“The death of my son Peter and my beloved wife cast such a deep gloom over our household that it seemed we never could rally again to do anything for ourselves or our country. Gen. Anderson returned to his command a sad and despondent man. He had left Ham to look after things for us at home, our family now being reduced to Jennie Lyon, Mary Anderson, the two children, Ham, Martha and myself. We were lonely in the extreme, and seemed, for some cause undis-coverable to us, to be drinking the bitter dregs from the poisoned chalice. Ham and Aunt Martha saw my distress and tried in their honest and simple way to pour consolation into my soul. The little children, in their childish simplicity, seemed to be the only fountain whence I could drink draughts of comfort in my lonely hours of distress. Seraine came to our house to attend the funeral, as Henry could not reach home in time to be with us and see the last of his mother and brother. I wrote him by his wife and directed him to remain. He came to Detroit terribly broken down with grief, and returned, sad and dejected, to Canada. He was frequently interrogated as to the cause of his melancholy, but parried it as best he could.

“About the 12th of February he returned to Detroit, and, bringing Seraine with him, came to my house. Our meeting was mixed with joy and sadness. The ladies, as well as my myself, were very much gratified at having dear Seraine (as we all called her) with us again. She conversed so sensibly on the subject of our misfortunes that she made us almost feel that they must be for our good.

“As soon as we could do so, Henry and I sat down to talk over the situation in Canada and the schemes of the conspirators. He reported to me all he had seen or heard on the question of the war, stating in the beginning that there was no time to lose. When he found Wintergreen they set out for a trip through Canada. After visiting many places and meeting various persons from the South who had been in Canada for the purpose of aiding in carrying the Presidential election in favor of the anti-war or Democratic party, but who had not been able to return since the election, and were waiting, Micawber-like, for something to turn up, they had finally arrived at Montreal, where they again met Joseph Thomlinson and quite a number of faces to them unfamiliar. These persons were evidently there for some purpose looking to the success of the rebellion. Thomlinson received them kindly, inquired of Winter-green how he felt since his return from London, and asked many questions about certain people at Windsor. Henry was also interrogated as to how matters looked to him, to which he answered that the signs were not so favorable as heretofore.

“Thomlinson went into a long disquisition on the recent campaigns. He denounced Gen. Head, who had been so utterly destroyed by Papson, as a 'brainless ass,' and spoke of Gen. Laws as having lost much of his vigor and daring. He said that if Gen. Wall, their greatest General, was alive, he would drive Silent out of Virginia in one month. He said that the re-election of Lincoln was a severe blow to them; that they had been deceived by their Northern friends. They had been led to believe that there was no doubt of Little Mac's election, with a liberal expenditure of money; that he had drawn checks and paid out for that purpose on behalf of the Confederacy $1,100,000, and seemed to think that unless measures were taken at once to strike consternation into the hearts of the Northern people all would be lost; that the President of the Confederacy and his Cabinet had been all along expecting some great result from the efforts of their Northern allies, and especially from the efforts of Valamburg and Thomas A. Strider.

“'True,' he said, 'Valamburg had been very much hampered by the suspicions resting upon him in the minds of the people, but it was not so with Strider. He could have done a great deal more if he had not been so timid. He (Strider) seemed to think that he could secure the success of the Confederacy by crippling the U. S. Government in opposing legislation and breeding strife and jealousies in the Union armies. 'But,' he continued, 'Lincoln is an old fox, and soon smelled out those little devices of Strider. He has completely checkmated him and his friends who were acting on his line, by relieving from command all those who were playing into Stridor's hands, and has put in their places a set of fanatics, who are fighting on moral grounds alone.'

“He spoke of Silent as a man who did not value life or anything else, saying that he was a superstitious man, who believed that he was merely an instrument in the hands of the Almighty to wipe out slavery. Not only so, but believed that he was guided and directed in all his movements by the mysterious hand of Providence. So he (Thomlinson) could not see the use of relying longer on any satisfactory result to come from the course being pursued by their Northern friends. He said they must act more openly, energetically and promptly, if they were to help the Confederacy.

“There were two men present that Henry thought he had seen somewhere before, but could not place them. One was a medium-sized man, with rather dark complexion, dark hair, eyes and mustache. He was introduced as a Mr. Wilkes. The other was a young man, perhaps thirty years of age, slight, with brown hair, blue eyes and no beard, named John Page. These two men seemed nervous and uneasy; they conversed but little. The man Wilkes remarked that there was but one way, which was a part of every insurrection, and he was in favor of that way. Page agreed with him, both seeming to understand the proposition; yet it was not stated in the conversation at that time what Wilkes meant by 'but one way.'

“Thomlinson made no answer to Wilkes or Page, but continued by saying:

“'I have called the leading men of our organization to meet again at St. Catharines, on the first Tuesday in February, and at that time there must be some scheme devised and agreed upon that will turn the scale, or all will be lost, and we will all be wandering vagabonds over the face of the earth.'

“Henry inquired if Mr. Carey was in the city. Thomlin-son said no; that he was in Richmond, but would be at their meeting if he could get through the lines, in doing which they had met with no trouble heretofore. Winter-green said that the people where he had been, who were friendly, were now very despondent and greatly alarmed for the safety of Richmond, as well as the Confederacy; that everything seemed to be against them of late.

“'Yes,' replied Thomlinson, 'we have much to discourage us, and at the same time all can be regained that we have lost if our friends will settle upon some good plan and carry it out. But it does seem that all our plans and schemes so far have been abortive. Our first great scheme of burning the Northern cities failed by the burning of the Will-o'-the-Wisp and the loss of Dr. Mears and Prof. McCul-lough; and also of the material accumulated by Dr. Black-man. We stirred up riots in New York city and elsewhere in opposition to the draft, with a promise from Valamburg, Strider, McMasterson, and B. Wudd that our friends would come to the rescue and make resistance everywhere.. But these men failed to stand by their promises. The inaugurating of riots and the employment of men to engage in them cost the Confederacy $500,000. We undertook to release prisoners from all the Northern prisons, We purchased arms and smuggled them to our friends sufficient to have armed all the prisoners. This was all that was wanting, our friends North stated to me; but when the time came, which was the last night before the Presidential election, at Camp Chase the effort was too feeble to be recognized, and at Chicago, where we were assured that the prisoners would be released and the city burned and destroyed, what was the result? They cut one or two water-pipes, and Wall, Greenfel and Buckner were arrested. All our arms were found in Wall's cellar, and taken possession of by our enemies. Mr. Eagle and Mr. N. Judy Corn-ington were not on hand, neither as actors nor advisers; and so it is. The arms, ammunition and hire for smuggling them through cost a half million dollars. This kind of work will not do. It is not only expensive, but fruitless.'

“He then stated to those present that he wished them all to attend the next meeting, as mentioned, and to study up in the meantime, some well-defined plan for successful operations. Henry and Wintergreen left for other points, and returned to St. Catharines on the day appointed for the meeting, where they met with many additional persons, strangers to both of them. The delegates assembled in the same hall, in the rear of the Victoria Hotel, as before. They were called to order by the Grand Commander of the Sons of Liberty, Mr. Valamburg, of Dayburg, O. All were seated and the roll was then called by Wintergreen, who was the Secretary.

“Illinois was first called. Wm. Spangler and John Richardson answered; from Indiana, Messrs. Dorsing and Bowlin; Ohio, Valamburg and Massey; Pennsylvania, Wovelson and Moore; New York, McMasterson and B. Wudd; Missouri, Col. Burnett and Marmalade; Kansas, Stringfelter; Iowa, Neal Downing; Wisconsin, Domblazer; Nebraska, Martin; Arkansas, Walters; Connecticut, Eastman; Vermont, Phillips; Massachusetts, Perry; Maine, Pillbox; Rhode Island, no answer; New Jersey, Rogers. Prom Richmond, for the South, there were Thomlinson and C. C. Carey, the latter having just arrived. Other names, not remembered, save those of Messrs. Wilkes and Page, who were admitted as representing the District of Columbia.

“After the necessary examinations were made by a committee, the persons mentioned, with several others, were admitted to seats in the assembly. Henry was selected by Wintergreen to assist him in his duties as Secretary. The preliminaries being settled, the Chairman (Valamburg) was quite severe in his strictures against Dan Bowen, Thos. A. Strider, C. H. Eagle and N. Judy Cornington for not attending, saying he had letters from each of those gentlemen promising to be present. He characterized their conduct as cowardly and they as sunshine friends, which was loudly applauded by all.

“After remarks by quite a number of delegates on the situation and probabilities of the success of the Confederacy, which were generally tinged with ill-forebodings, a committee of five was appointed to take into consideration and report to the assembly ways and means by which the rebellion could be materially assisted. This report was to be submitted the next day at 12 o'clock. The meeting then adjourned until that time.

“During the evening a variety of discussions were indulged in by various delegates in favor of different schemes. Some went so far as to favor the assassination of many of our leading men. Wilkes, Page, and quite a number of persons from the South were in favor of assassinating the President and Gen. Silent, with such others as the necessity of the case demanded. And so the conversation and discussions ran until the meeting of delegates the next day.

“At 12 o'clock the assembly was called to order by Valamburg. When the roll had been called and all were quiet, the Chairman inquired of the committee if they were ready to report. The Chairman, Mr. Carey, arose with great dignity and responded that the committee, after due consideration of the many suggestions submitted to them, were now ready to report. He was invited to take the stand, which he did.

“He said that, preliminary to reporting, he desired to make an explanation, which was as follows: That on his return from Montreal to Richmond, since the Presidential election, in viewing the many disasters that had recently befallen the Confederacy, the authorities at Richmond suggested to him to ascertain if he could communicate in some way with the newly elected Vice-President, and discover his attitude towards the people of the South. This was accomplished by sending one of the Vice-President's old friends from North Carolina to Nashua, who being a citizen, and not in any way connected with the Confederate army, easily passed through the Union lines to Nashua, where the Vice-President-elect was residing at the time. There was no difficulty in agreeing to an interview between himself and Carey, it being understood that Carey was to pass into Nashua in disguise and let the Vice-President know in some way where he was stopping, and the interview was then to be arranged. In pursuance of this agreement, Carey made the trip to Nashua disguised as a Louis City merchant, and passing by the name of Thos. E. Hope. He had no difficulty in getting into Nashua, but for fear of recognition, went directly to the house of a rebel friend by the name of Hanson, and remained in a room in the rear of the second story of the house. Through the lady of the house the Vice-President elect was informed of the presence of Mr. Carey.

“The next morning the Vice-President visited the house of Mr. Hanson, and he and Carey had the contemplated interview. Carey said that in the interview the Vice-President contended for peace on the terms of a restored Union, but agreed with the Democrats of the North that the restoration should be on the basis of the old Constitution. Carey said that in answer to the question as to what he would do if he were President, the Vice-President said that he would restore the Union if he could on the old basis, but that the people were tired of war and taxes, and that unless Silent could drive Laws out of Richmond, capture it, and destroy the Confederate army during the next Spring campaign, the Confederacy must be recognized and the war ended.

“At this the assembly heartily cheered. Carey also said that in answer to the question as to the powers of the Vice-President, in case of the absence of the President, if he should be so situated that he could not return to perform the duties of the office, the Vice-President replied that such a case as stated would certainly come under the provision of the Constitution, wherein it is recited that in case of the death, resignation, or inability of the President to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President; that under such circumstances he should at once assume the duties of the office, but hoped that such a case would not arise while he was Vice-President.

“Carey stated that the Vice-President said that he had always been a Union man, but that he was a Democrat, and had never been anything else, and did not propose to be; that he was placed on the Republican ticket without being consulted. Therefore he did not feel under any obligations to that party. He also stated that he recognized the fact that when it was evident that the Union could be held together only by subjugating the people of the South, it was statesmanship to let them go, and stop further bloodshed. This also brought applause.

“Carey further stated that the Vice-President expressed a willingness to meet privately with any of our leading men of the South at any time when and where it could be done without danger to either party. With this the interview ended. When the parties separated the Vice-President bade him good-by and grasped his hand in the most friendly and cordial manner. He said if Carey should experience any trouble in getting back to Richmond to let him know.

“Carey left the next morning, and returning to Richmond reported the interview precisely as it occurred, at which the authorities were greatly pleased, and thought it opened a way for success, knowing the character of the man, his stubbornness, his egotism, and that he possessed a belief that he was destined to be President of the United States at some time. It was not intended to say any more to him than to ascertain his views on a given state of facts, and having accomplished this much, the authorities at Richmond felt sure that if the President of the United States could by some means be captured and spirited away, and Silent also, or either of them, the success of the Confederacy would be assured beyond question. In the event of the capture and hiding away of the President, the Vice-President would surely assume the powers and duties of President. The friends of the Confederacy in Congress could then so cripple the Government that no doubt could longer exist of success. He said it was thought that in the event the President could not be captured, a party could be organized who could, without much risk, surprise and capture Gen. Silent. This done, Laws would at once assume the aggressive, drive Meador and his army back on Washington, and continue the war beyond the next Spring, so that the friends of the Confederacy could regain strength, and, with the Vice-President in favor of the recognition of the Confederate Government, it could not be longer postponed. But the great thing to be accomplished, he said, was the capture of Mr. Lincoln; that would end all controversy.

“This seemed to strike the audience, and they cheered the proposition. Carey then stated that this was the first proposition the committee desired to present. He had other important ones, however, that must be considered by the assembly. While in Richmond he found many men of great courage and daring who were ready to do anything to bring success if they could be sustained and protected. The authorities gave him the proposals and directed him to lay them before this assembly.

“The second was made by a foreigner—a man of good family in Europe, and a most daring and courageous man, an educated soldier, who had been successful in very many daring enterprises heretofore. His proposition was read to the assembly, being a verbatim copy of the one this party had made to the President of the Confederacy through the Confederate Secretary of War, which was as follows:

“Carey said that this man was in the employ of the Confederacy, but that the authorities would not adopt his scheme without the indorsement of their Northern friends, so that those friends could have warning and not be endangered at the time. This man being a foreigner, and not understanding the situation, regarded all Northern men alike and would destroy one as soon as another. Therefore, those having the authority to do so, would not accept the proposition unless due notice could be secretly given, under the obligations of the Sons of Liberty, to their friends in Congress. Carey said he thought this a very dangerous undertaking on account of the friends who might be imperiled, but felt that there was no doubt but it could be accomplished.

“Walters spoke up at this point, saying this proposition was not feasible at all, and a number assented to his remark.

“Mr. Carey said the third proposition was also in the form of a communication, and was placed in his hands by the authorities in Richmond for consideration by the Northern friends, and was in the following language, which he proceeded to read:

“Said Carey: 'This man was sent for and closely examined as to what he proposed, and by the experiments made by our best scientists they were of opinion that his plan could be made a success, as the process was without doubt effective. The question, however, was not as to the process by which this could be done, but must we resort to it? Had all other means failed?'

“The other proposition was on the same line, but proposing a different mode of execution, which Carey also read:

“The reading of this communication was received with cheers from quite a number of those present, principally Southern men. Carey said that the Secretary of War had sent for Durham, and that he was then at Richmond. He was a fine looking, intelligent man, terribly in earnest. This was thought, although there was hesitancy about it in the Cabinet, to be a much more feasible undertaking than the attempt to explode the Capitol at Washington. The necessity for some radical measure to be adopted and put into execution at once was the reason for these documents having been taken from the archives and placed in the present hands in their original form.

“Lieut. W. Alston, of Sulphur Springs, Va., who was present, as stated by Carey, also proposed to the authorities at Richmond to undertake to rid the country of the Confederacy's most deadly enemies, and authorized the committee to say that he, here and now, renewed his proposition; all of which Carey submitted to the assembly for their consideration.

“The propositions having been submitted in due form, the Chairman stated that they were before the assembly and open for consideration. Jacob Thomlinson opened the discussion, and said that these propositions were of the most vital importance; that the success of the Confederacy hung upon the action of this assembly. The authorities were waiting with bated breath until they could hear what their Northern friends would consider proper and feasible to be at once entered upon. He wanted no more promises without performance. He would save the Confederacy by any means if he could, and would consider himself justified. If some of these measures had been resorted to much earlier it would have been better. He said that war was mere barbarism and cruelty; that plunder, burning, pillage and assassination were merely the concomitants, and a part of the system, of all wars; that when men make war it means crime, rapine and murder, and those engaging in it should so understand. Each party is expected to capture all of the enemy that can be so taken, and to kill all that resist. It was proper to pick out and deliberately shoot down the Generals. He asked if it would be any worse to secretly capture Lincoln and Silent, the two leaders and commanders of all the United States forces, or to assassinate either or both of them, than to shoot them near our lines. He contended that if either or both of them should be seen near the Confederate lines they would be shot down, and the persons doing it would be rewarded with medals of honor, and would go down into history as great patriots for performing the act. If this were true, as all must concede, why should it be considered a dark and damnable deed in time of war, when a great and dire necessity required, for two such tyrants to be put out of the way in the cause of liberty? He insisted that no difference could exist, save in the minds of individuals morbid on the subject of human life. He said that he had witnessed enough shamming, and heard enough shallow professions, and wanted no more of either; that the promises of some of their Northern friends, already broken, had cost the Confederacy millions of dollars in coin, and had left him individually bankrupt and impoverished. There had been nothing but a series of failures growing out of the pretenses of some of their Northern allies. He was very severe on many of them, especially on Cornington and Eagle, of Chicago, and Strider and Bowen, of Indiana, all of whom he charged with getting large sums of money for use in the late election and for other purposes. He said they neither accounted for its disposition, nor had they entered an appearance, after promising on their obligation to do so. This he considered the most unwarranted course of conduct of which any one could have been guilty—no less than the deepest-dyed perfidy. When he closed his speech he was cheered to the echo.” Dr. Adams said: “This man Thomlinson was a very brutal man in his instincts. He seemed also to have been out of humor with his co-conspirators. He was certainly very angry and much disappointed that his schemes had all failed. But how an intelligent man could argue and justify assassination, as he seemed to do, I cannot understand.”

Col. Bush replied: “Doctor, you must see that this man, no matter what he may have been in former years, had become a hardened, inhuman wretch. Do you not remember that he was the same person who employed men to gather poisoned clothes for the distribution of disease, as well as his attempt to have our cities burned, but was thwarted by Divine Providence, in my judgment?”

“Yes, I remember all this, and God knows that seemed the extreme of barbarism and inhumanity; but his last proposition in his argument was deliberate, cold-blooded murder in order to gain a political end; and to think of Northern men listening at any time to such propositions without remonstrance or disapproval in any way makes me shudder.”

“They seemed to indorse it instead of manifesting disapproval,” said Ingelsby, “and I have no doubt they favored it, and in some way assisted in trying to have it carried out.”

“Yes, yes,” said Uncle Daniel; “the half of the treachery and diabolical deeds of many of our Northern men, now leaders, is not known or understood; but, my dear friends, I will continue my story:

“When Thomlinson had concluded his remarks, Valamburg followed in a like strain, and concluded with a 'so help him God' that he was ready for any enterprise to serve-the Confederacy, no matter how dark nor how desperate and bloody. This was received with a wild shout, as though some rebel victory had been announced.

“Walters, of Arkansas, then addressed the assembly. He said he was in favor of the first proposition; that there seemed to be something practical in it. Since their last meeting he had been all over the North, even in Washington city, and there was not the slightest difficulty in passing to and fro without any questions being asked. He said he saw the President riding out beyond Georgetown with only one person accompanying him; that there would not have been the slightest trouble in five men capturing him and crossing the river into Virginia, or retreating into Maryland and passing along on byways with him to where he could have been securely kept until a chance was afforded for conveying him to some more secure place. So far as putting him out of the way was concerned, there would not be the slightest difficulty in doing that, but he thought the other the best, taking all things into consideration. The one would be considered a clean trick, and perfectly legitimate warfare, while the other would not, and would arouse the Northern people to more energetic measures. He said that he did not think there would be very great difficulty in capturing Silent; that he had made inquiry about him, and found that he seldom had anything more than a few men as escort, and kept but a small company as his headquarters guard; that 100 good, picked men could capture him almost any night. If they even failed, it would only make those who attempted it prisoners of war, so that they would be exchanged. This, if accomplished, in case of either Lincoln or Silent, would secure the Confederacy. With Lincoln captured, the Vice-President would only be too glad to have an excuse for the recognition of the Confederacy. With Silent captured, Gen. Laws would again be master of the situation. Silent was the only match for him in the United States. So far as the Vice-President was concerned, he was in a bad humor with the whole administration. He (Walters) had seen him and conversed with him since the time mentioned at which Mr. Carey had his interview. Walters had been at Nashua, and remained for several days unmolested, and had talked freely with quite a number of persons who were intimate with the Vice-President, and who were conversant with his views and knew his feelings. He said that the Vice-President suggested to him to get through the lines and go to Richmond, and say to the authorities there that if he were President he would recognize the Southern Confederacy; but he (Walters) did not then have full confidence in what he was saying, as he was rather in his cups at the time. But since he had heard what Mr. Carey had learned in his interview with him he had no further reason to doubt his sincerity.

“Mr. Wilkes here interposed and asked whether the whole question of recognition by the Vice-President did not entirely depend upon the capture and successful spiriting away of Lincoln.

“Mr. Walters answered in the affirmative.

“Wilkes then said: 'Suppose this scheme should fail, what then?'

“'Walters remarked that that was a question to be determined by this meeting, and that he did not wish to decide it in advance.

“Mr. Spangler, from Illinois, said that he did not desire to detain the assembly with a long speech, but he wished to impress upon the minds of the delegates present that in the State from which he came, he did not think the assassination of Lincoln and Silent would be indorsed, as it would raise such a storm there that all their friends would be driven from the State. He was in favor of their capture and, in fact, anything that was thought necessary; but as he lived in the same town with Mr. Lincoln, he would not like to be forced to stem the torrent if he, Lincoln, should be assassinated. He would cheerfully vote for the first proposition, and at the same time pay $100 into the general pool for that purpose. This brought down the house—money seemed to be the one thing they greatly desired. He said: 'Now, Mr. Chairman, who is the Treasurer?'

“The Chairman answered that Mr. Thomlinson had the disbursing as well as the authority to receive all funds for the carrying out of the objects of the meeting.

“'Then,' said Spangler, 'here is my $100.' handing it to Thomlinson. This started the ball, and in a few minutes $5,000 were raised and handed over to Thomlinson, who thanked the friends for their liberality.

“The debate here closed and the vote was taken on the propositions. The Chairman said he would put the third, or last, proposition first, which was, whether the assembly would indorse the proposition of Capt. Alston and Mr. Durham, who proposed to organize a force and assassinate the leading men of the North who are prominent in the war against the South, and recommend the authorities of the Southern Confederacy to carry out the proposed project. The question being stated, the vote was taken. Being very close, the roll had to be called, and the proposition was lost by three votes.

“The next proposition was the one submitted by De Kalb to the Confederacy, to blow up the Capitol at Washington when Congress should be in session. The vote being taken, this proposition was lost; it being deemed inexpedient on account of the danger of destroying so many of their own friends.

“The last proposition to be voted on was whether the assembly would recommend to the authorities at Richmond to organize a force and capture Lincoln and Silent, or either of them, and hold the captive or captives until the Confederacy should be recognized. This question was taken and carried unanimously with a great hurrah and three cheers for the man or men who should accomplish this most desirable object.

“After the proposition had been agreed to, Mr. Page and Capt. Alston both desired to know what was to be done, if anything, should this attempt to capture those men fail. Quite a discussion here arose, during which considerable feeling was shown on the part of some of the Southern men. Finally they determined to recommend that Wilkes, Page, Alston and Durham be put in charge and organize for the purpose mentioned, and that they receive their instructions directly from Jacob Thomlinson. One of these men should go to Richmond with C. C. Carey, and there meet Durham and consult with the authorities as to the route to be adopted in getting into and out of Washington, and the means to be resorted to for their assistance and protection; also that, in the event of failure in capturing either of those men, then in that case they, or some of them, were to return to Canada and confer further with Thomlinson; and whatever measures he and they should adopt that looked like bringing success were to be carried out, with the understanding that the assembly here and now assented to it; which it did, and appointed Mr. Thom-linson with power to act as fully as if the matter had been laid before it and agreed to by a vote.

“This concluded the business of the delegates, and they adjourned to meet on the call of the Grand Commander at any future time when necessary for the benefit of the cause of the Confederacy. Henry remained a day or so in order to note any further developments. Carey and Page left at once for Richmond, intending to make their way in disguise by rail into West Virginia, and from there to Richmond. Wilkes started for New York and Alston for Buffalo. They were to make their way to Baltimore, and meet there on a certain day and remain until Page should return from Richmond with Durham. They were then to have an understanding as to how they should operate. Before leaving they all had a secret meeting with Thomlin-son, but what instructions they received of a private nature Henry did not know, except that he learned if their scheme should fail, one or more of them were to return at once to Canada and consult further with Thomlinson as to their future operations.

“'I required this to be written in full by Henry, and leaving him and his wife, Seraine, with what of our family was now left, I telegraphed to the President:

“'Stay indoors; important; am coming!

“(Signed)Daniel.'

“'I at once left for Washington, feeling that time was important. The desperation of these men was such that they would undertake an enterprise of any kind, and the condition of the Confederacy such that nothing less than some heroic remedy would avail anything.

“When I arrived at Washington it was early in the morning. I directed my steps toward the Executive Mansion. On arriving at the door the usher recognized me, but said that the President had not been to breakfast.

“'I said: 'I do not wish to disturb him, but it is very important that I see him before a crowd comes in. I will remain here.'

“He stepped in and very soon returned, and at once showed me to the President's office up-stairs. He was waiting for me, and as I entered he came forward with both hands extended, and said, 'My dear friend Lyon, how are you?'

“I answered him as to my health in a sad tone. He spoke of my great afflictions in the most tender manner, and inquired as to the telegram.

“'I said: 'Mr. President, this paper,' handing him Henry's report, 'will explain it.'

“He said: 'This is a long paper—as long as a President's message,' and laughed, saying, 'I expect you have been writing one for me?'

“'I replied that it was an important message for a President. At this he laughed, and said:

“'That is quite good, and is a very wise distinction; but,' said he, 'we will not read it now. When we get our breakfast, that will do, will it not?'

“I replied: 'Yes, perhaps it will.'

“He would have me take breakfast with him. His family only were present, and we all conversed freely, but principally about the late election and our success in the West against Head, and the prospects of Silent against Laws. He was feeling very happy and confident of final victory. He told me about having just returned with the Secretary of State from Hampton Roads, where they had met the Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy and others on a peace mission; 'but,' said he, 'it was the same kind of peace that the Copperheads have been preaching, under instructions from Richmond and the rebel agents in Canada, for three years.'

“After breakfast we returned to his office. He instructed his usher that he could see no one for the present. Being seated, he drew the paper that I had given him from his side pocket and commenced reading. Very soon he exhibited some little excitement, rang his bell and sent for the Secretary of War, who soon came in. After the Secretary had exchanged compliments with me, the President continued reading. When he had finished he turned to me and said:

“'This is the most extraordinary thing that I have ever read or heard of, in or out of history. Mr. Secretary, please read this.' --

“The Secretary read it very carefully and remarked: 'This is what they are coming to; they will stop at nothing. But the most surprising part of all is the attitude of your Vice-President. What can he mean by hobnobbing with those traitors and having interviews with one of their principal leaders inside of our lines?' “'Yes,' said the President; 'this is strange, indeed.' “After further conversation it was determined to have the Cabinet officers meet that day. The President also directed the Secretary of War to ask Gen. Silent to be at the Executive Mansion the next morning. He asked me to remain in Washington and come to see him the next day at 10 o'clock, and not to fail. I left, went to the Owen House and took a room.

“While there I met a man in rather delicate health, who said his name was Alston, that he was a Canadian, and had come to Washington on account of the mildness of the climate. He was about five feet ten inches in height, hazel eyes, light hair, with small goatee; was quite a nervous man, moving his hands, or sitting down and immediately rising again, picking his teeth, or pulling his goatee. I remembered the man's name as that of one of the conspirators, and marked him well. On inquiry I found he had arrived the day before and was intending, as he said, to remain for some time in order to test the climate in his case. I stepped up to the War Department, and finding my friend, the Secretary, in, I asked him to send a detective with me, and he did so. I put him on the man and said no more to any one until I met the President and others the next day.

“At 10 o'clock the following morning, I appeared at the Mansion and was admitted at once. On entering the President's office I met Gen. Silent. Having previously met him at Chatteraugus and elsewhere, he recognized me, and after the usual compliments asked about Gen. Anderson. I told him about my misfortunes, the last of which he was not aware of. He said no more for a short time; he then asked me if Gen. Anderson would not like to come East and have a better command. He said he did not think he had been given a command equal to his ability; that he would order him East if agreeable. I wrote the General as soon as I returned to my hotel.

“The conversation was then turned to the report of Henry. The President seemed serious, and said the astounding statement about the Vice-President worried him, and yet, he said, it was almost incredible.

“Gen. Silent said he could believe it, but was very much surprised at his having the interview and disclosing his opinions to our enemies. Silent said he made some curious statements to him while he was making his headquarters at Nashua, but he attributed it to Tennessee whisky more than to any wrong motive in his mind, until he repeated the same things over more than once. He thought strange of it, but did not mention the conversation.

“'But,' said the Secretary, 'what do you say to the attempt they are to make to capture you two gentlemen?'

“Silent said: 'That scheme has already failed. Our knowledge of the fact defeats it. You must have a guard of at least one company of infantry at or near the White House, and the officers must be notified, in confidence, why they are placed here. There must be a company of cavalry ordered here for escort to the President, and he must not go out of call of the guards without an escort.'

“The President said: 'This will not look well, but I suppose I must do it for safety. I do not like this Vice-President's talk; it worries me. But how about yourself, Gen. Silent; they seem to be after you as well.'

“'Yes,' said the General; 'but you must remember that I am surrounded by an army, and this notice protects me. I will look after that hereafter. The truth is, they might have caught me napping, as I have heretofore had but a small guard. I will make it large enough when I return. My fears, however, are very much increased, as I see that there were many of those conspirators in favor of taking the proposition to assassinate instead of capture. That can be done in spite of guards, by reckless men who will take desperate chances. This is what we must look out for. I see that they are to take orders from Jacob Thomlinson, who is a most reckless man, without any of the instincts of humanity, and utterly without any regard for the rules of civilized warfare. He is a very dangerous man if he has about him those who will do his bidding. So look out, Mr. President; my judgment is that you will be in imminent peril.'

“'Yes,' said the President. 'Gen. Silent do you remember the dream I repeated to you when you came to Washington?'

“'Oh, yes,' said Gen. Silent, 'perfectly; and in that dream I was to be murdered as soon as the rebellion should be ended. But I do not feel alarmed about myself; dreams, you know, Mr. President, go by contraries.'

“'Yes,' said the President, 'I will not say that I believe in dreams, neither do I; yet they make an impression on my mind.'

“Gen. Silent said no more on the subject, and the conversation on that topic was dropped.

“'I was asked if I would send Henry back to Canada to watch further developments. I assented. They all thought that perhaps in this way we would be able to head off any further scheme as the one reported had been.

“I then related what I had discovered at the Owen House, and suggested a close watch on this man Alston. The President took up the report, and finding the name, thought there might be something in my suggestion. They sent for the detective that I had placed to watch him, and he informed us that this man drank pretty freely, and had disclosed to him while in his cups the night before that he was from St. Catharine's, Canada; that he had plenty of money in gold, and was desirous of finding some five or six good, active, bold and daring young men, who would be likely to be fond of an adventure. The detective was sent back at once with instructions to arrest him and have him taken to Old Capitol Prison. If any questions should be asked, he was to answer that the Secretary of War had directed it. The next morning it was telegraphed all over the country that a Mr. Alston was arrested in Washington for attempting to hire men to kidnap the President; and so the scheme, was exploded.

“The next day I bade the President and the Secretary good-by, at the same time warning the President of his great danger. He could not thank me enough, he said, for my interest. Silent had left for the army. Just as I was leaving, the President said to me in a whisper:

“'Look out for a great battle soon, and with it you will hear of the fall of Richmond.'

“I thanked him for his confidence in me and left. On arriving at home I found all well and very anxious to see me, as this had been my first absence since the death of my wife and Peter. Henry had seen the notice of Alston's arrest, and when I described him he said he was the right man. I wrote to the President what Henry said, and Alston remained in prison.

“In a short time I heard from Gen. Anderson. He was willing to go East. I telegraphed Gen. Silent and he ordered him to report at once. He came by home on his way and remained over several days. Lieut. Whitcomb was with him. While there I related all that had taken place. He thought Henry should return at once to Canada, leaving Seraine with us. He said it would be dangerous since Alston's arrest to risk writing, so Henry would have to come to my house with any information that he might have. Henry left at once and the General the next day.

“We were alone again. The women and children were weeping over the departure of Henry and the General. Aunt Martha came in and said:

“'Bress de good Laud, chil'n, what is you cryin' 'bout. De Gen! all right; dars no danger 'bout him; he am safe. De Laud protect him. He dun sabe him all dis time for good. Don't you see de Sesh git whip whareber he goes? Dey all done killed down whar he bin, and now dey jest' take him ober by whar Marsa Linkum am, and de Sesh all git smash up ober dar de same way as what dey is down whar he bin afore.'

“Old Ham chimed in: 'Yas, Marfa, dat am de fac\ You see, when I goes wid Marsa Gen'l, he gets shotted nearly ebery time. I not understand dis, but he not git any time hurt when I's away. How is dat, Marfa? Guess it best for me not be wid him. I tell you I guess I see it all now; de Laud want me to stay here wid dese womens and dese chil'ns, and Marsa Gen'l he not t'ink ob dat, so de Laud jes' let him git hurted, so he hab to come and stay wid de folks and hab me heah? Is dat it, Marfa?'

“'Yes, dat am de case; and I 'spec you is glad, kase you is a powerful coward, Ham; you knows you is.'

“'Marfa, you neber see me fightin' dem Sesh. Else you not say dem hard words 'bout Ham. No, indeed, you not know 'bout me.'

“'I 'specs dat's so, Ham. How many of de Sesh does you 'specs you is killed?'

“'Don' know, don' know. I neber counted em; war too busy, Marfa.'

“This was getting Ham into a close place, and he retired.

“In a few days Henry returned and reported that the arrest of Alston had alarmed the conspirators in Canada very greatly. Carey and Page were still in Richmond. Wilkes had returned to Canada and had been at Montreal with Thomlinson, but Henry could get nothing out of him, as Thomlinson thought it best not to have any one know what was to be attempted unless they could aid in carrying it out; but he said the country would be startled very soon. Henry surmised what he meant, and as soon as he could get away from Wintergreen he left for home.

“I sent him to the President with this information, also a letter calling the President's attention to his great danger, and the danger in which the country would be in the event that anything should occur that would put the Vice-President in power. This was the last communication I ever had with the best of all Presidents.” --