Kentucky and Ohio in mourning. Other volunteers, indignant at the treachery and cruelty of their foes, hastened to the aid of Harrison. He marched to the rapids of the Miami, where he erected a fort, which he called fort Meigs, in honor of the governor of Ohio. On the 1st of May it was invested by a large number of Indians, and by a party of British troops from Malden, the whole commanded by colonel Proctor. An unsuccessful attempt to raise the siege was made by general Clay, at the head of twelve hundred Kentuckians; but the fort continued to be defended with bravery and skill. The Indians, unaccustomed to sieges, became weary and discontented; and, on the 8th of May, they deserted their allies. The British, despairing of success, then made a precipitate retreat.

On the northern frontier a body of troops had been assembled, under the command of general Dearborn, at Sackett’s Harbor, and great exertions were made by commodore Chauncey to build and equip a squadron on lake Ontario, sufficiently powerful to contend with that of the British. By the 25th of April the naval preparations were so far completed, that the general and seventeen thousand troops were conveyed across the lake to the attack of York, the capital of Upper Canada. On the 27th, an advanced party, commanded by brigadier-general Pike, who was born in a camp, and bred a soldier from his birth, landed, although opposed at the water’s edge by a superior force. After a short but severe conflict, the British were driven to their fortifications. The rest of the troops having landed, the whole party pressed forward, carried the first battery by assault, and were moving towards the main works, when the English magazine blew up, with a tremendous explosion, hurling upon the advancing troops immense quantities of stone and timber. Numbers were killed; the gallant Pike received a mortal wound; the troops halted for a moment, but, recovering from the shock, again pressed forward, and soon gained possession of the town. Of the British troops, one hundred were killed, nearly three hundred were wounded, and the same number made prisoners.

The object of the expedition attained, the squadron and troops returned to Sackett’s Harbor, and subsequently sailed to fort George, situated at the head of the lake. After a warm engagement, the British abandoned the fort, and retired to the heights at the head of Burlington bay.

While the greater part of the American army was thus employed, the British made an attack upon the important post of Sackett’s Harbor. On the 27th of May, their squadron appeared before the town. Alarm guns instantly assembled the citizens of the neighborhood. General Brown’s force amounted to about one thousand men; a slight breastwork was hastily thrown up at the only place where the British could land, and behind this he placed the militia, the regulars, under colonel Backus, forming a second line. On the morning of the 29th, one thousand British troops landed from the squadron, and advanced towards the breastwork; the militia gave way, but by the bravery of the regulars, under the skilful arrangement of general Brown, the British were repulsed, and re-embarked so hastily as to leave behind most of their wounded.

The sea-coast was harassed by predatory warfare, carried on by large detachments from the powerful navy of Great Britain. One squadron, stationed in Delaware bay, captured and burnt every merchant vessel which came within its reach, while a more powerful squadron, commanded by admiral Cockburn, destroyed the farm-houses and gentlemen’s seats along the shore of Chesapeake bay. Frenchtown, Havre-de-Grace, Fredericktown, and Georgetown were sacked and burnt. Norfolk was saved from a similar fate by the determined bravery of a small force stationed on Craney island, in the harbor. Afurious attack was made upon Hampton, which, notwithstanding the gallant resistance of its small garrison, was captured.

The ocean was the theatre of sanguinary conflicts. Captain Lawrence, in the sloop of war Hornet, on the 23d of February, met the British brig Peacock, and a fierce combat ensued. In less than fifteen minutes the Peacock struck her colors, displaying at the same time a signal of distress. The victors hastened to the relief of the vanquished; the same strength which had been exerted to conquer was equally ready to save; but the Peacock sunk before all her crew could be removed, carrying down nine British seamen, and three brave and generous Americans. On his return to the United States, captain Lawrence was promoted to the command of the frigate Chesapeake, then in the harbor of Boston. For several weeks the British frigate Shannon, of superior force, had been cruising before the port; and captain Broke, her commander, had announced his wish to meet, in single combat, an American frigate. Inflamed by this challenge, captain Lawrence, although his crew was just enlisted, set sail on the 1st of June to seek the Shannon. Towards evening of the same day they met, and instantly engaged, with unexampled fury. In a very few minutes, and in quick succession, the sailing master of the Chesapeake was killed, captain Lawrence and three lieutenants were severely wounded, her rigging was so cut to pieces that she fell on board the Shannon, captain Lawrence received a second and mortal wound, and was carried below; at this instant, captain Broke, at the head of his marines, gallantly boarded the Chesapeake, when resistance ceased, and the American flag was struck by the British. Of the crew of the Shannon twenty-four were killed and fifty-six wounded. Of that of the Chesapeake, forty-eight were killed and nearly one hundred wounded. The youthful and intrepid Lawrence was lamented, with sorrow deep, sincere, and lasting.146

The next encounter at sea was between the American brig Argus and the British brig Pelican, in which the latter was victorious. Soon after, the American brig Enterprise, commanded by lieutenant Burrows, captured the British brig Boxer, commanded by captain Blyth. Both commanders were killed in the action, and were buried, each by the other’s side, in Portland.

While each nation was busily employed in equipping a squadron on lake Erie, general Clay remained inactive at fort Meigs. About the last of July, a large number of British and Indians appeared before the fort, hoping to entice the garrison to a general action in the field. After waiting a few days without succeeding, they decamped, and proceeded to fort Stephenson, on the river Sandusky. This fort was little more than a picketing, surrounded by a ditch, and the garrison consisted of but one hundred and sixty men, who were commanded by major Croghan, a youth of twenty-one. The force of the assailants was estimated at about four hundred in uniform, and as many Indians; they were repulsed, and their loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, is supposed to have exceeded one hundred and fifty; those of the remainder who were not able to escape were taken off during the night by the Indians. The whole loss of major Croghan during the siege was one killed and seven slightly wounded. About three the next morning the British sailed down the river, leaving behind them a boat containing clothing and considerable military stores.

By the exertions of commodore Perry, an American squadron had been fitted out on lake Erie early in September. It consisted of nine small vessels, in all carrying fifty-four guns. ABritish squadron had also been built and equipped, under the superintendence of commodore Barclay. It consisted of six vessels, mounting sixty-three guns. Commodore Perry, immediately sailing, offered battle to his adversary, and on the 10th of September the British commander left the harbor of Malden to accept the offer. In a few hours the wind shifted, giving the Americans the advantage. Perry, forming the line of battle, hoisted his flag, on which were inscribed the words of the dying Lawrence, ‘Don’t give up the ship.’ Loud huzzas from all the vessels proclaimed the animation which this motto inspired. About noon the firing commenced; and after a short action two of the British vessels surrendered, and the rest of the American squadron now joining in the battle, the victory was rendered decisive and complete. The British loss was forty-one killed, and ninety-four wounded. The American loss was twenty-seven killed, and ninety-six wounded, of which number twenty-one were killed and sixty-two wounded on board the flagship Lawrence, whose whole complement of able-bodied men before the action was about one hundred. The commodore gave intelligence of the victory to general Harrison in these words: ‘We have met the enemy, and they are ours. Two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and one sloop.’

The Americans were now masters of the lake; but the territory of Michigan was still in the possession of colonel Proctor. The next movements were against the British and Indians at Detroit and Malden. General Harrison had previously assembled a portion of the Ohio militia on the Sandusky river; and on the 7th of September four thousand from Kentucky, the flower of the state, with governor Shelby at their head, arrived at his camp. With the co-operation of the fleet, it was determined to proceed at once to Malden. On the 27th the troops were received on board, and reached Malden on the same day; but the British had, in the mean time, destroyed the fort and public stores, and had retreated along the Thames towards the Moravian villages, together with Tecumseh’s Indians, amounting to twelve or fifteen hundred. It was now resolved to proceed in pursuit of Proctor. On the 5th of October a severe battle was fought between the two armies at the river Thames, and the British army was taken by the Americans. In this battle Tecumseh was killed, and the Indians fled. The British loss was nineteen regulars killed, and fifty wounded, and about six hundred prisoners. The American loss, in killed and wounded, amounted to upwards of fifty. Proctor made his escape down the Thames.

On the 29th of September the Americans took possession of Detroit, which, on the approach of Harrison’s army, had been abandoned by the British. Preparations were now made for subduing Upper Canada, and taking Montreal; but owing to the difficulties attending the concentration of the troops, and perhaps also to the want of vigor in the commanders, that project was abandoned, and the army under Wilkinson, marching to French Mills, there encamped for the winter. This abortive issue of the campaign occasioned murmurs throughout the nation, and the causes which led to it have never been fully developed. The severest censure fell upon general Armstrong, who was secretary of war, and upon general Hampton. The latter soon after resigned his commission in the army, and general Izard was selected to command the post at Plattsburgh.

Major-general Harrison, commander-in-chief of the eighth military district in the United States, issued a proclamation, stating, that the enemy having been driven from the territory of Michigan, and a part of the army under his command having taken possession of it, it became necessary that the civil government of the territory should be re-established, and the former officers resume the exercise of their authority. He therefore proclaimed, that all appointments and commissions which have been derived from British officers were at an end; that the citizens were restored to all the rights and privileges which they enjoyed previously to the capitulation made by general Hull on the 15th of August, 1812; and, until the will of the government should be known, directed that all persons having civil offices in the territory of Michigan, at the period of the capitulation of Detroit, should resume the exercise of the powers appertaining to their offices respectively.

The United States squadron, chased by commodore Hardy with a superior naval force, had taken refuge in the harbor of New London, where the decayed and feeble state of the fortifications afforded a precarious defence. The menacing appearance of the British squadron at the entrance of the harbor, and the strong probability that the town would be destroyed in the conflict, which had been long expected, produced among the inhabitants the greatest consternation. In this moment of alarm, the major-general of the third division, and the brigadier-general of the third brigade, considered themselves justified, at the earnest entreaty of the citizens, in summoning the militia to their assistance. Governor Smith, of Connecticut, approved this proceeding, and immediately forwarded supplies, and adopted measures of defence. ‘On this occasion,’ said the governor to the legislature, ‘Icould not hesitate as to the course which it became my duty to pursue. The government of Connecticut, the last to invite hostilities, should be the first to repel aggression.’

The Indians at the southern extremity of the Union had imbibed the same hostile spirit as those at the north-western. They had been visited by Tecumseh, and by his eloquence had been persuaded that the Great Spirit required them to unite and attempt the extirpation of the whites. In the fall of 1812, a cruel war was carried on by the Creeks and Seminoles against the frontier inhabitants of Georgia. General Jackson, at the head of two thousand five hundred volunteers from Tennessee, marched into the country of the Indians. Overawed by his presence, they desisted for a time from hostility; but, after his return, their animosity burst forth with increased and fatal violence. Dreading their cruelty, about three hundred men, women, and children, sought safety in fort Mimms, in the Tensaw settlement. Although frequent warnings of an intended attack had been given them, yet, at noonday, on the 30th of August, they were surprised by a party of six hundred Indians, who, with axes, cut their way into the fort, and drove the people into the houses which it inclosed. To these they set fire. Many persons were burnt, and many killed by the tomahawk. Only seventeen escaped to carry the horrid tidings to the neighboring stations. The whites resolved on vengeance.

Again general Jackson, at the head of three thousand five hundred militia of Tennessee, marched into the southern wilderness. Adetachment under general Coffee encountering at Tallushatchie a body of Indians, a sanguinary conflict ensued. The latter fought with desperation, neither giving nor receiving quarter, until nearly every warrior had perished. Yet still was the spirit of the Creeks unsubdued, and their faith in victory unshaken. With no little sagacity and skill they selected and fortified another position on the Tallapoosa, called by themselves Tohopeka, and by the whites Horseshoe Bend. Here nearly a thousand warriors, animated with a fierce and determined resolution, were collected. Three thousand men, commanded by general Jackson, marched to attack this post. To prevent escape, a detachment under general Coffee encircled the Bend. The main body advanced to the fortress; and for a few minutes the opposing forces were engaged muzzle to muzzle at the port-holes; but at length the troops, leaping over the walls, mingled in furious combat with the savages. When the Indians, fleeing to the river, beheld the troops on the opposite bank, they returned and fought with increased fury and desperation. Six hundred warriors were killed; four only yielded themselves prisoners; the remaining three hundred escaped. Of the whites, fifty-five were killed, and one hundred and forty-six wounded.

It was deemed probable that further resistance would be made by the Indians at a place called the Hickory-ground; but on general Jackson’s arriving thither in April, 1814, the principal chiefs came out to meet him, and among them was Wetherford, a half-blood, distinguished equally for his talents and cruelty. ‘Iam in your power,’ said he; ‘do with me what you please. Ihave done the white people all the harm Icould. Ihave fought them, and fought them bravely. There was a time when Ihad a choice; Ihave none now, even hope is ended. Once Icould animate my warriors; but Icannot animate the dead. They can no longer hear my voice; their bones are at Tallushatchie, Talladega, Emuckfaw, and Tohopeka. While there was a chance of success Inever supplicated peace; but my people are gone, and Inow ask it for my nation and myself.’ Peace was concluded, and general Jackson and his troops enjoyed an honorable but short repose.

It was the declared intention of the British to lay waste the whole American coast, from Maine to Georgia. Of this intention demonstration was made by their descent upon Pettipauge, and the destruction which followed in that harbor. Early in April, a number of British barges, supposed to contain about two hundred and twenty men, entered the mouth of Connecticut river, passed up seven or eight miles, and came on shore at a part of Saybrook called Pettipauge, where they destroyed about twenty-five vessels. Guards of militia were placed without delay at nearly all the vulnerable points on the seaboard, and where troops could not be stationed patrols of videttes were constantly maintained.

On the 25th of April, admiral Cochrane declared, in addition to the ports and places blockaded by admiral Warren, all the remaining ports, harbors, bays, creeks, rivers, inlets, outlets, islands, and sea-coasts of the United States, from Black Point, on Long Island sound, to the northern and eastern boundaries between the United States and the British province of New Brunswick, to be in a state of strict and rigorous blockade. On the other hand, the president of the United States issued a proclamation, declaring that the blockade proclaimed by the British of the whole Atlantic coast of the United States, nearly two thousand miles in extent, being incapable of execution by any adequate force actually stationed for the purpose, formed no lawful prohibition or obstacle to such neutral and friendly vessels as may choose to visit and trade with the United States; and strictly ordered and instructed all the public armed vessels of the United States, and all private armed vessels commissioned as privateers, or with letters of marque and reprisal, not to interrupt, detain, or molest any vessels belonging to neutral powers, bound to any port or place within the jurisdiction of the United States; but, on the contrary, to render all such vessels all the aid and kind offices which they might need or require.

The pacification in Europe offered to the British a large disposable force, both naval and military, and with it the means of giving to the war in America a character of new and increased activity and extent. The friends of the administration anticipated a severer conflict, and prepared for greater sacrifices and greater sufferings. Its opposers, where difficulties thickened and danger pressed, were encouraged to make more vigorous efforts to wrest the reins of authority from men who, they asserted, had shown themselves incompetent to hold them. The president deemed it advisable to strengthen the line of the Atlantic, and therefore called on the executive of several states to organize and hold in readiness for immediate service a corps of ninety-three thousand five hundred men.

The hostile movements on the northern frontier were now becoming vigorous and interesting. In the beginning of July, general Brown, who had been assiduously employed in disciplining his troops, crossed the Niagara with about three thousand men, and took possession, without opposition, of fort Erie. In a strong position at Chippewa, a few miles distant, was intrenched an equal number of British troops, commanded by general Riall. On the 4th, general Brown approached their works; and the next day, on the plains of Chippewa, an obstinate and sanguinary battle was fought, which compelled the British to retire to their intrenchments. In this action, which was fought with great judgment and coolness on both sides, the loss of the Americans was about four hundred men, that of the British was upwards of five hundred. Soon afterwards, general Riall, abandoning his works, retired to the heights of Burlington. Here lieutenant-general Drummond, with a large reinforcement, joined him, and assuming the command, led back the army towards the American camp. On the 25th was fought the battle of Bridgewater, which began at four in the afternoon and continued until midnight. After a desperate conflict the British troops were withdrawn, and the Americans left in possession of the field.

The loss on both sides was severe, and nearly equal. Generals Brown and Scott having both been severely wounded, the command devolved upon general Ripley. He remained a few hours upon the hill, collected the wounded, and then returned unmolested to the camp. This battle was fought near the cataract of Niagara, whose roar was silenced by the thunder of cannon and the din of arms, but was distinctly heard during the pauses of the fight. The American general found his force so much weakened, that he deemed it prudent again to occupy fort Erie. On the 4th of August it was invested by general Drummond with five thousand troops. In the night between the 14th and 15th, the besiegers made a daring assault upon the fort, which was repelled with conspicuous gallantry by the garrison, the former losing more than nine hundred men, the latter but eighty-four. The siege was still continued. On the 2d of September, general Brown, having recovered from his wounds, threw himself into the fort, and took command of the garrison. For their fate great anxiety was felt by the nation, which was, however, in some degree, removed by the march from Plattsburgh of five thousand men to their relief. After an hour of close fighting they entered the fort, having killed, wounded, and taken one thousand of the British. The loss of the Americans was also considerable, amounting to more than five hundred. On the 21st of September, the forty-ninth day of the siege, general Drummond withdrew his forces.

The march of the troops from Plattsburgh having left that post almost defenceless, the enemy determined to attack it by land, and, at the same time, to attempt the destruction of the American flotilla on lake Champlain. On the 3d of September, Sir George Prevost, the governor-general of Canada, at the head of fourteen thousand men, entered the territories of the United States. On the 6th they arrived at Plattsburgh. It is situated near lake Champlain, on the northern bank of the small river Saranac. On their approach, the American troops, who were posted on the opposite bank, tore up the planks of the bridges, with which they formed slight breastworks, and prepared to dispute the passage of the stream. The British employed themselves for several days in erecting batteries, while the American forces were daily augmented by the arrival of volunteers and militia. Early in the morning of the 11th, the British squadron, commanded by commodore Downe, appeared off the harbor of Plattsburgh, where that of the United States, commanded by commodore M’Donough, lay at anchor prepared for battle. At nine o’clock the action commenced. Seldom has there been a more furious encounter than the bosom of this transparent and peaceful lake was now called to witness. During the naval conflict the British on land began a heavy cannonade upon the American lines, and attempted at different places to cross the Saranac; but as often as the British advanced into the water they were repelled by a destructive fire from the militia. At half-past eleven the shout of victory heard along the American lines announced the result of the battle on the lake. Thus deprived of naval aid, in the afternoon the British withdrew to their intrenchments, and in the night they commenced a precipitate retreat. Upon the lake the American loss was one hundred and ten; the British, one hundred and ninety-four, besides prisoners. On land, the American loss was one hundred and nineteen; that of the British has been estimated as high as two thousand five hundred.

The inhabitants of the middle and southern states, anticipating a great augmentation of the English force, and uncertain where the blow would fall, made exertions to place every exposed position in a posture of defence. About the middle of August, a British squadron of between fifty and sixty sail arrived in the Chesapeake, with troops destined for the attack of Washington, the capital of the United States.

A body of five thousand of them having landed, an action was fought at Bladensburg, six miles from Washington. General Winder commanded the whole American force; commodore Barney the flotilla. The British were commanded by major-general Ross and rear-admiral Cockburn. The Americans were repulsed, and the British advanced towards the capital. Abody of militia had been assembled in this emergency; but the president and heads of departments, on reviewing the force brought out for defence, despaired of success, and dispersed. General Ross, at the head of about seven hundred men, took possession of Washington, and burned the capitol, or senate-house, the president’s house, and public offices, the arsenal, the navy yard, and the bridge over the Potomac. The loss of the British in this expedition was nearly a thousand men, in killed, wounded, and missing; the loss of the Americans was ten or twelve killed, and thirty or forty wounded. Commodore Barney’s horse was killed under him, and himself wounded in the thigh and taken prisoner; but he was parolled on the field of battle for his bravery. The capture of Washington reflected no credit upon those by whom it ought to have been defended; but the destruction of the national edifices was still more disgraceful to the character of the invaders. The whole civilized world exclaimed against the act, as a violation of the rules of modern warfare. The capitals of most of the European kingdoms had lately been in the power of an enemy; but in no instance had the conqueror been guilty of similar conduct. The act was also as impolitic as it was barbarous; it naturally excited an indignant spirit throughout the republic, and led its inhabitants to vie with each other in exerting all their faculties to overcome the ravagers of their country.

After the capture of Washington, the British army re-embarked on board the fleet in the Patuxent, and admiral Cockburn moved down that river, and proceeded up the Chesapeake. On the 29th of August the corporation of Alexandria submitted to articles of capitulation, and the city was delivered up to the British. On the 11th of September the British admiral appeared at the mouth of the Patapsco, fourteen miles from Baltimore, with a fleet of ships of war and transports amounting to fifty sail. The next day six thousand troops were landed at North point, and commenced their march towards the city. In this march, when the foremost ranks were harassed by a brisk fire from a wood, major-general Ross was mortally wounded. Abattle was fought on this day. The American forces, the militia, and the inhabitants of Baltimore, made a gallant defence, but were compelled to retreat; the British, however, abandoning the attempt to get possession of the city, retired to their shipping during the night of the 13th of September.

On the ocean, the Essex, commanded by captain Porter, after a bloody combat, struck to a British frigate and sloop of war, whose united force was much superior. The American sloop Peacock captured the Epervier, of equal force. The sloop Wasp, commanded by captain Blakely, captured the Reindeer, and afterwards, in the same cruise, sunk the Avon, both of superior force. She made several other prizes, but never returned into port; she probably foundered at sea.

The closing scene of this unnecessary and disgraceful war, the more detestable when contemplated as a series of human sacrifices for the preservation of a commercial system, was creditable to the genius and bravery of the American republic. The operations of the British in Louisiana were commenced by a small expedition, the naval part under the command of captain Percy, and the troops under colonel Nicholls. They landed and took forcible possession of Pensacola, and were aided by the Spaniards in all their proceedings; they collected all the Indians that would resort to their standard; and colonel Nicholls then sent an officer to the piratical establishment at Barataria to enlist the chief, Lafitte, and his followers in their cause; the most liberal and tempting offers were made them.

These people, however, showed a decided preference for the American cause; they deceived the English by delay; conveyed intelligence of their designs to the governor at New Orleans, and offered their services to defend the country. Disappointed in securing their aid, the expedition proceeded to the attack of fort Bowyer, on Mobile point, commanded by major Lawrence, with one hundred and thirty men. The result, however, was a loss to the besiegers of more than two hundred men; the commodore’s ship was so disabled that they set fire to her, and she blew up, and the remaining three vessels, shattered and filled with wounded men, returned to Pensacola. While the British thus sheltered in this place, where they were busily occupied in bringing over the Indians to join them, general Jackson formed an expedition of about four thousand men, regulars and militia, to dislodge them. He summoned the town, was refused entrance by the Spanish governor, and his flag of truce was fired upon; the British soldiers being in the forts, where their flag had been hoisted, in conjunction with the Spanish, the day before the American forces appeared. Preparations were immediately made to carry the place; one battery having been taken by storm, with slight loss on either side, the governor surrendered, the English having previously retired on board their ships. The forts below, which commanded the passage, were blown up, and this enabled the English fleet to put to sea.

General Jackson then evacuated the Spanish territory, and marched his troops back to Mobile and New Orleans, which he reached on the second day of December. Having reviewed a corps of volunteers the day of his arrival, he immediately proceeded to visit every post in the neighborhood, to give orders for adding fortifications, and establishing defensive works and outposts in every spot where the enemy might be expected, as there was the greatest uncertainty where a landing would be made; he mingled with the citizens, and infused into the greater part his own spirit and energy. By his presence and exhortations they were animated to exertions of which before they were not supposed to be capable. All who could wield a spade, or carry a musket, were either put to work upon the fortifications, or trained in the art of defending them. The Mississippi, upon the eastern bank of which New Orleans stands, flows to the ocean in several channels; one, leaving the main stream above the city, runs east of it, and forms in its course lake Pontchartrain and lake Borgne. Early in December, the British entered this channel, with a force of about eight thousand men, a part of whom had just left the shores of the Chesapeake, the remainder having arrived direct from England.

A small squadron of gun-boats, under lieutenant Jones, was despatched to oppose their passage into the lake. These were met by a superior force, and after a spirited conflict, in which the killed and wounded of the British exceeded the whole number of the Americans, they were compelled to surrender. The loss of the gun-boats left no means of watching the movements of the enemy, or of ascertaining where the landing would be made. Orders were given for increased vigilance at every post; the people of color were formed into a battalion; the offer of the Baratarians to volunteer, on condition of a pardon for previous offences, if they conducted themselves with bravery and fidelity, was accepted. General Jackson, after applying to the legislature to suspend the act of habeas corpus, and finding that they were consuming these extreme moments in discussion, proclaimed martial law, and from that moment his means became more commensurate with the weight of responsibility he had to sustain.

On the 22d the British, having landed, took a position near the main channel of the river, about eight miles below the city. In the evening of the 23d, general Jackson made a sudden and furious attack upon their camp. They were thrown into disorder; but they soon rallied, and fought with a bravery at least equal to that of the assailants. Satisfied with the advantage first gained, he withdrew his troops, fortified a strong position four miles below New Orleans, and supported it by batteries erected on the west bank of the river. On the 28th of December, and the 1st of January, vigorous but unsuccessful attacks were made upon these fortifications by the English. In the mean time both armies had received reinforcements; and general Sir E. Packenham, the British commander, resolved to exert all his strength in a combined attack upon the American positions on both sides of the river. With almost incredible industry, he caused a canal, leading from a creek emptying itself into lake Borgne to the main channel of the Mississippi, to be dug, that he might remove a part of his boats and artillery to that river. On the 7th of January, from the movements observed in the British camp, a speedy attack was anticipated. This was made early on the 8th. The British troops, formed in a close column of about sixty men in front, the men shouldering their muskets, all carrying fascines, and some with ladders, advanced towards the American fortifications, from whence an incessant fire was kept up on the column, which continued to advance, until the musketry of the troops of Tennessee and Kentucky, joined with the fire of the artillery, began to make an impression on it which soon threw it into confusion.

For some time the British officers succeeded in animating the courage of their troops, making them advance obliquely to the left, to avoid the fire of a battery, every discharge from which opened the column, and mowed down whole files, which were almost instantaneously replaced by new troops coming up close after the first; but these also shared the same fate, until at last, after twenty-five minutes’ continual firing, through which a few platoons advanced to the edge of the ditch, the column entirely broke, and part of the troops dispersed, and ran to take shelter among the bushes on the right. The rest retired to the ditch where they had been when first perceived, four hundred yards from the American lines. There the officers with some difficulty rallied their troops, and again drew them up for a second attack, the soldiers having laid down their knapsacks at the edge of the ditch, that they might be less encumbered. And now, for the second time, the column, recruited with the troops that formed the rear, advanced. Again it was received with the same galling fire of musketry and artillery, till it at last broke again, and retired in the utmost confusion. In vain did the officers now endeavor, as before, to revive the courage of their men; to no purpose did they strike them with the flat of their swords, to force them to advance; they were insensible of every thing but danger, and saw nothing but death, which had struck so many of their comrades.

The attack had hardly begun, when the British commander-in-chief, Sir Edward Packenham, fell a victim to his own intrepidity, while endeavoring to animate his troops with ardor for the assault. Soon after his fall, two other generals, Keane and Gibbs, were carried off the field of battle, dangerously wounded. Agreat number of officers of rank had fallen; the ground over which the column had marched was strewed with the dead and wounded. Such slaughter on their side, with scarcely any loss on the American, spread consternation through the British ranks, as they were now convinced of the impossibility of carrying the lines, and saw that even to advance was certain death. Some of the British troops had penetrated into the wood towards the extremity of the American line, to make a false attack, or to ascertain whether a real one were practicable. These the troops under general Coffee no sooner perceived, than they opened on them a brisk fire with their rifles, which made them retire. The greater part of those who, on the column’s being repulsed, had taken shelter in the thickets, only escaped the batteries to be killed by the musketry. During the whole hour that the attack lasted, the American fire did not slacken for a single moment. By half after eight in the morning, the fire of the musketry had ceased. The whole plain on the left, as also the side of the river, from the road to the edge of the water, was covered with the British soldiers who had fallen. About four hundred wounded prisoners were taken, and at least double that number of wounded men escaped into the British camp; and a space of ground, extending from the ditch of the American lines to that on which the enemy drew up his troops, two hundred and fifty yards in length, by about two hundred in breadth, was literally covered with men, either dead or severely wounded.147 Perhaps a greater disparity of loss never occurred; that of the British in killed, wounded, and prisoners, in this attack, which was not made with sufficient judgment, and which, besides, was embarrassed by unforeseen circumstances, was upwards of two thousand men; the killed and wounded of the Americans was only thirteen.

The events of the day on the west side of the river present a striking instance of the uncertainty of military operations. There the Americans were thrice the number of their brave assailants, and were protected by intrenchments; but they ingloriously fled. They were closely pursued, until the British party, receiving intelligence of the defeat of the main army, withdrew from pursuit, and recrossed the river. They then returned and resumed possession of their intrenchments. General Lambert, upon whom the command of the British army had devolved, having lost all hopes of success, prepared to return to his shipping. In his retreat he was not molested; general Jackson wisely resolving to hazard nothing that he had gained in attempting to gain still more.

The Americans naturally indulged in great joy for this signal victory. Te Deum was sung at New Orleans, and every demonstration of gratitude manifested by the inhabitants of the Union generally. The state of Louisiana passed votes of thanks to several of the officers concerned in the defence, and omitted general Jackson, in consequence of his having set aside the action of the civil authorities and proclaimed martial law.

Although the results of the war had been honorable to the American arms, a large portion of the inhabitants of the New England states were unceasingly opposed to the measures of the administration. The governor of Massachusetts convoked the general court of that state; the legislature of Connecticut was about to hold its usual semi-annual session; and the legislature of Rhode Island also assembled. When these several bodies met, what should be done in this unexampled state of affairs became a subject of most solemn deliberation. To insure unity of views and concert in action, the legislature of Massachusetts proposed a ‘conference,’ by delegates from the legislatures of the New England states, and of any other states that might accede to the measure. Their resolution for this purpose, and the circular letter accompanying it, show, that the duty proposed to be assigned to these delegates was merely to devise and recommend to the states measures for their security and defence, and such measures as were ‘not repugnant to their federal obligations as members of the Union.’

The proposition was readily assented to by several states, and the delegates appointed in pursuance of it met at Hartford, on the 15th of December following. The convention recommended, 1.That the states they represent take measures to protect their citizens from ‘forcible draughts, conscriptions, or impressments, not authorized by the constitution of the United States.’ 2.That an earnest application be made to the government of the United States, requesting their consent to some arrangement, whereby the states separately, or in concert, may take upon themselves the defence of their territory against the enemy, and that a reasonable portion of the taxes collected within the states be appropriated to this object. 3.That the several governors be authorized by law to employ the military force under their command in assisting any state requesting it, to repel the invasions of the public enemy. 4.That several amendments of the constitution of the United States, calculated in their view to prevent a recurrence of the evils of which they complain, be proposed by the states they represent for adoption either by the states’ legislatures, or by a convention chosen by the people of each state. Lastly, That if the application of these states to the government of the United States should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be concluded, and the defence of these states be still neglected, it would, in their opinion, be expedient for the legislatures of the several states to appoint delegates to another convention, to meet at Boston, in June, with such powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require. The effect of these proceedings upon the public mind in the aggrieved states was alike seasonable and salutary. The very proposal to call a convention, and the confidence reposed in the men delegated to that trust, served greatly to allay the passions, and to inspire confidence and hope. Nor was the influence of this body upon the national councils less perceptible. Within three weeks after the adjournment of the convention and the publication of their report, an act passed both houses of the national legislature, and received the signature of the president, authorizing and requiring him to ‘receive into the service of the United States any corps of troops which may have been or may be raised, organized, and officered, under the authority of any of the states,’ to be ‘employed in the state raising the same, or an adjoining state, and not elsewhere, except with the consent of the executive of the state raising the same.’ Before the commissioners who were sent to confer with the government could reach Washington, a bill passed the senate, providing for the payment of the troops and militia already called into service under the authority of the states. The arrival of the treaty of peace at this juncture rendered all farther proceedings unnecessary.

During the preceding year the British government had declined to treat under the mediation of Russia, and a direct negotiation had been agreed on. Ghent was ultimately determined as the place of meeting; and in the autumn of 1814 the commissioners prosecuted their labors, but at first with very doubtful success. By the 24th of December a treaty was agreed upon and signed by the plenipotentiaries of the respective powers at Ghent; and in February of the following year it received the ratification of the president.148

While the people of the United States were rejoicing at the return of peace, their attention was called to a new scene of war. By a message from the president to the house of representatives, with a report of the secretary of state, it appeared that the dey of Algiers had violently, and without just cause, obliged the consul of the United States, and all the American citizens in Algiers, to leave that place, in violation of the treaty then subsisting between the two nations; that he had exacted from the consul, under pain of immediate imprisonment, a large sum of money, to which he had no just claim; and that these acts of violence and outrage had been followed by the capture of at least one American vessel, and by the seizure of an American citizen on board of a neutral vessel; that the captured persons were yet held in captivity, with the exception of two of them, who had been ransomed; that every effort to obtain the release of the others had proved abortive; and that there was some reason to believe they were held by the dey as means by which he calculated to extort from the United States a degrading treaty. The president observed, that the considerations which rendered it unnecessary and unimportant to commence hostile operations on the part of the United States were now terminated by the peace with Great Britain, which opened the prospect of an active and valuable trade of their citizens within the range of the Algerine cruisers; and recommended to congress the consideration of an act declaring the existence of a state of war between the United States and the dey of Algiers, and of such provisions as might be requisite for the prosecution of it to a successful issue. Acommittee of congress, to whom was referred a bill ‘for the protection of the commerce of the United States against the Algerine cruisers,’ after a statement of facts, concluded their report by expressing their united opinion, ‘that the dey of Algiers considers his treaty with the United States as at an end, and is waging war with them;’ and in March war was declared against the Algerines.

An expedition was immediately ordered to the Mediterranean, under the command of commodore Bainbridge. The squadron in advance on that service, under commodore Decatur, lost not a moment after its arrival in the Mediterranean in seeking the naval force of the enemy, then cruising in that sea, and succeeded in capturing two of his ships, one of them commanded by the Algerine admiral. The American commander, after this demonstration of skill and prowess, hastened to the port of Algiers, where he readily obtained peace, in the stipulated terms of which the rights and honor of the United States were particularly consulted by a perpetual relinquishment, on the part of the dey, of all pretensions to tribute from them. The impressions thus made, strengthened by subsequent transactions with the regencies of Tunis and Tripoli, by the appearance of the larger force which followed under commodore Bainbridge, and by the judicious precautionary arrangements left by him in that quarter, afforded a reasonable prospect of future security for the valuable portion of American commerce which passes within reach of the Barbary cruisers.

President Madison, in his message to the congress of 1816, having adverted to the peace of Europe and to that of the United States with Great Britain, said, he had the ‘satisfaction to state, generally, that they remained in amity with foreign powers.’ He proceeded to say, that the posture of affairs with Algiers at that moment was not known; but that the dey had found a pretext for complaining of a violation of the last treaty, and presenting as the alternative war or a renewal of the former treaty, which stipulated, among other things, an annual tribute. ‘The answer,’ says the president, ‘with an explicit declaration that the United States preferred war to tribute, required his recognition and observance of the treaty last made, which abolishes tribute, and the slavery of our captured citizens. The result of the answer had not been received. Should he renew his warfare on our commerce, we rely on the protection it will find in our naval force actually in the Mediterranean. With the other Barbary states our affairs have undergone no change. With reference to the aborigines of our own country,’ he continues, ‘the Indian tribes within our limits appear also disposed to remain in peace. From several of them purchases of lands have been made, particularly favorable to the wishes and security of our frontier settlements as well as to the general interests of the nation.

In some instances, the titles, though not supported by due proof, and clashing those of one tribe with the claims of another, have been extinguished by double purchases, the benevolent policy of the United States preferring the augmented expense to the hazard of doing injustice, or to the enforcement of justice against a feeble and untutored people, by means involving or threatening an effusion of blood. Iam happy to add that the tranquillity which has been restored among the tribes themselves, as well as between them and our own population, will favor the resumption of the work of civilization, which had made an encouraging progress among some tribes; and that the facility is increasing for extending that divided and individual ownership, which exists now in movable property only, to the soil itself; and of thus establishing, in the culture and improvement of it, the true foundation for a transit from the habits of a savage to the arts and comforts of social life.’

The doubtful state of the relations between the United States and the dey of Algiers, to which the president alluded in his message, arose either from a strong impulse of the love of extortion in the dey, or from the influence of some foreign personages; the rising differences were, however, settled by the prudent management of the American consul, Mr.Shaler, and peace has not since been broken on the part of the Algerines.

Among the incidents of domestic interest which indicate the rapid growth and increasing prosperity of the republic, we may notice the formation of the territory of Indiana into a state, and its admission into the Union; the progress of canals in various states; the institution of a national bank; and the arrival of many thousand emigrants, chiefly from Great Britain. Treaties were, during this year, negotiated with the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Cherokee Indians, ceding large portions of their respective territories to the United States, and acknowledging their tribes to be under the protection of the republic.

ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES MONROE.

The term of Mr.Madison’s administration having expired in the year 1817, James Monroe was inaugurated president, and Daniel D. Tompkins vice-president. In his speech to congress on his inauguration, the president expresses sentiments in which every true friend to the human race will fully concur. ‘It is particularly gratifying to me,’ says Mr.Monroe, ‘to enter on the discharge of these official duties at a time when the United States are blessed with peace. It is a state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness. It will be my sincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the executive, on just principles, with all nations, claiming nothing unreasonable of any, and rendering to each what is its due.’

During this year the republic received another accession by the erection of the territory of Mississippi into a state, and its admission into the Union. By the act of admission it is provided, that the public lands, while belonging to the United States, and for five years from the day of sale, shall be exempted from all taxes; that lands belonging to the citizens of the United States residing without the state shall never be taxed higher than lands belonging to persons residing within the state; and that the river Mississippi, and the navigable rivers and waters leading into it, or into the gulf of Mexico, shall be common highways, and forever free of toll or duty to all the citizens of the United States. In return for this concession, congress provided, that, after paying a debt to Georgia and indemnifying certain claimants, five per cent. of the net proceeds of the public lands lying within the state shall be devoted to the making of roads and canals for the benefit of the state.

In the summer of this year an expedition was undertaken against East Florida by persons claiming to act under the authority of some of the revolted Spanish colonies. The leader of this expedition styled himself ‘Citizen Gregor M‘Gregor, brigadier-general of the armies of the united provinces of New Grenada and Venezuela, and general-in-chief, employed to liberate the provinces of both the Floridas, commissioned by the supreme governments of Mexico and South America.’ The persons that combined for this purpose took possession of Amelia island, at the mouth of St.Mary’s river, near the boundary of the state of Georgia. The president, apprized of this transaction, ordered an expedition, consisting of naval and land forces, to repel the invaders, and to occupy the island. Asquadron, under the command of J.D. Henley, with troops under the command of James Banhead, arrived off Amelia island on the 22d of December, and the next day took possession of it, hoisting the American flag at Fernandina. The president, in a message to congress relative to the capture, observed: ‘In expelling these adventurers from these posts it was not intended to make any conquest from Spain, or to injure, in any degree, the cause of the colonies.’ The real reason of the measure seems to have been, that the invasion interfered with endeavors which were then making on the part of the United States to obtain the cession of the Floridas from the Spaniards.

In the following year the Union received the accession of another state, that of Illinois. At the time of its admission, the government of the United States granted to the state one section or thirty-sixth part of every township for the support of schools, and three per cent. of the net proceeds of the United States’ lands lying within the state for the encouragement of learning, of which one-sixth part must be exclusively bestowed on a college or university. The constitution happily provides that no more slaves shall be introduced into the state. In 1819, the Alabama territory was admitted as a state into the Union; and the Arkansaw territory was, by an act of congress, erected into a territorial government. In the following year the district of Maine was separated from Massachusetts, formed into a distinct state, and admitted into the Union.

During this year the American congress did themselves honor by providing more effectually against carrying on the slave-trade. The enactment declared, that if any citizen of the United States, being of the ship’s company of any foreign ship or vessel engaged in the slave-trade, or any person whatever being of the crew or ship’s company of any ship or vessel owned by, or navigated for, any citizens of the United States, shall on foreign shore seize any negro or mulatto, not held to service or labor by the laws either of the states or territories of the United States, with intent to make him a slave, or shall decoy or forcibly bring or receive him on board with such intent, he shall be adjudged a pirate, and on conviction shall suffer death.

A treaty for the cession of the Floridas was concluded at Washington, February22, 1819, between Spain and the United States. In the year 1821, it was reluctantly ratified by the king of Spain, and possession was taken of those provinces according to the terms of the treaty. On the 1st of July, general Jackson, who had been appointed governor of the Floridas, issued a proclamation, declaring ‘that the government heretofore exercised over the said provinces under the authority of Spain has ceased, and that that of the United States of America is established over the same; that the inhabitants thereof will be incorporated in the union of the United States, as soon as may be consistent with the principles of the federal constitution, and admitted to the enjoyment of all the privileges, rights, and immunities of the citizens of the United States; that in the mean time they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion they profess; that all laws and municipal regulations which were in existence at the cessation of the late government remain in full force, and all civil officers charged with their execution,’ with certain exceptions and limitations, ‘are continued in their functions.’ On the 7th of July, the colonel commandant, Don Jose Gallava, commissioner on the part of his Catholic majesty, made to major-general Jackson, the commissioner of the United States, a delivery of the keys of the town of Pensacola, of the archives, documents, and other articles, mentioned in the inventories, declaring that he releases from their oath of allegiance to Spain the citizens and inhabitants of West Florida who may choose to remain under the dominion of the United States. On the same day, colonel Joseph Coppinger, governor of East Florida, issued a proclamation to the inhabitants, announcing that, on the 10th day of this month, ‘possession will be given to colonel Robert Butler, the commissioner legally authorized by the United States.’ The American authorities were accordingly put in possession of the Floridas.

During this year Missouri was admitted as a state into the Union, forming the eleventh state added to the thirteen confederated states which signed the declaration of independence, making the present number of the United States twenty-four. The proposition for the admission of this state, which was brought forward in the session of 1819, produced vehement discussion in the congress, and excited an intense interest throughout the whole Union. The inhabitants of Missouri, the territory having been considered as a part of Louisiana, had derived from their connection with the Spaniards and French the custom, which they deemed equivalent to the right, of possessing slaves; it was proposed, however, in admitting the territory to the privileges of a state, to prevent the increase and to insure the ultimate abolition of slavery, by the insertion of the following clause: ‘Provided, that the further introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude be prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; and that all the children born within the said state after the admission thereof into the Union shall be free at the age of twenty-five years.’ Judging from the previous views and measures of the general government, in similar and analogous cases, it could hardly have been conjectured, that the result of proposing such a limited and qualified restriction would be doubtful. The house of representatives, after a short but animated debate, refused to pass the bill without the restriction; but the senate refused to pass the bill with it; consequently the bill itself was lost, and Missouri still continued under her former territorial government.

Such was the rapidity with which the several proceedings passed in the two houses of congress, that it was scarcely known beyond its walls that such a question was agitated, before it was decided. When, however, it came to be generally known what principles had been advanced, what votes had been given, with what ardor and vehemence the advocates of slavery had urged their demands, not merely upon the justice, the reason, and good sense of congress, but upon their interests, their prejudices, and their fears, by how slender a majority a measure had been checked, which, in the estimation of many of the best friends of American liberty, would have been productive of incalculable and interminable mischiefs, it excited a feeling of universal surprise and alarm. It is instructive to observe that many of the staunchest advocates of liberal ideas, who delighted in appropriating to themselves exclusively the name of republicans, suffered their jealousy of the interference of the congress in the internal government of an individual state to engage them on the side of the perpetuators of slavery. Jefferson, who prided himself in being the devoted friend of liberty, thus expresses himself: ‘The real question, as seen in the states afflicted with this unfortunate population, is, are our slaves to be presented with freedom and a dagger? For, if congress has the power to regulate the conditions of the inhabitants of the states within the states, it will be but another exercise of that power to declare that all shall be free. Are we then to see again Athenian and Lacedemonian confederacies? to wage another Peloponnesian war to settle the ascendency between them? Or is this the tocsin of merely a servile war? That remains to be seen; but not, Ihope, by you or me. Surely they will parley awhile, and give us time to get out of the way.’149 The consequence of this combination was the passing of the bill for the admission of Missouri in the next session of the congress, without the restricting clause.

No circumstances of particular interest in the transactions of the general government occurred till the year 1824, when articles of a convention between the United States of America and Great Britain for the suppression of the African slave-trade were subscribed at London by plenipotentiaries appointed for that purpose. By the first article, the commanders and commissioned officers of each of the two high contracting parties, duly authorized by their respective governments to cruise on the coasts of Africa, America, and the West Indies, for the suppression of the slave-trade, are empowered, under certain restrictions, to detain, examine, capture, and deliver over for trial and adjudication by some competent tribunal, any ship or vessel concerned in the illicit traffic of slaves, and carrying the flag of the other.

In the spring of this year a convention was also concluded between the United States of America and the emperor of Russia. By the third article of this convention it was agreed, ‘that, hereafter, there shall not be formed by the citizens of the United States, or under the authority of the said states, any establishment upon the northern [north-west] coast of America, nor in any of the islands adjacent, to the north of fifty-four degrees and forty minutes of north latitude; and that, in the same manner, there shall be none formed by Russian subjects, or under the authority of Russia, south of the same parallel.’

This year is signalized in American history by the visit of the venerable la Fayette, on the express invitation of congress. He arrived in the harbor of New York on the 13th of August, and proceeded to the residence of the vice-president at Staten island. Acommittee of the corporation of the city of New York, and a great number of distinguished citizens, proceeded to Staten island to welcome him to their capital. Asplendid escort of steam-boats, decorated with the flags of every nation, and bearing thousands of citizens, brought him to the view of assembled multitudes at New York, who manifested their joy at beholding him, by acclamations and by tears. At the city hall the officers of the city and many citizens were presented to him; and he was welcomed by an address from the mayor. While he was at New York, deputations from Philadelphia, Baltimore, New Haven, and from many other cities, arrived with invitations for him to visit them. After remaining a few days at New York, he proceeded to Boston, where he met with the same cordial reception. The general soon after returned to New York, visited Albany and the towns on Hudson’s river, and afterwards passed through the intermediate states to Virginia. He returned to Washington during the session of congress, and remained there several weeks. Congress voted him the sum of two hundred thousand dollars, and a township of land, as a remuneration, in part, of his services during the war of the revolution, and as a testimony of their gratitude.

In the year 1825, John Quincy Adams was inaugurated president of the United States, and John C. Calhoun, vice-president. In his speech to congress the president took a retrospective view to the epoch of the confederation. ‘The year of jubilee since the first formation of our union,’ observed Mr.Adams, ‘has just elapsed; that of the declaration of our independence is at hand. Since that period, a population of four millions has multiplied to twelve. Aterritory bounded by the Mississippi has been extended from sea to sea. New states have been admitted to the Union, in numbers nearly equal to those of the first confederation. Treaties of peace, amity, and commerce, have been concluded with the principal dominions of the earth. The people of other nations, inhabitants of regions acquired, not by conquest, but by compact, have been united with us in the participation of our rights and duties, of our burdens and blessings.’ Having noticed the progress of agriculture and of settlements, of commerce and arts, of liberty and law, Mr.Adams thus sketches the features of the administration of the preceding president: ‘In his career of eight years, the internal taxes have been repealed; sixty millions of public debt have been discharged; provision has been made for the comfort and relief of the aged and indigent among the surviving warriors of the revolution; the regular armed force has been reduced, and the constitution revised and perfected; the accountability for the expenditure of public moneys has been made more effective; the Floridas have been peaceably acquired, and our boundary has been extended to the Pacific ocean; the independence of the southern nations of this hemisphere has been recognised, and recommended, by example and by counsel, to the potentates of Europe; progress has been made in the defence of the country, by fortifications and the increase of the navy; towards the effectual suppression of the African traffic in slaves; in alluring the aboriginal hunters of our land to the cultivation of the soil and of the mind; in exploring the interior regions of the Union; and in preparing, by scientific researches and surveys, for the further application of our national resources to the internal improvement of our country. In this brief outline of the promise and performance of my predecessor, the line of duty for his successor is clearly delineated. To pursue to their consummation those purposes of improvement in our common condition instituted or recommended by him, will embrace the whole sphere of my obligations.’

The transactions between the United States and the Indian tribes have occasioned considerable discussion among the philanthropists of both the new and the old world; we shall, therefore, notice the treaties which were formed somewhat particularly. In February, a treaty was concluded with the Creek nation of Indians. The commissioners on the part of the United States represented to the Creeks, that it is the policy and wish of the general government, that the several Indian tribes within the limits of any of the states of the Union should remove to territory to be designated on the west side of the Mississippi river, as well for the better protection and security of the said tribes, and their improvement in civilization, as for the purpose of enabling the United States, in this instance, to comply with a compact entered into with the state of Georgia, on the 24th of April, 1802. The chiefs of the Creek towns assented to the reasonableness of the proposition, and expressed a willingness to emigrate beyond the Mississippi, those of Tokaubatchee excepted. The Creeks accordingly, by the first article of the treaty, ceded to the United States all the lands within the boundaries of the state of Georgia now occupied by them, or to which they have title or claim, lying within certain described boundaries; and by the second it was agreed, that the United States will give in exchange for the lands hereby acquired the like quantity, acre for acre, westward of the Mississippi, on the Arkansas river. Other stipulations favorable to the equitable claims of the emigrating parties were made; particularly that a deputation may be sent to explore the territory herein offered them in exchange; and if the same be not acceptable to them, then they may select any other territory west of the Mississippi, on Red, Canadian, Arkansas, or Missouri rivers, the territory occupied by the Cherokees and Choctaws excepted; and if the territory to be selected shall be in the occupancy of other Indian tribes, then the United States will extinguish the title of such occupants for the benefit of the said emigrants.

The Kansas Indians, by treaty, ceded to the United States all their lands both within and without the limits of Missouri, excepting a reservation beyond that state on the Kansas river, about thirty miles square, including their villages. In consideration of this cession, the United States agreed to pay three thousand five hundred dollars a year for twenty years; to furnish the Kansas immediately with three hundred head of cattle, three hundred hogs, five hundred fowls, three yoke of oxen, and two carts, and with such farming utensils as the Indian superintendent may deem necessary; to provide and support a blacksmith for them; and to employ persons to aid and instruct them in their agricultural pursuits, as the president may deem expedient. Of the ceded lands, thirty-six sections on the Big Blue river were to be laid out under the direction of the president, and sold for the support of schools among the Kansas. Reservations were also made for the benefit of certain half-breeds; and other stipulations mutually satisfactory. It was also agreed, that no private revenge shall be taken by the Indians for the violation of their rights; but that they shall make their complaint to the superintendent or other agent, and receive justice in a due course of law; and it was lastly agreed, that the Kansas nation shall never dispose of their lands without the consent of the United States, and that the United States shall always have the free right of navigation in the waters of the Kansas.

A treaty was also concluded with the Great and Little Osages, at St.Louis, Missouri. The general principles of this treaty are the same as those of the treaty with the Kansas. The Indians cede all their lands in Arkansas and elsewhere, and then reserve a defined territory, west of the Missouri line, fifty miles square; an agent to be permitted to reside on the reservation, and the United States to have the right of free navigation in all the waters on the tract. The United States pay an annuity of seven thousand dollars for twenty years; furnish forthwith six hundred head of cattle, six hundred hogs, one thousand fowls, ten yoke of oxen, six carts, with farming utensils, persons to teach the Indians agriculture, and a blacksmith, and build a commodious dwelling-house for each of the four principal chiefs, at his own village. Reservations were made for the establishment of a fund for the support of schools for the benefit of the Osage children; and provision was made for the benefit of the Harmony missionary establishment. The United States also assume certain debts due from certain chiefs of the tribes; and agree to deliver at the Osage villages, as soon as may be, four thousand dollars in merchandise, and two thousand six hundred in horses and their equipments.

In May a general convention of peace, amity, navigation, and commerce, between the United States of America and the republic of Colombia, was signed by the president, at Washington.

The fiftieth anniversary, the jubilee, as it was termed, of American independence, was observed throughout the states with great enthusiasm, and was rendered additionally interesting by the remarkable circumstance that both Adams and Jefferson, eminent men among the fathers of their country, died on that day.

The opposition to the administration of Mr.Adams gained strength and development by daily increase, and numerous parties combined for its support or overthrow in various parts of the country. These parties were generally of a geographical character, and in the nineteenth congress it was usually found that the representatives from the southern, took sides directly opposed to those from the northern and western states. Aresolution was expressed in some quarters to put down the administration at every hazard, no matter what might be its policy, its integrity, or its success. The cry of corruption was re-echoed by office seekers, and the more desperate portion of the oppositionists, till it began to gain currency with the public, and proved sufficient to secure the downfall of the administration against which it was raised.

The Panama mission was a fruitful subject of clamor and opposition. It was stigmatized as imprudent, unnecessary, at variance with our true and prevailing policy, and pregnant with peril. Charges of extravagance in expenditures were next brought against the heads of the government, and resolutions were introduced in congress, intimating that the executive patronage was too large, and ought to be diminished. The assertion of the president of his constitutional authority to appoint, during the vacation of congress, diplomatic agents to transact the foreign business of the country, was represented as the assumption of an undelegated power. Every opportunity was seized to represent the policy of the federal authorities as tending towards consolidation, and as indicating a disposition for an expensive and magnificent scheme of government.

In conformity with the views of the opposition, a nomination for the next presidency was immediately made, and in October, 1825, the legislature of Tennessee recommended general Jackson to the suffrages of the people of the United States for the highest office in their gift. The nomination he formally accepted, in an address delivered before both houses of the legislature of that state, in which he resigned his seat in the senate. In this address he plainly intimated his dissatisfaction at the result of the late presidential election, and a willingness to sanction an opposition to the administration on the ground of its corrupt origin. This same ground had been taken by the adherents of the vice-president in the discussion of Mr.M’Duffie’s proposed amendment of the constitution in the first session of the nineteenth congress. The public mind was irritated and exasperated by these charges, which were diffused with an industry and zeal to be paralleled only by their baseness. Accusation and recrimination became frequent and passionate, and the most bitter and indignant feelings took place of the tranquillity that had so long reigned in the political world.

At length the charge of corruption was brought from a responsible quarter, and an investigation ensued, which resulted in the complete acquittal of the parties accused. Directly after the adjournment of the eighteenth congress, a letter appeared, bearing date the 8th of March, 1825, purporting to relate a conversation with general Jackson, in which he said that a proposition had been made to him by Mr.Clay’s friends to secure his election to the presidency, on condition that Mr.Adams should not continue as secretary of state. This proposition was said to have been indignantly repelled. Acorrespondence immediately ensued on this subject between Mr.Beverly, the author of the letter in question, and general Jackson, in which an account of the negotiation alluded to was given at length, and the general disclaimed making any charge against Mr.Clay, and denied having accused him of being privy to the communication. Testimony was now produced by Mr.Clay and his friends, which completely refuted the charge of bargain, and hurled it with scorn in the teeth of his enemies. It was proved beyond a question that in voting for Mr.Adams in the house of representatives, Mr.Clay and his friends had acted with entire consistency, and that any other course would have indeed laid them open to the charge of gross and palpable violation of the principles they had always professed in relation to the election. But the accusation had been made to answer the purpose for which it was framed, and the opposition to the administration had found a permanent basis to build upon.

Mr.Adams continued to act on the principles which he had professed in his inaugural speech, of administering the government without regard to the distinctions of party. In the distribution of offices he asked merely as to the qualifications of the candidates, not of their political opinions. No one suffered by that ruthless policy, which bears so close a resemblance to the proscription of the Roman emperors; the one striking at life itself, the other at the means of life. It is difficult to say which of the two is the more cruel, but they are surely equally unjust and vindictive. The system which makes the presidential chair a mere scramble for office, and the chief executive of the nation a dispenser of loaves and fishes to political adherents, is too mean, narrow, and contemptible, not to be subversive of all the best purposes of government, and must end in the subversion of government itself. The political forum is converted into an arena of battle, and the first moments of victory are sacred to spoil, devastation, and rapine. The lust of gold stifles the cry of mercy, and all the rules of honorable warfare are violated in the fierceness and vindictiveness of triumph. Office holders should be content with fulfilling the duties of their respective stations, and not consider themselves in the light of mere partisans, rewarded for upholding a particular man or set of men. The people pay them for a different service. Mr.Adams regarded this subject in its true bearings, and he acted in it with the stern and fearless integrity which has marked the whole course of his political life. Regardless of consequences, he was perhaps often injudicious in the diffusion of executive patronage, and sometimes furnished the enemy with artillery to be employed in the destruction of his own citadel.

But however the efforts of the opposition might embarrass the movements of the administration, they could not retard the rapid progress of the country in wealth and prosperity. The great works of internal improvement contemplated by the act of April, 1824, were prosecuted with great spirit and vigor. Many routes for roads and canals were surveyed, and a great mass of topographical knowledge was thus collected at Washington. The attention of the general government was also directed to many other subjects of internal improvement, such as the navigation of several important rivers, building lighthouses, piers, and removing obstructions from bays and harbors. The navigation of the Mississippi and Ohio was much improved during this year, by the removal of snags and other impediments from their channels. An impulse was thus given to the efforts of the state governments, and canals and roads were laid out in various directions. Manufacturing establishments flourished with great vigor, and gave proofs of becoming lasting sources of wealth and employment to the national industry. In the year ending September30, 1826, the value of domestic manufactures exported amounted to five millions eight hundred and fifty-two thousand seven hundred and thirty-three dollars, of which one million one hundred and thirty-eight thousand one hundred and twenty-five dollars consisted of cotton piece goods. The increase of tonnage in the United States during 1826, was one hundred eleven thousand and seventy-nine tons, being double the increase of any one of the preceding twelve years. In conformity with the plan proposed for the settlement of the remaining tribes of the aborigines on the west of the Mississippi, provision was made for the removal thither of such Indians as were disposed to emigrate. Fourteen hundred Shawnees, and about seven hundred Creeks, removed in this manner to spots selected by themselves. The Cherokees refused to cede another foot of land, notwithstanding the efforts made by the general government to procure such a cession of territory as would satisfy the claims of Georgia. The north-western Indians now gave hostile indications, and attacked and murdered some American citizens; but by the prompt measures adopted by governor Cass, the murderers were given up and tranquillity again restored.

Congress having adjourned without passing any law for the purpose of meeting the restrictive measures of the British government in respect to the colonial trade, the president issued a proclamation, dated March 17th, closing the ports of the United States against vessels from the British colonies, which had been opened by the act of 1822. By this measure the British restrictions were completely reciprocated, and the president was sustained in it by public opinion.

The second session of the nineteenth congress commenced on the 4th of December, 1826, when the two houses were organized in the usual manner. The message of the president on this occasion gave a clear account of our foreign relations, and made particular reference to the controversy with Great Britain on the colonial trade. The death of the emperor Alexander of Russia was mentioned in terms which the friendly feelings displayed by that monarch towards this country seemed to require. Our commercial connections with France and the Netherlands were represented to be placed on a more favorable basis than at the commencement of the preceding congress. In the post-office there had been received during the year a surplus of eighty thousand dollars above the expenditures. The revenue was sufficiently large to authorize the application of seven millions sixty-seven thousand and thirty-nine dollars to the reduction of the public debt, and three millions nine hundred and forty-four thousand three hundred and fifty-nine dollars to the payment of interest. Asystem was recommended for the permanent increase of the navy; the unsettled land claims in Florida and Louisiana; the works of internal improvement, reported by the board of engineers; and the attention of congress was particularly called to the irregularities of the Brazilian and Buenos-Ayrean squadrons towards neutral flags. The estimates of appropriations for the different departments of the government were submitted with the message; and a system of cavalry tactics prepared during the summer under the direction of the war department. These were the most important topics suggested by the message.

The Creek controversy, which might have been considered as happily settled by the treaty of 22d of April, was still to continue a subject of excitement. Instead of waiting till the tribes had removed from their ceded lands, governor Troup ordered the surveyors employed by him to enter the Indian territories and commence the surveys, previous to the time prescribed by the treaty for the removal. The Indians resisted these encroachments, and the governor ordered out a force of militia. In this posture of affairs, the president determined to support the laws of the Union by the authority which the constitution had placed in his hands, previously submitting the affair to congress, to have it determined whether it were necessary to resort to any new measures. On the 5th of February he transmitted to both houses of congress a message, in which he gave a plain statement of the facts, and declared his determination to enforce the laws, and fulfil the duties of the nation by all the force committed for that purpose to his charge. ‘That the arm of military force will be resorted to only in the event of the failure of all other expedients provided by the laws, a pledge has been given by the forbearance to employ it at this time. It is submitted to the wisdom of congress to determine, whether any further acts of legislation may be necessary or expedient to meet the emergency which these transactions may produce.’

Great excitement was displayed in both houses on the receipt of this message. The committee of the representatives, to which it was referred reported that it ‘is expedient to procure a cession of the Indian lands in the state of Georgia, and that until such a cession is procured, the law of the land, as set forth in the treaty at Washington, ought to be maintained by all necessary, constitutional, and legal means.’ The firmness of the president brought the governor of Georgia to reason, and he addressed a letter to the delegation of that state at Washington, submitting to the decision of congress, and denying any intention of a resort to force, except the sovereignty of the state came into collision with the United States. Acession of the Creek land in Georgia was finally procured, and the dispute in respect to this portion of the Indian territory was put at rest.

A bill for an additional protection on woollens was agitated during this session, and finally laid on the table by the casting vote of the vice-president. The defeat of this measure occasioned much discussion in all parts of the Union, and stimulated the friends of this branch of industry to renewed exertions. In Pennsylvania a state convention was proposed, to choose delegates to attend a general convention at Harrisburg on the 30th of July, 1827. Other states answered with alacrity to this invitation, and a meeting was held at the appointed time, of delegates in the highest degree respectable in point of talent, weight of character, and dignity of standing. The reports of their committees, on various subjects connected with domestic industry, exhibited the importance and the necessity of increased protection, and a memorial to congress, drawn up in conformity with these views, was unanimously adopted. These proceedings were received in the southern states with much dissatisfaction. They were represented as at war with their best interests, and with the spirit of the constitution. No means were omitted to raise a strong excitement in the community, in opposition to all increase of the woollen duty; but at the time of the twentieth congress, the public mind was more and more impressed with the opinion that effectual measures would be resorted to for the relief of this branch of national industry.

We have not room for a detailed account of the various measures of Mr.Adams’ administration. During the whole of it the United States enjoyed uninterrupted peace; for the foreign policy of the government had nothing in view but the maintenance of our national dignity, the extension of our commercial relations, and the successful prosecution of the claims of American citizens upon foreign governments.

A portion of these claims upon Sweden and Denmark was obtained, and the claims which arose against the Brazilian government, during the war between that power and Buenos Ayres, were speedily adjusted by the liquidation of the claims. The exorbitant pretensions of Great Britain respecting the West India trade were resisted, although at the expense of the direct trade between the United States and the British islands.

The difficulties which occurred in carrying into effect the treaty of Ghent, relative to deported slaves, and other property taken away, having been found insurmountable, the sum of one million two hundred and four thousand nine hundred and sixty dollars, which was amply sufficient, was obtained from the British government in satisfaction of these claims. Aconvention was also concluded with that government, and a mode provided for the peaceable settlement of the long pending and finally threatening dispute concerning the north-east boundary of the United States. The treaty of commerce between the United States and Great Britain, and the convention effecting a temporary compromise of their conflicting claims to the territory west of the Rocky mountains, both of which expired by their own limitation, October 20th, 1828 were renewed for an indefinite period, with liberty to either party to terminate them, on giving one year’s notice. Some commercial difficulties, which grew out of an adherence of the government of the Netherlands to the principles of discriminating duties, were adjusted to mutual satisfaction. New treaties of amity, navigation, and commerce, in which the liberal principles maintained by the United States, in her commercial and foreign policy, were generally recognised, were concluded with Colombia, Austria, Sweden, Denmark, Guatemala, and the Hanseatic league.

It was, however, in the domestic policy of the government, that the character of the administration was most strongly displayed. During its continuance in office, new and increased activity was imparted to those powers vested in the federal government, for the development of the resources of the country; and the public revenue liberally expended in prosecuting those national measures to which the sanction of congress had been deliberately given, as the settled policy of the government.

In the condition which we have described, in peace with all the world, with an increasing revenue, and with a surplus of five millions one hundred and twenty-five thousand six hundred and thirty-eight dollars in the public treasury, the administration of the government of the United States was surrendered by Mr.Adams, who became a private citizen, to general Jackson, his successor.

Thus ended the administration of Mr.Adams; an administration marked by definite and consistent policy and energetic councils, governed by up-right motives, but from the beginning devoted to the most violent opposition and a signal overthrow. The election which terminated in the defeat of Mr.Adams was marked with extreme bitterness, asperity, and profligacy. On both sides the press was virulent, libellous, and mean. No privacy was safe, no confidence was sacred; even the tombs of the illustrious dead were violated, and their ashes defiled. The arts of party warfare were more insidious than the arts of savage treachery, and its arms more ruthless than the tomahawk or the scalping knife. Calumny and falsehood were the usual resources of the most violent partisans, and the only weapons that they never for a moment laid aside. The brave soldier was described as a malignant savage, and the experienced statesman as a man who had purchased by intrigue a position that he was determined to maintain by corruption. It must be most sincerely hoped that an era may never again arrive in our history to be stamped so indelibly with the brand of shame; that public opinion will ever require of the public press a more decent regard to the charities of life and the duties of truth.

ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON.

As the election of General Jackson to the presidency of the United States brought the democratic party into power, and was hailed by that party as an event, in their view, most auspicious to the interests of the country, unusual efforts were made to render the occasion of his inauguration, one of great interest and attraction. On the 4th of March, 1829, the ceremony took place, and was, in all respects, grand and imposing. At half past eleven of that day, the president elect, preceded by the marshal of the district, and the committee of arrangements, entered the senate chamber, and took his seat in front of the secretary’s desk. On the right of the president’s chair sat the distinguished chief justice of the United States, and the associate judges. The left was occupied by the foreign ministers and their suites, in their official costumes. The rear of the senators and the lobby under the eastern gallery were occupied by ladies; while the western gallery was assigned to members of the house of representatives.

At noon, all repaired in solemn procession to the eastern portico of the capitol; where, in the presence of an immense concourse of people, filling the portico, the steps, and the inclosure, the president delivered his inaugural address.

After expressing his gratitude to the nation for the honor conferred on him, and a determination to promote the welfare of his country, he proceeded, as is usual on similar occasions, to state his political creed; or those principles which would guide him in the administration of the government. “Ishall keep steadily in view,” said he, “the limitation, as well as the extent of executive power.” With foreign nations, he would study to preserve peace, and cultivate friendship. The rights of the separate states should be respected, and the power, which they had reserved to themselves should not be confounded with those, which had been granted to the confederacy. Adue solicitude should be exercised in the management of the public revenue, and a strict and faithful economy observed in the administration of the government. Agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, should be equally favored. Internal improvement and the diffusion of knowledge should be promoted, as far as might be consistent with the constitution. An increase of the standing army for the present would not be deemed advisable; but a gradual increase of the navy, would be urged as important to the national honor, and national security.

He next spoke of the Indian tribes—towards whom it would be his desire to observe a just and liberal policy—to secure their rights and administer to their wants, as far as duty to the government and justice to the people would admit.

One task—that of reform—would demand his speedy and vigilant attention. Abuses had sprung up, which had brought the patronage of the federal government into conflict with the freedom of elections. These must be corrected and those causes counteracted, which had disturbed the rightful course of appointment to office, and which had too often placed, or continued power in unfaithful, or incompetent hands.

In the selection of men to office, it would be his endeavor to place power in the hands of those whose diligence and talents would insure the faithful performance of their respective duties.

In conclusion, he said—“A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifications, will teach me to look with reverence to the examples of public virtue, left by my illustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind that founded, and the mind that reformed, our system. The same diffidence induces me to hope for instruction and aid from the coordinate branches of the government, and for the indulgence and support of my fellow-citizens generally. And a firm reliance on the goodness of that Power whose providence mercifully protected our national infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various vicissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplications, that He will continue to make our beloved country the object of his divine care and gracious benediction.”

The oath to support the constitution was next administered to him by Chief Justice Marshall. This was announced by the prolonged discharge of artillery from various points; during which the president was conducted to his mansion, where he received the congratulations of the people.

Antecedently to the formation of his cabinet, much speculation existed in the country, as to the persons whom General Jackson would call to his counsels. As he was in a great measure uncommitted in respect to the future policy of his government, no inconsiderable anxiety was felt, especially by office holders, on the subject of these appointments, as these would furnish some indications as to his future course. All speculation, however, was soon terminated by the nomination of Martin Van Buren, of New York, as secretary of state; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, as secretary of war; Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, secretary of the treasury; John Branch, of North Carolina, secretary of the navy; William T. Barry, of Kentucky, postmaster-general; John M. Berrien, of Georgia, attorney-general. These several nominations were ratified by the senate, without opposition.

At the time of his appointment, Mr.Van Buren was governor of the state of New York. This office he immediately resigned—retiring with a complimentary address from the legislature of that state. Mr.Van Buren was considered as a man distinguished for tact and self-possession, and as destined to act a distinguished part in the public counsels to which he had been called. The attorney-general was considered a man of liberal attainments, and fully qualified, by his learning and eloquence, for the station to which he was elevated. The other members of the cabinet had not been particularly distinguished for their public services. Mr.Eaton was the personal friend of the president. Mr.Ingham had been an active partisan in Pennsylvania, the state which brought General Jackson into the field, as a candidate. The motives which influenced the appointment of Mr.Branch as secretary of the navy were never satisfactorily ascertained. Previously to this time, the postmaster-general had not been a constituent of the cabinet, but it was now determined to introduce him as a member. Mr.Barry, who succeeded John M’Lean, in this office, the latter being removed to the bench of the Supreme Court, was one of the leaders of the relief party in Kentucky.

The cabinet was now constituted; and, after confirming the nominations of several individuals to diplomatic posts, and lucrative stations in the land office, custom-house, and navy, the senate adjourned on the 17th of March, the Executive having informed that body, that he had no further business to lay before them.

In the course of his inaugural address, General Jackson had expressed his conviction of the necessity of reform, in regard to the distribution of the public offices, within the control of the executive. To this “task of reform,” as he termed it, he immediately addressed himself, on the adjournment of the senate. Availing himself of the right of the Executive to fill vacancies occurring in the recess, he removed the principal officers of the treasury, the marshals, and district attorneys in most of the eastern, middle, and western states, the revenue officers of the chief Atlantic ports, the greater part of the receivers and registers in the land office, and changed the ministers plenipotentiary to Great Britain, France, Netherlands, and Spain.

But a still more unprecedented change was made in the post office department—the number of removals here, between the 4th of March, 1829, and the 22d of March, 1830, being four hundred and ninety-one. These removals contrasted strongly with those of former administrations. Washington, during his administration of eight years, removed but nine; Mr.Adams, ten; Mr.Jefferson, thirty-nine; Mr.Madison, five; Mr.Monroe, nine; John Quincy Adams, two.

The removals thus effected by General Jackson, so sudden, and so numerous, were strongly censured by the opposers of the administration. The president was charged with usurping an authority not conferred by the constitution, which it was contended only gave him the right to fill vacancies, either accidentally occurring, or caused by some official misconduct. It was charged, also, that prior to his election, he had expressed an opinion, that members of congress should not be appointed to office, during the term for which they had been elected, nor for two years after. Yet, in direct opposition to his express views, he was conferring a greater number of offices on members of congress, in the compass of a single year, than any of his predecessors had done, during the entire period of their administration.

On the other hand, the friends of the president justified his course. They maintained that he was “solely invested with the right of removal; that it was a discretionary right, for the exercise of which he was responsible solely to the nation; that that power was given to enable him, not only to remove incumbents for delinquency, or incapacity, but with the view of reforming the administration of the government, and introducing officers of greater efficiency, or sounder principles into its various departments. Occasion was also taken, owing to the defalcation of a few of those removed, to assert the necessity of reform; and great efforts were made to create an impression on the public mind of the necessity of a general removal of the officers of the federal government.”150

The preceding changes were the subject of much discussion, on the assembling of congress. Aspirited opposition was instituted by the minority in the senate, against the principles of the Executive, in relation to removals, both on the ground of their unconstitutionality and inexpediency. Most of those who had been appointed by the president to office were, notwithstanding this opposition, confirmed; but several were rejected by strong votes.

On the 7th of December, 1829, commenced the first session of the twenty-first congress. Andrew Stevenson was again elected speaker of the house. On the day following, the president communicated his first message. It embodied several topics of interest and importance. The principal of these related to an amendment of the constitution, to the choice of president and vice-president—a modification of the tariff—a provision for the disposition of the surplus revenue, after the extinguishment of the national debt—the assignment of a territory west of the Mississippi for the Indian tribes, within the states—and a consideration of the expediency of extending the charter of the Bank of the United States.

The foreign relations of the state, the president said, were satisfactory, except in relation to England and France. The boundary line between Maine and the British Provinces of Canada and New Brunswick was still the subject of controversy; for although by mutual consent the question had been submitted to the king of the Netherlands, neither party would abide his decision.

Another controversy between these two governments respected the West India trade. The treaty of commerce between the two countries, on the termination of the late war, although reciprocal, did not extend to the colonial possessions of Great Britain. In consequence of this, the policy of England was to render the intercourse of the United States with the West Indies, chiefly, if not exclusively, advantageous to herself. Accordingly, in different years, various acts had been passed by the British government, having the above monopoly in view. Measures retaliatory had, from time to time, been adopted by the United States. In effect, the trade was lost to the United States. This important subject was now brought to the attention of congress, and before the close of the session the controversy was adjusted. It was conceded to the British government, what it had long claimed, but denied by the American government—the exclusive power to the former of regulating her colonial trade. The president was also authorized to confer on British vessels all those privileges, as well in the circuitous, as in the direct voyage, which Great Britain had demanded. These concessions being deemed sufficient by the British government, her West India ports were opened by her to the United States, on terms satisfactory to the latter. Arenewal of the trade was the immediate consequence.

The controversy between the United States and France related to depredations upon the property of American citizens, during the reign of Napoleon. Claims growing out of these depredations remained unpaid. The president informed congress that he had given instructions to our minister to press these demands on the French government, with appropriate earnestness.

He next proceeded to recommend “such an amendment of the constitution, as would remove all intermediate agency in the election of president and vice-president.” “The mode,” said he, “may be so regulated as to preserve to each state its present relative weight in the election; and a failure in the first attempt may be provided for, by confining the second to a choice between the two highest candidates. In connexion with such an amendment, it would seem advisable to limit the service of chief magistrate to a single term, of either four, or six years.”

Next, adverting to the surplus revenue, he expressed his belief, that the most safe, just and federal disposition, which could be made of the surplus revenue, would be its apportionment among the several states according to their ratio of representation; and should this measure not be found warranted by the constitution, that it would be expedient to propose to the states an amendment, authorizing it.

In regard to the disposal of the Indian tribes, the president suggested the propriety of setting apart an ample district, west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of any state or territory, now formed, to be guarantied to the tribes as long as they shall occupy it; each tribe having a distinct control over the portion designated for its use. “There,” said the president, “they may be secured in the enjoyment of governments of their own choice, subject to no other control from the United States, than such as may be necessary to preserve peace on the frontier, and between the several tribes.”

Another important subject, included in the message, and one which, as years have succeeded, has occasioned great political dissension, was the subject of the renewal of the charter of the United States Bank. Although several years would elapse, before the charter would expire, the Executive deemed it a subject of sufficient importance, thus early to bring it before the legislature and the people. In so doing, and in the terms employed, he was understood to be opposed to such an institution. “Both the constitutionality and the expediency of the law creating this bank,” he observed, “are well questioned by a large portion of our fellow-citizens; and it must be admitted by all, that it has failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency.”

“Under these circumstances, if such an institution is deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the government, Isubmit to the wisdom of the legislature, whether a national one, founded upon the credit of the government, and its revenues, might not be devised, which would avoid all constitutional difficulties; and, at the same time, secure all the advantages to the government and country that were expected to result from the present bank.”

The message of the president, embracing subjects of great importance, and unfolding, as it did, his views in relation to them, excited an intense interest throughout the country. It gave birth to strong and animated debates in the national legislature, in which many of the ablest statesmen of both political parties participated. The subjects of greatest interest debated, related to the Indian affairs—the public lands—the United States Bank—the tariff—and internal improvements.

One of the most embarrassing subjects which fell under the cognizance of the new administration, related to the Indian tribes, within the limits of the states already admitted into the Union; but especially to the Cherokees, a powerful tribe, within the limits of Georgia. This state laid claim to the territory occupied by the tribe; and, encouraged by the views of the executive, viz., that he could not interpose to prevent a state from extending her laws over the tribes, within her limits, authorized an intrusion upon the Indian territory for the purpose of surveying it, and extending her jurisdiction over it. The state laws were accordingly attempted to be enforced. One George Tassel, a Cherokee, was arraigned for the murder of another Cherokee, tried, and condemned.

About this time, Samuel Worcester and other missionaries were arrested, by order of the governor, and taken before the superior court of Gwinnett county, for refusing to obtain a permit from the government of Georgia to reside within the territory, or to take an oath of allegiance to the state. Mr.Worcester and Mr.Thompson, being missionaries, were discharged by the court, on the alleged ground, that they were agents of the government, having been employed to disburse among the Indians a portion of their annuities. This decision of the court gave great offence to the state authorities; and the governor obtained from the general government a disavowal that the missionaries were its agents. No sooner was this disavowal received, than Mr.Worcester and Ezra Butler were warned to quit the nation, with which order, not complying, they were arrested, tried, and sentenced to four years confinement at hard labor, in the penitentiary of Georgia. Much indignation was manifested throughout the country at this violation of personal rights, superadded to what this course was claimed to be, a complete disregard of the federal compact, and the faith of treaties. The decision of the president, however, sustained Georgia in the ground she had taken, and she proceeded to carry out her policy towards the Cherokees.

The case of the missionaries, however, was, at length, brought before the Supreme Court of the United States. The decision of that court, March30, 1832, involved the question of jurisdiction over the country of the Cherokees. The claims of Georgia were set aside by this decision, as unconstitutional; and her laws by which the Indians had been deprived of their rights, and the missionaries confined and imprisoned, were pronounced null and void. This decision of the supreme judicial tribunal of the United States was resisted by Georgia, and the missionaries continued in prison. This unpleasant controversy was, at length, ended by a letter addressed, January 8th, 1833, by the missionaries to the governor of Georgia, in which they informed his Excellency, that they had forwarded instructions to their counsel, to prosecute the case no farther. Upon this, January 14th, his Excellency issued his proclamation remitting the farther execution of the sentence, and discharging the missionaries from prison. We shall only add, that on the 23d of May, 1838, a military force of several thousand men, under the command of Gen.Scott, was assembled on the Cherokee territory, for the purpose of removing the nation to the territory assigned them beyond the great river of the west, a bill having passed congress in 1831, authorizing the president to set apart such portions of the public territory, west of the Mississippi, as he should deem necessary for the permanent residence of the Cherokees, and other emigrating tribes. This bill, at the time of its introduction into congress, 22d of February, 1830, gave rise to a long and spirited debate in both houses, during which the whole subject of the relations of the federal government with the Indians was developed. The final vote on it in the house was close, being one hundred and two affirmative, and ninety-seven negative. In the senate, the majority was larger. The passage of this bill, connected with the course taken by the president in relation to the Indians, formed an era in the policy of the United States, respecting the aboriginal tribes.

Another exciting topic agitated in congress, related to the public lands. These lands were acquired by the federal government in two modes. The portion west of the Mississippi, forming much the larger part, is held under the Louisiana treaty, having been acquired by purchase from France. The residue was acquired at the treaty of 1783, the fruits of conquest from the crown of Great Britain. Out of these territories, new states had been formed. Prior to the adoption of the federal constitution, but few sales had been made. In 1800, the acts containing the principal features of the present land system were passed. These have been subsequently modified, and in 1820 cash sales were substituted for sales on credit.

Acting upon the new principle advanced by Georgia, in relation to the sovereignty of the state over all lands within its limits, some of the new states have set up a claim to the property in the soil of all lands, not owned by individuals, as an incident of sovereignty.

In consequence of these claims, and memorials of some of the western legislatures against the existing mode of disposing of the public lands, Mr.Foot, of Connecticut, on the 29th of December, 1829, introduced into the senate the following resolution:—“Resolved, that the committee on public lands be instructed to inquire into the expediency of limiting, for a certain period, the sales of the public lands, to such lands only as have heretofore been offered for sale, and are subject to entry at the minimum price, and also whether the office of surveyor-general may not be abolished, without detriment to the public interest.”

This resolution was immediately and strongly opposed, as a part of a systematic policy for crippling the growth of the west. It was urged that it would serve to prevent emigration to those states, within whose territory these lands lay. The debate to which this resolution gave rise continued for several weeks, during which Messrs.Hayne and Webster made speeches, which will long be remembered for their eloquence, ingenuity and power. Others mingled in the warm and animated discussion, wandering from the subject of the public lands to discuss almost every topic of general interest connected with the politics of the day.

In his message to congress, the President had expressed an opinion against renewing the charter of the United States Bank, which would expire in 1836. The bank had not applied for such renewal, but being pressed on the attention of congress, it was referred to the committee on finance in both houses of congress for examination. On the 30th of April, 1830, Mr.M’Duffie, the chairman of the committee of ways and means, in the house, made a report diametrically opposite to the recommendations of the President. Respecting the first proposition contained in the message, that congress had not constitutional power to incorporate a bank, the committee deemed that question no longer open for discussion. They also came to a different opinion from that contained in the message, respecting the expediency of the measure. The report from the committee on finance in the senate concurred with that of the house in its conclusions, and was equally decisive in its condemnation of the sentiments of the President. The effect produced in the public mind by the message was entirely done away, and the stock of the bank, which had fallen, upon the delivery of the message, from one hundred and twenty-six to one hundred and twenty, rose, after the publication of these reports, to one hundred and twenty-seven, and finally attained the price of one hundred and thirty dollars per share.

In December, 1832, a memorial was presented to congress from the president and directors of the United States Bank for a renewal of its charter. Soon after, a committee was appointed by the house to investigate the proceedings of the bank. Amajority of this committee, adopting the views of the Executive, reported against a renewal of the charter, principally on the ground of a violation of its charter by illegal transactions. Acounter report was presented by the minority, in the conclusion of which they bore unequivocal testimony to the fidelity of the officers of that institution. On the 10th of June, the question was taken in the senate on a bill to incorporate the bank, which passed that body by a vote of twenty-eight to twenty. On the 3d of July the question was taken in the house, and the charter renewed by a vote of one hundred and seven to eighty-five. On the 10th, the bill was returned by the President with his objections.

Although not unexpected to the country, the veto put upon the bill by the President gave great dissatisfaction to the friends of the bank in every section of the United States. Ageneral disturbance of the currency was predicted as the necessary consequence. “We have arrived at a new epoch,” said one of the advocates of the bank on the floor of the senate: “We are entering on experiments with the government and constitution of the country, hitherto untried and of fearful and appalling aspects.” Another subject of importance introduced in the message respected internal improvements. During the administration of Washington and the elder Adams, no application was made of the public revenue to internal improvements; the government having as many demands upon the treasury, growing out of debts incurred in the Revolution, as could be met. But during the presidency of Mr.Jefferson, the internal improvement policy was begun, by an act passed May 1st, 1802, making appropriations for opening roads in the north-west territory. This was followed by other similar appropriations. During Mr.Madison’s administration, the appropriations were increased, and still further augmented, while Mr.Monroe was in office. On the accession of Mr.Adams, the policy was still pursued; and as he was understood to give a still more liberal construction of the constitution on this subject, more appropriations were made for the above object during his administration than during those of all his predecessors. General Jackson, while holding a seat in the senate of the United States, had voted with the friends of internal improvements. It was therefore anticipated by a numerous class in the United States, and among them were some of his friends, that he would follow out the policy of his predecessors. In his message to congress, however, he first manifested an unwillingness to the exercise of this power by congress. As the session advanced, it became more and more apparent that he was hostile to all appropriations to the above object. And, finally, all doubt was ended by his return of several bills appropriating money for internal improvements, with objections.

A decided majority in congress being in favor of such appropriations, notwithstanding the views of the Executive, several bills were introduced into the house similar to those which the President had rejected, and were passed by both houses by decided majorities. The President and his cabinet thus found themselves compelled to yield to public opinion expressed in congress, and although their determination checked the action of the federal government in relation to internal improvements, still they had surrendered every principle, upon which their opposition to the system could be founded. By these decisive votes in congress, this policy was considered as firmly established, and nothing was required to carry it into effect with moderation and discretion, but the harmonious co-operation between different branches of the government.

During the summer of 1831 a new cabinet was organized, consisting of Edward Livingston, of Louisiana, secretary of state; Louis M’Lane, of Delaware, secretary of the treasury; Lewis Cass, of Ohio, secretary of war; Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, secretary of the navy; Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, attorney-general.

The public press had for some time been filled with rumor that there existed but little, if any harmony in the first cabinet. The question of the succession, it is said, was a matter of jealousy and disunion even at this early day. But the chief difficulty, according to a communication from the attorney-general, arose from a determination on the part of the president to compel the families of the dismissed members to associate with the wife of the secretary of war. By this statement it appeared, that these ladies had, in accordance with the general understanding of the female part of society at Washington, declined to visit the family of the secretary of war, and that this neglect, being resented by that gentleman, had produced a coolness between him and the heads of those families. As the President warmly espoused the feelings of the secretary of war, as of an old and confidential friend, it was rumored early in the year, that their removal would be a consequence of this resentment; and the attorney-general stated, that about that time a confidential friend of the President (Richard M. Johnson), called upon him and other refractory members, as from the President, and intimated to them that, unless they would consent to at least a formal intercourse between their families and that of the secretary of war, he had determined to remove them from office. They replied, that while they felt bound to maintain a frank and harmonious intercourse with their colleague, they would not permit any interference with the social relations of their families, and wholly refused to comply with the request. Other friends, however, interfered, and the president was induced to waive any further prosecution of the subject at that time. To that refusal, however, he attributed the want of harmony in the cabinet, and its consequent dissolution.

On the 4th of July, 1831, a treaty settling the claims of American citizens on France for spoliations during Napoleon’s government was signed by Mr.Rives, and Sebastiani, at Paris, and the ratifications in due time were exchanged between the two governments.

By this treaty, the French government agreed to pay to the United States, for seizures, captures, sequestration, or destruction of their vessels, cargoes, or other property, 25,000,000 francs, in six equal annual instalments. The government of the United States on their part, agreed to pay 1,500,000 francs to the government of France, in satisfaction of all claims in behalf of France, its citizens, or the royal treasury, either for ancient supplies or accounts, or for unlawful seizures, captures, detentions, arrests or destruction of French vessels, cargoes, or other property, in six annual instalments, to be reserved out of the instalments payable to the United States; interest at the rate of four per cent., is to be allowed on the above sums, from the exchange of the ratifications. The sum thus stipulated to be paid by France did not amount to more than one-third of the just claims of the citizens of the United States, but their liquidation, even upon terms comparatively unfavorable, was so desirable, that the conclusion of this treaty was hailed by all parties.

During the spring of 1832 hostilities were commenced by the Sac and Fox Indians on the western borders of the United States, under the celebrated chief, Black Hawk. This aggression created a necessity for the interposition of the Executive, who ordered a portion of the troops under Generals Scott and Atkinson, together with a detachment of militia from the state of Illinois, into the field. After a harassing warfare, prolonged by the nature of the country and the difficulty of procuring subsistence, the Indians were defeated, and Black Hawk and the Prophet were taken prisoners. The confederated tribes of the Sacs and Foxes have long been distinguished for their spirit of adventure, as well as their restless and savage disposition. During the late war with Great Britain they aided her by their arms. In 1829 and 1830, these tribes, claiming a part of the country upon Rock river, attempted to establish themselves in that quarter, and the necessary consequence of which was frequent collisions with the white inhabitants. In 1831, their aggressions were so serious as to require a detachment of troops in the field. The appearance of these alarming the Indians they agreed to confine themselves to their own lands west of the Mississippi. Scarcely, however, had this arrangement been settled, before a party of these Indians assaulted and murdered a number of the Menomonies, a tribe friendly to the United States, while encamped in the village of Prairie du Chien. This wanton outrage, it was deemed necessary to rebuke, lest these disaffected Indians should harass and disturb the border settlements. Accordingly, General Atkinson was ordered, March 7th, 1832, to demand the surrender of the Menomonie murderers. This demand was disregarded. Hostilities immediately ensued, which were terminated in the month of August following by a general battle, which led to the entire rout of the Indians, and of the delivery of Black Hawk and the Prophet, on the 27th of August, as prisoners of war. These leaders of the war were conducted to Washington, whence they passed through some of the principal cities of the United States, and were sent home, having pledged to conduct themselves with due regard to the United States.

On the 3d of December, 1832, the twenty-second congress commenced its second session. In his message, the President, having alluded in brief but appropriate terms to the cholera, which had been spreading its desolations over portions of the United States, represented the relations of the country with foreign powers in a state of amity. The finances of the country were in a prosperous state; the national debt on the first of January, 1833, would be reduced to about seven millions; doubts were expressed as to the safety of the deposits in the United States Bank, and a decision of the question as to the disposal of public lands was urged.

December 10th, the President issued a solemn and impressive proclamation addressed to the citizens of the United States, in relation to the hostile attitude of South Carolina to the Union, in consequence of the acts of congress of 29th May, 1828, and of 14th of July, 1833, altering and amending the several acts imposing duties on imports—which acts had, in a convention of the above state, held at Columbia, November 24th, been pronounced to be unconstitutional, and therefore void, and of no binding force within the limits of that state. This proclamation was an able document, furnishing a sound exposition of the principles and powers of the government, and breathing a spirit of patriotic devotion to the constitution and union of the states. It evinced a fixed determination to maintain the laws and to resist all treasonable and disorganizing measures. Happily, this firmness of the Executive, with subsequent conciliatory measures of congress, saved the Union. For a considerable period the southern states, with the exception of South Carolina, had been considered, opposed to the exercise of power by the federal government. This state, although voting with the adjacent states on all local and on most national questions, had on some occasions, as in 1816, been foremost in asserting the right of congress to legislate on certain disputed points. Among these were the subjects of internal improvement, the United States Bank, and the tariff. Achange of opinion had now taken place there, and it began to go beyond any of the advocates of state rights in its assertion of state sovereignty. Avehement opposition to the tariff, both in 1824 and on the subsequent modification in 1828, had been led by the talented delegation from South Carolina in congress; and when they were defeated in the halls of legislation, with characteristic energy they renewed their efforts to overturn the system, and to render it unpopular with the people. In the latter part of November, 1832, a state convention assembled at Columbia, which, at length, passed an ordinance, by which they declared: “That the several acts and parts of acts of the congress of the United States, purporting to be laws for the imposing of duties and imports on the importation of foreign commodities, and now having actual operation and effect within the United States, and more especially” two acts for the same purposes passed on the 29th of May, 1828, and on the 14th of July, 1832, “are unauthorized by the constitution of the United States, and violate the true meaning and intent thereof, and are null and void, and no law,” nor binding on the citizens of that state or its officers; and by the said ordinance it is further declared to be “unlawful for any of the constituted authorities of the state or the United States, to enforce the payment of the duties imposed by the said acts within the same state, and that it is the duty of the legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to give full effect to the said ordinance.” This tone of menace naturally aroused the Executive to corresponding energy and decision. He immediately issued a proclamation, which will be long admired for its sound and able exposition of the principles of the constitution—for its breathings of a spirit of exalted patriotism—and its eloquent appeal to Carolina herself and to the other states, which were perhaps ready to join her standard, to remember the toil and blood which American liberty cost—the sacredness of the constitution—and the importance of the preservation of the Union. While the proclamation of the President was commended by most of the states of the Union, as an able and judicious document, it served to increase, rather than allay, the excited citizens of South Carolina. The legislature of that state being in session, authorized and instructed her governor to issue a counter proclamation, which he did on the 20th of December, in which, in consonance with the legislative resolutions, he “solemnly warned the citizens of South Carolina against all attempts to seduce them from their primary allegiance to the state.” “Icharge you,” said he, “to be faithful to your duty as citizens of South Carolina, and earnestly exhort you to disregard those ‘vain measures’ of military force, which, if the President, in violation of all his constitutional obligations, and your most sacred rights, should be tempted to employ, it would become your solemn duty at all hazards to resist.” On the same day general orders were issued by authority of the legislature, to raise volunteers, either in companies, troops, battalions, squadrons,&c., for the purpose of repelling invasion and in support of the rights of the state. Under a deep sense of the importance of energy befitting the emergency, the President, January 16th, 1833, addressed a message to congress, in which, after giving a history of proceedings both on the part of Carolina and the general government, he recommended the adoption of such measures as would clothe the Executive with competent power to suppress the risen spirit of insubordination—sustain the public officers in the discharge of their duties—and give power to the courts to carry out their constitutional decisions. While the storm was apparently thus gathering strength, and was ready to burst in still greater violence upon the nation, two events occurred which served to allay it, and indeed were the harbingers of comparative peace and amity. The first of these was an affectionate appeal of the general assembly of Virginia to the patriotism and magnanimity of South Carolina, expressed in a preamble and resolutions, as honorable to the “Ancient Dominion” as any act of her life, and worthy of her in the days of Patrick Henry and his contemporaries. The other event was the passage of a bill introduced by Mr.Clay, termed the “compromise bill,” which was designed as an act of pacification between the north and south—a middle course between extremes; and although not entirely satisfactory perhaps to either party, it was accepted by both, and was the means, under Providence, of staying the risen storm. Aconvention was soon after held in South Carolina, which, in view of the appeal of Virginia, and the modification of the tariff, proceeded to recommend the following ordinance: “Whereas, the congress of the United States by an act recently passed has made such a reduction and modification of the duties upon foreign imports, as amounts substantially to an ultimate reduction of the duties to the revenue standard, and that no higher duties shall be made than may be necessary to defray the expenditures of the government:” “It is therefore ordained and declared, that the ordinance, entitled ‘An ordinance to nullify certain acts of the congress of the United States, purporting to be laws laying duties on the importation of foreign commodities,’ and all acts passed in pursuance thereof, be henceforth deemed and held to have no effect; provided, that the act entitled ‘An act further to amend the militia laws of this state,’ passed on the 20th day of December, 1832, shall remain in force until it shall be repealed, or modified by the legislature.”

The excitement at Washington at this time was seldom if ever surpassed. Every day was prominent with important measures and occurrences. The reception of, and debate upon, Mr.Clay’s “compromise bill” were things not to be forgotten. The senate, we are told, was a scene of the most intense interest. Amultitude of both sexes filled the hall. Profound silence and gravity prevailed, and a deep sensation was evinced, as much by that general silence, as by the marked interruption of it once or twice by audible emotions. There was an opinion expressed on many sides that the “tariff bill would not, after all, pass the senate.” But the opinion was not, we see confirmed, by the issue. It passed that body by a vote of twenty-nine to sixteen. It was called the “bloody bill,” by the government journal, and was held by it to represent “the mortal remains of state rights.”

Congress adjourned on Friday morning, March the 1st, at one o’clock. On the following Monday, General Jackson, who had been re-elected President, was inaugurated with much parade and amid great shoutings. His address on the occasion, was received with great applause. The oath was administered to him and Mr.Van Buren by the chief justice. The President in his address recognised the importance of state rights, but properly insisted upon the equal, if not superior value of the Union, and the sacred duty of every state to contribute to its preservation by a liberal support of the government. He recognised the interest and importance of the time, and promised all his powers to sustain that principle which should make and continue us a united and happy people.

During the summer of 1833, the President visited New England, by the way of Philadelphia and New York; and, having proceeded as far as Concord in Massachusetts, returned again to the seat of government.

In this tour, the President was received in every place through which he passed with those demonstrations of respect and attention which are overdue to the chief magistrate of a free and enlightened people. Whatever opinions were entertained of his administration by his political opponents, they united in every suitable expression of honor to the man, whom the suffrages of a majority had elevated to the highest office in the nation. The President’s tour commenced on the 6th of June, and was suddenly terminated in the beginning of July—his return to Washington being hastened, as was said, by the state of his health, which had become too feeble to endure the fatigue incidental to such an expedition.

About this time several changes were effected in the cabinet. Edward Livingston, secretary of state, received the appointment of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the court of France, and Louis M’Lane, secretary of the treasury, took his place, and William J. Duane, the office of Mr.M’Lane.

On the 18th of September, a communication was read to the cabinet by the President, showing his decision on the subject of the removal of the public deposits from the Bank of the United States. His own mind was determined upon that of removal; and he begged his cabinet “to consider the proposed measure as his own—in which he should require no one to sacrifice opinion or principle.” Mr.Duane being opposed, as was thought, to this course of the President, was removed, and R.B. Taney appointed in his place.

On Monday, the 30th of June, congress terminated its session. Afew days before the close of the session, Andrew Stevenson was nominated as minister to the court of St.James, and Roger B. Taney, as secretary of the treasury. The latter gentleman had received his appointment from the President, during the recess of the senate. It had been the uniform practice for appointments of this kind to be laid before the senate, at the commencement of the session; but General Jackson had withheld his name till near its close; and for nearly seven months Mr.Taney had been permitted to discharge the duties of an office, which, according to the substantial meaning, if not the literal construction of the constitution, he had no right to hold.

The rejection of Mr.Stevenson was justified, on the principles early advanced by General Jackson, that the appointment of members of congress to important offices was calculated to introduce corruption into the government. But other reasons operated, and among them, the disclosure made to the senate of the assurance of the President months previously, through the secretary of state, to Mr.Stevenson, that he should have the appointment. This promise was made, it was said, under the expectation that Mr.Stevenson would carry out the views and several measures of the Executive; and in this view the ratification of his nomination was deemed highly improper.

Before the session closed, the following nominations were made and confirmed. John Forsyth, of Georgia, to be secretary of state; Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, secretary of the treasury; Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey, secretary of the navy; William Wilkins, of Pennsylvania, minister to Russia.

Just before the termination of the session, June 21st, the President communicated to congress, in a special message, the death of the illustrious La Fayette, which took place at his residence, La Grange, in France, on the 20th of May, at the advanced age of seventy-six. At the same time, orders were issued to the army and navy to honor the memory of the last of the generals of the Revolution. The house and senate chamber were both hung in black, agreeably to a resolution, unanimously adopted. It was also recommended by resolution, to the people of the United States to wear a badge of mourning for thirty days; and John Quincy Adams was appointed to deliver at the next session of congress, an oration on the life and character of our country’s friend.

The second session of the twenty-third congress commenced December 1st, 1834. The foreign relations of the country were represented by the President in his message to be unimpaired, and with all countries, save France, the understanding was such as was desirable. That government, however, still continued to persevere in her omission to satisfy the conceded claims of our citizens. The other prominent subjects regarded the United States Bank—the regulation of the deposits—and the impolicy and unconstitutionality of appropriations for internal improvements. The conduct of France towards the United States, in neglecting the payment of a just and already allowed debt, was generally censured in the United States. The President informed congress, “that, in his opinion, the United States ought to insist on a prompt execution of the treaty, and should an appropriation not be made by the French Chambers at their next session, prompt measures would not only be most honorable and just, but have the best effect on our national character.” This recommendation of the President was considered by some, in its practical effect, as a declaration of war, and especially as he recommended, in case of longer neglect, a law authorizing reprisals upon French property. But the expediency of reprisals upon French property recommended by the President, or indeed of any immediate action on the part of the national government, was considered by many extremely doubtful; and the senate, on the 14th of January, by a unanimous vote, stated this to be its opinion in a resolution to that effect. Asimilar resolution was adopted by the house. The prospect of a serious collision between these two nations, for a time so dark, at length passed away. In 1835, the President announced that France had acknowledged the validity of our claims as liquidated by the treaty of 1831, although payment was still withheld.

It may here be added, that during the year 1836, the President announced to the great satisfaction of the country that the appropriations having been made, our diplomatic relations with France had been resumed, and promised to be mutually beneficial to the two countries.

On the 6th of July, occurred the death of the venerable John Marshall, in Philadelphia, in the eighty-eighth year of his age. He had long been an ornament to the legal profession, and for several years had filled with distinguished ability the office of chief justice of the United States. To great talents and distinguished attainments, he united that integrity which inspired all parties with confidence, and that Christian principle which caused the nation to mourn over him at his decease, as “a great man fallen in Israel.”

The twenty-fourth congress commenced its first session on the 7th of December, 1835. James K. Polk was elected speaker. Among the appointments by the President at this period, were those of Roger B. Taney, as chief justice of the United States, and Andrew Stevenson, minister to Great Britain. The nomination of the latter met with strong opposition in the senate.

During this session the committee on naval affairs in the senate reported a bill, directing an “exploring expedition” to the Pacific Ocean and the South Seas, and authorizing the President to send out a sloop of war for that purpose. Mr.Reynolds, who may be considered the father of the scheme, presented the subject with much eloquence in the hall of representatives, at Washington. But the most important act of the legislature, was the “deposit or distribution act”—or a law requiring and regulating the deposits of the money of the United States with the banks of the several states, and the distribution of the surplus revenue among the several states. In the senate, the vote on the engrossment of the bill was, yeas, forty; nays, six. In the house, yeas, one hundred and sixty-three; nays, forty-four.

In April, an act had passed congress establishing the territory of Wisconsin. In June, Arkansas was admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original states—together with Michigan, under certain conditions. The act of admission settled the boundary dispute between Ohio and Michigan—and Michigan was admitted on her assent to the act.

Congress adjourned on the 4th of July—without any other event of much importance within the walls of the capitol. The only appointment of note made near the close of the session, was that of Lewis Cass, as minister to France.

One week after the close of the session, (July 11th,) an important circular was issued from the treasury department in relation to money to be received in payment for public lands. By this circular the receivers of public money were instructed, after the 15th day of August next ensuing, to receive in payment of the public lands nothing except what is directed by the existing laws, viz., gold and silver, and in proper places, Virginia land scrip. In order to secure the faithful execution of these instructions, all receivers were strictly prohibited from accepting for land sold, any draft, certificate, or other evidence of money or deposit, though for specie, unless signed by the treasurer of the United States, in conformity to the act of April 24th, 1820.

The last annual message of General Jackson was transmitted to the twenty-fourth congress, on the 6th of December, 1836, that body having entered upon its second session the preceding day.

The foreign relations of the country the President represented as amicable. In regard to the “deposit or distribution act,” passed by the last congress, it had received, he said, his “reluctant approval,” and “the consequences apprehended from it had been measurably realized. It was an act merely for the deposit of the surplus moneys of the United States in the state treasuries for safe keeping, until wanted for the service of the general government—but it had been spoken of as a gift—would be so considered—and might be so used.”

Contrary to the views of a large portion of the citizens of the United States, the President represented the “specie circular” of the 11th of July, as producing many “salutary consequences.” “It is confidently believed,” said he, “that the country will find in the motive which induced that order, and the happy consequences which will have ensued, much to commend and nothing to condemn.” In opposition to this opinion of the President, there were those who attributed to the operation of that circular a great part of the pecuniary embarrassment and disturbances of the currency, which afflicted the country.

Early in 1837, (January 14th,) a resolution called the “expunging resolution,” originally introduced into the senate, March 18th, 1833, and which had given birth to long and even acrimonious debates, was adopted by a majority of that body. The object of this resolution was to obliterate, or expunge from the senate journal a resolution adopted March 28th, 1834, censuring the President for removing Mr.Duane, and assuming power over the public revenue not conferred by the constitution. This latter resolution had given the President and his friends serious annoyance, and frequent but vain efforts had been made to blot it from the journal. At length, Mr.Benton succeeded by a small majority; and late at night, on the 10th of January, 1837, the secretary of the senate, by order, brought the journal of 1833–4, into the senate chamber, and spread open the condemned page upon the table. He then proceeded to draw black lines on the four sides of the recorded resolution, and on the face of it wrote—“expunged by order of the senate, January 16th, 1837.” Against this proceeding, Daniel Webster, in behalf of himself and colleague, read a solemn protest.

The time for the election of a successor to General Jackson having arrived, the ceremony of counting the votes given by the several electoral colleges for that object took place in the presence of both houses of congress, on the 8th of February, 1837, when Martin Van Buren was declared to be elected President for four years from the 4th day of March. The candidates were five in number. Mr.Van Buren, received of the votes cast, one hundred and seventy; William Henry Harrison, seventy-three; Hugh L. White, twenty-six; Daniel Webster, fourteen; and William L. Magnum, eleven.

In reviewing the administration of General Jackson, it is not to be denied that he was a remarkable man. He doubtless possessed many of those great qualities which give to one the indisputable command over the many. He was early inured to hardship and danger, and early acquired great independence of thought and action, and a contempt of opposition, which followed him through all the vicissitudes of his career. He made no pretensions to learning, or scholarship of any kind; indeed, his education was superficial and but barely sufficient to conduct him decently through life. In an accurate knowledge of the theory and science of government, and the details of legislation, many of his contemporaries were immeasurably his superior; but what he lacked in knowledge, he made up in boldness and decision. His measures were often hastily conceived, but pertinaciously adhered to. Obedience to his commands were as much required, while President of the United States, as while a general at the head of our armies. It is not to be denied, that he entered upon the discharge of his duties as president with an honest desire to serve his country faithfully, but such was the natural pertinacity of his character, that in the opinion of his political opponents, he was led to insist upon measures, the wisdom of which, under other circumstances, he himself would have questioned. The destruction of the United States Bank was in reality the great measure of his administration, he early conceived a prejudice against the officers of that institution, and was probably honest in the belief that its management was wrong. Hence, he was led with characteristic ardor to commence measures of hostility against it, which, it is well known, ended in the ruin of that great fiscal institution of the country. Its fall involved the fortunes of hundreds and thousands, whose entire means of subsistence were embarked in its immense capital. The ruin of this institution, in the belief of many, was conducive to the interests of the country, notwithstanding the sufferings it entailed upon thousands. Another portion of the community believe its downfall to have been the precursor of that wide spread commercial embarrassment—that derangement of the currency—that blight and bankruptcy of thousands, which for years distressed and harrassed the country. General Jackson, as a military commander, had doubtless his defects. He was stern, imperious, and determined. Yet, for his bravery, his patriotism, his success, he deserves a grateful remembrance; and due respect will doubtless be paid to his memory by the generations that follow. His reputation as a statesman will not be so unequivocal. Different estimates will be made—different views will be entertained. All will accord to him energy, independence, promptness, and determination; while some will not give him credit for having pursued that line of policy which resulted in the greatest prosperity to his country.

ADMINISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN.

On the 4th of March, 1837, the inauguration of Mr.Van Buren took place in accordance with the form prescribed by the constitution, in the presence of a large assemblage from all quarters of the country. The ex-president, the President elect, and the chief justice of the United States, arrived at the scene about twelve o’clock; the two former in a beautiful carriage, made from the timber of the frigate Constitution, escorted by the Potomac Dragoons, and a corps of infantry.

The address of Mr.Van Buren, on the occasion of his inauguration, may be said to have disappointed both political parties throughout the country. The temper of it was conceded even by his opposers to be good, and its entire exemption from invidious comparisons and allusions was worthy of all commendation. It was even less partisan, perhaps, than the political friends of the new President expected or desired; but to his opponents it induced the hope, that the vindictive strife which had long harassed the country, would be followed by a more tolerant policy. “If any exception be taken to the address,” said a distinguished journal, soon after its delivery, “it certainly will not be from the south, whose good-will its language is particularly adapted to conciliate.” By way of conciliating the south, he repeated an expression of opinion made before his election, that no bill which had for its object the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia against the wishes of the slave-holding states, would receive his sanction during his presidential career. To this he added: “For myself Idesire to declare, that the principle that will govern me in the high duty to which my country calls me, is a strict adherance to the letter and spirit of the constitution, as it was designed by those who framed it. Looking back to it as a sacred instrument carefully and not easily framed; remembering that it was throughout a work of concession and compromise; viewing it as limited to national objects; regarding it as leaving to the people and to the states all power not explicitly parted with, Ishall endeavor to preserve, protect, and defend it, by anxiously referring to its provisions for direction in every action. To matters of domestic concernment, which it has intrusted to the federal government, and to such as relate to our intercourse with foreign nations, Ishall zealously devote myself; beyond those limits Ishall never pass.”

On retiring from the presidential chair, General Jackson published a farewell address to his fellow-citizens, after the example of Washington. By his political friends this address was highly extolled, both for the wisdom and importance of its political maxims, and the warm regard expressed for the country and its institutions.

Others regarded it with less favor. They could admit that it expressed sound constitutional opinions on some important points, and developed the true policy of the federal government in relation to its intercourse with foreign nations—in relation to the several state sovereignties, and to the means of defence by an increase of the navy, and the establishment of more and better constructed fortifications. But they were not prepared to unite with this “second father of his country”—as his warm admirers denominated him—in his views of the currency of the country, nor in the wisdom of the measures which he had pursued, and which he still recommended in relation to it. They also dissented from some of his statements respecting the success of his administration, and particularly from the declaration, that he had left the “people prosperous and happy.”

Immediately after the termination of the twenty-fourth congress, the senate, in conformity with a previous summons issued by the President of the United States, held an extra session, for the purpose of transacting executive business. The following gentlemen having been nominated by the President, were confirmed by the senate, for the offices which they respectively filled, and composed the new cabinet, viz.: John Forsyth, secretary of state; Levi Woodbury, secretary of the treasury; Joel R. Poinsett, secretary of war; Mahlon Dickerson, secretary of the navy; Benjamin F. Butler, attorney-general. These gentlemen, with the exception of Mr.Poinsett, were members of the cabinet of General Jackson.

From whatever source it originated, there was no doubt of the fact, that a most extraordinary pressure in pecuniary affairs was now experienced throughout the country. From New York city a committee of merchants proceeded to Washington to confer with the President, upon the present and the threatening difficulties, and to obtain, if possible, the repeal of the treasury circular. The answer they received was, that it would neither be repealed nor modified. In the month of May, the financial affairs of the country reached a crisis towards which they had for some months past been rapidly hastening. The banks of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore having suffered a heavy run for specie, which they could now no longer endure, resolved to suspend specie payments; which suspension was soon generally followed by a like suspension on the part of the banks throughout the whole country. Numerous failures of the merchants in all the principal cities were, about the same time, matters of almost daily occurrence. In New York they became at length so much a matter of course that they ceased to excite notice.

The banks in which the United States government deposited the national revenue were involved in the greatest calamity; and of course the law of congress which required these revenues to be deposited in specie-paying banks could not be complied with. The consequent embarrassment experienced by the government, induced the President on the fifteenth day of May, to issue his proclamation for an extra session of congress, to be convened on the first Monday of September following.

The extraordinary condition in which the country now found itself, led to a variety of measures for the purpose of affording temporary relief. Several of the state legislatures passed acts legalizing the suspension of specie payments on the part of the banks, and declaring that it should work no forfeiture of their charters. Some of the city governments passed by-laws, directing the issue of certificates for small sums, from five cents to two dollars, which should be receivable for taxes and debts due to the city government. Baltimore, for example, passed an ordinance for the issue of such certificates for an amount not exceeding one hundred thousand dollars, and Philadelphia a like ordinance for certificates to the amount of one hundred and thirty thousand dollars. The banks themselves were obliged to adopt new rules of business, and the entire pecuniary condition of the country seemed suddenly changed.

On the 4th of September, in compliance with the proclamation of the President, congress assembled in extra session. In his message of the following day, the President alleged as the reason for convening congress in extra session, the inability of the government to comply with the law requiring the revenues to be deposited in specie-paying banks, the apprehension that the suspension of specie payments in addition to the before existing pecuniary embarrassments of the country would so far diminish the public revenue, that it would be insufficient to defray the unavoidable expenses of the government, and the difficulties experienced by the mercantile interest in meeting their engagements. “Sensible that adequate provisions for these unexpected exigencies could only be made by congress, convinced that some of them would be indispensably necessary to the public service before the regular period of your meeting, and desirous also to enable you to exercise your full constitutional powers for the relief of the country,” the President remarks, “Icould not with propriety avoid subjecting you to the inconvenience of assembling at as early a day as the state of the popular representation would permit.” The message proceeds to ascribe the pecuniary embarrassments of the country to the redundancy of credit acquired by excessive issues of bank paper, and by means of foreign loans, contracted by the states and state institutions; and above all, by the lavish accommodations extended by foreign dealers to our merchants, and as the consequence of this redundancy of credit, to what the message terms, “a spirit of adventurous speculation, embracing the whole range of human enterprise.” The President next adverted to the best mode of keeping the public funds. Anational bank, as a fiscal agent, he repudiated, and also local banks, they having failed to answer the expectations of the government in this particular. He would propose “a separation of the fiscal operations of the government from those of individuals or corporations;” a divorcement of the government from banks and banking, and a thorough change of the custodaries of the public revenue. As a means of immediate relief, he advised to the postponement of the fourth instalment of the deposits with the states, and the issue of treasury notes receivable for all public dues, but without interest. Both by the President and the secretary of the treasury a new mode was proposed of keeping the public revenue. They proposed to place it in the custody of commissioners, or receivers-general, at certain central points; into their hands it was to be paid, and kept by them, subject to the call and control of the treasurer. Most of the money, it was supposed, could be paid out near the places where it was collected, and thus save the expense and hazard of transmission to the seat of government. “This organization,” said the secretary, “would be advantageous as a separate establishment for this business alone, and as an independent check on most of those collecting the revenues. But it would require some addition to the present number of offices, and in the first instance would more increase the public expense.” The whole additional offices supposed to be necessary were ten. The annual increase of expenses was estimated at sixty thousand dollars. The danger of losses would be no greater, and probably less, under this organization, than at present. Such was the general plan proposed for keeping the public moneys, and which it was urged would render the government more independent, and less subject to be affected by the vicissitudes of trade and speculation, and less under the control of selfish and moneyed corporations.

In accordance with the recommendation of the President and secretary of the treasury, a bill was early introduced into the senate for the safe keeping of the public funds, commonly denominated the Sub-Treasury bill. This was intended to be the prominent measure of the session, and was urged with great power and by numerous considerations upon the senate and house of representatives. By the senate it was adopted by a vote of twenty-six to twenty. In the house, after undergoing an animated and protracted discussion, it was laid upon the table, by a vote of one hundred and twenty to one hundred and seven. Subsequently, an effort was made to reconsider the vote by which the bill was laid upon the table, but was lost; the motion for reconsideration being itself disposed of in the same manner by a vote of one hundred and nineteen to one hundred and four.

The extra session of congress was brought to a close on the 16th of October. The two principal measures adopted, designed for the relief of the government, were the postponement to the first day of January, 1839, of the payment of the fourth instalment of the deposits with the states, and the issue of treasury notes to an amount not exceeding ten millions of dollars, reimbursable in one year, and of the denomination of not less than fifty dollars.

In the autumn of 1837, an insurrection broke out in the British provinces of Upper and Lower Canada. Citizens of the United States, sympathizing with the insurgents, enlisted into their cause, and attempts were made, in violation of the laws of the United States, to raise troops in our territory to aid the revolutionists. Great excitement prevailed among the inhabitants along the line of our north-western frontier. The President of the United States in order to sustain the laws, issued his proclamation under date of the 5th of January, declaring that all persons who should compromit the neutrality of the United States, would render themselves liable to punishment under those laws, which would be rigidly enforced. At the same time orders were issued from the war department to General Scott to repair to the Canada frontier with an armed force, to be furnished by the States of New York and Vermont, for the purpose of repelling an apprehended invasion of our soil. The immediate occasion of issuing these orders was an attack made by an armed force from Canada upon the American steamboat Caroline. This vessel, owned by an American citizen, and bound for Schlosser, upon the east side of the Niagara river, and within the United States, was boarded about midnight, on the 29th of December, by seventy or eighty armed men, who immediately commenced an attack upon the crew and passengers with muskets, swords, and cutlasses, and soon set her on fire, towed her into the current of the river, and abandoned her to the mercy of the cataract. Out of thirty-three individuals known to have been on board of her, twelve could not be found, and of those found, one, Amos Durfee, was dead, having been shot through the head with a musket hall, and several others were wounded.

Immediate steps were taken by the department of state to bring the whole subject to the notice of the British government. Sir Allen N. M’Nabb, the commander of the British forces on the Niagara frontier, in justification of this attack on the Caroline, alleged that he had the most positive information that she had been sold to the pirates on Navy Island, and, loaded with provisions and munitions of war, was destined to co-operate with the British rebels. Although the civil war in Canada was soon brought to a close, the difficulties between the two governments, growing out of the attack on the Caroline, still remained unadjusted.

The second session of the twenty-fifth congress commenced on the first Monday of December, 1837. The message of the President represented the condition of our foreign relations as not materially changed since the last annual message of his predecessor. Of questions pending between the United States and foreign governments, the most important regarded our north-eastern boundary. “The sole result of long pending negotiations and a perplexing arbitration,” the President observed, “appears to be a conviction, that a conventional line must be adopted, from the impossibility of ascertaining the true one, according to the description contained in the treaty. Without coinciding in this opinion, which is not thought to be well founded, my predecessor gave the strongest proof of the earnest desire of the United States to terminate satisfactorily the dispute, by proposing the substitution of a conventional line, if the consent of the states interested in the question could be obtained. To this proposition the British government have not yet replied.” The President urges upon the consideration of congress the claims of the government upon Mexico; that government having as yet declined to do any thing satisfactorily for the adjustment of our demands upon her for many cases both of public and private wrongs. The subject of the collection, transfer, and safe keeping of the public moneys was again represented as requiring the attention of the legislative department. The President considered congress as having decided, at the last session, against the creation of a national bank, and also against the deposit system. He therefore brought forward again the sub-treasury scheme as the only remaining expedient. Agraduation of the prices of the public lands according to a valuation to be made, and an extension of the pre-emption laws in favor of settlers, were measures which the President seemed to regard with favor. The system of removing the Indians commenced by Mr.Jefferson in 1804, having been steadily persevered in by every succeeding president, was well nigh terminating in complete success, almost all the Indian tribes having been removed and established west of the Mississippi. The war in Florida still continuing, the principal part of the army had been concentrated there, with a view and in the expectation of bringing the war in that territory to a speedy close.

The second session of the twenty-fifth congress was terminated on the 9th of July, 1838, without however any thing having been done for the safe keeping, transfer, collection, and disbursement of the public moneys; and on the 14th of the same month, the secretary of the treasury issued his circular to the collectors and receivers announcing this fact, and urging upon them the necessity of scrupulously enforcing the regulations and instructions of the department, of accuracy in their accounts, punctuality in their returns, promptness in their payments, and of an entire forbearance to use any part of the public moneys. The acts passed at this session of congress were chiefly of a private nature, and few, if any of the measures recommended by the President in his message, were adopted.

On the 13th of August, 1838, by previous concert, many of the banks resumed specie payments. On the 23d of July previous, a convention was held in the city of Philadelphia, in which the banks of the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, were represented, and which unanimously resolved to recommend the 13th of August as a suitable and convenient time, on which to resume. Accordingly, on the arrival of that day, the resumption was generally effected without commotion, without injury to themselves, and without inconvenience to the mercantile part of the community. This was an event which had been devoutly looked for, and was welcomed by the whole country. Some anxiety was felt as to the effect resumption would have upon the specie-paying banks; but generally, it was accomplished with ease. In Philadelphia, where this anxiety was perhaps the greatest, the demands for specie were confined to the wants of the community for change.

On the 3d of December, 1838, the twenty-fifth congress commenced its third session. On the following day the President transmitted his message, in which he represented the foreign relations of the country as generally friendly. With Mexico an advance had been made toward an adjustment of difficulties by the conclusion of a treaty, which, when ratified, would refer all subjects of controversy to the arbitrament of a friendly power. The work of removing the Indians west of the Mississippi was yet in successful progress, the entire removal of the Cherokees having been now effected.

Of the financial state of the government and country, the President spoke in tones of exultation. “When we call to mind,” said he, “the recent extreme embarrassments produced by excessive issues of bank paper, aggravated by the unforeseen withdrawal of much foreign capital, and the inevitable derangement arising from the distribution of the surplus revenue among the states as required by congress; and consider the heavy expenses incurred by the removal of Indian tribes; by the military operations in Florida; and on account of the unusually large appropriations made at the last two annual sessions of congress for other objects, we have a striking evidence in the present official state of our finances, (estimated at $2,765,000 in the treasury on the 1st of January, 1839,) of the abundant resources of the country to fulfil all its obligations.”

This, by the opposition, was considered an extraordinary representation on the part of the President, when it was considered that the government had resorted to the issue of treasury notes by millions; and had withheld more than nine millions from the states, in order to maintain its credit and continue its operations. But still more extraordinary was it, in the view of some, that all the improvements in the condition of the country should be ascribed to the agency of the general government; when it was well known that the government as such, had done little, if any more than look after its own interest. Not a measure had been adopted for the relief of the banks, except extending the time of payment of the public deposits, which the government could not collect—and nothing for the people, except postponing the payment of bonds for duties to the amount of four or five millions of dollars.

The President also renewed his recommendation of the sub-treasury, and urged its adoption on the ground, as it was then understood, of a recent remarkable defalcation of a collector in one of the principal cities of the Union. This collector, it was subsequently made known to congress by a special message, was Samuel Swartwout, collector of the customs at New York. He was appointed to the office of the customs by General Jackson, in April, 1829, during the recess of the senate. On the 29th of March, 1830, he was nominated to the senate, and confirmed for four years. In 1834, he was appointed again. His term expired in March, 1838. To the nation this defalcation was surprising and distressing, and the more startling, as from the secretary’s report it appeared, that during the whole time of Mr.Swarlwout’s continuance in office, no suspicions had been excited at the treasury, that he was guilty of default. Yet, on investigation, it appeared that his peculations began with the first year of his holding the office, and continued to roll up rapidly to the close. It amounted to about one million and a quarter of dollars.

On the 26th of February, a message from the President was transmitted to congress, in relation to difficulties which existed between Maine and “the disputed territory.” Portions of this territory were under the actual jurisdiction and sovereignty of the British authorities, and other portions was under the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the State of Maine. Pending the negotiations between the government of the United States and that of Great Britain, for a final adjustment of the question, it seems to have been understood by the State of Maine, that the actual state of things in the territory was to remain undisturbed—Great Britain exercising her sovereignty where she already held it, and Maine doing the same. It appears, however, that a numerous band of depredators, chiefly from the adjoining British provinces, but without the sanction of their own government, entered on a part of the territory actually held by the State of Maine, and proceeded to cut down and destroy the timber. The governor of Maine, on being apprised of this fact, and under a special resolve of the legislature, despatched the land agent of the state, with what was deemed a sufficient force to repel the aggression. While the agent was proceeding in the accomplishment of his duty, he was seized by the trespassers and conveyed a prisoner into the province of New Brunswick. Thereupon, the governor of Maine dispatched a sheriff, and an officer appointed in place of the land agent, with an armed force, to vindicate the authority and honor of the state. Sir John Harvey, the lieutenant-governor of New Brunswick, took fire, and a warm, if not an angry, correspondence ensued between him and the governor of Maine. The whole country, both on the side of Maine and in the British provinces, was thrown into a state of intense excitement; troops were raised and other hostile preparations made by both parties, and every thing seemed to threaten an immediate collision. In this crisis of affairs, the President of the United States transmitted a special message to congress, inviting their attention to the subject; and Major Gen. Scott received orders to repair to the scene of threatened hostilities, for the purpose of arresting any hostile movement, until an opportunity could be afforded for the two governments to treat upon the matter in dispute. The message to congress resulted in the passing of the act before mentioned, conferring additional powers on the President, and General Scott soon succeeded in restoring the quasi belligerents to a more amicable temper, and in effecting a temporary adjustment of the immediate difficulties. The military forces were to be withdrawn, and a small civil posse was to be left under the land agent to protect the timber, already cut, and to prevent further depredations, and the questions of possession and jurisdiction, were to remain as they were before the strife began.

During the third session of the twenty-fifth congress, an event occurred which excited the sensibilities of the whole nation, and called forth expressions of decided disapprobation from the candid of all parties. This was a duel fought with rifles near the city of Washington, between Jonathan Cilley and William J. Graves, both members of the house, the former from Maine, the latter from Kentucky. On the third fire, Mr.Cilley fell, mortally wounded.

The remains of the murdered man were attended to the grave by the President, the heads of departments, the members of both houses of congress, and a large concourse of citizens. The judges of the Supreme Court, then in session, were invited to attend the funeral. Most honorable to themselves, and honorable to the exalted stations they held, they entered upon their record the following resolves:

Resolved, That the justices of the Supreme Court entertain a high respect for the character of the deceased, sincerely deplore his untimely death, and sympathize with his bereaved family in the heavy affliction which has fallen upon them.

Resolved, That with every desire to manifest their respect for the house of representatives, and the committee of the house by whom they have been invited, and for the memory of the deceased, the justices of the Supreme Court cannot, consistently with the duties they owe to the public, attend in their official characters the funeral of one who has fallen in a duel.

Resolved, That these proceedings be entered on the minutes of the court, and that the chief justice inclose a copy to the chairman of the committee of the house of representatives.

The above tragical event justly excited the indignation of the nation. From every quarter a demand was made for some law to prevent such “wickedness in high places.” At length, a bill for an act was reported by a committee appointed for that purpose, which passed by a vote of one hundred and ten to twenty-one. The first section provided, that if any person shall, in the District of Columbia, challenge another to fight a duel, or accept a challenge, or shall knowingly carry a challenge to fight a duel in or out of the District of Columbia; and such duel shall be fought in or out of said district, and either of the parties shall be slain or mortally wounded, the surviving party and others connected, shall, on conviction, be punished by imprisonment and hard labor in the penitentiary for a term not exceeding ten years.

A second section provided, that the mere challenge, or aiding and abetting a challenge, which resulted in no duel, should be punished as above, for a term of five years.

A third section provided, that if any person be guilty of assaulting, striking or wounding another, for refusing to accept a challenge, or who shall post or publish any person, or use toward them opprobrious language for refusing to accept a challenge, shall, on conviction, be punished as above for a term not exceeding three years.

In August following (26th, 1839,) an event of a novel and interesting character occurred in the capture of the schooner Amistad, a Spanish vessel, found lying in the waters near Long Island. On board of her were two white men, Spaniards, Jose Ruiz and Pedro Montez, and fifty-four African negroes, under the command of one of their own number, whose name was Cinquez. The Amistad, it appeared from subsequent investigations, had sailed from Havana, in the Island of Cuba, for another port in the West India Islands, with a cargo of merchandise, and the Africans on board, claimed as slaves by the two Spaniards, Ruiz and Montez. After having been four nights at sea, the negroes rose upon the whites, killed the captain and crew, took possession of the schooner, and, in endeavoring to return to Africa, were at length found conveyed to the shores of Long Island.

The Amistad was first discovered by the United States revenue brig Washington, which took possession of her, with her cargo and crew, and brought her into the port of New London. The negroes, after an investigation before the district judge, were committed to take their trial before the circuit court of the United States, to be holden at Hartford, on the 17th of September, on a charge of piracy and murder on the high seas. The grand jury, however, under the charge of the court, found no bill against them, and they were discharged from the complaint, but retained in custody under a claim of property interposed by Ruiz and Montez—of the captors for salvage—and of the United States, made in compliance with a demand of the Spanish minister, that they should be surrendered to Spain, in accordance with a treaty existing between that government and the United States. The district attorney also filed a claim on behalf of the United States, that they should be delivered into the hands of the President to be sent back to Africa. On this state of the case, a writ of habeas corpus was obtained from the circuit court then in session at Hartford, to try their right to their liberty. That court decided, that as the Africans were held in custody under a regular process from the district court, they could not be discharged by habeas corpus, but must take their trial on the merits of the case. When the cause came on before the district court, the several claims aforesaid, with a single exception, were declared unfounded, and the Africans were ordered to be delivered to the President to be restored to Africa. From this decree an appeal was taken to the circuit court, which affirming the decree as a matter of form, the case was carried to the Supreme Court of the United States, which adjudged the Africans entitled to their unqualified discharge. The negroes rested their claim on the ground that they were free inhabitants of Africa, had been seized and sold to a slave trader, who had carried them to Cuba in violation of the existing laws of Spain. The conduct of the President of the United States, in making the United States government a party against these Africans, and in appealing from the decree of the district court in their favor, at the instance of the Spanish minister, was regarded by the friends of the Africans as an unwarranted and illegal exercise of power, and was severely reprobated and condemned by many of the public journals. The President was charged with being desirous of delivering up the Africans to the Spanish government, and was said to have ordered a vessel of war to proceed to New Haven, Connecticut, to be ready to take the Africans, for this purpose, from the hands of the district court. The friends of the President, however, claimed that he acted in this matter from a desire merely to ascertain the treaty obligations of the United States, and to preserve them inviolate.

On the 9th of October, 1839, another suspension of specie payments commenced at Philadelphia. It was soon followed on the part of the banks in the interior of Pennsylvania, in Baltimore, in Washington, and in Richmond, until in a short time it became general throughout the south and south-west. In this suspension the banks of New York and New England did not in general participate, but with the exception of the Rhode Island banks, continued to meet the demands made upon them for specie. This suspension was supposed to have for its immediate cause the difficulties and embarrassments of the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, whose drafts on Paris had been protested for non-acceptance. The drafts, however, were, on arriving at maturity, with a single exception, honored by Rothschild.

On the assembling of the twenty-sixth congress, on the 2nd of December, much difficulty was experienced in organizing the house of representatives. Five persons belonging to New Jersey had received certificates of election from the governor, which certificates, it was contended, of right belonged to others. On this question the two political parties in congress were suddenly arrayed against each other, and the state of feeling which followed can scarcely be described. At length the following resolution was offered to the house by Mr.Graves.

Resolved, That the acting clerk of the house shall proceed with the call of the members from the different states of the Union in the usual way, calling the names of such members from New Jersey as hold the regular and legal commissions from the Executive of that state. The discussion of the above resolution was continued until it was apparent to the whole house—the clerk refusing to put it—that unless some other and extraordinary measure was adopted, commensurate with the difficulties in which they were involved, no organization could be effected. In this juncture a resolution was offered, appointing Mr.Adams chairman of the house, which being adopted by a large majority, he was conducted to the chair.

Under the guidance of Mr.Adams, the house proceeded on the 12th to ballot for a speaker. Six ballotings were taken, when no choice having been made, an adjournment to the 16th was moved and carried. On this latter day, the balloting was resumed and resulted, on the eleventh balloting, in the choice of Robert M.T. Hunter,—the New Jersey members not voting.

On the 20th, the question was taken on a resolution to administer the oath to the five gentlemen from the State of New Jersey, who had presented credentials to the speaker and demanded to be sworn, and decided in the negative, one hundred and sixteen to one hundred and twelve.

This decision created a great sensation throughout the Union. It was a wide departure from precedent, and deeply wounding to the pride of New Jersey, as well as injurious to her interests.

The subsequent history of this case is interesting, but, in the opinion of the whig party, reflected great discredit on the majority in the house of representatives. An investigation of the subject was ordered, and the committee on elections entered upon the duty assigned them. They were proceeding in their investigations, when, on the 28th of February, the house directed the committee “to report forthwith which five of the ten individuals, claiming seats from the state of New Jersey, received the greatest number of lawful votes from the whole state for representatives in the congress of the United States, at the election of 1838, in said state.”

This committee reported in favor of the five administration candidates. Aminority report was at the same time presented, which was ordered to lie on the table.

On the 10th of March, a resolution was introduced by Mr.Petriken, declaring the five persons who had brought no legal certificates, entitled to their seats, and directing the speaker to qualify them.

The previous question being moved by the author of the resolutions, debate was suppressed, and the vote taken, and the resolution adopted by a vote of one hundred and eleven to eighty-one; several whig members refusing to vote.

To a portion of the American people, no act could have appeared more arbitrary and unjust, however right and proper it might have seemed to the party in power; nor could many divest themselves of the impression, that this course was adopted to secure certain objects, which the administration had in view.

The opposition to Mr.Van Buren’s administration, growing out of his views and his course in relation to the currency, and augmented and heightened by the commercial revulsions which the country had experienced, and the pecuniary embarrassments under which it had been laboring for years, was now fast approaching to its crisis. On the 4th of December, 1839, a Whig National Convention, composed of delegates from the different states assembled at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, for the purpose of nominating candidates for president and vice-president of the United States. The convention remained in session between two and three days, when having selected William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, as candidate for president, and John Tyler, of Virginia, as candidate for vice-president, and with great unanimity of feeling, resolved to support them, it adjourned.

The nomination thus made was unexpected to a considerable portion of the whig party. For a long time, their attention had been turned towards Henry Clay, and an anxious wish prevailed on the part of his special friends, that he should be put in nomination. They confidently expected it. But antecedently to the meeting of the convention, it had been the general, and even the universal opinion, that when that body should assemble and an interchange of views had been made, the man should be selected, who, it was thought, would concentrate the greatest strength against the existing administration. Preferences were, therefore, to be surrendered at the shrine of the country’s good—while, therefore, it was at first with painful emotions that the friends of Mr.Clay yielded, it was done with great unanimity and even cheerfulness, when it was perceived that by the nomination of Gen.Harrison other influences and interests would be secured, which were likely to result in his election.

From this time, General Harrison was distinctly before the people of the United States, as the candidate of the whig party for the presidency. With unexampled unanimity they rallied about him; and from this time the two great parties took the field, and never since the adoption of the constitution, did political enthusiasm rise higher, or were greater efforts made to elect the candidates, which each party proposed. The powers of the press were called into requisition, conventions, mass-meetings, varying from one thousand to twenty-five thousand, were assembled in various sections of the country; clubs were formed—log cabins erected, and the excitement and enthusiasm rolled up and were prolonged by the long and patriotic appeals of many of the first orators and statesmen in the country. The entire country was moved; the common business of men was visibly neglected and forgotten; the one all-absorbing theme was the approaching election and its issue. On that issue thousands were staked, and as men had thousands depending, their efforts were correspondingly vigorous and varied. Happy would the historian feel, if he could in truth exempt either party from the imputation of unfairness in every political transaction connected with the presidential election. Which party was the most censurable, we shall not attempt to decide. Individuals belonging to both were in some transactions sufficiently wrong.

On the 21st of July, 1840, the twenty-sixth congress adjourned. Two acts only of a public character are worthy of notice. The one providing “for taking the sixth census of the United States,” and the other “for the collection, safe-keeping, transfer, and disbursement of the public revenues.”

The act, viz., that for the collection,&c., of the public revenue, usually denominated the sub-treasury system, may be regarded as the great financial measure of Mr.Van Buren’s administration. It was early proposed by him, and in every subsequent message was urged upon the consideration of congress, as the best scheme which could be devised, by which the public revenue could be collected, safely kept, transferred, and disbursed. The debates on this system, by the supporters and opposers of the administration during the several sessions in which it was agitated, would fill volumes. By the President and his friends, it was eulogized and warmly recommended; by the opposition party, it was pointedly resisted and condemned. On this measure, and others, of a financial character connected with it, perhaps more than any other Mr.Van Buren staked his political fortune. With this, he entered into the election as a candidate for the presidency a second term.

On the 7th of December, 1840, the second session of the twenty-sixth congress commenced. Mr.Van Buren presented his last annual message; in which, after representing the foreign relations of the country as amicable, he proceeded to express his pleasure, that notwithstanding the various embarrassments which the government had to encounter; the great increase of public expenditure by reason of the Florida war; the difficulty of collecting moneys still due from certain banks, and the diminution of the revenue,&c., the business of the government had been carried on without the creation of a national debt.

Nominally the government had no such debt, but the foundation of a large debt had been laid, and only a few months from the time Mr.Van Buren left the presidential chair, the disclosure was made, that the country was involved in debt, and congress was called upon to provide means to sustain the waning credit of the government.

On the 10th of February, the ceremony of counting the votes for president and vice-president, took place in the hall of the house of representatives, in the presence of both houses of congress. The result was at length announced by the vice-president, as follows: For president—William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, two hundred and thirty-four; Martin Van Buren, of New York, sixty. For vice-president—John Tyler, of Virginia, two hundred and thirty-four; Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, forty-eight; Littleton W. Tazewell, of Virginia, eleven; James K. Polk, of Tennessee, one.

The majority for General Harrison in the electoral college was one hundred and forty-eight; a greater majority than any president had had, since the days of Washington. And thus a question was officially decided, which had excited the two great political parties of the country for months, and called forth more efforts on either side, than had been made at any previous election, since the formation of the government. The press, daily and weekly, had continued to pour out its political sentiments, and spread abroad its influences for and against the respective candidates; considerations of great interest and importance were urged; much truth was uttered and disseminated, and much calumny, falsehood, and detraction; popular meetings in numbers, character, and enthusiasm, never before known on the American soil, were held towards the conclusion of the political contest in every state, and in almost every county. Statesmen and orators of the highest reputation and ability itinerated the country, urging the freemen of the nation, on the one hand to retain the then president in power, and to carry out the principles and policy of his administration, as they valued the prosperity and perpetuity of the government; and, on the other hand, endeavoring to persuade them to discard a man, who by his selfishness, his disregard of the wants and necessities of the country, his obstinate adherence to measures after they were proscribed by the people, was laying the foundation of the ruin of the country; and to elevate a man to his place, one of the remnants of the “olden time;” a friend and companion of the earlier patriots of the country, who would restore the ancient order of things, and bring back the government to its original principles of action.

ADMINISTRATIONS OF WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON AND JOHNTYLER.

William Henry Harrison was inducted into the office of President of the United States, on the 4th of March, 1841. The ceremony of inauguration was attended by an immense concourse of people from all parts of the Union, who now united in giving an appropriate welcome to the hero, whom they had elevated to this proud distinction. For a period of twelve years, the government had been under the control of a party, whose principles and policy were opposed to those of General Harrison, and his political friends. It was quite natural, therefore, that on the occurrence of a change of administration so grateful to the latter, they should give expression to their feelings in demonstrations of unwonted joy.

The inaugural procession was grand and imposing, comprising several military companies, officers and soldiers, who fought under General Harrison, with a flag displayed at their head, taken from the enemy at the battle of the Thames, the President elect on a beautiful white charger, the committee of the senate, ex-presidents of the United States, the judiciary, foreign ministers, members of congress, members of the Harrisburg convention, governors, and ex-governors of states, members of state legislatures, officers of the army and navy, citizens, Tippecanoe clubs, corporate authorities,&c.

The inaugural address of General Harrison was a clear, plain, comprehensible document, and was delivered in a full, clear, unbroken voice, interrupted occasionally by the shouts of the multitudes responding to the principles and sentiments, which the address contained. The President elect spoke of his political sentiments and of the principles, which should govern him in the administration of the government. He declared himself clearly and explicitly in favor of a single presidential term, recognised the peculiar principles of the party which had chosen him to office in regard to the currency, spoke of the abuse of the veto power, the importance of preserving the elective franchise in its purity, the impropriety of Executive interference with the legislation of congress, the necessity of maintaining the national honor, of keeping the public faith with the aborigines of the country, and pledged himself to preserve the Constitution, so far as in him lay, in its original purity. Just as the President elect came to the concluding paragraph of his address, he paused to receive the oath of office from the hands of the chief justice of the United States; which done, he concluded with the following solemn and impressive declaration. “Ideem the present occasion,” he said, “sufficiently important and solemn to justify me in expressing to my fellow-citizens a profound reverence for the Christian religion, and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility, are essentially connected with all true and lasting happiness; and to that good Being, who has blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who watched over and prospered the labors of our fathers, and who has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time.”

The new senate having been convened, proceeded shortly after the induction of General Harrison into office, to confirm the nominations made by him of gentlemen, whom he wished to constitute his cabinet—viz., Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, secretary of state; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, secretary of the treasury; John Bell, of Tennessee, secretary of war; George E. Badger, of North Carolina, secretary of the navy; John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, attorney-general; and Francis Granger, of New York, postmaster-general.

Thus was the government organized under the presidency of General Harrison, and in a manner which the friends of the President regarded as highly auspicious to the best interests of the country. Many great and difficult questions, connected both with the foreign and domestic policy of the government, met the administration at the very threshold of its coming into power, and required all their wisdom, and skill, and patriotism, for a safe and satisfactory adjustment. On the one hand, there were the north-eastern boundary question, still pending with Great Britain, and certain difficulties and delicate matters growing out of the burning of the steamer Caroline, and the subsequent arrest and imprisonment, in the state of New York, of one Alexander M’Leod, a British subject, for the murder of Amos Durfee, one of the crew of that boat; and on the other, the agitating and embarrassing questions relating to the currency and financial condition of the country. The party, however, which had placed General Harrison in power, flattered themselves, that with the aid of the able cabinet he had selected, he would soon be able to adjust and arrange those difficult matters in a manner highly conducive to the national welfare. On the 17th of March, the President issued his proclamation convening congress to assemble in extra session, on the 31st of May following, for the purpose of taking into consideration the condition of the revenue and finances of the country. The great subject which had been the gist of the political controversy just ended, was thus to receive the almost immediate attention of congress; and the friends of the administration indulged the hope that the measures, which they believed the good of the country demanded, would soon be adopted, and on a footing promising the most complete success. What then was their disappointment and their grief, when, in less than a month reports were spread throughout the country, that the President was dangerously sick, and in a few days after, that he was no more! On the 4th of April, 1841, the following circular, signed by the different members of the cabinet, was issued, announcing to the nation the intelligence of his death.

“An all-wise Providence having suddenly removed from this life William Henry Harrison, late President of the United States, we have thought it our duty, in the recess of congress, and in the absence of the vice-president from the seat of government, to make this afflicting bereavement known to the country, by this declaration, under our hands. He died at the President’s house, in this city, this 4th day of April, Anno Domini, 1841, at thirty minutes before one o’clock in the morning.

“The people of the United States, overwhelmed like ourselves, by an event so unexpected and so melancholy, will derive consolation from knowing that his death was calm and resigned, as his life has been patriotic, useful, and distinguished; and that the last utterance of his lips expressed a fervent desire for the perpetuity of the Constitution, and the preservation of its true principles. In death, as in life, the happiness of his country was uppermost in his thoughts.”

A bereavement like this, unprecedented in the annals of the country, excited a universal sentiment of grief; and men of all parties united to do homage to the memory of the illustrious dead. After the performance of appropriate religious service at the presidential mansion, the body, followed by a magnificent cortege, was conveyed to the receiving tomb, in the city of Washington, whence it has been since transferred, at the request of the family friends, to a rural mound on the banks of the Ohio, near the former abode of the deceased.

The sad event was subsequently celebrated in all the principal cities and towns in the nation, by funeral processions, and funeral orations, in honor of the departed President.

On the very night of the melancholy catastrophe, the cabinet despatched a special messenger to the residence of the vice-president, in Virginia, to acquaint him with the national loss, that he might enter on the duties of the presidential office, which were now devolved on him by the Constitution. The vice-president, on receiving the intelligence, hastened to the seat of government, took the oath to discharge the duties of the office of President of the United States, invited the cabinet chosen by General Harrison to remain in their places, and immediately entered on the administration of the government. Thus, for the first time, in the history of the United States, was the vice-president called to discharge the functions of President.

President Tyler, having no public opportunity of presenting to the nation an exposition of the policy, which would guide his administration, in the form of an inaugural address, early after entering upon the duties to which Providence had called him, issued an official address to the people, containing a brief exposition of the principles, which he designed should govern him in the administration of public affairs. These were in general in accordance with those of his predecessor, and of the great political party, which had elevated him to the second office in the nation.

On the 13th of April, President Tyler addressed to the people of the United States, a recommendation of a national fast, to be observed on the 14th of May, with reference to the recent melancholy national bereavement. This recommendation of the President was strictly regarded throughout the country, and the 14th of May, 1841, was solemnly and religiously observed as a day of national fasting, humiliation and prayer.

On the 31st of May, 1841, congress assembled in accordance with the proclamation, which had been issued by President Harrison, and forthwith entered upon the business for which they had been assembled.

The first bill of importance, matured and adopted, was one to establish a uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States. As a reason for the adoption of such a system, it was urged with just weight, that owing to the extraordinary revulsions in trade and the pecuniary embarrassments resulting therefrom, which had taken place in the country within the last four years, there were more than five hundred thousand debtors in the United States, insolvent and for ever cut off from the prospect of being able to do any thing, either for themselves or their creditors, unless a bankrupt law should be passed for their relief. Petitions against the passage of this bill were also presented: and it met with strenuous opposition from members of congress of both political parties. The chief exception taken to the bill was its retrospective operation—discharging, as it did, contracts made before its passage. The operation of this measure was doubtless to furnish relief to many honest debtors; but it is needless to say, that the dishonest, in too many instances, took advantage of its provisions, and released themselves from solemn obligations, which they were able, but which they were unwilling, to fulfil.

The sub-treasury law, which Mr.Van Buren had so often and strenuously recommended to congress, and which had been adopted towards the close of his administration, was among the earliest laws repealed at the extra session. The vote on the question of repeal in the senate was twenty-nine to eighteen; in the house, one hundred and thirty-four to eighty-seven.

Another important measure adopted, was a bill providing for the distribution of the net proceeds of the public lands, and to allow to actual settlers certain pre-emption rights.

The main provisions of the bill are, that from and after the thirty-first day of December, 1841, there shall be allowed and paid to the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Michigan, over and above what each of the said states is entitled to by the terms of the compacts entered into between them and the United States upon their admission into the Union, the sum of ten per cent. upon the net proceeds of the sales of the public lands, which subsequent to the thirty-first day of December, 1841, shall be made within the limits of the said states respectively; and that after deducting the said ten per cent. and what by the before-mentioned compacts has been allowed to the states aforesaid, the residue of the net proceeds, after paying the expenses of the General Land Office, the expenses of surveying, and selling the said lands,&c., shall be divided among the twenty-six states of the Union, and the district of Columbia, and the territories of Wisconsin, Iowa, and Florida, according to their respective federal representative population, as ascertained by the last census, to be applied by the legislatures of the said states to such purposes as the said legislatures may direct; the share of the district of Columbia, however, to be applied to free schools, or education in some form, as Congress may direct. The net proceeds of the said sales are to be paid to the agents of the states, at the treasury of the United States, half yearly, that is, on the first day of January, and the first day of July, in each year.

The act grants to each of the states to which the ten per cent. distribution is to be made, five hundred thousand acres of land for purposes of internal improvement; or in cases where such grants have heretofore been made to any state, such number of acres as together with the previous grants, shall amount to five hundred thousand acres.

The provisions of this act in regard to pre-emption, are, substantially, that, with certain limitations, and restrictions provided in the act, every person being the head of a family, or widow, or single man, over the age of twenty-one years, and a citizen of the United States, or having filed a declaration of an intention to become a citizen in accordance with the naturalization laws, who since the first day of June, 1840, has settled, or shall hereafter settle on the public lands, may have the privilege of purchasing such land in which he has settled or shall settle, not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres, on paying to the United States the minimum price of such land.

The act is to continue in force until it shall be otherwise provided by law, unless the United States shall become involved in war with any foreign power, in which event, it is to be suspended during the war; and if at any time during the existence of the act, there shall be an imposition of duties on imports inconsistent with the provisions of the revenue act of 1832, and other revenue laws, and beyond the twenty per cent. duty on the value of the imports established by that act, in such case, the act is to be suspended until this cause of suspension shall be removed.

The duties on imports, having been constantly decreasing for several years, in accordance with the provisions of the revenue act of 1832, the revenue had at length become insufficient for the purposes of the government. Abill, therefore, was passed by congress for the imposition of duties of twenty per cent. on the value of all articles of import not expressly excepted therein. It was to take effect on the 1st of October, 1841.

But the great measure of the extra session however, was the establishment of a Bank of the United States. Whether there should be such an institution in the country, existing by any law of congress, had, indeed, been a great and exciting question for the twelve previous years. Both General Jackson and Mr.Van Buren, and the party, which they represented, were hostile to any such institution. During the then recent presidential contest this question had been extensively discussed, and the rival candidates, it was very well understood, entertained opposite views on the subject. The election of Gen.Harrison was considered, therefore, as an expression in favor of such an institution, by that majority of the people, which elevated him to the presidency; and the creation of such a bank, it was understood, was among the weighty and important matters on account of which the new President issued his proclamation for an extra session of congress. President Tyler, too, in his message to congress, on the assembling, seemed to join in the intimation before given by President Harrison, that some suitable agency ought forthwith to be established, for the purpose of collecting, keeping, and disbursing the public revenues.

Accordingly, soon after the opening of congress, a bill for the establishment of a National Bank, prepared by the secretary of the treasury, Mr.Ewing, was referred to a committee of the senate. This bill being drawn up by a member of the cabinet, it was generally supposed was in accordance with the views of the President, and if passed, would receive his sanction.—The bill provided for the establishment of a bank in the district of Columbia, to be termed, the “Fiscal Bank of the United States,” with power to establish branches in the states, with the consent of the states.—The committee of the senate to whom the subject had been referred, after due deliberation, reported a bill for the establishment of a Fiscal Bank, concurring in the main with the bill framed by the secretary of the treasury, but differing from it in one important feature, namely, in the power of the parent bank to establish branches in the different states without their assent. The charter of the bank of 1816 was assumed as the basis of the bill. The parent bank was to be located at the city of Washington, and to be under the control of nine directors, to be appointed annually, and to receive an annual stipend for their services, but not to be allowed any accommodation from the bank, in the shape of loans or discounts. The parent bank was to make no loans or discounts except to the United States government, and to that, only such as should be authorized by law. The capital stock of the bank was to be the sum of thirty millions of dollars; congress retaining the power to increase it to fifty millions. The dividends were to be limited to seven per cent. on the capital stock, the excess over that sum to be reserved until it should constitute a fund of two millions of dollars to be appropriated to the purpose of making good any losses which might be sustained, and the excess beyond that sum of two millions to be paid into the United States treasury. The directors were to have power to establish branches in the different states, and to commit the management of them to such persons as they should see fit. Foreigners were prohibited from holding any part of the capital stock. The United States were to subscribe for one-sixth part of the shares, and the individual states were also to be allowed to subscribe. Such were the main features of the bill as reported by the committee of the senate.

This bill, on being reported to the senate, encountered strenuous opposition from the anti-administration senators, who used all their efforts and skill, first to render it a nullity by means of different amendments which they proposed, and finally to destroy it altogether. The great advocate of the bill was the chairman of the committee who reported it, the Hon.Henry Clay. The most serious opposition to it came in the shape of an amendment, prepared by the Hon.Wm. C. Rives, of Virginia. This senator, perceiving in the bill what he deemed an infringement upon the rights of the states, reserved to them by the constitution, moved so to amend it, that no branches should be established in the states without the assent of their legislatures; branches being once established, however, not to be withdrawn without the assent of congress. This amendment was regarded by Mr.Clay and those who acted with him, as calculated to affect the bill in a vital part, and was strenuously resisted. After considerable debate, however, and a calculation of the probable chances of its passage unless some concession were made to the views of the friends of state-rights, Mr.Clay consented to a compromise, and the bill was so modified as to give the parent bank power to establish branches in such states as should not at the first session of their legislature, holden after its passage, express their dissent, and to make it imperative on the directors to establish a branch in any state in which two thousand shares should have been subscribed, or should be holden, whenever upon application of the legislature of such state congress should by law require the same. In case the legislature of any state should express neither assent nor dissent, its assent was to be presumed; and it was to be the duty of the directors to establish branches in the states, at all events, whether with the assent of the states or against their dissent, in case congress should by law so direct, for the purpose of carrying into effect any of their constitutional powers.

With this amendment, and some others of less importance, the bill finally passed the senate, and in a few days thereafter the house of representatives, and was presented to the President for his approval. The President, after retaining the bill in his hands until the constitutional period of ten days, allowed him for the purpose of consideration, had nearly expired, and during which time the whole country was awaiting his decision with the most anxious solicitude, at last, on the 16th of August, returned it to the senate with his veto.

In his assigning his reasons for such a measure, the President says, “the power of congress to create a National Bank to operate per se over the Union has been a question of dispute from the origin of the government. Men most justly and deservedly esteemed for their high intellectual endowments, their virtue, and their patriotism, have in regard to it, entertained different and conflicting opinions. Congresses have differed. The approval of one President has been followed by the disapproval of another. The people at different times have acquiesced in decisions both for and against. The country has been and still is agitated by this unsettled question. It will suffice for me to say, that my own opinion has been uniformly proclaimed to be against the exercise of any such power by this government. On all suitable occasions, during a period of twenty-five years, the opinion thus entertained has been unreservedly expressed.”

This exercise of the veto power by the President, produced a great sensation both in congress and elsewhere throughout the country. With the political friends of the President, that is, with those to whom he owed his elevation to power, it was generally a subject of extreme regret; and it was even rumored that, in consequence of the veto, the cabinet would be dissolved, and an open separation would ensue between the President and the whig party. By the anti-administration party, on the other hand, the veto was hailed with joy, and the President, it was said, had saved his country. The message, however, met with a milder reception from the dominant party in congress than had generally been anticipated. The President seemed to be generally regarded as honest in his convictions and conscientious in his scruples, and a desire was soon manifested, on the part of those whose views differed from his, to have a new bill introduced into congress which should be free from what the President regarded as constitutional objections. The reasoning of the President in regard to the bill which he had returned, seemed to be directed mainly against the power to discount, and the power to establish offices of discount in the different states. In regard to the power to deal in exchanges, he expressed himself with more favor, and it was pretty generally inferred by those who read the message, that he would not disapprove a bill to establish a bank whose object should be to deal in exchanges. Accordingly, in a few days after the reception of the veto, a bill to establish such a bank under the title of the “Fiscal Corporation of the United States,” was introduced into the house of representatives, by the Hon.John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, soon passed, sent to the senate, there confirmed, and transmitted to the President for his signature. This bill, it was supposed, had been drawn up by those well acquainted with the President’s views, and in such a manner that he would surely give it his sanction. It was supposed that the party in power would not hazard a second experiment of the kind without having satisfactorily ascertained that such was the fact. But rumor soon began to whisper, that this bill also was to meet the fate of its predecessor. Nothing, however, was definitely known on the subject, until the 9th of September, when the President fully confirmed all that rumor had said, by returning the bill to the house of representatives with his veto.

This was a result sufficiently mortifying to the party, which had contributed to the election of Mr.Tyler as the associate of the lamented Harrison, and tended, in no small degree, to weaken the confidence which that party had reposed in him. From this time, it was obvious, that the President and his former political friends could no longer act in concert.

On the 13th of September, congress adjourned. Two days before, the whig members of the senate and of the house of representatives held a meeting in the city of Washington, at which it was resolved to publish an address to the people of the United States, containing a succinct exposition of the prominent proceedings of the extra session.

In that address, after speaking of the repeal of the sub-treasury law—the enactment of the land bill—and the passage of the bankrupt act—on account of which, considering their importance, they might well congratulate themselves and the country—they proceeded to profess their “profound and poignant regret,” that they had been defeated in two attempts to create a fiscal agent, of the necessity and importance of which they had satisfactory proof. “Twice have we,” said they, “with the utmost diligence and deliberation matured a plan for the collection, safe-keeping, and disbursing of the public moneys through the agency of a corporation adapted to that end, and twice has it been our fate to encounter the opposition of the President, through the application of the veto power. The character of that veto in each case, the circumstances in which it was administered, and the grounds upon which it has met the decided disapprobation of your friends in congress, are sufficiently apparent in the public documents, and the debates relating to it. This subject has acquired a painful interest with us, and will doubtless acquire it with you, from the unhappy developments, with which it is accompanied. We are constrained to say that we find no ground to justify us in the conviction that the veto of the President has been interposed on this question solely upon conscientious and well considered opinions of constitutional scruples as to his duty, in the case presented.” In another part of that address they say, “It is with profound sorrow we look to the course pursued by the President. He has wrested from us one of the best fruits of a long and painful struggle, and the consummation of a glorious victory; he has even, perhaps, thrown us once more upon the field of political strife, not weakened in numbers nor shorn of the support of the country, but stripped of the arms which success had placed in our hands, and left us again to rely upon that high patriotism, which, for twelve years, sustained us in a conflict of unequal asperity, and which finally brought us to the fulfilment of those brilliant hopes which he had done so much to destroy.”

The dissatisfaction thus manifested by the dominant party in congress soon extended itself to the cabinet of the President, which, in less than a week following the second veto of the President, was dissolved; the different members, with the exception of the secretary of state, resigning their places. The reasons for this step were given in detail, in a letter addressed to the President by Mr.Ewing, the secretary of the treasury, and published in the public journals. These reasons mainly referred to the exercise of the veto power by the President, and more especially to the course which Mr.Ewing stated the President had pursued in relation to the bill for the establishment of a fiscal corporation. This bill, Mr.Ewing says, was drawn up at the President’s request, considered and approved by him, and at his instance introduced into congress. On the resignation of his cabinet, the President nominated the following gentlemen to fill their places, viz.: Walter Forward, of Pennsylvania, secretary of the treasury; John M’Lean, of Ohio, secretary of war; Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, secretary of the navy; Hugh S. Legare, of South Carolina, attorney-general; and Charles A. Wickliffe, of Kentucky, postmaster-general; which nominations the senate confirmed.

It may be here added, that great surprise was manifested, and deep regret expressed, that Mr.Webster, the secretary of state, still continued to occupy his place in the cabinet. His political friends, while they believed he was actuated by pure and patriotic motives, would have been better pleased, had he by resignation borne signal testimony against a course pursued by the President, subversive of some of the most favorite measures of the party, which had elevated him to the high office he held. The continuance of Mr.Webster in office proved, however, of signal advantage to the country, as through his instrumentality, more than that of any other man, that long agitated and most vexatious question, relative to the north-eastern boundary, was settled to the satisfaction of both the governments, interested therein.

On the 6th of December following, the twenty-seventh congress commenced its second session. In his message on the following day, the President adverted to several topics of national interest—the principal of which were our relations with Great Britain—the Florida war—the census—the tariff—and the adoption of some plan for the safe-keeping of the public funds.

Great Britain had made known to this government, the President said, that the expedition, which was fitted out from Canada for the destruction of the steamboat Caroline, in the winter of 1837, and which had resulted in the destruction of said boat, and the death of an American citizen, was undertaken by order from the authorities of the British government; and that if Alexander M’Leod, a British subject, indicted for that murder, was engaged in that expedition, that government demanded his release, on the ground that he was acting under orders of the government. Fortunately for the peace of the two countries, before this demand was made, M’Leod had been tried in the state of New York and acquitted. The affair of the Caroline, however, remained unadjusted; and, having now been publicly sanctioned by the British government, it would become a matter of grave negotiation with that government.

The war with the Indian tribes on the peninsula of Florida during the summer and fall, had been prosecuted with untiring activity and zeal. In despite of the sickness incident to the climate, our troops had penetrated the fastnesses of the Indians, broken up their encampments, and harassed them exceedingly.

The census for 1840, had been completed, and exhibited a grand total of 17,069,453; making an increase over the census of 1830, of 4,202,646, and showing a gain in a ratio exceeding thirty-two and a half per cent., for the last ten years.

Apprehending that a revision of the tariff might be deemed necessary, the President expressed a wish, that in that case, moderate counsels might prevail. In regard to discrimination as to articles, on which a duty might be laid, he admitted that so long as reference was had to revenue to the wants of the treasury, no well founded objection could exist against such discrimination, although by that means incidental protection should be furnished to manufactures. It might, however, he said, be esteemed desirable that no such augmentation of the taxes should take place, as would have the effect of annulling the land proceeds distribution act of the last session, which act is declared to be in operation the moment the duties are increased beyond twenty per cent., the maximum rate established by the compromise act.

Next, he adverted to a pledge, which he had given at a former day, to suggest a plan for the control and safe-keeping of the public funds. “This plan contemplates,” said he, “the establishment of a board of control, at the seat of government, with agencies at prominent commercial points, or wherever else congress shall direct, for the safe-keeping and disbursement of the public moneys; and a substitution, at the option of the public creditors, of treasury notes, in lieu of gold and silver. It proposes to limit the issues to an amount not to exceed 15,000,000 dollars—without the express sanction of the legislative power. It also authorizes the receipt of individual deposits of gold and silver to a limited amount, and the granting of certificates of deposit, divided into such sums, as may be called for by the depositors. It proceeds a step further, and authorizes the purchase and sale of domestic bills, and drafts resting on a real and substantial basis, payable at sight, or having but a short time to run, and drawn on places not less than one hundred miles apart—which authority, except in so far as may be necessary for the government purposes exclusively, is only to be exerted upon express condition, that its exercise shall not be prohibited by the state in which the agency is situated.

“In order to cover the expenses incident to the plan, it will be authorized to receive moderate premiums for certificates issued on deposits, and on bills bought and sold, and thus, as far as its dealings extend, to furnish facilities to commercial intercourse at the lowest possible rates, and to subduct from the earnings of industry, the least possible sum. It uses the state banks at a distance from the agencies as auxiliaries, without imparting any power to trade in its name. It is subjected to such guards and restraints as appear to be necessary. It is the creature of law, and exists only at the pleasure of the legislature. It is made to rest on an actual specie basis, in order to redeem the notes at the places of issue—produces no dangerous redundancy of circulation—affords no temptation to speculation—is attended by no inflation of prices—is equable in its operation—makes the treasury notes, which it may use along with the certificates of deposit, and the notes of specie paying banks—convertible at the place where collected, receivable in payment of government dues—and, without violating any principle of the Constitution, affords the government and the people such facilities as are called for by the wants of both. Such, it has appeared to me, are its recommendations, and in view of them it will be submitted, whenever you require it, to your consideration.”

Among the measures adopted by the second session of the twenty-fifth congress, the first we shall notice was an act for apportioning the representatives, among the several states according to the fourth census. Several different ratios were proposed, but at length the number of one representative for every 50,179 was adopted by the house. This number was changed in the senate for 70,680; and after a long discussion in the house, the amendment was agreed to. Afurther amendment was also concurred in, viz., that each state having a fraction greater than a moiety of the said ratio should be entitled to an additional representative. This act received the approval and signature of the President on the twenty-fifth of June. But accompanying the message, announcing that approval, was an intimation that he had caused the act to be deposited in the office of the secretary of state, accompanied by an exposition of his reasons for giving it his sanction. Such a course on the part of a president, being unprecedented, a resolution was adopted, calling on the secretary for an authenticated copy of those reasons.

When furnished, it appeared that the chief objection which the President had to the bill, was its mandatory requisition upon the states to form districts for the choice of representatives to congress, in single districts. Of the constitutional power of congress in this respect, as well as in regard to the policy of the act, he had serious doubts; but he had signed the bill “from respect to the declared will of the two houses.”

The course thus taken by the President, in depositing this act, with his reasons, in the office of the secretary of state, being entirely novel, and in the view of many highly exceptionable, the subject was referred to a committee, who submitted a long report, in which they said, “the committee consider the act of the President, notified by him to the house of representatives, in his message of the 23d ult., as unauthorized by the constitution and laws of the United States, pernicious in its immediate operation, and imminently dangerous in its tendencies. They believe it to be the duty of the house to protest against it, and to place upon their journal an earnest remonstrance against its ever being again repeated.”

On the 31st of March, 1842, an interesting scene transpired in the Senate. This was the withdrawal of Mr.Clay from his senatorial office, to private life, after a continuous service of nearly thirty-six years in the public councils, in conformity to a letter of resignation, which, on the 16th of February, he had addressed to the general assembly of Kentucky. Previously to retiring, Mr.Clay made use of the occasion of presenting the credentials of his appointed successor, to address to the senate some valedictory remarks, in which he touched briefly and successively on the high constitutional attributes and character of the senate, on his long service in that and other departments of the public service, on the state of public affairs, with some references personal to himself. This address, delivered with unusual earnestness and depth of intonation, was received by the senate, and an immense concourse of auditors, with deep silence and the most profound attention. As it was an event, and a moment calculated to fill the veteran statesman with emotion, it was one which imparted a sympathetic interest to the public; and, in the expectation and hope of hearing again, and for the last time, the manly tones of that voice which had so often thrilled every heart with delight and admiration, the chamber and galleries were early filled with an eager and anxious auditory of both sexes. Seldom have the anticipations of any assemblage in the capitol been more richly realized, or their sensibilities more profoundly excited. The scene was indeed most impressive, and will never be forgotten by any of the thousand individuals who witnessed it. At one moment, when the orator approached the theme of his gratitude to the noble state, which had so long honored and cherished him, when his utterance was choked, and his voice failed, and he paused to wipe the tears from his eyes, it is believed there were few other eyes present which remained dry.

In the course of his valedictory, he said: “Igo from this place under the hope that we shall mutually consign to perpetual oblivion, whatever personal collisions may at any time unfortunately have occurred between us; and that our recollections shall dwell in future only on those conflicts of mind with mind, those intellectual struggles, those noble exhibitions of the powers of logic, argument, and eloquence, honorable to the senate, and to the nation, in which each has sought and contended for what he deemed the best mode of accomplishing one common object, the interest and the most happiness of our beloved country. To these thrilling and delightful scenes, it will be my pleasure and my pride to look back in my retirement with unmeasured satisfaction.”

In conclusion, he added: “In retiring as Iam about to do, for ever from the senate, suffer me to express my heartfelt wishes that all the great and patriotic objects of the wise framers of our constitution may be fulfilled; that the high destiny designed for it, may be fully answered; and that its deliberations, now and hereafter, may eventuate in securing the prosperity of our beloved country, in maintaining its rights and honors abroad, and upholding its interests at home. Iretire, Iknow, at a period of infinite distress and embarrassment. Iwish Icould take my leave of you under more favorable auspices; but, without meaning at this time to say whether on any, or on whom reproaches for the sad condition of the country should fall, Iappeal to the senate and to the world to bear testimony to my earnest and continued exertions to avert it, and to the truth that no blame can justly attach to me.

“May the most precious blessings of Heaven rest upon the whole senate, and each member of it, and may the labours of every one redound to the benefit of the nation, and the advancement of his own fame and renown. And when you shall return to the bosom of your constituents, may you receive that most cheering and gratifying of all human rewards—their cordial greeting of ‘Well done, good and faithful servant.’

“And now, Mr.President, and senators, Ibid you a long, a lasting, and a friendly farewell.”

During the month of June, 1842, the Exploring Expedition returned to the United States, having been absent three years and ten months, and having sailed nearly 90,000 miles. The vessels attached to this expedition left the Capes of the Chesapeake, August 19th, 1838, and sailed for Rio Janeiro, whence, on the 6th of January, 1839, they sailed for the north of Patagonia, and thence to Nassau Bay, in Terra del Fuego. The Peacock, Porpoise, and two schooners thence made cruises towards the pole; but as the season was far advanced, they did not quite reach the highest latitude attained by Cook. The Vincennes remained at Nassau Bay to carry on surveys, and magnetic observations. In May, the vessels were again together at Valparaiso, and in July they left the South American coast, and after surveying fourteen or fifteen of the Pawmotee Islands, two of the Society Islands, and all the Navigator’s group, on the 28th of November, they reached Sidney, in New South Wales. On their second antarctic cruise, land was first discovered in longitude 160 degrees east, and latitude 66 degrees, 30 minutes south. The Vincennes and Porpoise pursued the barrier of ice to the westward, as far as 97 degrees east longitude, seeing the land at intervals for fifteen hundred miles. They could not land, however, though many specimens of rocks were collected and brought home. On the 24th of April, the vessels proceeded to the Feejees, where nearly four months were occupied in surveys and scientific observations. They next visited the Sandwich Islands—the Vincennes spending the winter at the group. The Peacock and Flying Fish were cruising in the equatorial regions of the Pacific, visiting and making charts of the various groups of islands scattered throughout the seas. In the spring of 1841, the Vincennes and Porpoise were on the coast of Oregon, where the former was wrecked. They made several land expeditions into the interior, of from five hundred to a thousand miles each, and one of eight hundred miles to San Francisco, in California. The vessels left California in November, 1841; and, after touching at the Sandwich Islands, and visiting Manilla, Singapore, and the Cape of Good Hope, reached New York as above stated.

During their absence, they surveyed nearly two hundred and eighty different islands, besides eight hundred miles in Oregon, and one thousand, five hundred miles along the icy barrier of the antarctic continent. The number of sketches of natural scenery brought home, were about five hundred; the number of portraits about two hundred. Of birds about one thousand species, and twice that number of specimens were collected; besides great numbers of fishes, reptiles, insects, shells,&c. This expedition was fitted out at a great expense, and its results have proved highly honorable to the nation which projected, and the officers who executed it. Several volumes containing a history of the expedition, with its discoveries, scientific researches,&c., have been published, at the national expense.

On the 20th of August, 1842, an important treaty with England, the first it is believed ever negotiated with that power in the United States, was ratified by the senate, by a vote of 39 to 9. By this treaty, the north-eastern boundary between the United States and Great Britain was settled. For nearly half a century, this question had agitated both countries; and while the question had thus remained unsettled, events were frequently occurring to create new difficulties in reference to it, until, at length, such was the sensitiveness of parties interested, it was perceived that the controversy must be settled, and that, too, in a spirit of conciliation and compromise, or the countries might find themselves, ere long, involved in war. But in this state of things, the English ministry resolved to gratify at once their sense of the importance of immediate adjustment, and their respect for the government of the United States, by sending a special and extraordinary mission. For this work of reconciliation, they selected Lord Ashburton, a gentleman fully acquainted, for many years, with affairs between his own country and ours; and who was ready to sit down to existing topics in a business-like way, to treat them frankly and fairly, and to remove all obstacles, as far as he was able. He is reported to have said of himself, “Icame not to make difficulty, but to make a treaty.” Fortunately for the country, at this most important juncture, Mr.Webster was still in the cabinet. Perhaps no other citizen in the United States was so competent to negotiate on this confessedly important, but difficult subject. The President also manifested a sincere desire to arrange the questions in difference between the United States and England, in a manner honorable and satisfactory. As the states of Massachusetts and Maine were interested in the divisional or boundary line, which should be agreed upon, commissioners were appointed by the legislature of those states, to protect their respective interests—on the part of Maine, EDWARD KAVANAUGH, EDWARD KENT, N.P. PREBLE, and JOHN OTIS; on the part of Massachusetts, ABBOT LAWRENCE, JOHN MILLS, and CHARLES ALLEN.

By the first article of this treaty, the north-eastern boundary line is defined and established. “It is hereby agreed and declared, that the line of boundary shall be as follows:—Beginning at the monument at the source of the river St.Croix, as designated and agreed to by the commissioners under the 5th article in the treaty of 1794, between the governments of the United States and Great Britain; thence, north, following the exploring line run and marked by the surveyors of the two governments, in the years 1817 and 1818, under the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, to its intersection with the river St.John, and to the middle of the channel thereof; thence, up the middle of the main channel of said river St.John, to the mouth of the river St.Francis; thence up the middle of the main channel of said river St.Francis, and of the lakes through which it flows, to the outlet of the lake Pohenagamook; thence, south-westerly, in a straight line, to a point on the north-west branch of the river St.John, which point shall be ten miles distant from the main branch of the St.John, in a straight line, and in the nearest direction; but if said point shall be found to be less than seven miles from the nearest point of the summit or crest of the highlands that divide those rivers, which empty themselves into the river St.Lawrence, from those which fall into the river St.John, then the said point shall be made to recede down the said north-west branch of the river St.John, to a point seven miles in a straight line from the said summit or crest; thence, in a straight line, in a course about south eight degrees west, to the point where the parallel of latitude of 46degrees, 25minutes north, intersects the south-west branch of the St.John; thence, southerly, by the said branch, to the source thereof in the highlands, at the Metjarmette portage; thence, down along the said highlands which divide the waters which empty themselves into the river St.Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic ocean, to the head of Hall’s stream; thence, down the middle of said stream, till the line thus run intersects the old line of boundary surveyed and marked by Valentine and Collins, previously to the year 1774, as the 45th degree of north latitude, and which has been known and understood to be the line of actual division between the states of New York and Vermont on one side, and the British province of Canada on the other; and, from said point of intersection, west along the said dividing line as heretofore known and understood, to the Iroquois or St.Lawrence river.”

It was also stipulated that each country should maintain on the coast of Africa, a naval force of vessels sufficient to carry in all not less than eighty guns, to be independent of each other, but to act in concert and co-operation, for the suppression of the slave trade. By the 10th article, it was stipulated that fugitives from justice found in either country should be delivered up by the two governments respectively upon complaint and upon what should be deemed sufficient evidence to sustain the charge.

On the 10th of November, 1842, the President issued his proclamation, announcing the ratification of the treaty, and the exchange of ratifications between the two governments, which was done at London on the 13th of October, 1842, by Mr.Everett and the Earl of Aberdeen.

Thus was settled a controversy, which for half a century had disturbed the harmony of the two governments—which had given birth to frequent disturbances, within and in the neighborhood of the disputed territory, and which as the controversy remained unsettled, was becoming more perplexed and intricate, and every year more likely to engender hostilities between the two nations.

Among the measures of a public nature, which occupied the attention of the 2d session of the 27th congress, no one excited more interest than the revision of the tariff. The government was in debt, and its credit in the wane. Authorized loans could not be negotiated. The revenue was falling off. The manufacturing interests were suffering; all branches of industry were drooping. Said the Committee, to whom the subject was referred, in their report, “Awell regulated tariff, on a scale sufficient for the wants of the government is the only effectual remedy for the evils the government and the people are now suffering. It will inspire confidence throughout the country. It will again set every wheel in motion. It will improve and enlarge the currency. It will send out its life, giving influence to the extremity of the nation, and give vigor and activity to the whole system. It will (and nothing else will) restore credit to the country. The people of this country know that our resources are abundant. Let them but see that congress has provided a proper revenue, and has done it in such a manner, as at the same time to encourage and protect their own protective industry in all its branches, whether it relates to commerce, agriculture, manufactures, or the mechanic arts, throughout the broad extent of our lands, and the credit of the government will commence at once, and receive all the aid it may need.”

In accordance with these views, a bill was reported by the above committee, providing, 1st, a general ad valorem duty of 30 per cent. with free exceptions, where the duty was on that principle. 2.A discrimination was made for the security of such interests as could not be preserved without it, as well as for revenue, by specific duties on valuations, some higher, and some lower than the general ad valorem duty.

This measure was powerfully sustained by the friends of the manufacturing interests in the country. But it met with great opposition. Every inch was contested. Great excitement prevailed, both in and out of congress. Parties were nearly equally balanced on the question; and, for a time, serious apprehensions were entertained as to its fate. But, at length, (July 16th,) the bill passed—in the house, by a vote of 116 to 112,—in the senate, (August 5th,) by a vote of 25 to 23.

Thus was decided, a question, which, in the view of many, was of incalculable importance to the country; one, certainly, which had interested all hearts, and had given birth to debates, as warm and animated, as any which had been listened to for years. All eyes were now turned towards the Executive, upon whom devolved the fearful responsibility of approving or rejecting it.

In a few days, the decision of the President was communicated to congress—he had rejected it—had added another veto to those which had already filled his friends with surprise and regret.

At the opening of the extra session of congress, the President had himself recommended a distribution of the proceeds of the public lands among the states; and an act was accordingly passed to that effect; but it ordained “that if at any time, during the existence of that act there should be an imposition of duties or imposts, inconsistent with the provision of the act of the 2d of March, 1833, and beyond the rate of duties fixed by that act, to wit., 20 per cent. on the value of such imposts, or any of them, then the distribution should be suspended, and should continue so suspended, until the cause should be removed.” The bill now presented to the President for his consideration provided, that notwithstanding the duties were raised beyond 20 per cent., the distribution should be made. On this ground principally the veto was based.

The friends of a judicious tariff were thus placed in a most embarrassing situation. It had been their intention to adjourn soon after the passage of this important measure; but, under this unexpected defeat and embarrassment, what should they do? Not a few were for closing the session, and placing the responsibility upon the President. But the country was suffering; the credit of the government was sinking lower and lower. Something must be done. Another effort must be put forth. Sacrifice must be made.

While the judicious and patriotic men in congress were thus deliberating as to the path of duty, a committee of the house, at the head of which was Mr.Adams, to whom the veto message of the President had been referred, reported. After reviewing the course which the Executive had pursued—his repeated attempts to frustrate the action of congress by the exercise of the veto—“that regal power of the constitution,” they observed; “the whole legislative power of the Union has been for the last fifteen months, with regard to the action of congress, upon measures of vital importance, in a state of suspended animation, strangled by the five repeated strictures of the executive cord.” “The will of one man has frustrated all the labours of congress, and prostrated all their powers.” “The power of the present congress to enact laws essential to the welfare of the people, has been struck with apoplexy by the Executive hand.” In such terms, did the committee speak of the alarming and unreasonable exercise of the veto power by the President. Two counter reports were made by members of the committee, who dissented from the report.

On the 17th of August, the house passed upon the tariff bill returned by the President. The vote stood 96 to 87—two thirds not voting in the affirmative, as required by the constitution, the bill was rejected.

On the 22d of August, the same revenue bill, which had been vetoed by the President, was passed by the house, 105 to 102, with the exception of the section concerning the land fund, and the duties upon the articles of tea and coffee, which were omitted. “We do not remember ever to have witnessed, during thirty-five years attendance at the house of representatives,” said the editor of the Intelligencer, “a more exciting scene, a severer contest, a greater earnestness and self devotion, than characterized the proceedings and votes on this bill.” Many were reluctant to strike out the land clause, and thus yield to what they considered prejudice and obstinacy on the part of the President—but the exigencies of the country demanded the sacrifice at their hands, and in the spirit of patriotism they made it.

On the 27th of August, the bill with amendments passed the senate by the close vote of 24 to 23, and on the 29th these amendments were concurred in by the house; and the bill, soon after, received the signature of the President, and became a law of the land.

The report of the committee on the veto of the President of the revenue bill has already been noticed. Against this report, the President on the 30th of August entered his solemn protest, transmitted to the house in a special message. “Iprotest,” said he, “against this whole proceeding of the house of representatives, as ex parte and extra judicial. Iprotest against it, as subversive of the common right of all citizens to be condemned only upon a fair and impartial trial, according to law and evidence before the country. Iprotest against it as destructive of all the comity of intercourse between the departments of this government, and destined, sooner or later, to lead to conflict fatal to the peace of the country, and the integrity of the constitution. Iprotest against it in the name of that constitution, which is not only my own shield of protection and defence, but that of every American citizen. Iprotest against it in the name of the people, by whose will Istand where Ido, and by whose authority Iexercise the power which Iam charged with having usurped, and to whom Iam responsible for a firm and faithful discharge, according to my own convictions of duty, of the high stewardship confided to me by them. Iprotest against it in the name of all regulated liberty and all limited government, as a proceeding tending to the utter destruction of all checks and balances of the constitution. And Irespectfully ask that this, my protest, may be entered upon the journal of the house of representatives, as a solemn and formal declaration, for all time to come, of the injustice and unconstitutionality of such a proceeding.”

On receiving this protest, the house passed these resolutions. 1.That the President had no right to make a formal protest against votes and proceedings of this house, declaring such votes and proceedings to be illegal and unconstitutional, and requesting the house to enter such protest on its journal. 2.That the aforesaid protest is a breach of the privileges of the house, and that it be not entered on the journal. 3.That the President of the United States has no right to send a protest to this house against any of its proceedings.

On the 31st of August, the 2d session of the 27th congress was terminated. It will be memorable in the history of the country for the length and arduousness of its labours, the obstacles which it encountered in the path of its duty, and the variety and importance of the legislation which it accomplished in despite of all the difficulties thrown in its way.

It was the longest session ever held under the government; extending through a period of 269 days. The session next to this in length was the second under Mr.Van Buren, which lasted 229 days. At this latter session the reports made were 716; bills reported, 524; bills passed by the house, 211. By the former, reports made, 1098; bills reported, 610; bills passed, 299.

The third session of the 27th congress commenced on the 5th day of December, 1842. In his message transmitted to congress two days after, there being no quorum in the senate earlier, the President represented the foreign relations of the country as in general amicable. The late treaty with Great Britain was cause of congratulation, as thereby it was to be hoped the good understanding existing between the two governments would be preserved for an indefinite period. Some misunderstanding had arisen in regard to the 10th article, which related to the suppression of the slave trade. Apractice had threatened to grow up on the part of British cruisers, of subjecting to visitation ships sailing under the American flag. This was regarded as in fact a right of search, which would not be tolerated, and such had been the representation of the Executive to the British government. The President expressed his regret, that the treaty had not also embraced the Oregon Territory—but he indulged the hope that an early settlement of the question of title to this portion of the continent would remove all grounds of future collision between the two governments.

The vexatious, harassing, and expensive war which so long prevailed with the Indian tribes inhabiting the peninsula of Florida, had been terminated; the army was relieved from a service of the most disagreeable character; and the treasury of a large expenditure. Only such a number of troops would be continued there as were necessary to preserve peace.

The President again urged upon congress his plan of an exchequer, which at the late session had received no favour. In conclusion, he recommended a reimbursement of a fine imposed on General Jackson at New Orleans, at the time of the attack and defence of that city.

On the 9th of January, 1843, the committee of ways and means to whom had been referred the plan of the President of an exchequer, reported adversely thereto; and on the 27th this report was accepted, and the resolution accompanying it adopted by the strong vote of 193 to 18. The resolution was, that the plan presented to congress of an exchequer ought not to pass.

Among the important acts passed at this session was one for the repeal of the bankrupt law.

On the 13th of December, 1842, a bill was introduced into the house for the repeal of the bankrupt law passed on the 19th of August, 1841. On the 16th of January, 1843, the bill passed the house by a vote of 140 to 71. The question on its repeal was taken in the senate February 25th, 1843, and the repeal passed by a majority of 32 to 13. It was provided in the bill that the act should not affect any case or proceeding in bankruptcy commenced before the passage of this act, or any pains, penalties, or forfeitures incurred under the said act; but every such proceeding may be continued to its final consummation in like manner, as if this act had not been passed. At the time of the passage of the original act, there existed a strong sentiment in its favour throughout the country. Such a system had been called for for years—such a measure it was supposed would relieve many unfortunate debtors, who, but for such relief, would find no opportunity, and possess no ambition to attempt to retrieve their fortunes. It was urged also for the continuance of the act, that if harm had resulted from it, the harm was not likely to continue. The dishonest had received its benefit—the mass of insolvency had been swept away by the law already in force. Afair field was open for amendments to the law if found objectionable; and amended as it might be, it would operate for the benefit of the creditor more than the debtor. Besides, it was hardly to be hoped that the present generation would see another law in force, should this be repealed. Such were some of the considerations urged in favour of continuing the law. But a great change had been effected in public opinion throughout the country, and not a few of the members of congress, who had originally urged the passage of the act, and were firm in their belief that its operation would be beneficial, now voted for its repeal.

On the 1st of March, Mr.Forward resigned the office of secretary of the treasury, and John C. Spencer, then secretary of war, was soon after nominated to fill his place. His confirmation passed the senate by a majority of one.

On the 3d of March, an act was approved by the President for promoting the means of future intercourse between the United States and the government of China. By this act 40,000 dollars were placed at the disposal of the President to enable him to establish commercial relations with China. Under this act, Edward Everett, then minister and envoy extraordinary to England, was nominated and confirmed as commissioner. It may be here added, that Mr.Everett declining this honor, Caleb Cushing, of Newburyport, Massachusetts, was appointed to take his place, and John Tyler, son of the President, was appointed his private and confidential secretary. Fletcher Webster of Boston acted as secretary of the mission.

At the above date (March 3d) the President approved of another important act, viz., to provide for carrying into effect the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, concluded at Washington, August 9th, 1842. By this act, 300,000 dollars were to be paid in equal moieties to Maine and Massachusetts. Also the President was authorized to employ so much of the naval force as was requisite to fulfil the 8th article relating to the suppression of the slave trade.

The third session of the 27th congress closed on the 3d of March, 1843. Several important bills failed, among which may be mentioned a bill to reduce the postage on letters—a bill to authorize the adoption of measures for the occupation and settlement of the Oregon Territory, and for extending certain laws of the United States over the same—and a bill for the relief of Andrew Jackson.

On the 8th of May, Daniel Webster having accomplished the great object for which he retained his place in the cabinet, when his associates resigned, viz., the settlement of the north-eastern boundary between the United States and Great Britain, resigned the office of secretary of state, and Hugh S. Legare, attorney-general of the United States, was appointed temporarily to fill that office.

On the 8th of June, the President, accompanied by the secretary of the treasury and the postmaster-general, left Washington, for a visit to Boston to attend the celebration of the completion of the Bunker Hill Monument. During his progress, he was received with the honors due to the chief magistrate of a great and powerful nation. The celebration took place on the 17th. An oration was pronounced by Daniel Webster, commemorative of the great events by which our country had arisen to its exalted station, and of the virtues of those noble men who laid the foundation of our civil and religious institutions. It was a grand and imposing scene. Thousands were gathered to the spot once moistened by the blood of patriots; and grateful homage went up to Him, under whose fostering care the nation enjoyed a measure of prosperity unknown to any other nation on the globe.

But scarcely were the festivities of the occasion ended, when the melancholy intelligence was circulated that Mr.Legare, the attorney-general, and acting secretary of state, had suddenly deceased at his lodgings in Boston. He had followed the President to mingle in the joys of the occasion, but sickness fell upon him, and in a brief space he was numbered with the dead. He sustained the reputation of a man of rare endowments—of great requisitions, and exalted character. In consequence of this death, the President and suite soon returned to the seat of government.

On the 8th of July, 1843, the cabinet of the President was reorganized by the appointment of Abel P. Upshur, secretary of state; John C. Spencer, secretary of the treasury; J. M. Porter, secretary of war; C. A. Wickliffe, postmaster-general, and John Nelson, attorney-general.

The 1st session of the 28th congress commenced on the 5th of December, 1843. On the organization of the house of representatives, a flagrant violation of law was perpetrated by the majority. On the 25th of June, 1842, an act was passed by congress providing for the election of representatives in the several states by districts. This law, some of the states saw fit to set at defiance. New Hampshire, Georgia, Mississippi and Missouri, severally nullified this eminently democratic measure. In Georgia, indeed, the legislature framed and passed a districting bill, but the governor vetoed it, avowing in his message that he did this less from hostility to the district system, than to avoid the appearance of complying with the requisitions of congress.

On the organization of the house, the members from those states, twenty-one in number, appeared and claimed the right to vote. Aprotest from the whig majority was read, but in defiance of that, and the plain and explicit act of congress to the contrary, they were suffered to vote for speaker and clerk, and subsequently they were appointed upon various committees. When these flagrant violations of law had been perpetrated, the house directed the committee on elections to inquire into and report on the matter. That committee, as was foreordained, reported that the second section of the apportionment act was unconstitutional. The house promptly adopted the report, and thus the whole matter was settled, virtually on the basis that no law is of binding force, which conflicts with the interests or the will of the triumphant democracy. The choice of speaker fell on John W. Jones of Virginia, who had been returned by 33 majority, and whose seat was then contested by his opponent, John M. Botts.

In his annual message, the President represented the question between the United States and Great Britain, relating to the title of the Oregon Territory, as still unadjusted. Our minister at London had received instruction to submit to the British government propositions for the final settlement of the question, and the hope was indulged that this controversy of increasing interest might be brought to a speedy and happy termination.

But the prominent subject of the message related to Texas. The annexation of that territory to the United States was supposed to be occupying a large share of the executive attention, and intimation had been given in the official organ, that considerable progress had already been made towards the accomplishment of that object. The message was less explicit on the subject than the people had reason to anticipate from what had been semi-officially published; but it was apparent that the interest taken in Texas by the Executive foreshadowed his ultimate purpose in relation to her becoming a part of the Federal Republic.

On the 8th of January, 1844, an act passed the house of representatives, reimbursing a fine imposed upon General Jackson at New Orleans, at the time of the attack and defence of that city. The repayment of this fine had been recommended by the President in his annual message in December, 1842, but so much opposition to the measure had been manifested, that until now a favorable vote could not be obtained. The history of the imposition of this fine, according to a writer on the spot, is briefly as follows.

After the signal defeat of the British on the 8th of January, they withdrew on board their ships. News of peace with Great Britain meanwhile reached the city. General Jackson, notwithstanding, persisted in continuing martial law. This created dissatisfaction among the volunteers on the line. One of them, Louallier, a member of the legislature, who had acted in a highly meritorious manner in the defence, setting an example to the native citizens which had a great effect (in fact he had more of the American feeling than any Louisianian Ihad become acquainted with,) conceived that the unbending military discipline of Jackson towards the citizens and volunteers was oppressive, and wrote an anonymous letter on the subject, which was published in a New Orleans paper. The editor of the paper was ordered to appear before the general, escorted by a military guard, and being threatened with punishment, gave up the author. The displeasure of the general was now turned against Louallier, who was immediately put under strict arrest, while an order was issued forbidding any further publications on these subjects—thus silencing the press. Louallier was ordered to be tried for treason by a court martial, and if the court had been sufficiently compliant, there is no doubt that he would have been shot: but, fortunately, General Gaines, who presided, was the means of preventing so shocking a catastrophe. In the mean time, the friends of Louallier applied for a habeas corpus, which was issued by Judge Hall, after it had been refused by Judge Lewis. Jackson not satisfied with simply disregarding the writ, sent a file of men, who seized the judge, carried him ten or twelve miles out of the city, and left him with orders not to return. It was soon after the official announcement of peace, and the cessation of martial law, that Judge Hall returned to New Orleans and summoned General Jackson to appear before him and answer for his disobedience of the writ of habeas corpus. This General Jackson refused, for which refusal Judge Hall fined him one thousand dollars.

This was the fine which the President recommended Congress to reimburse. The payment of it was strenuously resisted, on the ground that it would be reflection upon Judge Hall, who imposed it in the discharge of his official duty, for a violation on the part of General Jackson of the laws of the constitution. The act for reimbursing the fine, however, passed both houses of congress—the vote in the former being taken January 8th, 1844, the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans, and standing 158 to 28. The vote in the senate was taken February 14th, and stood 30 to 16. The act disclaimed any reflection upon Judge Hall. The original fine was 1000 dollars. This with the interest amounted to 2700 dollars, which was forwarded to the general from the public treasury at Washington by a special messenger.

On the 2d of March, 1814, a most tragical event occurred on board the United States steamship Princeton, during her return from an excursion down the Potomac. Captain Stockton, the commander of the ship, had invited the President, the secretaries with their families, and several members of congress to an excursion down the river. The day was fine; the company large and brilliant—probably not less than 400 of both sexes. During the passage, one of the large guns on board, called the Peacemaker, carrying a ball of 225 pounds, was fired several times, exhibiting the great power and capacity of that formidable weapon of war. The ladies had partaken of a sumptuous repast; the gentlemen had succeeded them at the table, and some of them had left it. The vessel was on her return up the river, opposite the fort, when Captain Stockton consented to fire another shot from the same gun, around and near which, to observe its effects, many persons had gathered, though by no means so many as had witnessed the previous discharge.

The gun was fired. The explosion was followed, before the smoke cleared away so as to observe its effects, by shrieks of woe which announced a dire calamity. The gun had burst three or four feet from the breech, and scattered death and desolation. Mr.Upshur, secretary of state; Mr.Gilmer, recently appointed secretary of the navy; Commodore Kennon, one of its gallant officers; Virgil Maxcy, lately returned from a diplomatic residence at the Hague; Mr.Gardener of New York, formerly a member of the senate of that state were among the slain. Besides these, seventeen seamen were wounded, and several of them mortally. Captain Stockton, Colonel Benton of the senate, Lieutenant Hunt of the Princeton, and W.D. Robinson of Georgetown were stunned by the concussion.

The scene baffles description. Wives widowed in an instant by the murderous blast! Daughters smitten with the heart-rending sight of their fathers’ lifeless bodies! The wailings of agonized females! The piteous grief of the unhurt but stricken spectators! The wounded seamen borne down below! The silent tears and quivering lips of their brave and honest comrades, who tried in vain to conceal their feelings! What words can adequately depict a scene like this!—A few days after, the funeral ceremonies, which were conducted with appropriate order and solemnity, took place at the presidential mansion, at which were present the surviving officers of government, civil, military and naval; the foreign ministers, members of both houses of congress, and relatives and personal friends of the deceased.

Shortly after the above sad event, Mr.Upshur’s place in the department of state was supplied by the appointment of John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, and the vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr.Gilmer was filled by the appointment of John Y. Mason.

On the 22d of April, a message was transmitted to the senate by the President, announcing to that body the negotiation of a treaty with Texas; the object of which was to annex that territory to the United States. “Itransmit herewith,” said he, “for your approval and ratification, a treaty which Ihave caused to be negotiated between the United States and Texas, whereby the latter, on conditions therein set forth, has conveyed all its rights of separate and independent sovereignty and jurisdiction to the United States. In taking so important a step, Ihave been influenced by what appeared to me to be the most controlling considerations of public policy, and the general good; and in having accomplished it, should it meet with your approval, the government will have succeeded in reclaiming a territory, which formerly constituted a portion, as it is confidently believed, of its domain under the treaty of cession of 1803, by France to the United States.”

By this treaty, the republic of Texas was to be annexed to the United States as one of the territories. Her public lands were ceded and subject to the laws regulating public lands in the other territories of the United States. Her public debt and other liabilities to be assumed by the United States,&c.

The annunciation that such a treaty had been negotiated by the President so secretly, excited no small surprise throughout the country, and immediately awakened deep concern and anxiety in the bosoms of those who were opposed to the measure. In the view of this portion of the community, the admission of Texas was a serious calamity, inasmuch as it involved the extension of slavery, if not an open rupture with Mexico, which still laid claim, with what justice we do not here pretend to decide, to the republic, as a part of her rightful domain. On the other hand, these and other objections had no force with a large party, who were in favor of her admission. They saw in such a measure not merely the extension of the great principle of liberty, and the wider diffusion and enjoyment of our inestimable privileges and institutions, but the means of great wealth, inasmuch as her rich lands might be devoted to the production of cotton and other agricultural products, and would furnish a mart for such surplus slave population, as was not needed in contiguous states. It was confidently asserted that it would not increase slavery in the land, but serve to place what was deemed a necessary evil at a farther remove from the non-holding slave states.

On the 8th of June, a direct vote was taken on the question of ratifying the above treaty, when it appeared that 35 members were against its ratification, and 10 in favor of it. It would have required 34 votes (two thirds) according to the constitution to ratify the treaty, whereas more than two thirds voted against it.

On the rejection of this treaty, the President transmitted a message to the house of representatives, informing that body of the action of the senate, and virtually requesting them to adopt some course, by which his object should be obtained. He said, “While Ihave regarded the annexation to be accomplished by treaty, as the most suitable form in which it could be effected, should congress deem it proper to resort to any other expedient conformably with the constitution, and likely to accomplish the object, Istand prepared to yield my most prompt and active co-operation. The great question is not as to the manner in which it shall be done, but whether it shall be accomplished or not.”

During the progress of these interesting measures in congress, not less interesting events were transpiring in other parts of the country. Another presidential election was approaching, and already the several parties were marshalling their forces for the contest. Within a few days, three conventions were held for the purpose of nominating candidates for the two first offices in the country, to be voted for in November, 1844.

The first of these was a whig convention convened on the 1st of May, in the city of Baltimore. Over the deliberations of this convention, the Hon.Ambrose Spencer of New York presided. By this convention, composed of a large delegation from every state in the Union, Henry Clay of Kentucky was unanimously recommended, as the whig candidate for the presidency of the United States. At the same time Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey was nominated to the office of vice-president.

On the following day the foregoing nominations were ratified by a grand national mass convention, composed of young men from all parts of the Union—probably the largest political assemblage ever convened in the United States in a regular convention. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, presided.

On the 27th of the same month, May, the democratic national convention assembled in the city of Baltimore for a similar object of this convention. H.C. Wright of Pennsylvania was elected president of the convention. Previous to the meeting of this convention, it was generally anticipated that Martin Van Buren, of New York, would be its unanimous choice for the presidency. Not a few of the delegates had been specially instructed to give their votes for him. The popularity of Mr.Van Buren, however, had, from various causes, been for some time diminishing. His letter in opposition to the annexation of Texas had served to cool the friendship of many of his southern political friends. In addition to these considerations, there were probably others which have not yet transpired from the bosoms of some who exercised a paramount influence in the Baltimore convention. Be this, however, as it may, a plan was projected to pass Mr.Van Buren, and select another candidate. This was accomplished by requiring a majority of two thirds of the delegates present in favor of the candidates elected. To the adoption of such a rule, the friends of Mr.Van Buren, for a time, strenuously objected. They were, however, overruled, and at length it came to pass, that the man, who, it is believed, nearly every state in the Union had in one way or another recommended to the suffrages of the convention, was laid aside, and a candidate in the person of James K. Polk was selected, whose name, previously to the convention, had scarcely ever been heard in connection with the first office in the land. Most remarkable was it, that the man who, during the first seven ballotings of a convention so large, did not receive a single vote, and in the eighth balloting but forty-four, should on the ninth receive every vote of the convention, being 266 in number. At the same time George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for vice-president.

On the same day, in another part of the city of Baltimore, a Tyler national convention, as it was called, was assembled for the purpose of nominating John Tyler to the office of President. Of this convention Judge White, of Connecticut, was elected president. The convention was composed of delegates from various parts of the union, without restriction as regards to number from any state or district, or any question as to the manner of their appointment; by this convention John Tyler was nominated for the presidency. It adjourned without nominating a candidate for the vice-presidency, but adopted a resolution recommending the appointment of a committee, who should report a candidate for the vice-presidency through the public papers.

The candidates thus nominated by these several conventions, accepted their nominations, and from this time the political campaign opened with all that activity and busy bustle, which of late have characterized our presidential elections. Immense mass meetings of old and young were held in every section of the country, for the purpose of approving of the several nominations, and of stimulating the friends of the respective candidates to every effort to secure their election. It may here be added, that on the 30th of August, Mr.Tyler, finding himself without a party adequate either in numbers or zeal to elect him, wisely withdrew from the presidential canvass. The course he had pursued was popular with no party. Yet, on withdrawing his name, he seems, for reasons not well understood, to have aided the election of Mr.Polk, by removing from office those who were friendly to the election of Mr.Clay, and substituting in their place men well known to favor the pretensions of his rival.

The 28th congress closed its first session of 196 days, on the 17th of June. Little business of importance had been accomplished. Several bills deeply affecting the interests of the country were lost. Fortunately for the manufacturing interests, a bill having for its object an essential alteration of the tariff, and which was urged by its advocates with great force, was laid upon the table of the house by a vote of 105 to 99. Apost-office bill, reducing the rates of postage was passed by the senate, but was neglected by the house, as was also its own bill for regulating postage, and the franking privilege of members of congress.

On the 2d of December congress again assembled—it being the 2d session of the 28th congress. In his message, the President represents the relations of the country with foreign powers as satisfactory. The negotiations with Great Britain in relation to Oregon were in hopeful progress. The condition of the public treasury, and of the public credit were highly gratifying. The annexation of Texas was again brought to the consideration of Congress, and a joint resolution was recommended as the form by which that annexation might be perfected—to be made binding on the two countries when adopted in a like manner by the government of Texas.

On the 10th of January, 1845, an important treaty between the United States and the Chinese empire, was ratified by the senate by a unanimous vote. This treaty was concluded by Caleb Cushing, United States commissioner to China, and Tsiyeng, governor-general of the Two Kwangs, on the part of the Emperor, at Wang-Hiya, on the 3d of July, 1844. By this treaty our relations with China were placed on a new footing eminently favorable to the commerce and other interests of the United States. An abstract of the most important articles are subjoined.

Art. 1, Provides that there shall be a perfect and universal peace, and a sincere and cordial amity between the United States of America and the Ta Tsing Empire.

Art. 2, Provides that citizens of the United States resorting to China for the purpose of commerce, will pay the duties of import and export prescribed in the tariff annexed to the treaty, and no other duties or charges whatever; and that the United States shall participate in any future concession granted to other nations by China.

Art. 3, Provides for the provision of citizens of the United States at the five ports of Kwang-chow, Hiyamen, Fa-chow, Ningpo and Shang-hai.

Art. 4, Provides for citizens of the United States to import and sell, or buy and export, all manner of merchandise at the five ports.

Art. 16, Provides for the collection of debts due from Chinese to Americans, or from Americans to Chinese through the tribunal of the respective countries.

Art. 17, Provides for the residence of citizens of the United States; the construction by them of dwellings, storehouses, churches, cemeteries and hospitals, and regulates the limits of residence—and trade permitted to citizens of the United States at the five ports, and the —— appertaining thereto.

Art. 18, Empowers citizens of the United States freely to employ teachers and other literary assistants, and to purchase books in China.

Art. 19, Provides the means of assuring the personal security of citizens of the United States in China.

Art. 21, Provides that subjects of China and citizens of the United States in China, charged with crimes shall be subject only to the exclusive jurisdiction each of the laws and officers of their respective governments.

Art. 22, Provides that the merchant vessels may freely carry between the five ports and any country with which China may happen to be at war.

Art. 34, Provides that citizens of the United States engaged in contraband trade, or trading clandestinely with such of the ports of China as are not open to foreign commerce, shall not be countenanced or protected by their government.

A treaty similar to the preceding was made by Great Britain with China somewhat earlier. Anew era has commenced in the history of that extensive empire. And now that access to her population is comparatively easy, and religious instruction is allowed to be disseminated by means of missionaries, tracts,&c., a happy change may be anticipated in respect to a people where religion, laws and customs have remained without alteration for centuries. Thus good has resulted from evil. The conduct of England in respect to the opium trade a few years since, was reprobated by all civilized nations; but Providence has overruled events so that the light of Christianity will at no distant day enlighten and bless China, with her hundreds of millions of now ignorant and superstitious idolators.

The rejection by the senate of the treaty concluded by the President with Texas, noticed page824, in no wise abated the ardor of the Executive in respect to her annexation to the United States. In his annual message, as already observed, he proposed to effect her admission into the Union by a joint resolution of congress. Unconstitutional as such a mode of annexation was deemed to be by many sound and patriotic men, the measure found favor with a large party in the United States, and a corresponding party in congress. The resolution was opposed with great force, and by powerful argument. The consequences were clearly set forth—those which were certain, and other consequences which were probable. It was urged as an act of injustice to Mexico, and that hostilities with that government would likely ensue—that our territory was sufficiently extended—that our public debt should not be enlarged by the assumption of hers—and finally, and more than all, that the evils of slavery would be greatly augmented as its theatre would be widely extended. But the President and other friends of the measure regarded it with great favor. General Jackson, now in the decline of life, and even on the verge of the grave, was appealed to, and not in vain, to urge the democratic party to consummate the annexation before his departure. The discussion of the subject in congress, and in the public papers was strong and animated. At length on the 23d of January, 1845, the question was taken in the house of representatives, and the resolution adopted by a vote of 118 to 101.

The democratic votes in favor of the resolution were 53 from free, and 59 from slave states. Eight whigs, all from slave states, voted in favor. Of the votes in the negative, 28 were democratic from free states; 70 were whig—52 from free states, and 18 from slave states.

The resolution from the house underwent important amendments in the senate, in which body it passed by a vote of 27 to 25. In these amendments the house concurred by a vote of 132 to 76.

The resolution thus passed was as follows.

Resolved,&c., That congress doth consent that the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the republic of Texas, may be created into a new state, to be called the state of Texas, with a republican form of government to be adopted by the people of said republic by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government in order that the same may be admitted under the states of this Union.

The consent of congress to this resolution was given upon certain conditions—the first was that a constitution adopted by the people of said republic should be laid before congress on or before the 1st day of January, 1846—the second was, that all mines, minerals, fortifications, harbors, arms, navy,&c., should be ceded to the United States—public lands to be retained by Texas for the payment of her debts—a third condition was, that new states might hereafter be formed out of the said territory of Texas.

An amendment of the above resolutions proposed by Mr.Walker was adopted by a vote of 27 to 25.

This amendment allowed the President of the United States, instead of proceeding to submit the foregoing resolutions to the republic of Texas as an overture on the part of the United States for admission, to negotiate with that republic, then

Be it resolved, That a state to be formed out of the present republic of Texas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two representatives in congress until the next apportionment of representation, shall be admitted into the Union by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the existing states, as soon as the terms and condition of such admission and the cession of the remaining Texian territory to the United States shall be agreed upon by the governments of Texas and the United States. This amendment was concurred in by the house by a vote of 132 to 76.

As these measures in regard to the admission of Texas were adopted at the close of the session of congress, it was expected that Mr.Tyler would leave it to his successor to consummate the wishes of congress, and it was also understood that Mr.Polk had determined to negotiate a treaty with Texas under the alternative offered by Mr.Walker’s amendment. President Tyler, however, determined to forestall the action of his successor, and hence despatched an express to communicate to Texas, that he had decided to invite Texas into the Union, under the provisions of the resolutions as they passed the house of representatives, without the exercise of farther treaty making power.

During the preceding session of congress, the subject of a change in existing rates of postage had been discussed, and a bill making alterations had passed one branch of the national legislature. At the present session, the subject was revived, and a bill reducing the rates introduced. It was understood to find no favor with the postmaster-general and some others—but a reduction of rates had long been demanded by the public, and, in accordance with the public sentiment, the bill passed the senate February 8th, by a vote of 38 to 12: in the house, on the 16th, 158 to 74—to go into operation the 1st of July, following.

On the 12th of February, the ceremony of opening and counting the votes of the electors of President and vice-president of the United States took place in the presence of both houses of congress. Tellers were appointed as usual, who, having read and counted the votes, made duplicate lists thereof. These being delivered to the president of the senate, he made declaration of the result; viz., That the whole number of votes given was 275, of which James K. Polk, of Tennessee, had 170, and was duly elected President of the United States for four years from the 4th day of March ensuing. Henry Clay had 105 for the same office. The vote for vice-president stood 170 for George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania; for Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New York, 105.

On the 4th of March, at half past two in the morning, the second session of the 28th congress was brought to a close, and at the same time was terminated the presidential career of John Tyler, who soon after retired to his farm in Virginia.

In reviewing the presidential career of Mr.Tyler, it is impossible to free him from the charge of inconsistency. In the Harrisburg convention, he was a member, a vice-president, and an ardent supporter of Mr.Clay—and when, after some three days’ deliberation, it was decided to place General Harrison in nomination, few, if any, appeared more deeply aggrieved than Mr.Tyler, that the claims of Mr.Clay were set aside.

The selection of a candidate for vice-president, next became an object of deep solicitude. The friends of General Harrison were naturally anxious that the choice should fall upon a known and ardent Clay man. To this end, the name of John J. Crittenden was brought forward, but his friends felt unauthorized to pledge his assent. Others were named—Governor Dudley—ex-Governor Owen, and Benjamin Watkins Leigh; but for various reasons their names were withdrawn. At length the name of John Tyler was introduced, and under a belief that he was an uncompromising whig, he received the unanimous vote of the convention.

On the death of General Harrison, Mr.Tyler succeeded to the presidency. Thereupon he issued an address to the people, which was plainly and generally understood to indicate his resolution to unite in such measures with regard to the currency, as the new whig congress (which General Harrison had called to meet in extra session at an early day) should deem advisable. A variety of circumstances concurred to evince that such was at that time his intention. But the tenor and language of his conduct were soon changed. He differed from the party which elevated him to office—repeatedly vetoed their most important and most valued measures—removed from office nearly all who had contributed to his election, and threw his entire influence into the hands of the opposite political party.

The retirement of Mr.Tyler, is, perhaps, too recent to justify a decided opinion as to the merits of his administration. During the heat of party strife, an impartial judgment is seldom apt to be exercised. We look at men and measures, at such times, through a false medium. In order to [give] a fair and full estimate of the measures of a government, it is necessary that years should pass by, and with them the political pride and party prejudice of the principal actors at the time of their adoption and influence. But whatever may be the ultimate decision of posterity in regard to the administration of Mr.Tyler, as a whole, it is certain, that nothing can rescue him from the charge of a vacillating policy, by which he alienated from his society and friendship nearly every man, who aided in elevating him to office; and that without securing the esteem of the party whose cause he espoused, and the members of which he honored with office. Measures beneficial to the country, were indeed adopted during his administration; but it is also true that, through his exercise of the veto power beyond all former precedent, other measures of no less importance in the view of his former friends, and which had been perfected at the expense of much time and labor, were frustrated. In short, during nearly the whole of his administration, Mr.Tyler went counter, in the opinion of his friends, to those principles which he had avowed prior to, and early after, his accession to the presidency. And in so doing, he sadly disappointed his early political friends and associates, while he secured to himself, it is well known, neither the respect nor support of the democratic party.

ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK.

On the 4th of March, 1845, James K. Polk was duly inaugurated as President of the United States. The ceremonies at the Capitol on the occasion were witnessed by a large concourse of citizens, both from the vicinity and a distance. As is usual, the President elect, on taking the oath of office, delivered an address explanatory of his political sentiments, or those fundamental principles, by which he designed to administer the government during his presidential term.

After expressing his thanks to his countrymen for the unsolicited confidence reposed in him, and invoking the aid of the Almighty Ruler of the universe, he said: “It will be my first care to administer the government in the true spirit of the constitution, and to assume no powers not expressly granted or clearly implied in its terms.” It would also be his aim to see that the general government did not trench on the rights of the states, nor the states overstep the limits of power reserved to them. He should steadily aim to perpetuate the blessings enjoyed under the constitution, and especially to preserve the Federal Union in its integrity, and in all that pertains to its honor and prosperity. He expressed himself opposed, to a national bank, and all other extraneous institutions planted around the government to control or strengthen it, in opposition to the will of its authors. In respect to the expenditure of the public money, he should feel it to be his duty to recommend the strictest economy compatible with the public interest. In regard to the adjustment of our revenue laws, and the levying of taxes necessary to the support of the government, he considered it a cardinal principle, that no more money should be collected than the necessities of an economical administration required. He was in favor of a tariff for revenue, and such as would afford incidental protection to our home industry, but was opposed to a tariff for protection merely. He was in favor of the annexation of Texas, and congratulated the country that measures were in progress for her reunion. In respect to Oregon, he claimed our title to it to be “clear and unquestionable.” In the management of foreign relations, he would aim to preserve a careful respect for the rights of other nations, while our own would be the subject of constant watchfulness. Public officers would be held to a strict performance of their duties, especially those charged with the collection and disbursement of the public revenues. Although chosen by a party, in his official actions he would not be the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. In conclusion he said, “Ienter upon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me by the people, humbly supplicating that Divine Being, who has watched over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour, to continue his gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue a prosperous and happy people.”

The President immediately after his induction into office, proceeded to the formation of his cabinet. The new senate being in session, he nominated James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, as secretary of state; Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, secretary of the treasury; William L. Marcy, of New York, secretary of war; George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, secretary of the navy; Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, postmaster-general, and John Y. Mason, of Virginia, attorney-general.

On the evening of the 8th of June, an event occurred calculated to make a deep impression upon the whole people of the United States. This was the death of General Jackson, who breathed his last, at his residence at the Hermitage, Tennessee, in the 79th year of his age. His funeral solemnities took place on Tuesday, the 10th, the Rev.Dr. Edgar preaching a most impressive and eloquent sermon on the occasion. After the religious services were ended, the body was conveyed to the vault prepared many years since for its reception. Several thousands of persons were present at the solemn ceremonies, which were closed by the discharge of three volleys over the grave.

We have elsewhere spoken of General Jackson in respect to his military and political character. That he was “a soldier of dauntless courage, vigor, and perseverance, an officer of skill and sagacity, of quickness of perception, and of prompt and resolute execution of his purpose, there is, probably, and hereafter there will probably, be no division of opinion, either at home or abroad. That he was sometimes stern and severe, too stern and severe, none can doubt; nor will it be questioned probably, that while in general he sought to distinguish himself by exalting the character and honor of his country, he was not unfrequently rash, and too obstinately bent on pursuing his plans and purposes to their end, in despite of the opinion and advice of his political friends and associates.”

To all, however, whatever estimates they may have formed of the excellence or defects of his administration, it must be pleasant to learn that the closing days of his life were devoted, according to statements made to the public, to a wise preparation for that eternity to which he was hastening. He claimed to rest his hopes for acceptance with God, on the merits of Jesus Christ. His final interview with his family was deeply tender and impressive. He took leave of each one with great deliberation, and in a manner most kind and affectionate. He took leave with similar tenderness of his servants, who had collected in his room, or at the windows, and in conclusion he expressed the hope, that he should meet them all again in a world of glory.

The solemn event was every where received with due sensibility, and its announcement followed by appropriate demonstrations of respect to the memory of the departed. The President of the United States issued his public order, directing suitable demonstrations of public sorrow and sympathy to be made at the several naval and military stations of the country. With great propriety did that public order conclude by saying, “Let the virtues of the illustrious dead retain their influence, and when energy and courage are called to trial, emulate his example.”

The first session of the 29th congress commenced December 1st, 1845. The Hon.John W. Davis, of Indiana, was elected speaker of the house of representatives.

On the following day, the President transmitted his message to both houses of congress. The principal topics of public interest contained in the message related to Texas—to Oregon—to our relations with Mexico—to the public lands—and to the sub-treasury.

In regard to Texas, the President informed congress, that the terms of annexation which were offered by the United States to that government, by the joint resolution of the last congress, had been accepted by Texas, and that nothing, therefore, remained to consummate that annexation, but the passage of an act by congress, to admit the state of Texas into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original states. “Strong reasons exist,” he observed, “why this should be done at an early period of the session. By the constitution of Texas, the existing government is continued only till congress can act; and the third Monday of the present month is the day appointed for holding the first general election. Icannot,” added the Executive, “too earnestly recommend prompt action on this important subject.”

The President next spoke of our relations with Mexico, “which,” he observed, “have not since the last session been of the most amicable character. On the 6th of March, the Mexican envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States, made a formal protest against the annexation of Texas; in which he regarded that annexation as a violation of the rights of Mexico, and in consequence of it, he had demanded his passports. Thus, by the act of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between the two countries had been suspended.” Nor was this all. The belligerent conduct of Mexico had rendered it necessary, in the opinion of the President, to take measures to protect and defend Texas against her menaced attack. “Ideemed it proper, therefore,” observed the President, “as a precautionary measure, to order a strong squadron to the coast of Mexico, and to concentrate a sufficient military force on the western frontier of Texas. Our army was ordered to take position in the country between the Neuces and the Del Norte, and to repel any invasion of the Texan territory which might be attempted by the Mexican forces. Our squadron in the Gulf was ordered to co-operate with the army.” Up to the date of the message, however, Mexico had made no aggressive movement, nor had the American forces, on their part, committed any act of hostility. Such was the position of our affairs with Mexico on the opening of the session of congress.

The President next adverted to the subject of the Oregon territory. Previous to his induction to office, three several attempts had been made to settle the questions in dispute about Oregon between the two countries by negotiation, upon the principle of compromise, each of which, however, had proved unsuccessful.

These negotiations look place at London, in the years 1818, 1824, and 1826: the first two under the administration of Mr.Monroe, the last under that of Mr.Adams. The negotiations of 1818 having failed to accomplish its object, resulted in the convention of the 20th of October of that year. By the third article of that convention, it was “agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party, on the north-west coast of America, westward of the Stony mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two Powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other Power or State to any part of said country; the only object of the high contracting parties in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves.”

The negotiation of 1824 was productive of no result, and the convention of 1818 was left unchanged.

The negotiation of 1826 having also failed to effect an adjustment by compromise, resulted in the convention of August the 6th, 1827, by which it was agreed to continue in force, for an indefinite period, the provisions of the third article of the convention of the 20th of October, 1818; and it was further provided, that it shall be competent, however, to either of the high contracting parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the 20th of October, 1828, on giving due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party, to annul and abrogate this convention; and it shall, in such case, be accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated after the expiration of said term of notice.

From this time, for several years, the subject rested in quietness. At length, in October, 1843, the minister of the United States in London, made a similar offer to those of 1818 and 1826. Thus stood the question when the negotiation was transferred to Washington. On the 26th of August, 1844, the British plenipotentiary offered to divide the Oregon territory by the 49th parallel of north latitude, leaving the free navigation of the Columbia river to be enjoyed in common by both parties. This proposition was rejected by the American plenipotentiary on the day it was submitted. The British plenipotentiary next, in turn, requested that a proposal should be made by the United States, for an equitable adjustment of the question.

Such was the state of the negotiation on the accession of Mr.Polk to the presidency. “Anxious to settle this long pending controversy, Iwas induced,” he observed, “to make a further proposition, which was a repetition of the offer of the parallel for 49 degrees of north latitude, without the free navigation of the Columbia river. This proposition was rejected by the British plenipotentiary, and here all negotiation ceased.”

Such was the state of this important and delicate question on the meeting of congress. Attempts at compromise had failed. Great anxiety was beginning to be felt by statesmen on both side the waters in relation to this subject. More and more sensitiveness was prevailing, in reference to the claims of the respective parties. The President, under a belief that the question should be settled, advised that the year’s notice, required by the convention of the 6th of August, 1827, should be given to Great Britain.

“By so doing, at the expiration of a year, we shall have reached a period,” said the President, “when our national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned, or firmly maintained.”

In regard to the tariff, the message was explicit. The President reaffirmed doctrines, which, before his elevation to the Executive chair, he was known to profess in regard to the protective system. He was against it—against the tariff act of 1842—a revision and modification of which he strongly recommended.

In respect to the public domain, the President proposed to reduce the price to one dollar per acre, and to graduate the price to lower rates upon such portions as should remain for any considerable time unsold. Next, he adverted to the safe keeping of the public money. “Entertaining the opinion,” said he, “that the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government, and the rights of the people, Irecommend to congress that provision be made by law for such separation, and that a constitutional treasury be created for the safe keeping of the public money. The constitutional treasury recommended is designed as a secure depository for the public money, without any power to make loans or discounts, or to issue any paper whatever, as a currency or circulation. Icannot doubt that such a treasury as was contemplated by the constitution, should be independent of all banking corporations.”

Such were the views of the Executive in regard to these great questions of national policy. Great differences of opinion existed among the American people in relation to several of them. It was foreseen that the public discussion of them would intensely excite the nation, and great apprehensions were entertained lest hostilities should grow out of the question pending between the United States and Great Britain. Awar with Mexico at even an earlier day had been predicted, and the message of the President was not calculated to allay anxiety respecting it.

Indeed, this anxiety was destined to be increased by the course adopted by certain political leaders in congress. As early as the 9th of December, General Cass introduced into the senate the following resolutions:

“Resolved, That the committee on military affairs be instructed to inquire into the condition of the national fortifications, and of their armaments; and whether other defensive works are necessary; and into the condition and quantity of the military supplies; and into the state of the means possessed by the government for the defence of the country.

“Resolved, That the committee on the militia be instructed to inquire into the present condition of that great branch of the public service; and into the state of the militia laws; and that they be further instructed to report such changes in the existing system, as will give more experience and efficacy to that arm of defence, and will place it in the best condition for protecting the country, should it be exposed to foreign invasion.

“Resolved, That the committee on naval affairs be instructed to inquire into the condition of the navy of the United States, and into the quantity and condition of supplies now on hand; and whether an increase of them is not necessary to the efficient operation of the navy, and to its preservation and augmentation; and, generally, into its capacity for defending our coasts and our commerce; and for any service the exigencies of the country may probably require.”

The belligerent aspect of these resolutions was not to be mistaken; and, at length, when taken up for consideration, the mover of them, while he disclaimed any wish to hasten hostilities between Great Britain and America, expressed his conviction that a crisis was approaching.

The United States would not and could not relinquish her claim upon Oregon. “Shall we recede?” he inquired. “No, sir, as to receding it is not to be thought of for a moment. It is a thing Iallude to, only to denounce it. War,” he added, “was a great calamity, and should if possible be avoided: but there were other calamities more to be dreaded than war, and among those calamities was national dishonor.”

To these resolutions, thus introduced, it was replied, that there could be nothing urged by way of objection in themselves considered. It was right to inquire into the state of our national defence, and to provide against the possible contingency of war; but it was the remarks of the mover of them which gave them their peculiar significance. They were in effect a declaration of war. They would be so considered, and would awaken the anxieties of the entire country. They might also seriously interfere with and retard the settlement of a question of vast moment pending between the United States and Great Britain. After a full consideration of these resolutions, however, and suitable explanations on both sides, the resolutions were unanimously referred to the committee on military affairs.

In accordance with the recommendation of Mr.Polk, at an early day of the session, joint resolutions for the admission of the state of Texas into the Union were introduced into the house of representatives. These resolutions with a preamble were as follows.

“Joint resolutions for the admission of the state of Texas into the Union.

“Whereas the congress of the United States, by a ‘joint resolution,’ approved March the 1st, 1846, did consent, that the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the republic of Texas, might be erected into a new state, to be called the state of Texas, with a republican form of government, to be adopted by the people of said republic by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government, in order that the same might be admitted as one of the states of the Union; which consent of congress was given upon certain conditions specified in the 1st and 2d sections of said joint resolutions: and whereas the people of the said republic of Texas, by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government, did adopt a constitution, and erect a new state, with a republican form of government, and in the name of the people of Texas, and by their authority, did ordain and declare, that they assented to and accepted the proposals, conditions, and guaranties contained in said 1st and 2d sections of said resolutions: and whereas the said constitution, with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of the republic of Texas, has been transmitted to the President of the United States, and laid before congress, in conformity to the provisions of said joint resolutions; Therefore

“Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of Texas shall be one, and is hereby declared to be one, of the United States of America, and admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original states in all respects whatever.

“Be it further enacted, That until the representatives in congress shall be apportioned, according to an actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, the state of Texas shall be entitled to choose two representatives.”

It was scarcely within the reasonable hopes of the opposers of the annexation of Texas, that after the adoption of the measures, with that object in view, by the preceding congress, the present congress would do any thing by which to prevent her admission into the Union. Afew, perhaps, indulged the belief, that further proceedings might be stayed; and with that object in view, petitions and remonstrances were sent in from various parts of the Union. The President had, indeed, in his message congratulated congress and the nation that “this accession (of Texas) to our territory had been a bloodless achievement. No arm of force had been raised to produce the result. The sword has had no part in the victory. We have not sought to extend our territorial possessions by conquest, or our republican institutions over a reluctant people.” This was admitted by the opposite party, but they predicted war as a consequence, and this danger of a collision with Mexico they would have avoided, by preventing the admission of Texas. Besides, the extension of slavery was more distressing to many in all quarters of the Union; and, moreover, it was urged that it was of dangerous tendency and doubtful consequences to enlarge the boundaries of this government or territory over which our laws are now established. “There must be some limit,” said a wise and aged statesman, “to the extent of our territory if we would make our institutions permanent.”

The opposers of annexation, in various parts of the country, were anticipating a warm and exciting debate on the subject in congress, and members of that body, who represented this party, were themselves, it is believed, prepared to present strong, and to themselves, satisfactory reasons, why the project should be abandoned. But to the surprise of all, when the subject came up for consideration, discussion was prevented by an early movement of the previous question. To such a summary process strong remonstrances were made; but to the friends of the measure in congress, who believed the most valuable benefits would result to the Union by its consummation, debate seemed needless; and, consequently, the resolutions were urged to a speedy adoption. On the 16th of December, the question was taken, and the resolutions were adopted by a majority of 141 to 56. Afew days after they received the sanction of the senate. In this latter body, however, an opportunity was given for the opposers of annexation to urge their objections. This was done with great dignity; but a majority in the senate, as in the house, if not in the country, were found in favour of the measure.

Thus by a novel, and to many an unconstitutional process, was Texas admitted into the Union, and “without any intermediate time of probation, such as other territories had undergone before their admission, she was vested with a right to send two representatives to congress, while her population was insufficient to entitle her to one, except, under the specific provision of the constitution, that each state shall have at least one representative.”

As early as October, 1845, an inquiry had been made by order of the President, of the Mexican minister for foreign affairs, whether his government “would receive an envoy from the United States, intrusted with full powers to adjust all questions in dispute between the two governments.” During the same month, an affirmative answer having been received; in November, the Hon.John Slidell, of Louisiana, was commissioned as such, and on the 30th of the same month arrived at Vera Cruz. The government of Mexico, notwithstanding its pledge, refused to receive him in the diplomatic character to which he had been appointed; and, after spending some time in the country, he returned to the United States.

The military force, which the President in his annual message informed congress he had ordered to take a position “between the Neuces and the Del Norte,” was for some months concentrated under General Taylor at Corpus Christi: but, on learning the probable refusal of the Mexican government to receive our envoy; and moreover, Texas having by her act of a previous date, declared the Rio del Norte to be her boundary, the President, in January, directed General Taylor to remove from Corpus Christi, and to concentrate his troops on the left bank of the Del Norte. At the same time all aggressive acts were strictly forbidden.

Accordingly, on the 11th of March the troops were put in motion, and on the 28th of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del Norte, opposite to Matamoras. About the same time a depÔt was established at Point Isabel, near the Brasos Santiago, thirty miles in the rear of the encampment.

These measures, adopted by the President, by which the American troops passed the Neuces, the boundary claimed by Mexico, was considered by a large portion of the people of the United States as impolitic, if not unjust; and strongly tending to strengthen the misunderstanding already existing between the two governments. At least, the territory thus occupied was a subject of dispute, and by many its occupation was deemed a belligerent act.

It was naturally so considered by Ampudia, who was commanding the Mexican forces at Matamoras, and who notified the American general to break up his camp within twenty four hours, and retire beyond the Neuces. On the 24th of April, General Arista superseded Ampudia in command, and forthwith communicated to General Taylor, that “he considered hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them.” On the same day, a party of dragoons of sixty-three men and officers from the American camp, who had been despatched up the Del Norte to reconnoitre, were attacked by a body of Mexican troops. Sixteen were killed and wounded, and the remainder taken prisoners.

For a time following the occupation of the left bank of the Del Norte, the situation of the American army was considered exceedingly critical. In point of numbers, it fell far short of the Mexican force under General Arista, and supplies of food were difficult to be obtained. In this situation, General Taylor availed himself of authority given him by the President to call upon the governor of Texas for four regiments of state troops, and on the governor of Louisiana for four regiments, to be sent him as soon as practicable. These eight regiments were expected to make a force of nearly 5000 men, and were, in the opinion of General Taylor, sufficient: but General Gaines, having command in the southern department, under an apprehension that a much larger force would be necessary, made requisitions upon several of the governors of the southern states for a large volunteer force. In consequence of this call, a large force was ultimately concentrated under General Taylor—more than was deemed needful, and they were dismissed, while General Gaines, though considered patriotic in his measures, was adjudged to have transcended his authority.

Before, however, any of the above troops had reached the camp of General Taylor, his situation had become alarming. His provisions were nearly exhausted. The Mexicans were surrounding him, and his communication with Point Isabel was liable to be interrupted. At length, leaving a garrison of 700 or 800 men at his works opposite Matamoras, he set out with his other forces on Friday, the 1st of May, for Point Isabel to give protection to that place, and re-establish his communication with his supplies.

This movement upon Point Isabel was effected, without encountering a single Mexican. In place of molesting General Taylor, the enemy concentrated his forces about the camp which he had just left. On the morning of the 3d, the American works were attacked by the Mexican batteries from the opposite side of the river, while a detachment of their forces made a simultaneous attack on this side of the Rio Grande, in the rear. The Americans returned the fire with so much effect as to silence, in a short time, the Mexican batteries, while the attack in the rear was still more easily repulsed. The Americans lost but a single man. The Mexican loss was considerable. Matamoras itself suffered considerably.

On the 7th General Taylor commenced his return to his camp. He anticipated opposition, but little did anyone apprehend such attacks and such victories as the Americans won.

On the 8th, the Mexican forces had reached Palo Alto, with an intention to intercept the American general, and if practicable to prevent his return to his camp. The two armies met, and for five hours such a battle raged as the annals of history seldom record. The Mexican force exceeded 5000 men, with seven pieces of artillery and 800 cavalry. The American troops were 2300, with but two eighteen pounders and two light batteries. The loss of the Americans was comparatively trifling. Two brave officers were severely wounded. Major Ringgold and Captain Page, the former of whom soon after died. The loss of the Mexicans, according to the official report of General Arista, was, in killed, 98—wounded and missing, 142. The American army encamped on the field.

On the following day, General Taylor again moved with his forces towards his camp opposite Matamoras; and, on reaching Resaca de la Palma, a few miles only from his destination, he again encountered the enemy, and a battle, shorter in its continuance, but far more severe, ensued. The Americans were still more triumphant, capturing eight pieces of artillery, with a large quantity of ammunition; three standards, and several hundred prisoners, among whom was General La Vega. The loss of the Americans in this action exceeded that of the preceding day. According to the report of General Taylor in both actions there were 3 officers and 40 men killed, and 13 officers and 400 men wounded. General Arista reported as killed, officers and men, 154; wounded, 205, and missing, 156; making a total of 515.

“The glory of the American arms,” says a writer, “never shone brighter than in the brilliant contest of Palo Alto of the 8th, and in the even more brilliant contest of Resaca de la Palma of the 9th of May. On both days our soldiers

“They fought at great odds, with a foe superior in numbers, and in a position which the enemy had selected. But these only gave opportunities for more striking displays of personal valor. These disadvantages only served to show the decided superior power of the American arms.”

It was the wish of the American general to follow up the advantage thus obtained, but having no adequate means of crossing the river, he was obliged to content himself with the victories he had won. The American force once more took up its quarters at the camp opposite Matamoras, while the Mexican general retreated up higher into the country.

While affairs were thus progressing in the south between the two contending armies, an intense interest was kindling up in every part of the United States—and while, with but few exceptions, the people regretted the occurrence of any misunderstanding with Mexico, a general sympathy was felt for the American army (intelligence had not yet been received of the battles of the 8th and 9th,) environed as it was supposed to be by a superior force, and nearly destitute of supplies. In this state of things, a bill for “an act providing for the prosecution of the existing war,&c., was introduced into congress, the preamble to which was as follows. “Whereas, by the act of the republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that government and the United States,”&c. To this preamble strong objections were expressed by some, but the bill, nevertheless passed both houses by large majorities. By this act, the President was authorized to employ the militia, naval, and military forces of the United States, and to call for, and accept the services of any number of volunteers not exceeding 50,000, either cavalry, artillery, infantry, or riflemen,&c. Besides the above, the regular army was increased several thousand, the enlistments being made for five years.

On the day the foregoing act was approved, the President issued his proclamation announcing the existence of war, “by the act of the republic of Mexico,” and calling upon the “good people of the United States to exert themselves in preserving order, and in maintaining the authority of the laws, and in supporting such measures as might be adopted for obtaining a speedy, a just, and an honorable peace.”

The winter had been spent by congress in the discussion of topics of great national interest, among which the most prominent related to Oregon; and particularly to the question arising out of the recommendation of the President in his annual message, whether the convention of August 6th, 1827, between the United States and Great Britain, in relation to the joint occupation of that territory, should be abrogated by giving to the latter government the year’s notice required by said convention.

Since the formation of the government, no question perhaps excited greater interest, or elicited warmer discussion than this. By not a few it was apprehended that the practical effect of such notice would be a war between the two governments. The debate took a wide range, and several were the modes suggested, or the resolutions offered, according to the terms of which the notice should be given. But, at length, on the 16th of April, the question was taken in the senate on a resolution, which had originated in the house and been amended in the senate, to give said notice, and decided in the affirmative by a majority of 40 to 14. On being returned to the house, the latter agreed to the senate’s amendments, but added still further amendments. These latter, however, were negatived by the senate, and the house insisting, a conference was solicited by the latter. This being accepted by the senate, a committee of conference was appointed, who reported the following preamble and resolution, which passed the senate by a vote of 42 to 10, and the house by a vote of 142 to 46.

“A Joint Resolution concerning the Oregon territory.—Whereas, by the convention concluded the twentieth day of October, eighteen hundred and eighteen, between the United States of America and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for the period of ten years, and afterwards indefinitely extended and continued in force by another convention of the same parties, concluded the sixth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, it was agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the north-west coast of America westward of the Stony or Rocky mountains, now commonly called the Oregon territory, should, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be “free and open” to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers, but without prejudice to any claim which either of the parties might have to any part of said country; and with this further provision, in the second article of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven, that either party might abrogate and annul said convention, or give due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party—

“And whereas it has now become desirable that the respective claims of the United States and Great Britain should be definitely settled, and that said territory may no longer than need be remain subject to the evil consequences of the divided allegiance of its American and British population, and of the confusion and conflict of national jurisdictions, dangerous to the cherished peace and good understanding of the two countries—

“With a view, therefore, that steps be taken for the abrogation of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty seven, in the mode prescribed in its second article, and that the attention of the governments of both countries may be the more earnestly and immediately directed to the adoption of all proper measures for a speedy and amicable adjustment of the difficulties and disputes in respect to said territory—

“Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized, at his discretion, to give the British government the notice required by its said second article for the abrogation of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven.”

Thus was decided a question which had greatly agitated the entire country, and which, in the progress of discussion, had occasioned observations and reflections strongly calculated to disturb the harmony of the two governments, and which, in the opinion of some, were designed to produce such an effect. But the folly and guilt of engendering war between two nations so allied, and in which Christian principle was bound to hold sway, was, on several occasions, and by some of the principal men of the nation, pointed out. Solemn warning was given to those, who would madly have rushed to arms by setting up claims of doubtful validity, and which, it was well known, would never be acceded to by the British government. But, at length, the troubled waters grew calmer; and, while to a small portion of congress and of the nation, the resolutions adopted were still obnoxious, a vast majority of the people were gratified at their mild and conciliatory tenor.

It still remained to be known in what spirit this resolution would be received by her majesty’s government: but it was devoutly desired that it might lead to a final and harmonious settlement of all questions pertaining to the territory of Oregon.

And so it resulted fortunately, for the peace of the two powers immediately concerned, and to the peace of the continental powers of Europe.

On the 28th of April, the President gave official notice to her Majesty, Queen Victoria, that “the convention of August 6th, 1827, would terminate at the end of twelve months from and after the delivery of these presents.”

Before the delivery of this notice, however, the subject of an amicable settlement of all questions relating to Oregon, had occupied her Majesty’s government, and, on the 18th of May, Mr.M’Lane, our minister, informed Mr.Buchanan that the British minister at Washington would soon receive instructions to submit a new and further proposition, on the part of the British government, for a partition of the territory in dispute.

On the 10th of June, the President made a special and confidential communication to the senate, informing that body, that such a proposal had been made, and requesting their advice as to the action, which, in their judgment, it was proper to take in reference to it. At the same time he reiterated the views which he had expressed in his annual message, “that no compromise which the United States ought to accept, could be affected;” “that our title to the whole of Oregon” was maintained “by irrefragable facts and arguments,” and that the claim “could not be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national honor and interests.” Such was the tenor of the President’s communication. But he solicited advice.

On the 12th, the senate adopted, 38 to 12, the following resolution. “Resolved, (two-thirds of the senate concurring,) That the President of the United States be and he is hereby advised to accept the proposal of the British government accompanying his message to the senate, dated June 10th, 1846, for a convention to settle boundaries,&c., between the United States and Great Britain, west of the Rocky or Stony mountains.”

On the 16th of June, the President communicated to the senate a copy of a convention, or treaty, which had been concluded and signed on the 15th inst. settling boundaries,&c., in relation to Oregon—whereupon the senate by a vote of 41 to 14 advised and consented to the ratification of the same.

The two principal articles of this treaty are as follows.

“Art. 1, From the point on the 49th parallel of north latitude, where the boundary laid down in existing treaties and conventions between Great Britain and the United States terminates, the line of boundary between the territories of her Brittannic Majesty and those of the United States shall be continued westward along the 49th parallel of north latitude to the middle of the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver’s Island, and thence southerly through the middle of the said channel, and of Fuca’s Straits, to the Pacific Ocean; provided, however, that the navigation of the said channel and straits, south of the 49th parallel of north latitude, remain free and open to both parties.

“Art. 2, From the point at which the 49th parallel of north latitude shall be found to intersect the great Northern branch of the Columbia river, the navigation of the said branch shall be free, and open to the Hudson’s Bay Company, and to all British subjects trading with the same, to the point where the said branch meets the main stream of the Columbia, and thence down the said main stream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river or rivers—it being understood that all the usual portages along the line thus described, shall in like manner be free and open. In navigating the said river or rivers, British subjects, with their goods and produce, shall be treated on the same footing as citizens of the United States—It being, however, always understood, that nothing in this article shall be construed as preventing, or intended to prevent, the government of the United States from making any regulations respecting the navigation of the said river or rivers, not inconsistent with the present treaty.”

Thus was finally settled (ratifications being afterwards duly exchanged) a question which had involved the two governments in discussions long and wearisome for a series of years, and which, in its progress, was threatening the peace and amity of the two nations. The treaty thus confirmed was not in all its provisions quite acceptable, nor was it considered the most advantageous that could have been negotiated; but the senate received, as it was entitled to, the thanks of the country for terminating a controversy fraught with dangers every month that it continued.

Several important bills were passed during the session, among which was a bill to protect the rights of citizens of the United States residing in Oregon—a bill for the establishment of the Smithsonian Institute, for the Increase and Diffusion of Knowledge among men—a bill re-establishing the sub-treasury—a warehousing bill—a bill for the improvement of certain rivers and harbors within the United States—and a bill to indemnify citizens of the United States for French spoilations. The two last of these bills, to the great regret of persons interested therein, as well as many others who desired to see the intents of navigation advanced and protected, and that numerous class of citizens indemnified for losses which they had years since sustained by reason of French depredations, and which, according to agreement, the government of the United States were solemnly bound to pay, were vetoed. Loud complaints were uttered against the President for his course pursued in relation to these bills, which had been discussed with signal ability, and had received the decided sanction of both houses of congress.

Towards the close of the session, a bill for the reduction of the duties on the importation of foreign goods and manufactures, passed the house of representatives by a majority of nineteen votes. In the senate it was carried by the casting vote of the vice-president. To those who were satisfied with the tariff of 1842, the alterations proposed by this bill were strongly condemned. They predicted as a consequence, and one which could not be avoided, the ruin of several important branches of manufactures, while it was exceedingly doubtful whether the revenues arising under this new tariff would suffice for the wants of the government. The Democratic party, however, stood pledged to alter the tariff of 1842, and although the friends of protection for a time cherished hopes that the interests of the manufacturers, and as they believed, the interests of the country, would be regarded; those hopes were dispelled by the action of congress on the subject.

On the 10th of August, at noon, congress brought its long and stirring session to a close. It had lasted for 253 days, or more than two thirds of a year. During few sessions were there ever more important subjects under debate. The results of several measures adopted remain to be seen. But, while it is occasion of congratulation, that our difficulties with Great Britain have been amicably and timely adjusted, it is matter of serious regret, that a war should be continued with Mexico. The final result of this, in regard to Mexico, may, perhaps, not be problematical—but the “end is not yet;” and before that end is reached, the people of the United States may as much regret that it was commenced, as the Mexicans themselves. The American army is at this present time, September, 1846, on its way from Matamoras to Monterey and other points. Santa Anna has superseded Paredes in the government, but what are his wishes in regard to peace have not transpired. Should he decide for war, the Americans can “apparently conquer a peace” only by taking up their march to the “Halls of Montezuma.”