  1 The more noteworthy details of the organization and work of the two expeditions are set forth in the administrative reports of the Bureau for the fiscal years 1894-95 and 1895-96. Certain members of this party are shown in the accompanying half-tone, forming plate II: SeÑor Encinas seated at the end of the table; his son, Don Manuel (bareheaded), and Don Ygnacio Lozania at his right; a grandson behind him, and SeÑor Alvemar-Leon seated at his left, with MashÉm kneeling over the table in the foreground. 2 The larger map was drawn early in 1896, and a preliminary edition in the form of a photolithograph of the drawing was published in the National Geographic Magazine, vol. VII, 1896. It is proper—and historically desirable—to explain that while a considerable part of the copy for this paper was prepared at about the same time, circumstances prevented the completion of the manuscript and the final rectification of the nomenclature and bibliographic references until September 1, 1900. 3 Johnson peak. It is proper to say that this name was applied by the author (and leader of the expedition) after the drawing was completed and submitted by Mr Johnson, as a meager tribute to his excellent work in the field and on the drawings named. 4 An asterisk indicates new names, an obelisk old names restored or colloquial names adopted. 5 The following monthly and annual meteorologic summaries, compiled from United States Weather Bureau records at these stations, have been kindly furnished by Prof. Willis L. Moore, Superintendent of the Bureau. The tabulated records represent the observations of twenty years at Yuma and ten years at Tucson.
6 Defined and described in Sheetflood Erosion, Bull. Geol. Soc. Am., vol. VII, 1897, p. 87. 7 Tinaja Trinchera was entirely dry and without trace of carrizal in December, 1894. 8 The physiographic features of the Sonoran province in general are treated in greater detail in a paper on Sheetflood Erosion, Bull. Geol. Soc. Am., vol. VIII, 1897, pp. 87-112, and in a paper on Papagueria, Nat. Geog. Mag., vol. IX, 1898, pp. 345-371; while certain local features are described in a paper on Seriland, prepared jointly with Willard D. Johnson, Nat. Geog. Mag., vol. VII, 1896, pp. 125-133. The aggregate available fresh water of Seriland is estimated on p. 181*. 9 Noted by Willard D. Johnson. 10 The vital characteristics of the region have been described in some detail in The Beginning of Agriculture, American Anthropologist, vol. VIII, 1805, pp. 350-375; The Beginning of Zooculture, American Anthropologist, vol. X, 1897, pp. 215-230; and Expedition to Seriland, Science, vol. III, 1898, pp. 493-505. 11 The expedition of 1895, during which Seriland was surveyed, was not provided with apparatus for accurate vertical measurement, and hence altitudes were only approximately determined. The determinations by Mr Johnson, who executed the topographic surveys, indicated that even the lowest part of the valley is somewhat above sea-level; but other facts indicate that it actually lies below the level of the waters of the gulf, and forms a miniature homologue of Colorado desert (in southern California): in the first place the central playa, which is undoubtedly flooded occasionally if not semiannually, does not embouch into, and has no channels extending toward, the sea; in the second place it is highly saline; again, the alluvial fans of Rio Bacuache and (especially) of Rio Sonora are so placed as to intercept and dam the trough occupied by Laguna la Cruz in its southern portion, and Playa Noriega in its northern portion; concordantly, the detail configuration of the coast indicates marine transgression, apparently due to secular subsidence of the land—though the abundant marine shells of recent species toward the valley-bottom attest recent displacement of the sea. On the whole, the facts seem to indicate that, during recent geologic times, the lower portion of this valley was a shallow gulf extending northward (and probably also southward) from the eastern limit of Bahia Kino; that the importation and deposition of sediment, chiefly by Rio Sonora, outran the secular subsidence of the land so far as to displace the waters of the gulf in its central portion and to separate the northern arm from the sea; and that the waters of this northern arm were subsequently evaporated, disappearing finally in the central playa in which local inflow and evaporation are balanced by the usual mechanism of interior basins. 12 Both the routes were traversed by the expedition of 1895, the former from the headwaters of Rio Bacuache to the upper portion of its alluvial fan, and then from the abandoned Rancho Libertad on the lower portion of the fan across Desierto Encinas by way of Barranca Salina. In the northern crossing a light vehicle (the first to traverse this portion of the desert), drawn by four horses and aided by several horsemen, was taken from Rancho Libertad across the northern portion of Playa Noriega and thence up Arroyo Mitchell to a point midway between Barranca Salina and Johnson peak, and was brought back over the same route. The Encinas trail from Rancho San Francisco de Costa Rica was traversed four times each way by the same outfit, and once each way by the running gear of a heavy wagon carrying the rude craft (about 1,000 pounds in weight) in which the Seri waters were navigated, this vehicle being drawn by 8 to 12 horses, frequently changed. Typical aspects of both routes are shown in plate III, the upper figure representing the Encinas trail and the lower a distant view of Sierra Seri, taken from Playa Noriega, in the depths of Desierto Encinas. 13 The northern portion, as seen from the east, is shown in plate III; the southern portion, as seen from the west, appears in the upper part of plate IV, while the southwesternmost point is shown in the lower part of the same plate. 14 Originally the name Islas Sal-si-puedes (Get-out-if-canst) was applied to the various islands of this gateway of the gulf, including San Lorenzo, San Esteban, and San Agustin (now Tiburon), together with the smaller islets, as shown in the map of Padre Fernando Consag (in Noticia de la California y de su Conquista, etc., por el Padre Miguel Venegas, 1757, tomo III, p. 194); and Padre Consag’s account of the currents encountered in 1746 explains the designation: “The great sea which runs here even in fair weather would not allow us to stay, and it was with great difficulty we took in a little water. We now attempted to weather the Cape of San Gabriel de Sal-si-puedes, so greatly dreaded by seamen on account of those islands, several contiguous points of land and many ledges of sunken rocks extending a great way from the land. Here the sea is so agitated by the current that a gale or a calm makes but little difference” (English translation of Venegas’ Noticia, titled A Natural and Civil History of California, 1759, vol. II, pp. 312-313). Hittell speaks of “the group of islands known as Salsipuedes, the largest of which is now called Tiburon” (History of California, 1898, vol. I, p. 225). Dewey restricted the name to a single small island near the Baja California coast. Further references to the islands and their designations are noted postea, p. 65. 15 Unquestionably the clearest view of El Infiernillo ever enjoyed by Caucasian eyes was that of Messrs Johnson and Mitchell from the culminating point of Sierra Seri (Johnson peak), which they occupied for about twenty-three hours on December 7 and 8, 1895. Mr Johnson’s notes on the appearance of the strait are as follows: “On the occasion of the ascent of Sierra Seri, which rises from the coast, shutting off the view of Isla Tiburon from the desert on the east, I received a striking impression of the elaborate and beautifully symmetrical plan of the long swirling currents of El Infiernillo. The climb had been made from the east direct to the summit peak, so that the first sight of both island and gulf was not only from close at hand, but from an elevation of about a mile. The crest of the ridge was reached at the instant of sunset, and the spectacle of the innumerable current-markings was brief. Our position was nearly opposite the northern end of the strait; and its elevation was so great that the opposite mainland and island shorelines were seen in map effect rather than in perspective. The entire strait, to its northern end at Punta Perla, was in the shadow of the island; and the current design was revealed only in the shadow. At the shadow-margin extending from the northern tip of the island the lines were sharply cut off; and beyond, along the westward bend of waters forming Bahia Tepopa and opening into the gulf in full sunlight, there was no suggestion of them. Within the shadow the effect was that of a film of oil on a water-surface which had been stirred and allowed to come to rest—though the regularity of the lines was as though the stirring had been orderly. Not the slightest motion was perceptible from the peak during the minute or two that the spectacle lasted before the sun disappeared and twilight fell, though the suggestion from configuration alone was that of violent swirling. The general movement was evidently southward toward Boca Infierno, and the swirls were apparently the result of frictional resistance along both shores; the system of curving lines as a whole was very much that which would be presented by a broad feather thrust into a bottle. There were central lines in great number, somewhat sinuous though never crossing, diverging one by one toward the shores on either hand, where they curved backward with complex interferences in large reversing arcs and many minute circlings. The straightening out of the curves in perspective was quite perceptible toward Boca Infierno, and beyond it was pronounced. The air appeared to be still, so that the current pattern was not at all obscured by waves; and the spectacle of the broad strait, appearing almost beneath me, incised with a crowded design of sweeping fine lines, the delicate clearness of which recalled a steel engraving, was peculiarly impressive. That we had been fortunate in the moment of reaching the summit was apparent next day. The spectacle was, indeed, repeated at sunrise and for a short period thereafter, though the general design was markedly different, and less intricacy of pattern was discernible, while the general effect was comparatively vague; perhaps the shadow of Sierra Seri was too heavy, or, more probably (as was my impression at the time), our position was not favorable for that direction of illumination. In full light during the day up to the hour of our departure in late afternoon, no hint or vestige of the current design remained. It was evident that the lines were brought out with especial clearness by the favorable illumination and comparative stillness of air; and it was particularly evident that the lines marked movements in the water, even if there were corresponding air-currents, since they harmonized perfectly with the configuration of the shores and with the trend of spits and bars and offshore markings seen through the shallow waters, especially toward the northern end of the strait. The accord between shore curves and the current lines seen in the evening indicated a southward motion much more vigorous than the reverse movement witnessed next morning; for the marked variation in the design noted in the morning was of a character strongly suggesting a reversed movement of the water, while the faintness of the markings then may perhaps have been due to comparative feebleness of current rather than to unfavorable lighting. Certainly the close agreement between the elaborate system of markings, so clearly revealed in the evening, and the prevailing curves of the shores would seem to indicate unmistakably that, whatever the direction and strength of flow, the markings were a product of current motion.” 16 Publication No. 56, U. S. Hydrographic Office, Bureau of Navigation, 1880, p. 142. 17 Op. cit., p. 143. 18 A stiller and navigable condition of the sea is shown in the view of Punta Ygnacio, plate IV. 19 Theodore H. Hittell, History of California, 1898, vol. I, pp. 43-44. 20 Contributions to the History of the Southwestern Portion of the United States (Hemenway Southwestern ArchÆological Expedition), Papers of the ArchÆological Institute of America, American series, V, 1890, p. 44. 21 Relation of Alvar NuÑez CabeÇa de Vaca, translated from the Spanish by Buckingham Smith; New York, 1871, p. 172. 22 Ibid, p. 178. 23 Cf. Bandelier, Magazine of Western History, IV, 1886, p. 660. 24 Ibid, pp. 661-663; Papers of the ArchÆological Institute of America, American series, V, p. 118. 25 The Voyages of the English Nation to America, collected by Richard Hakluyt and edited by Edmund Goldsmid, 1890, vol. III, p. 317. 26 The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542, Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1896, p. 382. 27 As a harbor or anchorage marked “del Tiburon” on the map of “Domingo del Castillo, Piloto”, drawn in 1541, and reproduced in Historia de Nueva-EspaÑa, escrita por su esclarecido Conquistador HernÁn CortÉs, aumentada con otras documentos, y notas, por el ilustrissimo SeÑor Don Francisco Antonio Lorenzana, Arzobispo de Mexico; Mexico, 1770, p. 328. 28 The Voyages of the English Nation to America, vol. IV, p. 6. 29 Winship, op. cit., p. 484. 30 Coronado’s March to Quivira, in J. V. Brower, Harahey (Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi, vol. II), 1899, p. 36. 31 Cf. The History of Oregon, California, and the other Territories on the Northwest Coast of North America, by Robert Greenhow, 1845, p. 97; History of California, by Theodore H. Hittell, 1898, vol. I, p. 149. 32 Winship, op. cit., p. 502. 33 Ibid., p. 538. 34 It should he noted that Mr. F. W. Hodge, whose large acquaintance with the Southwest and its literature gives his opinion great weight, is inclined to class the Indians in question as Opata. 35 Op. cit., pp. 29-73. 36 Sonora HistÓrico y Descriptivo, por F. T. DÁvila, 1894, p. 8. 37 A Natural and Civil History of California; translated from the original Spanish of Miguel Venegas; London, 1759, vol. I, preface. 38 Historia de los Trivmphos de Nvestra Santa Fee entre Gentes las mas Barbaras y Fieras del Nueuo Orbe; Madrid, 1645, p. 358. The “Heris” are identified as Seri by Bandelier (Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, in Papers Arch. Inst. Am., American series, III, 1890, p. 74). 39 Op. cit., p. 11. 40 Venegas, op. cit., vol. I, p. 182. 41 Venegas, A Natural and Civil History of California, vol. I, p. 192. 42 Venegas, Noticia de la California, vol. I; Madrid, 1757, p. 219. 43 The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. XV (History of the North Mexican States, vol. I, 1531-1800), 1884, p. 252. 44 Apostolicos Afanes de la CompaÑia de Jesus, escritos por un Padre de la misma Sagrada Religion de su Provincia de Mexico; Barcelona, 1754, p. 246 et seq. 45 Translated somewhat freely from Resumen de Noticias, in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, cuarta sÉrie, tomo I, 1856, pp. 235-236. 46 Tabula California, anno 1702 (Via terrestris in Californiam comperta et detecta per R. Patrem Eusebium Fran. Chino È S. I. Germanum. Adnotatis novis Missionibus ejusdem Soctis ab anno 1698 ad annum 1701), in Stocklein, Der Neue Welt-Bott, Augsburg und GrÄtz, 1726. 47 Elaborately mapped and established (on paper) as the “Puerto y Villa de la Libertad” in 1861 (Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, 1863, X, p. 263 et seq.), and actually maintained from 1875 to 1884 as the port of Libertad (not the abandoned Rancho Libertad on the border of Seriland), or Serna, according to DÁvila (Sonora HistÓrico y Descriptivo, pp. 140, 309). 48 Identified by Alexandre de Humboldt in his Carte GÉnÉrale du Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne, of 1804 (in Atlas GÉographique et Physique, Paris, 1811). So late as 1840 the old name was sometimes retained, e. g., on Robert Greenhow’s map accompanying his History of California and Oregon. 49 In one of the last letters from his pen, dated November 25, 1899, the late Dr Elliott Cones wrote, “I find you trailing Kino and Mange in 1694 precisely as I had them, and I make no doubt of the substantial accuracy of your typewritten MS. I accept your position that the large island they sighted and named San Agustin was not Tiburon, but Angel de la Guarda Isl.” 50 A mission founded in 1699 by Padre Melchor Bartiromo (Historia de la CompaÑia de Jesus en Nueva EspaÑa, que esta escribiendo el P. Francisco Javier Alegre, 1842, tomo III, p. 117), of which the location has long been lost. 51 Resumen de Noticias, op. cit., tomo I, p. 321. 52 Op. cit., p. 275 (the year is misprinted 1800 on this page and in the index). 53 Resumen de Noticias, op. cit., tomo I, pp. 321-322. 54 Op. cit., tomo III, pp. 117-119. 55 Novissima et Accuratissima Septentrionalis ac Meridionalis AmericÆ, Amsterdam. (In American Maps, 1579-1796, Library U. S. Geological Survey, 135.) 56 Mar del Zvr, Hispanis, Mare Pacificum. (Ibid., 129.) 57 ’T Noorder Deel van Amerika, Leyden. (Ibid., 178.) 58 Nouvelle Carte de l’Amerique, Leyden. (Ibid., 156.) 59 L’Amerique Septentrionale Suivant les Nouvelles Observations, etc., Leyden. (Ibid., 181.) This island is not named, but is undoubtedly the Santa Inez of several other maps—the Angel de la Guarda of the present. 60 North America, according to ye Newest and most Exact Observations, etc., London. (Ibid., 93.) 61 Doubtless the mountain “La Giganta”, named by Admiral Otondo toward the end of the seventeenth century (Documentas para la Historia de Mexico, cuarta sÉrie, 1857, tomo V, p. 122), and noted by Hardy in 1820 (Travels in Interior of Mexico in 1825, 1826, 1827, and 1828, London, 1829, p. 243). 62 A map of North America, with the European Settlements and whatever else is Remarkable in ye West Indies, from the latest and best Observations. (American maps, loc. cit., 110.) 63 Amerique Septentrionale DivisÉe en Ses Principales Parties. (Ibid., 109.) 64 Carte du Mexique et de la Floride, des Terres Angloises et des Isles Antilles, etc. (Ibid., 136.) 65 L’Amerique Septentrionale ... par G. de l’Isle: Amsterdam, Chez Pierre Mortier. (Ibid., 172.) The island is, of course, Santa Inez, i. e., Angel de la Guarda. 66 Map in Stocklein, op. cit. 67 Carte d’Amerique, etc. (American maps, loc. cit., 20.) 68 AmÉrique Septentrionale ... par le Sr. d’Anville, Paris. (Ibid., 50 and 51.) 69 AmÉrique Septentrionale ... par le Sr. Robert de Vaugondy, Paris. (Ibid., 27.) 70 L’Amerique Septentrionale, etc., Amsterdam. (Ibid., 160.) 71 A new map of North America, with the West India Islands.... Laid down according to the Latest Surveys, and Corrected from the Original Materials of Goverr Pownall, London. (Ibid., 22.) 72 It seems probable that various early cartographers were misled by the traditional lore of “salineros”, or salt-making Indians, in combination with the unusual designation of these islands. In his text Padre Consag rendered the term “Sal-si-puedes”, and strongly emphasized the violent tidal currents and consequent dangers to vessels which suggested the vigorously idiomatic designation to early navigators (Venegas. Noticia de la California, III, p. 145); in the Venegas map (ibid., tomo I, p. 1) the name is used without the qualifying comma, and in the text it is hyphenated “Sal-si-puedes”, the author observing concerning the local currents, “These currents run with astonishing rapidity, and their noise is equal to that of a large rapid river among rocks; nor do they run only in one direction, but set in many intersected gyrations” (A Natural and Civil History of California, p. 63). And the “Sacerdote Religioso”, whose letters place him among the authorities on Lower California, wrote: “In the narrows of the gulf are a multitude of islets, for the passage being so dangerous to vessels they are called Sal si puedes” (Noticias de la Provincia de Californias, Valencia, 1794, p. 11); while Hardy, who navigated this portion of the gulf early in the present century (Travels in the Interior of Mexico, London, 1829, p. 279), mentioned a passage “between the islands called ‘Sal si Puedes’ (get back if you can)”. So, too, Duflot de Mofras wrote of “les Îles de Sal si puedes (Sors si tu peux)” in his Explorations du Territoire de l’OrÉgon, Paris, 1814, p. 219. Bancroft properly reduced the obscure connotive phrase to the single denotive term “Salsipuedes,” and noted the signification as “Get out if thou canst” (North Mexican States, vol. I, p. 444). In 1873-1875 Dewey restricted the name to a single island and a channel, and emphasized the currents in the latter “against which sailing vessels found it almost impossible to make any headway” (The West Coast of Mexico, Publication 56, U. S. Hydrographic Office, Bureau of Navigation, 1880, p. 113), and rendered the name “Sal-si-puedes” in the text, “Sal si puedes” on the charts. Hittell’s reference to “the group of islands then known as Salsipuedes, the largest of which is now called Tiburon” (History of California, vol. I, p. 225), doubtless expresses the early use of the term precisely, save that the present Tiburon was long treated as a part of the mainland, while its names were applied to Isla Tassne or some other islet. Vide postea, p. 45. 73 Seno de California, etc., in Venegas, Noticia de la California, tomo III, p. 194. 74 Noticia de la California, tomo I, p. 1. 75 California, per P. Ferdinandum Consak, S. I., et alios, in Nachrichten von der amerikanischen Halbinsel Californien.... Geschrieben von einem Priester der Gesellschaft Jesu (identified as Jacob Baegert by Rau, Smithsonian Report, 1863, p. 352); Mannheim, 1773. 76 A New Map of the Whole Continent of America, London. (American maps, loc. cit., 4.) 77 This cartography reappeared occasionally up to about the middle of the nineteenth century, as illustrated by the Greenhow map accompanying the edition of his history issued in 1845. 78 This condition is revealed in MÜhlenpfordt, Versuch einer getreuen Schilderung der Republic Mejico, etc.; Hannover, 1844. 79 Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, cuarta sÉrie, tomo V; Mexico, 1857, pp. 125-126. 80 Ibid., p. 132. 81 Venegas, A Natural and Civil History of California, vol. I, pp. 405-411. 82 Hittell, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 191-193, 219-221. 83 Venegas, Noticia de la California, tomo II, p. 343. 84 Venegas, A Natural and Civil History of California, vol. II, p. 48. 85 An Englishman named (probably) William Strafford, according to Bancroft; op. cit, vol. I, p. 444. 86 Venegas, Noticia de la California, tomo II, p. 370. 87 Ibid., p. 386. 88 Rudo Ensayo, Guiteras’ translation in Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. V, 1894, p. 124. Bandelier identified the author as Padre Nentwig, S. J., of Huassavas, eastern Sonora (Final Report of Investigations among the Indians, etc., part 1, in Papers of the ArchÆological Institute of America,” vol. III, 1890, p. 78). The name is written “John Nentuig” in a third-person reference in Guiteras’ translation; but an editorial footnote adds, “No doubt a printer’s mistake for Mentuig—L. F. F[lick]” (ibid., p. 191). 89 Noticias Estadisticas del Estado de Sonora, by JosÉ Francisco Velasco, Mexico, 1850, p. 124. 90 Theatro Americano, Descripcion General de los Reynos, y Provincias de la Nueva-EspaÑa, y sus Jurisdicciones, Joseph Antonio de Villa-SeÑor, y Sanchez, segunda parte; Mexico, 1748, p. 392. 91 Op. cit., p. 133. 92 Diario y Derrotero de lo Caminado, Visto, y Observado en el Discurso de la Visita general de Precidios, situados en las Provincias Ynternas de Nueva EspaÑa; Guathemala, 1836, leg. 1514-1519. 93 Historia de la CompaÑia de Jesus, vol. III, p. 290. 94 Rudo Ensayo, p. 193. 95 Bancroft, op. cit.. vol. I, pp. 532-533. The former were annihilated or driven into the Yaqui country by 1763 (Rudo Ensayo, p. 166). 96 Sonora HistÓrico y Descriptivo, p. 319. 97 Ibid., p. 140. 98 Bancroft, op. cit., p. 517. 99 “Diario del Padre Dominguez en Sonora y Sinaloa, 1731; manuscript in archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 100 This place on Rio Sonora is not to be confounded with the Rancho (afterward Pueblo) of Pitiqui or San Diego de Pitiqui (The Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America, and the West Indies * * * of Colonel Don Antonio de Alcedo, by G. A. Thompson, London, 1814, vol. IV, p. 153), or Pitic chiquito (Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. y Est., vol. VIII, 1860, p. 454), or Pitiquin, now the town of Pitiquito on Rio San Ignacio. 101 Alegre, Historia de la CompaÑia de Jesus, tomo III, p. 288; Villa-SeÑor, Theatro Americano, segunda parte, p. 392; Rudo Ensayo, p. 193. 102 Bancroft, op. cit., vol. I, p. 528. 103 Reise-Erinnerungen und Abenteuer aus der neuen Welt, von C. A. Pajeken, Bremen, 1861, p. 97. 104 Rudo Ensayo, p. 194; Bancroft, op. cit., vol. I, p. 535. 105 Historia de la CompaÑa de Jesus, tomo III, pp. 290-291; cf. Apostolicos Afanes de la CompaÑia de Jesus, escritos por un Padre de la misma Sagrada Religion de su Provincia de Mexico; Barcelona, 1754, pp. 366-368. 106 Rudo Ensayo, p. 229 (misspelled “Guiamas”). 107 Bancroft, op. cit., vol. I, p. 554. 108 Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, cuarta sÉrie, tomo I, p. 85. 109 Historia de la CompaÑia de Jesus, tomo III, p. 298. 110 Ibid., p. 299; Rudo Ensayo, p. 196. It is probable that part or all of the captives were quartered at Pueblo Seri, though, the record is silent on this point. 111 Resumen de Noticias, op. cit., vol. I, p. 224. 112 Bancroft, op. cit., p. 565. 113 Captain Fernando Sanchez Salvador, in his official Representaciones to the Crown in 1751, complains that these Indians “are allowed on frivolous pretexts to visit the presidios, and they make use of the privilege to discover weak points and to plan attacks” (Bancroft, op. cit., p. 542). 114 Theatro Americano, segunda parte, p. 401. 115 Ibid., p. 392. 116 History of California, vol. II, p. 190. 117 Ibid., p. 211. It is improbable that the Seri had anything to do with this particular butchery. According to Coues, the latter padre was killed at Sonoita; and he renders the name “Ruen or Ruhen” (On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer; the Diary and Itinerary of Francisco GarcÉs, etc., 1900, vol. I, p. 88). 118 Op. cit., p. 193. 119 Op. cit., pp. 195-196. 120 Theatro Americano, p. 401. 121 Historia de la CompaÑia de Jesus, p. 216. 122 The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. III (The Native Races, vol. III), 1882, p. 704. 123 Op. cit., p. 166. 124 Ibid., pp. 197, 198. 125 Nachrichten von verschiedenen LÄndern des Spanisches Amerika, aus eigenhÄndigen AufsÄtzen einiger Missionare der Gesellschaft Jesu, herausgegeben von Christoph Gottlieb von Murr, erster Theil; Halle, 1809, p. 255. 126 The Noticia de las Personas qua han escrito Ó publicado algunas obras sobre Idiomas que se hablan en la Republica (of Mexico), by Dr JosÉ Guadalupe Romero, includes a MS. “Vocabulario de las Lenguas Eudeve, Pina y Seris”, written by Padre Adamo Gilg (Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. y Estad., 1860, tomo VIII, p. 378). 127 DÁvila, Sonora HistÓrico y Descriptivo, p. 10; Bancroft, op. cit., p. 672. 128 Ibid., p. 319. 129 CrÓnica SerÁfica y ApostÓlica del Colegio de Propaganda Fide de la Santa Cruz de QuerÉtaro en la Nueva EspaÑa ... escrita por el Padre Fray Juan Domingo Arricivita, 2ª parte, Mexico, 1792, p. 426. 130 Doubtless the structures approached the conventional Seri pattern, illustrated in the accompanying plate vi, from photographs taken on Tiburon in 1895. 131 Arricivita, op. cit., pp. 426-429, 520-524. 132 Incorporated in Escudero, Noticias Estadisticas de Sonora y Sinaloa; Mexico, 1849, p. 18. 133 Noticias Estadisticas del Estado de Sonora; Mexico, 1850, p. 124 et seq. 134 Ibid., p. 132. 135 Bancroft, op. cit., vol. II, p. 682. It is incredible that such a confederation of so incongruous elements could ever have been effected; it is incomparably more probable that there was a succession, of outbreaks of the Seri, Piato, and Apache, each stimulated by the removal of soldiers for defense against the other enemies, just as Seri outrages follow Yaqui outbreaks today; but it was undoubtedly a custom of the times (a custom still existing) to connect the several enemies in current thought and speech. 136 Reports of Explorations and Surveys to ascertain the most practicable and economical Route for a Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, vol. III, part 3: Report upon the Indian Tribes, 1855, pp. 122-123. The original Cortez manuscript is now in the Library of Congress. 137 In Velasco, op. cit., p. 137. 138 Noticias Estadisticas de Sonora y Sinaloa, Compiladas y Amplificadas para la Comision de Estadistica Militar, por el Lic. D. JosÉ Agustin de Escudero; Mexico, 1849, p. 88. 139 Atlas GÉographique et Physique du Royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne, par Al. de Humboldt; Paris, 1811, carte gÉnÉrale. 140 Voyage de Humboldt et Bonpland, troisiÈme partie: Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne, tome I; Paris, 1811, pp. 296-297. 141 Travels in the Interior of Mexico in 1825, 1826, 1827, and 1828; London, 1829, p. 95. 142 Ibid., p. 107. 143 Ibid., p. 280. 144 Op. cit., p. 289-290. 145 Op. cit., pp. 294-295. 146 Ibid., pp. 298, 299. 147 Ibid., pp. 299, 300. 148 Ibid., p. 395 et seq. 149 Ibid., p. 437. 150 Ibid., p. 438. 151 Ibid., pp. 235, 540. 152 Exploration du Territoire de l’OrÉgon, des Californies et de la Mer Vermeille, exÉcutÉe pendant les annÉes 1840, 1841 et 1842, tome i; Paris, 1844, p. 214. 153 Velasco, Noticias Estadisticas, pp. 124, 125. This chronicle is rendered peculiarly valuable by supplements in the form of Andrade’s and Espence’s journals, the latter incorporated (p. 125) after Velasco’s own writing was completed. The whole was revised, extended, and republished in the several volumes of the first series of Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. y Estad., 1861-1806. 154 On August 14, 1844, Secretary Manuel Cabrera reported that “there are in this pueblo not more than fifteen families of Ceris located within its borders, maintaining themselves by the manufacture of earthen ollas and by the garbage of their neighbors, i. e., in time of harvest they glean the wheat and corn left scattered, and the bones, entrails, and hoofs of the stock slaughtered for consumption by the inhabitants.” (Incorporated in Velasco, op. cit., p. 138.) 155 Thomas Spence, of Guaymas; apparently the “Mr. Spence” mentioned favorably by Hardy (Travels, p. 90). 156 The expressions of the journal indicate that Espence was not familiar with the Seri custom of eviscerating and quartering stolen stock, consuming the entrails at once, and transporting the more substantial pieces across the strait on their balsas. Velasco fell into still further error in assuming that the expressions relate to tracks and other indications of the presence of living stock on the island. 157 Velasco, op. cit., p. 168. 158 Ibid., p. 169. On the same page Espence classifies the captives as 6 oldsters (“viejos de sesenta aÑos arriba”), 12 beldames (“viejas de cuarenta arriba”), 1 blind, 1 idiotic boy, 5 cripples male, 1 cripple female, 180 women, 160 children, and 144 men—510 in all. Andrade’s report enumerates the captives as 120 in each of two lots, with 20 or more in a third, making 260 odd (ibid., p. 180); while Velasco put the number at 200 and odd (“docientas y tantas persones”), men, women, and children, including only 30 odd oldsters and warriors combined. The discrepancies are characteristic, and of a piece with those prevailing in the same latitude and longitude today: e. g., Velasco says there are but four waters on the island, Espence says there are eight or ten, and Andrade implies that there are many; Velasco says there were 160 troops from Guaymas, while Andrade mentions only 80; Espence says that in transporting the stock (as noted above) but one mule was drowned by the strength of the current, while Andrade says that a mule and a steer were lost on account of the bad storm which prevailed during the day; yet there is such agreement between dates and facts in the independent journals of Andrade and Espence as to establish general verity despite the provincial weakness concerning details. 159 According to Andrade (ibid., p. 182); Velasco says September 16 (ibid., p. 126). 160 Velasco, Noticias Estadisticas, p. 127. 161 Ibid., p. 170. 162 Ibid., p. 128. 163 Ibid., p. 129. This naive recital is far from unique among the chronicles of conquest over the Seri. All of the records recount victories more or less brilliant, even when there are strong indications between lines that the Caucasians were outnumbered, outfought, forced from the field, and even driven into the protection of the pueblos. The Seri side of the story has never been told. 164 Velasco, Noticias Estadisticas, pp. 169-171. 165 Ibid., pp. 127-128. 166 Ibid., p. 129. 167 Ibid., pp. 131-133. 168 Noticias Estadisticas, pp. 141-142. 169 A Map of the United States of Mexico, as organized and defined by the several Acts of the Congress of that Republic, constructed from a great variety of Printed and Manuscript Documents, by H. S. Tanner. Third edition, 1846. The map in De Mofras (op. cit., atlas) is little better. 170 Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, tome iii, 1842, p. 320 (cited by Buschmann, Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im nÖrdlichen Mexico und hÖheren amerikanischen Norden, in Abhandlungen der KÖniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, aus dem Jahre 1854, zweiter Supplement, Band; Berlin, 1859, p. 219). 171 Versuch einer getreuen Schilderung der Republik Mejico besonders in Beziehung auf Geographie, Ethnographie, und Statistik: Hannover, 1844, Band I, p. 441; Band II, p. 415. 172 Ibid., Band II, pp. 419-420. 173 Ibid., Band I, p. 210. 174 PeÑafiel defines “Seris” as the “name of a tribe of Sonora, originating probably in the Opata language” (Nomenclatura GeogrÁfica de Mexico—EtimologÍas de los Nombres de Lugar ... por el Dr. Antonio PeÑafiel, primera parte, 1897, p. 225); while Pimentel defines two suggestively similar Opata words, “Serarai, paso menudo y bueno”, and “SËrerÀi, velocidad de la persona que corre” (Vocabulario Manual de la Lengua Opata, Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. y Estad., tomo X, 1863, p. 306), i. e., a good and direct pace, and the speed of a person running, respectively (cf. postea. p. 125). 175 Lenguas Primitivas, in Boletin del Institute Nacional de GeografÍa, y EstadÍstica de la RepÚblica Mexicana, third edition, tomo II; Mexico, 1861, pp. 148-149. 176 Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in Texas, New Mexico, California, Sonora, and Chihuahua, Connected with the United States and Mexican Boundary Commission, during the years 1850, ’51, ’52, and ’53; New York, 1854, vol. I, p. 403 et seq. 177 Ibid., pp. 463-464. 178 This transcript is entered in a blank schedule Vocabulary of 180 Words, printed by the Smithsonian Institution for Gibbs, with a supplementary sheet; it is dated January 1, 1852; and while the published “Narrative” implies that it was recorded December 31, 1851, the manuscript date is confirmed by the Seri interpreter, Kolusio. 179 At the time of inquiry the importance of the other vocabularies was not suspected, and the interrogation was not pushed far enough to permit identification of the persons to whom they were given. 180 Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im nÖrdlichen Mexico und hÖheren amerikanischen Norden. Zugleich eine Musterung der VÖlker und Sprachen des nÖrdlichen Mexicos und der Westseite Nordamerikas von Guadalaxara an bis zum Eismeer. Von Joh. Carl Ed. Buschmann (in Abhandlungen der KÖniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, aus dem Jahre 1854, zweiter Supplement-Band); Berlin, 1859, pp. 218-221 and elsewhere. 181 Arizona and Sonora, etc., by Sylvester Mowry; New York, 1864. pp. 98-102. 182 Notes on the State of Sonora, by Charles P. Stone, 1800; Washington, 1861, p. 19. Reprinted in Historical Magazine, vol. V, 1861, pp. 161-169. 183 Reise-Erinnerungen und Abenteuer aus der neuen Welt in ethnographischen Bildern, von C. A. Pajeken; Bremen, 1861, pp. 97-99. 184 A Grammatical Sketch of the Heve Language, translated from an unpublished Spanish manuscript; in Library of American Linguistics, vol. III, New York, 1861, p. 7. 185 Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indigenas de MÉxico, Ó Tratado de FilologÍa Mexicana, por Francisco Pimentel, segunda edicion unica completa, tomo II; Mexico, 1875, p. 229. The first edition of the work was published in two volumes, dated, respectively, 1862 and 1865. 186 Ibid., p. 241. 187 Ibid., p. 234. 188 Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta EtnogrÁfica de MÉxico, Precedidas de un Ensayo de Clasificacion de las Mismas Lenguas y de Apuntes para las Inmigraciones de las Tribus, por el Lic. Manuel Orozco y Berra; Mexico, 1864, p. 59. 189 Ibid., p. 42. 190 Ibid., pp. 353-354. 191 Dictionnaire de la Langue Nahuatl ou Mexicaine, rÉdigÉ d’aprÈs les Documents imprimÉs et Manuscrits les plus authentiques et prÉcÉdÉ d’une Introduction; Paris, 1885, p. xviii. 192 Tableau de la Distribution ethnographiques des Nations et des Langues au Mexique; CongrÈs International des AmÉricanistes, Compte-rendu de la Seconde Session, tome II, 1878, p. 37. 193 The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. III (The Native Races, vol. III, 1882, p. 704). The “east” in this quotation is obviously a misprint for west. 194 Ibid., p. 705. 195 Op. cit., vol. I, pp. 604-605. 196 Ibid., p. 471. 197 The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. III (The Native Races, vol. III, 1882, p. 576.) 198 Ibid., p. 579. 199 Ibid., pp. 584, 587, 589. 200 Ibid., p. 590. 201 Publication No. 56, U. S. Hydrographic Office, Bureau of Navigation. The West Coast of Mexico, from the Boundary Line between the United States and Mexico to Cape Corrientes, including the Gulf of California (revised edition), 1880, p. 145. 202 Ibid., pl. XV, p. 136 (one of these illustrations is reproduced in figure 28). 203 The negatives of these pictures were retained by Mr Von Bayer, and have been kindly turned over to the Bureau of American Ethnology. Unfortunately the archery negative had been shattered, but enough of the fragments were preserved to show all essential details and to afford a basis for the drawing reproduced in plate XXIX. 204 The imposing official map of 1890, titled Carta General de la Republica Mexicana, formada en el Ministerio de Fomento con los datos mas recientes, por disposicion del Secretario del Ramo, General Carlos Pacheco, engraved and printed by Erhard Hermanos, Paris, on a scale of about 32 miles to the inch, represents Rio Bacuache as about the right length and with its center in about the right location, but as running at almost exactly right angles to its actual course; and it contains divers other equally startling errors. 205 Recorded by Gatschet, Zeitschrift fÜr Ethnologie, Berlin, Band XV, 1883, p. 130. The location of the hacienda was not specified, but there are local traditions of Seri raids about that time, both at Hacienda Serna (between Caborca and Libertad anchorage) and at Bacuachito. 206 “The Seris, the chief tells me, comprise about 200 men fit to bear arms—they still live part on the island of Tiburon, part on the coast.” 207 M Pinart’s reference to his interpreter is not only impersonal but ambiguous. “Interpreted by the chief of the Seri and another Indian” might be considered to imply two Seri Indians, though it may, with equal linguistic probability, be interpreted to mean the specified Seri and another Indian; and while the temporary presence of a second Seri at the pueblo seems possible, the sum of probabilities points so clearly the other way as to demand the latter interpretation. 208 Gatschet, op. cit., p. 131. 209 Bandelier, Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, part i, in Papers of the ArchÆological Institute of America, American series, iii, Cambridge, 1890, p. 76. As already noted, it is probable that the Guayma lost their “antigua idioma” (Ramirez, op. cit. p. 149) long before M Pinart’s visit; and pending definite statement of the facts on which his conclusion rests it is necessary to retain the classification based on specific and repeated, albeit unskilled, observations of the identity of the Guayma speech with that of the Seri. 210 In correspondence with Dr Gatschet, op. cit., p. 133. 211 Dr. Gatschet has recently revised the data and recognized the distinctness of the Seri tongue (Science, new series, vol. XII, 1900, p. 556-558). 212 Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1885-’86; Washington, 1891, p. 137. 213 Op. cit., p. 74. 214 The American Race: A Linguistic Classification and Ethnographic Description of the Native Tribes of North and South America; New York, 1891, p. 335. 215 Mr. Hewitt’s discussion (postea, pp. 299-344) gives fuller details of this short vocabulary. 216 The following paragraphs are condensed from oral recitals by SeÑor Encinas (a notably straightforward and judicious authority), supplemented and corroborated in all essential details by SeÑores Andres Noriega, Ygnacio Lozania, and several other habituÉs of the Seri borderland, as well as by Kolusio and MashÉm, several Papago informants, and various collateral documents. 217 Typical Seri jacales, as described by Don Pascual in 1894, were observed on Tiburon by the 1895 expedition, as shown by the photographs reproduced in plates VII, VIII, and IX. 218 The specimen described by Dr Hrdlicka, postea, p. 141. 219 A typical single jacal and the entire rancheria gathered at Costa Rica in 1894 are shown from photographs in plates X and XI. 220 The accompanying plate XII is reproduced, from a photograph of a small group of Seri traders taken near Guaymas, probably during the eighties. It was kindly furnished by F. A. Ober, who purchased it in Guaymas. 221 Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, tomo XI, 1862, pp. 124-125. 222 A number of Californians and Arizonians, especially M. M. Rice, of Phoenix, intimated a strong desire to join the 1895 expedition of the Bureau of American Ethnology for the express purpose of personally ascertaining the fate and seeking the remains of Robinson, who was extensively known in southern California and southwestern Arizona. 223 San Francisco Chronicle, October 16, 1898, p. 3. The details of the episode, including the correspondence of Consular Agent Crocker, were printed in the newspapers of San Diego (the place of residence of Porter and Johnson), as well as in those of San Francisco and other cities; and there was considerable correspondence concerning the matter with the State Department at Washington. Some reports recount that the bodies of Porter and Johnson were rent to fragments and devoured, but these details naturally lack confirmation. El Mudo’s portrait appears in plate XIX. 224 The quotations are from the account of T. H. Silsbee, of San Diego, prepared on his return from a visit to Costa Rica. 225 El Estado de Sonora, Mexico. Sus Industrias, Comerciales, Mineras y Manufacturas. Obra Publicada bajo los Auspicios del Gobierno del Estado. Obra Ilustrada, Octubre de 1897. By J. R. Southworth, Nogales; p. 73. 226 Cf. The Beginning of Mathematics, in the American Anthropologist, new series, vol. I, 1899, p. 651. 227 Vocabulario Manual de la Lengua Ópata, por Francisco Pimentel; Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, tomo X, 1863, pp. 287-313. 228 In the archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 229 The latter form (se-ere) corresponds precisely with the current Papago pronunciation of the term, though none of the various Papago informants consulted were able to interpret the expression; indeed, they simply relegated it to the category of “old names” which they deemed it needless to discuss. An archaic form of orthography, noted in the synonymy (pp. 128-130), is SSeri, which suggests the same sounding of the initial sibilant. 230 From 105 to 130 miles; Bartlett, Personal Narrative, vol. I, p. 445. 231 Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago, 1894, p. 104. In a letter to Mr F. W. Hodge, under date of September 11, 1900, Dr Lumholtz says: “After renewed investigation I have come to another opinion regarding the meaning of the tribal name Tarahumari. This word is a Spanish corruption of the native name ‘Raramuri’. Though the meaning of this word is not clear, that much is certain that rala or tara means ‘foot’, and I therefore take it that we must be at least approximately correct when we say that the word signifies ‘foot-runner’.” 232 American Anthropologist, vol. VIII, 1895, p. 92. 233 In view of the clear indications, both a priori and a posteriori, that the latest Guayma survivors must have taken the language of the Piman (Yaqui) tribesmen with whom they found refuge, and in view of his failure thus far to present his data for public consideration, M Pinart’s inference that the Guayma belonged linguistically to the Piman stock can hardly be admitted to hold against the specific statements of the Jesuit missionaries and such accomplished inquirers as Ramirez and Pimentel. 234 Indian linguistic families, by J. W. Powell, in Seventh Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, 1885-86 (1891), p. 11. 235 Ibid., p. 10. 236 These names seem rather to be Yuman; cf. Cocopa, Coconino, Cocomaricopa, Kohun, etc. 237 It seems probable that the Seri were nearer to tribes of southern Baja California than to those of Sonora at the time of the earliest explorations, yet that the distinction was sufficiently strong to warrant the extension of the proposition to these tribes also. 238 The Beginning of Agriculture, American Anthropologist, vol. VIII, 1895, p. 350. The Beginning of Zooculture, ibid., vol. X, 1897, p. 215. 239 The average net height and weight of the unit figure (that of the author) are about 5 feet 8? inches and 200 pounds, respectively. 240 Or about 1.6176 meters estimated by the method of Rollet (cf. The Races of Man, J. Deniker, London, 1900, p. 33). 241 The photo-mechanical reproductions do but meager justice to the splendid chest development of the Seri, young and old; for they were not only at semisomnolent rest during the hotter hours at which photography was most feasible, but invariably quailed before the mysterious apparatus and crouched shrinkingly in such wise as to contract their chests and lose their habitually erect and expansive carriage. 242 A separate cranium was obtained by the 1895 expedition, having been sought and picked up by a Mexican member of the party in verification of his account of the killing of one of the Seri; but, in view of the possibility of erroneous identification, this skull was not submitted in connection with the complete skeleton. Subsequently this specimen also was put in Dr Hrdlicka’s hands (at his request), and was kindly examined, with, the results recorded in the following letter: March 29, 1900.
243 Both these incisors were apparently lost at the same time, not from general lesion, and some years previous to the death of the individual, as the sockets appear exactly alike, bear no signs of violence, and are almost filled up with cancellous tissue (some religious or social rite?). 244 If allowance is made for the effects of flattening of the occipital on the long diameter, and hence on the index, of a skull, it becomes apparent that the true index of this skull is probably of a low brachycephalic, or, at most, of mesocephalic order. It is very doubtful if the deformity is intentional; its moderate extent and the total lack of signs of counter-compression would indicate with more probability that the deformity might have been produced by the individual lying, when an infant, by compulsion or habit, on something hard, probably a board. 245 The “biauricular” signifies the distance between points of the skull immediately above the commencement of the superior zygomatic border on the temporal. 246 Quain, Anatomy, 1893: Osteology, p. 127. 247 Hovelacque et HervÉ, PrÉcis d’Anthropologie, 1887, pp. 112, 2937. 248 Bulletin de la SociÉtÉ d’Anthropologie, 1868. 249 Hovelacque et HervÉ, op. cit., p. 113. 250 Histoire Naturelle des Races Humaines, 1826, p. 304. 251 Hovelacque et HervÉ, op. cit., p. 291. 252 The term Amerind (with the self-explanatory mutations Amerindian, Amerindize, etc.) has been established by the Anthropological Society of Washington as a convenient collective designation for the aboriginal American tribes (American Anthropologist, new series, 1, 1899, p. 582). 253 Defined postea, p. 188. 254 The Trend of Human Progress, American Anthropologist, new series, vol. 1, 1899, p. 401. 255 The marital customs of the tribe are described postea, pp. 279-287. 256 The law of conjugal conation was indeed suggested by observations on the peculiar marriage custom and peculiarly developed race-sense of the Seri tribe, and it has already been applied in certain of its aspects as an explanation of the initial humanization of mankind (The Trend of Human Progress, American Anthropologist, new series, vol. 1, 1889, pp. 415-418). 257 This tutelary may be the shark; it was described as a water monster instrumental in the creation and good for food, but the identification is not beyond doubt. Cf. p. 278. 258 American Naturalist, vol. XXII, 1888. pp. 201-207. 259 Wild Animals I Have Known, 1898, p. 119; Century Magazine, vol. LIX, 1900, pp. 656-660. In his lectures, Mr Seton-Thompson extends his interpretations to anterior as well as to posterior markings, especially the conspicuous and persistent facial features of deer, antelope, mongrel (or ancestral) dog, etc. Such facial markings seem especially characteristic of gregarious animals; and they are peculiarly significant as social symbols rather than as mere beacons for guidance in flight. 260 The fundamental distinction is none the less valid by reason of the occasional combination of functions, as in the antelope “chrysanthemum” interpreted by Seton-Thompson. 261 The essentially zoocratic nature of Seri law and custom is set forth postea, p. 294. 262 Travels, p. 286. 263 Hardy noted the use of “a small leathern bag, painted and otherwise ornamented”, as a medicine rattle (Travels, p. 282), and also described a wind-symbol and an effigy used for thaumaturgic purposes (ibid., pp. 294, 295). 264 Cf. American Anthropologist, new series, vol. 1, 1899, p. 374. 265 The spontaneous arrangement of organisms in accordance with mental grade is well illustrated by that solidarity of desert life which matures in the cultivation of plants and the investigation of animals (The Beginning of Agriculture, in The American Anthropologist, vol. VIII, October, 1895, pp. 350-375; The Beginning of Zooculture, ibid., vol. X, July 1897, pp. 215-230.) 266 The laws of growth recognized herein have been somewhat more fully outlined elsewhere, notably in The Earth the Home of Man (Anthropological Society of Washington, Special Papers 2, 1894, pp. 3-8), and in Piratical Acculturation (American Anthropologist, vol. XI, 1898, pp. 243-249). 267 The place of water among food substances is more fully discussed in The Potable Waters of Eastern United States, 14th Ann. Rep. of the U. S. Geol. Survey, 1894, pp. 5-8; the physiologic consequences of deprivation of water are outlined in The Thirst of the Desert, Atlantic Monthly, April 1898, pp. 483-488. 268 The preciousness of water in this hard province was impressed in the 1895 expedition, during which the cost of the commodity, reckoned on the basis of the time and labor involved in obtaining it, was estimated at, $10 or $12 per gallon, or about the wholesale price of the finest champagnes. 269 In this table the ratio is expressed by the weight in kilograms for each liter in capacity. The Papago and Pueblo specimens were selected from typical material in the National Museum and at random, save that in the Pueblo ollas choice was made of specimens corresponding approximately in size with those of the Seri. 270 A lively and explicit account of Seri turtle-fishing appears in Hardy’s Travels in the Interior of Mexico, 1829, pp. 286-297: “Bruja’s bay is of considerable extent, and there are from five to three fathoms water close to Arnold’s island, in the neighborhood of which the Indians catch abundance of turtle in a singular manner. I have already described their canoes, which in Spanish are called ‘balsas’. An Indian paddles himself from the shore on one of these by means of a long, elastic pole of about 12 or 14 feet in length, the wood of which is the root of a thorn called mesquite, growing near the coast; and although the branches of this tree are extremely brittle, the underground roots are as pliable as whalebone and nearly as dark in color. At one end of this pole there is a hole an inch deep, into which is inserted another bit of wood, in shape like an acorn, having a square bit of iron 4 inches long fastened to it, the other end of the iron being pointed. Both the ball and cup are first moistened and then tightly inserted one within the other. Fastened to the iron is a cord of very considerable length, which is brought up along the pole, and both are held in the left hand of the Indian. So securely is the nail thus fixed in the pole that although the latter is used as a paddle it does not fall out. “A turtle is a very lethargic animal, and may frequently be surprised in its watery slumbers. The balsa is placed nearly perpendicularly over one of these unsuspecting sleepers, when the fisherman, softly sliding the pole through the water in the direction of the animal till within a foot or two of it, he suddenly plunges the iron into its back. No sooner does the creature feel itself transfixed than it swims hastily forward and endeavors to liberate itself. The slightest motion of the turtle displaces the iron point from the long pole, which would otherwise be inevitably broken and the turtle would as certainly be lost; but in the manner here described it is held by the cord fastened on to the iron which has penetrated its back till, after it has sufficiently exhausted its strength, it is hoisted on board the canoe by the fisherman, who proceeds to the shore in order to dispose of his prize.” 271 The universal stone implement of the Seri, improvised from a cobblestone and used in nearly every industrial occupation (see postea, p. 235); the designation is mimetic, or onomatopoetic, from the sound of the stroke, particularly on animal tissue. 272 These details were furnished largely by MashÉm and SeÑor Encinas, but were verified in essentials by personal observation of dietetic customs at Costa Rica in 1894; and they were corroborated by observations on both shores of El Infiernillo and Bahia Kunkaak in 1895. Especially significant were the remnants of a turtle feast on the southern beach of Punta Miguel interrupted by the approach of the exploring party. The indications were clear that the turtle had been landed and largely consumed before the fire was kindled, and that the cooking of the firmer portions had hardly been commenced before the camp was abandoned so hurriedly that not only the nearly eaten turtle and the glowing embers, but the harpoon (the specimen illustrated in figure 20), the still bloody and greasy hupf (that represented in plate LIV), and the fire-sticks were left behind. Gnawed fragments of charred plastrons are common relics about hastily abandoned camps generally. 273 One of the smaller vertebrÆ and part of a rib are shown in the upper figure of plate vi. 274 Travels, p. 290*. 275 History of California, 1789, vol. I, p. 41. 276 Fire-making apparatus in the U. S. National Museum; Smithsonian Report for 1888, pt II, 1890, pp. 531-587, and elsewhere. 277 Ordinarily the nether fire-stick is of soft and porous wood, flotsam palm-wood and water-logged pine being preferred. 278 The Arrow; Proceedings Am. Ass. Adv. Sci., vol. XLIV, 1895, pp. 232-240. 279 Glave’s Journey to the Livingston Tree, The Century Magazine, vol. LII, 1896, p. 768. 280 A single incident expressing the Seri sentiment toward travailing animals must be noted: a few minutes after the group shown in plate XI was photographed, a starveling cur—a female apparently of nearly pure coyote blood and within a week of term—slunk toward the broken olla-kettle in the left center of the picture, in which a rank horse-foot was simmering; the woman bending over the kettle suddenly straightened and shot out her foot with such force and directness that the cur was lifted entirely over the corner of the nearest jacal, and the poor beast fell stunned and moaning, a prematurely born pup protruding from her two-thirds of its length. The sound of the stroke and fall attracted attention throughout the group; the women smiled and grunted approval of the well-aimed kick, and a dozen children gathered to continue the assault. Partially recovering, the cur struggled to its feet and started for the chapparal, followed by the jeering throng; at first the chase seemed sportive only, but suddenly one of the smaller boys (the third from the left in the group shown in plate XVI) took on a new aspect—his figure stiffened, his jaws set, his eyes shot purple and green, and he plunged into the lead, and just before the harried beast reached cover he seized the protruding embryo, jerked it away, and ran off in triumph. Three minutes afterward he was seen in the shelter of a jacal greedily gorging his spoil in successive bites, just as the Caucasian boy devours a peeled banana. Meanwhile, two or three mates who had struck his trail stood around begging bites and sucking at chance blood spatters on earth, skin, or tattered rags; and as the victor came forth later, licking his chops, he was met by half jocular but admiring plaudits for his prowess from the dozen matrons lounging about the neighboring jacales. Parallel instances, both observed and gathered at second hand, might be added in numbers; but this may suffice as the sole specific basis for the generalization which places the Seri below the plane of possible zooculture—a generalization so broad as to demand some record of data which it would be more agreeable to ignore. 281 This warrior’s clutch, and the notion that it is discreditable if not criminal for the masculine adult to take recourse to weapons in hand-to-hand slaughter, are strongly suggestive of zoomimic motives and of studied mimicry of the larger carnivores, such as the jaguar—the “neck-twister” of the Maya. 282 Cf. The Beginning of Agriculture; The American Anthropologist, vol. VIII Oct., 1895, pp. 350-375. 283 An Account of the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Californian Peninsula, as given by Jacob Baegert, a German Jesuit missionary.... Translated and arranged for the Smithsonian Institution by Charles Rau; Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst. for 1863, pp. 352-369. Baegert’s account of foods (pp. 363-367) is so apposite as to be worthy of quotation nearly entire: “Notwithstanding the barrenness of the country, a Californian hardly ever dies of hunger, except, perhaps, now and then an individual that falls sick in the wilderness and at a great distance from the mission, for those who are in good health trouble themselves very little about such patients, even if these should happen to be their husbands, wives, or other relations; and a little child that has lost its mother or both parents is also occasionally in danger of starving to death, because in some instances no one will take charge of it, the father being sometimes inhuman enough to abandon his offspring to its fate. “The food of the Californians, as will be seen, is certainly of a mean quality, yet it keeps them in a healthy condition, and they become strong and grow old in spite of their poor diet. The only period of the year during which the Californians can satisfy their appetite without restraint is the season of the pitahayas, which ripen in the middle of June and abound for more than eight weeks. The gathering of this fruit may be considered as the harvest of the native inhabitants. They can eat as much of it as they please, and with some this food agrees so well that they become corpulent during that period; and for this reason I was sometimes unable to recognize at first sight individuals, otherwise perfectly familiar to me, who visited me after having fed for three or four weeks on these pitahayas. They do not, however, preserve them, and when the season is over they are put again on short rations. Among the roots eaten by the Californians may be mentioned the yuka, which constitutes an important article of food in many parts of America, as, for instance, in the island of Cuba, but is not very abundant in California. In some provinces it is made into a kind of bread or cake, while the Californians, who would find this process too tedious, simply roast the yukas in a fire like potatoes. Another root eaten by the natives is that of the aloË plant, of which there are many kinds in this country. Those species of this vegetable, however, which afford nourishment—for not all of them are edible—do not grow as plentifully as the Californians might wish, and very seldom in the neighborhood of water; the preparations, moreover, which are necessary to render this plant eatable, require much time and labor.... I saw the natives also frequently eat the roots of the common reed, just as they were taken out of the water. Certain seeds, some of them not larger than those of the mustard, and different sorts in pods that grow on shrubs and little trees, and of which there are, according to Father Piccolo, more than sixteen kinds, are likewise diligently sought; yet they furnish only a small quantity of grain, and all that a person can collect with much toil during a whole year may scarcely amount to 12 bushels. “It can be said that the Californians eat, without exception, all animals they can obtain. Besides the different kinds of larger indigenous quadrupeds and birds, they live nowadays on dogs and cats; horses, asses, and mules; item, on owls, mice, and rats; lizards and snakes; bats, grasshoppers, and crickets; a kind of green caterpillar without hair, about a finger long, and an abominable white worm of the length and thickness of the thumb, which they find occasionally in old rotten wood, and consider as a particular delicacy. The chase of game, such as deer and rabbits, furnishes only a small portion of a Californian’s provisions. Supposing that for 100 families 300 deer are killed in the course of a year, which is a very favorable estimate, they would supply each family only with three meals in three hundred and sixty-five days, and thus relieve but in a very small degree the hunger and the poverty of these people. The hunting for snakes, lizards, mice, and field-rats, which they practice with great diligence, is by far more profitable and supplies them with a much greater quantity of articles for consumption. Snakes, especially, are a favorite sort of small game, and thousands of them find annually their way into the stomachs of the Californians. “In catching fish, particularly in the Pacific, which is much richer in that respect than the Gulf of California, the natives use neither nets nor hooks, but a kind of lance—that is, a long, slender, pointed piece of hard wood—which they handle very dexterously in spearing and killing their prey. Sea-turtles are caught in the same manner. “I have now mentioned the different articles forming the ordinary food of the Californians; but, besides these, they reject nothing that their teeth can chew or their stomachs are capable of digesting, however tasteless or unclean and disgusting it may be. Thus they will eat the leaves of the Indian fig-tree, the tender shoots of certain shrubs, tanned or untanned leather, old straps of rawhide, with which a fence was tied together for years; item, the bones of poultry, sheep, goats, and calves; putrid meat or fish swarming with worms, damaged wheat or Indian corn, and many other things of that sort which may serve to appease the hunger they are almost constantly suffering. Anything that is thrown to the hogs will be also accepted by a Californian, and he takes it without feeling offended, or thinking for a moment that he is treated below his dignity. For this reason no one took the trouble to clean the wheat or maize, which was cooked for them in a large kettle, of the black worms and little bugs, even if the numbers of these vermin had been equal to that of the grains. By a daily distribution of about 150 bushels of bran (which they are in the habit of eating without any preparation) I could have induced all my parishioners to remain permanently in the mission, excepting during the time when the pitahayas are gathered. “I saw one day a blind man, 70 years of age, who was busily engaged in pounding between two stones an old shoe made of raw deerskin, and whenever he had detached a piece he transferred it promptly to his mouth and swallowed it; and yet this man had a daughter and grown grandchildren. As soon as any of the cattle are killed and the hide is spread out on the ground to dry, half a dozen boys or men will instantly rush upon it and commence to work with knives, flints, and their teeth, tearing and scratching off pieces, which they eat immediately, till the hide is full of holes or scattered in all directions. In the mission of St. Ignatius and in others further toward the north there are persons who will attach a piece of meat to a string and swallow it and pull it out again a dozen times in succession, for the sake of protracting the enjoyment of its taste. I must here ask permission of the kind reader to mention something of an exceedingly disgusting and almost inhuman nature, the like of which probably never has been recorded of any people in the world, but which demonstrates better than anything else the whole extent of the poverty, uncleanness, and voracity of these wretched beings. In describing the pitahayas I have already stated that they contain a great many small seeds resembling grains of powder. For some reason unknown to me these seeds are not consumed in the stomach, but pass off in an undigested state, and in order to save them the natives collect during the season of the pitahayas that which is discharged from the human body, separate the seeds from it, and roast, grind, and eat them, making merry over their loathsome meals, which the Spaniards therefore call the second harvest of the Californians. [This statement is corroborated in all particulars by Clavigero in his Storia della California, Venice, 1789, vol. I, p. 117.] When I first heard that such a filthy habit existed among them I was disinclined to believe the report, but to my utter regret I became afterwards repeatedly a witness to the proceeding, which they are unwilling to abandon, like many other bad practices [probably because of the fiducial character of the custom—W J M.]. Yet I must say in their favor that they have always abstained from human flesh, contrary to the horrible usage of so many other American nations who can obtain their daily food much easier than these poor Californians. “They have no other drink but the water, and heaven be praised that they are unacquainted with such strong beverages as are distilled in many American provinces from Indian corn, the aloË, and other plants, and which the Americans in those parts merely drink for the purpose of intoxicating themselves. When a Californian encounters during his wanderings a pond or pool, and feels a desire to quench his thirst, he lies flat on the ground and applies his mouth directly to the water. Sometimes the horns of cattle are used as drinking vessels. “Having thus far given an account of the different articles used as aliment by the aborigines of the peninsula, I will now proceed to describe in what manner they prepare their victuals. They do not cook, boil, or roast like people in civilized countries, because they are neither acquainted with these methods nor possessed of vessels and utensils to employ for such purposes; and, besides, their patience would be taxed beyond endurance if they had to wait till a piece of meat is well cooked or thoroughly roasted. Their whole process simply consists in burning, singeing, or roasting in an open fire all such victuals as are not eaten in a raw state. Without any formalities, the piece of meat, the fish, bird, snake, field mouse, bat, or whatever it may be is thrown into the flames or on the glowing embers, and left there to smoke and to sweat for about a quarter of an hour; after which the article is withdrawn, in most cases only burned or charred on the outside, but still raw and bloody within. As soon as it has become sufficiently cool, they shake it a little in order to remove the adhering dust or sand, and eat it with great relish. Yet I must add here, that they do not previously take the trouble to skin the mice or disembowel the rats, nor deem it necessary to clean the half-emptied entrails and maws of larger animals, which they have to cut in pieces before they can roast them. Seeds, kernels, grasshoppers, green caterpillars, the white worms already mentioned, and similar things that would be lost, on account of their smallness, in the embers and flames of an open fire, are parched on hot coals, which they constantly throw up and shake in a turtle shell or a kind of frying pan woven out of a certain plant. What they have parched or roasted in this manner is ground to powder between two stones, and eaten in a dry state. Bones are treated in like manner. “They eat everything unsalted, though they might obtain plenty of salt; but since they cannot dine every day on roast meat and constantly change their quarters, they would find it too cumbersome to carry always a supply of salt with them. “The preparation of the aloË, also called mescale or maguey by the Spaniards, requires more time and labor. The roots, after being properly separated from the plants, are roasted for some hours in a strong fire, and then buried, twelve or twenty together, in the ground, and well covered with hot stones, hot ashes, and earth. In this state they have to remain for twelve or fourteen hours, and when dug out again they are of a fine yellow color, and perfectly tender, making a very palatable dish, which has served me frequently as food when I had nothing else to eat, or as dessert after dinner in lieu of fruit. But they act at first as a purgative on persons who are not accustomed to them, and leave the throat somewhat rough for a few hours afterwards. “To light a fire the Californians make no use of steel and flint, but obtain it by the friction of two pieces of wood. One of them is cylindrical, and pointed on one end, which fits into a round cavity in the other, and by turning the cylindrical piece with great rapidity between their hands, like a twirling stick, they succeed in igniting the lower piece if they continue the process for a sufficient length of time. “The Californians have no fixed time for any sort of business, and eat, consequently, whenever they have anything, or feel inclined to do so, which is nearly always the case. I never asked one of them whether he was hungry who failed to answer in the affirmative, even if his appearance indicated the contrary. A meal in the middle of the day is the least in use among them, because they all set out early in the morning for their foraging expeditions, and return only in the evening to the place from which they started, if they do not choose some other locality for their night quarters. The day being thus spent in running about and searching for food, they have no time left for preparing a dinner at noon. They start always empty-handed; for if perchance something remains from their evening repasts they certainly eat it during the night in waking moments or on the following morning before leaving. The Californians can endure hunger easier and much longer than other people; whereas they will eat enormously if a chance is given. I often tried to buy a piece of venison from them when the skin had but lately been stripped off the deer, but regularly received the answer that nothing was left; and I knew well enough that the hunter who killed the animal needed no assistance to finish it. Twenty-four pounds of meat in twenty-four hours is not deemed an extraordinary ration for a single person, and to see anything eatable before him is a temptation for a Californian which he cannot resist; and not to make away with it before night would be a victory he is very seldom capable of gaining over himself.” Clavigero’s account of the food-habits of the California Indians is similar, though generally less explicit. According to him the seeds forming the “second harvest of pitahayas” are extracted carefully while fresh, and are afterward roasted, ground, and preserved in the form of meal against the ensuing winter. Of the reswallowing habit, he says: “The savages living in the northern part of the peninsula have found the secret, unknown to mortals in general, to eat and re-eat the same meal repeatedly. They tie a string around a mouthful of meat dried and hardened in the sun. After chewing it for a while they swallow it, leaving the string hanging from the mouth. After two or three minutes, by means of the string they draw the meat up again to be rechewed, and this they repeat as many times as may be necessary until the morsel is consumed or so softened that the string will not hold it any longer. In extracting it from the throat they make such a noise that to one who has not before heard it it appears that they are choking themselves. “When many individuals are gathered together to eat in this manner it is practiced with more ceremony. They seat themselves on the ground, forming a circle of eight or ten persons. One of them takes the mouthful and swallows it, and afterwards draws it up again and passes it to the next one, and this one to another, proceeding thus around the circle with much enjoyment until the morsel is consumed. This has astonished the Spaniards who have seen it, and indeed it would not be credible if it had not been unanimously testified to by all who have been in that country. Several Jesuits who did not believe this, notwithstanding that sincere and prominent persons confirmed it, having afterwards gone to California saw it with their own eyes. Among those Indians who have embraced Christianity this loathsome and dangerous method of eating has been abandoned in consequence of the continual reproofs of the missionaries.” (Historia de la Antigua Ó Baja California, obra postuma del Padre Francisco Javier Clavijero; Mexico, 1852, p. 24.) The records of Clavigero and Baegert indicate fair correspondence in the food habits of the California Indians and the Seri, though there are certain noteworthy differences, e. g., the tabu of the badger among the former and of the ground-squirrel among the latter; it would also appear that the Californians were the more largely vegetarian and the better advanced in culinary processes. The customs of the Seri throw light on the genesis of “re-eating”, for the process would appear to be but an extension of the repeated mouthing and swallowing of tendonous strings still attached to the bones of larger animals. 284 Cf. Scatologic Rites of all Nations, by Captain John G. Bourke, 1891, especially chapter LI, pp. 459-460. The Seri custom, resting, as it does, on an evident economic basis, tends to explain the scatophagy of the Hopi and other tribes described by Bourke. 285 About 200 turtle-shells were noticed about the rancherias at Punta Tormenta and Rada Ballena alone in 1895, all being less than two years old, as judged from the degree of weathering. 286 Hardy, Travels, p. 291. 287 Only the finer cording shown in plate XXXI is original, the coarser ropes having been added to facilitate handling. 288 Publication No. 56, U. S. Hydrographic Office, Bureau of Navigation, 1880, plate XV, p. 136. 289 The law of fable in its relation to primitive surgery is formulated in the Sixteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth., 1897, p. 22. 290 Hardy (Travels, p. 298) describes the ceremonial wearing of the heads of deer with horns attached. 291 Cf. Hardy, Travels, p. 290. 292 A rope-twisting device of the sort commonly employed by southwestern Indians was found in use by Seri boys at Costa Rica in 1894, and was included in the Seri collection; but the indications were that the device was a mere toy used, like the horse-hair riatas made by its aid, only in youthful sports. 293 In this writing the conclusion reached in an unpublished discussion of the beginning of clothing is assumed—i. e., that the primal apparel was purely protective, and that the habitual concealment of portions of the body incidental to its wearing gradually planted the pudency sense. The germ of clothing, without attendant pudency, is well illustrated in Karl von den Steinen’s observations and discussions of the Brazilian natives (Unter den NaturvÖlkern Zentral-Brasiliens, Berlin, 1894, pp. 190-199). It is noteworthy that the Seri, more primitive as they are in so many respects than any other American aborigines known, are much farther advanced than the Brazilian natives in appareling and its effects on character. The similarities and the differences are alike interesting; yet in both cases the costumes reflect environmental conditions and needs with remarkable fidelity. 294 The failure to discriminate natural objects from artificialized implements produced from such objects by wear of use is a noteworthy trait of primitive folk. It is conspicuous among the acorn Indians of California, who fail to apperceive the manufacture of their own mills and who conceive that their bowlder mortars and creek-pebble pestles, even when completely artificialized by a generation’s use, are merely found and appropriated; and a similar state of mind persists among the well-advanced Papago, who have no conception of making their well-finished mortars and pestles, or even the stone tomahawks occasionally surviving, but regard the implements as fruits of discovery or treasures-trove only. 295 It should be noted that the terms used in the titles of the accompanying plates are not denotive, but merely descriptive. 296 This, like the other illustrations of the series (except plate LVI, which is a lithograph, partly process and partly handwork), are photo-mechanical reproductions made directly from the objects; all are natural size unless otherwise specified. 297 The most specific reference is that of Hardy: “The men use bows and stone-pointed arrows; but whether they are poisoned, I do not know.” Travels, p. 290. 298 The Development of Form and Function in Implements; an unpublished paper presented before the British Association for the Advancement of Science at the Toronto meeting in 1897. A brief abstract, revised by the author of the paper, was printed in the American Anthropologist, vol. X, 1897, pp. 325-326; and in the absence of full authorial publication, the more strictly germane passages of the abstract are worthy of quotation: “Beginning with the semiarboreal [human] progenitor indicated jointly by projecting forward the lines of biotic development and projecting backward the lines of human development, Mr Cushing undertook to trace hypothetically, yet by constant reference to known facts, (1) the genesis of artificial devices, and (2) the concurrent differentiation of the human brain and body in the directions set forth by Sir William Turner; and he gave special force to his exposition by frequent reference to commonly neglected characteristics, physical and psychic, of young infants. He pointed out that the prototype of man, whether infantile or primitive, is a clumsy ambidexter, the differentiation of hand and brain remaining inchoate; that one of the earliest artificial processes is a sawing movement, in which, however, the object to be severed is moved over the cutting edge or surface, and that the infant or savage at first selects sharp objects (teeth, shells, etc.) as cutting implements, and only after long cultivation learns to make cutting implements of stone; this early stage in development he called prelithic. Passing, then, to the age of stone, he showed that this substance is first in the form of natural pebbles or other pieces for hammering, crushing, bruising, and as a missile. That in time the user learns that the stone is made more effective for severing tissues by fracturing it in such way as to give a sharp edge, the fracture being originally accidental and afterward designed; yet that for a long time it is the hammerstone that is fractured and not the object against which the blows are directed. In this stage of development (called protolithic, after McGee) stone implements come into more or less extended use in connection with implements of shell, tooth, etc.; yet the implements are obtained by choice among natural pieces and by undesigned improvement of these through use. The next stage is that of designed shaping through fracture by blows from a hammerstone, followed by intentional chipping. This may be regarded as the beginning of paleolithic art, and also marks the beginning of dexterity and the activital differentiation of the hands. Incidentally the author brought out the importance of that concept of mysticism which is found of so great potency among infantile and primitive minds, in such manner as to suggest the genesis, and the obscure reasons for the persistence of this phase of intellectuality; for the inchoate imagination is able to expand only in the direction of mystical explanation, so that fertility in primitive invention seems to be dependent on appeal to the mysterious powers of nature. At first the mystery pervades all things, but in time it is largely concentrated in animate things; then animate powers are imputed, e. g., to physical phenomena. So to the infant or race-child fire is a mystical animal or demon which, in prelithic or protolithic times, must have been at first tolerated, then fed with fuel and punished with water and eventually subjugated and tamed, much as the real animals were afterward brought into domestication.” 299 American Anthropologist, vol. IX, 1896, pp. 317-318. 300 Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1898, pp. 42-43. The long extant and well-known classification of stone artifacts as “paleolithic” and “neolithic” may not be overlooked. This classification was based originally on prehistoric relics of Europe, and it served excellent purpose in distinguishing finely finished stone implements from those of rudely chipped stone; but both classes of artifacts were shaped in accordance with preconceived design, and hence both belong to the technolithic class as herein defined. It may be added that the classification was made with little if any reference to primitive thought, was not based on observation among primitive peoples, and has not been found to apply usefully to the aborigines and aboriginal artifacts of America, where the representative tribe or prehistoric village site is characterized by implements of both “paleolithic” and “neolithic” types which intergrade in such manner as to prove contemporaneous manufacture and interchangeable use; while the preponderance of polished-stone implements is generally indicative of simpler rather than of more advanced culture. 301 Travels, p. 290. 302 Cinosternum sonorense (?). 303 Op. cit., p. 198; cf. ante, p. 78. 304 Travels, p. 299; cf. ante, p. 87. 305 Personal Narrative, p. 465. 306 Op. cit., p. 161. 307 Op. cit., pp. 187, 188. 308 It should be noted that the actuality of the poisonous property ascribed to the yerba mala is in some degree questionable; the plant is the only one of southern Papagueria yielding suitable material for arrow-shafts, and it is possible (if not probable) that it was consecrated to this purpose by the aboriginal Opata and protected by tabu in such wise as to become a sacred and fearsome thing. It is accordingly by no means improbable that the reputed poisonous property is but the product of generations of association, and that the plant is really harmless—an inference supported by experiments on the part of the leader of the 1895 expedition, who swallowed the juice of stem and leaves in two or three minute but increasing doses without perceptible effect. On the other hand, it should be observed that the region is one abounding in toxic juices, and that this shrub is so luxuriant and so free from thorny armament and other protective devices of a mechanical sort as to raise the presumption that it must be protected against herbivorous animals, at least, by chemical constituents of some kind (cf. ante, p. 35). 309 These motives on the part of the Seri were reciprocated by their tribal enemies; a Papago fetish in the form of an Apache arrowpoint, long worn by an aged warrior as a protection from Apache arrows, was among the spoil of the 1894 expedition; and a “poisoned” Seri arrowhead and foreshaft, worn by a superannuated Papago “doctor” as a badge of invulnerability to similar missiles, was cautiously shown to the 1895 expedition, but was held above price by its wearer—and this despite the fact that he had been christianized for decades, and retained no other pagan symbols. 310 The imitative still of the Seri was illustrated at Costa Rica some years ago, when the petty accounts for labor, etc., were kept by means of tokens stamped from sheet brass. While a Seri rancheria was maintained near the rancho, the storekeeper detected a number of counterfeits of his tokens, so well executed as to pass readily over the counter in ordinary exchange—and after extended detective work the counterfeiting was traced to the rancheria. 311 American Anthropologist, vol. XI. August, 1898, pp. 243-249. 312 The responsivity of mind has been defined elsewhere as the basis of knowledge, and as one of five fundamental principles of science (The Cardinal Principles of Science, Proceedings of the Washington Academy of Sciences, vol. II, 1900, pp. 1-12). 313 A convenient term proposed by Patton. 314 This man was one of those involved in the Robinson butchery on Tiburon island a few months before the picture was taken; and he was one of those executed or transported for the affair during the interval between the 1894 and 1895 expeditions. 315 The chief object of the 1895 expedition was to pursue the inquiries concerning social organization, totems, etc.; but, as mentioned elsewhere, this object was defeated by the troublous history of the tribe during the earlier part of 1895, and the consequent revival and intensification of their animosity toward aliens. 316 The agency of the women in applying the arrow “poison” was noted by Hardy; cf. p. 258. 317 Travels, p. 286. 318 This identification may possibly be correct; the collocation of the totem with the turtle was shaped through unwilling and perhaps misleading responses made by MashÉm to inquiries in 1894—these responses denoting a sea monster which in the beginning helped the Ancient of Pelicans to make the world by pushing from below, and which is now very good food—a description apparently fitting the turtle more closely than the other animal. 319 Perhaps the closest parallel in this respect is that found in the elaborate marriage regulations prevailing among the Australian aborigines, as described by Spencer and Gillen, Walter E. Roth, and other modern observers. 320 It may be observed that Kolusio, when visited in January, 1896, failed to corroborate the descriptions of MashÉm and the matrons; but his failure occasioned little surprise for the reason that he has not lived with his tribe since early boyhood, and is equally uninformed (or uncommunicative) concerning the myths, ceremonies, and even the totems of the tribe. 321 The Beginning of Marriage, American Anthropologist, vol. IX, 1896, pp. 371-383. 322 Memoirs of Odd Adventures, Strange Deliverances, etc. in the Captivity of John Giles, Esq., Commander of the Garrison on Saint George river, in the District of Maine. Written by Himself. Originally published at Boston, 1736. Printed for William Dodge. Cincinnati: Spiller & Gates, printers, 168 Vine street. 1869.—P. 45. 323 The History of Carolina, etc., by John Lawson (1714), reprint of 1860, pp. 302-303. Attention was called to this passage by Mr James Mooney. 324 The remarkable race-sense of the tribe, with the conjugal conation in which it seems to root, are discussed ante, pp. 160*-163*. There is nothing to indicate, and much to contraindicate, that the Seri are consciously engaged in stirpiculture; yet their social and fiducial devices would seem to be no less effective in developing race-sense, with its concomitants, than were those of prehistoric men in developing the physical attributes of animal associates, such as the wool-bearing of the sheep, the egg-laying of the fowl, and the milk-giving of the cow; or the still more striking mental attributes, such as the servility of the horse, the fidelity of the dog, and the domesticity of the cat. All these attributes are artificial, though not consciously so to their producers, hardly even to modern users; they are by-products of long-continued breeding and exercise, commonly directed toward collateral ends (as when the horse was bred for speed, the dog for hunting, and the fowl and cat for beauty); and, similarly, the Seri race-sense would seem to be largely a by-product of faith-shaped customs designed primarily to propitiate or invoke mystical potencies—yet the collateral effect is not diminished because overlooked in the primary motive. 325 Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. III, 1877 (Tribes of California, by Stephen Powers), pp. 56, 98. 326 The Native Tribes of Central Australia, 1899, pp. 554-560 and elsewhere. 327 Cf. The Beginning of Marriage, op. cit. The conclusion from the details discussed in this paper is as follows: “Summarizing the tendencies revealed in this history, it would appear that the course of evolution [of conjugal institutions] has been from the simple to the complex, from the definite to the indefinite, from the general to the special, from the fixed to the variable, from the involuntary to the voluntary, from the mechanical to the spontaneous, from the provincial to the cosmopolitan, or, in brief, from the chiefly biotic to the wholly demotic” (p. 283). 328 MS in the archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology. A somewhat more obscure version was recorded by Hale in “The Iroquois Book Rites”: “Now, there is another thing we say, we younger brothers. He who has worked for us has gone afar off; and he also will in time take with him all these—the whole body of warriors and also the whole body of women—they will go with him. But it is still harder when the woman shall die, because with her the line is lost. And also the grandchildren and the little ones who are running around—these he will take away; and also those that are creeping on the ground, and also those that are on the cradle-boards; all these he will take away with him.” (Brinton’s Library of Aboriginal American Literature, number ii, 1883, pp. 141-143.) 329 As an indication of the conditions for observation in Seriland, this cairn is fairly typical: it was seen but once (on December 25, 1895), and the observation was limited to a few minutes by the attendant circumstances. On the evening before the party landed at Campo Navidad, with the hope of working up the coast nearly or quite to Punta Tormenta on the following day; but before morning a downbay gale was whitening the waters of Bahia Kunkaak so fiercely as to prohibit embarkation. Meantime the supply of water—that standard commodity of arid regions—was too nearly exhausted to permit inaction; so while Mr Johnson with three guards ascended the Sierra to establish a new topographic station, the leader of the party with the remaining seven men set out in search of water. The nearest known aguaje was that of Arroyo Carrizal; but under the hypothesis that some of the better-beaten trails turning northward might lead to nearer water, one of them was taken; and after turning back from half a dozen false scents, the principal trail was followed to the well-known Tinaja Anita, 15 miles by the trail from Campo Navidad; and here the party watered. It was on the return trip that the cairn was discovered; but the party were laden with filled canteens and saucepans and coffeepots, the day was well spent, and the camp more than a dozen miles distant even over the air line traversing spall-sprinkled taluses and sharp-edged rocks; moreover, the men were naturally and necessarily heavily armed and on constant guard. Accordingly even the short stay and cursory notes involved an additional mile of darkness on a trail so rough as to cut through shoe-soles and sandals and catch scents of blood to tempt coyotes to the camp site. Thus it was that the cairn was not more critically examined and is not more fully described. 330 “In all stages of development belief runs a close race against cupidity, and is sometimes distanced; so the sages learn that even a buried weapon may be a source of contention, which they thenceforward forestall by breaking or burning it.” (Primitive Trephining in Peru; Sixteenth Ann. Rep., Bureau of American Ethnology, 1897, p. 22.) 331 Tribes of California, pp. 160-161. 332 Language and the Study of Language, New York, 1874, pp. 194-195. 333 This form was not recorded by the collector, but has been formed by analogy by the writer. 334 “De este nÚmero en adelante los mas incultos se confunden y no saben decir mas que: muchos y muchÍsimos; pero los que tienen algun ingenio siguen la numeracion diciendo: una mano y uno, una mano y dos, etc. Para espresar diez, dicen: NagannÁ ignimbal demuejueg, esto es, todas las manos: para quince dicen las manos y un piÉ, y para veinte las manos y los piÉs, cuyo nÚmero es el tÉrmino de la aritmÉtica cochimÍ. Los que han aprendido el espaÑol saben nuestro modo de contar.” “From this number onward the most ignorant are confused and are only able to say many and very many; but those who have some ingenuity continue the numeration by saying one hand and one, one hand and two, etc. To express ten they say, nagannÁ ignimbal demuejueg, that is, all the hands; for fifteen they say the hands and a foot, and for twenty the hands and the feet, at which number ends the Cochimi arithmetic. Those who have learned Spanish know our method of counting.” (Clavigero, Historia, etc., p. 22.) In this citation Padre Clavigero succinctly portrays the cumbersome number series of the Cochimi and other Amerinds of the Californian peninsula. Moreover, the Cochimi terms of Clavijero and those cited from Hervas by Herr Buschmann seemingly suggest a common source of information. Ducrue (in Murr, Journal zur Kunstgeschichte, NÜrnberg, 1787, vol. XII, pp. 294) expresses doubt as to the nauwi of the Laymon column, not knowing whether it is Nahuatlan or vernacular to the Laymon language. It certainly has an alien aspect. Of Laymonic number names Ducrue says that the Laymon can count singly to five, and then they repeat themselves. The following citation may be of interest here: “The Californians know very little of arithmetic, some of them being unable to count further than six, while others can not number beyond three, insomuch that none of them can say how many fingers he has. They do not possess anything that is worth counting, and hence their indifference. It is all the same to them whether the year has six or twelve months, and the month three or thirty days, for every day is a holiday with them. They care not whether they have one or two or twelve children, or none at all, since twelve cause them no more expense or trouble than one, and the inheritance is not lessened by a plurality of heirs. Any number beyond six they express in their language by much, leaving it to their confessor to make out whether that number amounts to seven, seventy, or seven hundred.”—Jacob Baegert, in Smithsonian Report, 1864, p. 388. 335 In Dr Gabb’s alphabet, an underscored c_h_ occurs, which, he states, sounds “like soft German ‘ch’ as in ‘ich’”, and also an underscored ?, which is, he says, “heavily aspirated”. For convenience the character ? has been substituted for both these sounds, except that for the former it is accented thus ?´. 336 This signifies, “let us see”; Dr Loew also writes, iyÓ-ok, “to see you”. 337 Mr Bartlett wrote schek-aipch, “bird’s egg”, and ahano-hraÎk, “a duck”, literally, “water bird”, thus showing that hrek in the term “feather” signifies “bird”. M Pinart wrote shiik-immen, “bird’s nest”, and ip?´`, “egg “. In both, the spellings here differ somewhat from the terms in the list. In the term for “duck” and “feather”, Mr Bartlett substitutes hr for the sch in his spelling of the name for a “bird”. 338 In 20 etsiyerre signifies “bird”. 339 From Bartlett’s Kutchan or Yuma Vocabulary, MS. 340 From Parker’s San Tomas Mission Vocabulary, MS. 1876. 341 This was rendered, “A white feather worn in the scalp”; in Parker’s San Tomas record tuschalaiemiss is given for “feather”, but it is literally, “bird’s hair”. 342 The American Race, p. 335. 343 Loc. cit. Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original. |
|
