Several prÆtors were condemned because they had conducted themselves with avarice and cruelty in the administration of their provinces. Publius Licinius Crassus, the proconsul, took by storm several cities in Greece, and plundered them with great cruelty. For this reason the captives, who were sold by him, were subsequently, by a decree of the senate, restored to their respective states. Many tyrannical acts were done to the allies by the admirals of the Roman fleets also. This book contains likewise the successful operations of king Perseus in Thrace, with the conquest of Dardania and Illyricum; Gentius was the king of the latter country. The commotions which arose in Spain through the agency of Olonicus, were quelled by his death. Marcus Æmilius Lepidus was chosen by the censors prince of the senate.

1 In the same summer in which the Romans were conquerors in the cavalry action in Thessaly, the lieutenant-general, sent by the consul to Illyricum, compelled, by force of arms, two opulent cities to surrender, and gave the inhabitants all their effects, in hopes, by the reputation of his clemency, to allure to submission the inhabitants of Carnus, a city strongly fortified. But after he could neither induce them to surrender, nor take their city by a siege; that his soldiers might not be fatigued by the two sieges without reaping any advantage, he sacked those cities which he had spared before. The other consul, Caius Cassius, performed nothing memorable in Gaul, the province that fell to his lot; but made an ill-judged attempt to lead his army through Illyricum to Macedon. The senate learned his having undertaken that march from deputies from Aquileia, who complained that their colony, which was new, weak, and but indifferently fortified, lay in the midst of hostile states, Istrians and Illyrians; and begged the senate to take into consideration some method of strengthening it. These, being asked whether they wished that matter to be given in charge to the consul Caius Cassius, replied, that Cassius, after assembling his forces at Aquileia, had set out on a march through Illyricum into Macedon. The fact was at first deemed incredible, and each individual was under the impression that he had gone on an expedition against the Carnians, or perhaps the Istrians. The Aquileians then said, that all that they knew, or could take upon them to affirm, was that corn for thirty days had been given to the soldiers, and that guides, who knew the roads from Italy to Macedon, had been sought for and carried with him. The senate were highly displeased that the consul should presume to act so improperly as to leave his own province, and remove into that of another; and lead his army by a new and dangerous route through foreign states, and thereby open for so many nations a passage into Italy. Assembled in great numbers, they decreed that the prÆtor, Caius Sulpicius, should nominate out of the senate three deputies, who should set out from the city on that very day, make all possible haste to overtake the consul, Cassius, wherever he might be, and tell him not to engage in a war with any nation, unless that against which the senate voted that such war should be waged. These deputies left the city; Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, Marcus Fulvius, and Publius Marcius Rex. The fears entertained for the consul and his army caused the business of fortifying Aquileia to be postponed for that time.

2 Then were introduced to the senate ambassadors from the several states of both the Spains; these, after complaining of the avarice and pride of the Roman magistrates, fell on their knees, and implored the senate not to suffer them, who were their allies, to be more cruelly plundered and ill-treated than their enemies. When they complained of other unworthy treatment, and it was also evident that money had been extorted from them; a charge was then given to Lucius Canuleius, the prÆtor, to whom Spain was allotted, to appoint out of the senatorian order five judges delegate, to try each person from whom the Spaniards might demand back their money; and that they should give the latter power to choose whomsoever they pleased as patrons. The ambassadors being called into the senate-house, the decree of the senate was read aloud, and they were ordered to name their protectors. They named four,—Marcus Porcius Cato, Publius Cornelius Scipio, son of Cneius, Lucius Æmilius Paullus, son of Lucius, and Caius Sulpicius Gallus. The judges entered on the business with the case of Marcus Titinius first, who had been prÆtor in Hither Spain, in the consulate of Aulus Manlius and Marcus Junius. The cause was twice adjourned, and on the third hearing the accused was acquitted. A dispute took place between the ambassadors of the two provinces; and the states of Hither Spain chose for their patrons Marcus Cato and Scipio; those of Farther Spain, Lucius Paullus and Sulpicius Gallus. Publius Furius Philus and Marcus Matienus were brought before the judges, the former by the states of the Hither province, and the latter by those of the Farther; the former of whom had been prÆtor, three years before, in the consulate of Spurius Postumius and Quintus Mucius; and the latter, two years before, when Lucius Postumius and Marcus Popilius were consuls. Both, being accused of most heinous crimes, were remanded; but when the cause was about to be pleaded anew, it was represented on their behalf that they had quitted the country as voluntary exiles. Furius had gone to PrÆneste, Matienus to Tibur, to live in exile. There was a report that the plaintiffs were not suffered, by their patrons, to bring charges against people of high birth and power; and Canuleius the prÆtor increased this suspicion, for having neglected that business, he applied himself to the enlisting of soldiers. Then he suddenly went off to his province, lest more might be accused by the Spaniards. Although past transactions were thus consigned to silence, yet the senate deliberated for the interest of the Spaniards in future, for they passed an order that the Roman magistrates should not have the valuation of the corn; nor should they compel the Spaniards to compound for their twentieths at such prices as they pleased; and that officers should not be placed in command of their towns for the purpose of exacting money.

3 There came also from Spain another embassy, from a new race of men. They, representing that they were the offspring of Roman soldiers and Spanish women, to whom the Romans had not been united in wedlock, and that their number amounted to more than four thousand, petitioned for a grant of some town to be given them in which they might reside. The senate decreed, that “they should put their names on a list before Lucius Canuleius; and that, if he should judge any of them deserving of freedom, it was their pleasure that they should be settled as a colony at Carteia, on the ocean. That such of the present inhabitants of Carteia as wished to remain there, should have the privilege of being considered as colonists, and should have lands assigned them. That this should be deemed a Latin settlement, and be called a colony of freed-men.” At this time Prince Gulussa, son of king Masinissa, arrived from Africa as ambassador from his father. Carthaginian ambassadors also came. Gulussa, being first introduced to the senate, gave a detail of the succours sent by his father to the maintenance of the war in Macedon, and promised, that if they wished to order any thing besides, he would execute it in return for the meritorious deeds of the Roman people; and he warned the conscript fathers to be on their guard against the treachery of the Carthaginians. That they “had formed the design of fitting out a powerful fleet, in favour, as they pretended, of the Romans, and against the Macedonians; but when it should be equipped and ready for action, they would have it in their power to make their own option which party they would treat as a friend, and which as a foe.” Then he pleaded Masinissa’s cause concerning the land and towns, which, according to the complaint of the Carthaginians, were wrested from them, by him; and the question was debated with great warmth between the prince and the Carthaginian ambassadors. We have not ascertained what were the arguments brought forward by both parties, or what was the reply given by the senate. However this contest ceased, and seemed to slumber for several years; it was subsequently renewed, and burst forth into the flames of that war which was undertaken by the Carthaginians against Masinissa, necessarily waged against Rome, and terminated only by the downfal of Carthage. We find, in the annals of this year, that a son was born of a virgin, while she was under the strict guardianship of her parents, and by the order of the soothsayers was conveyed to a desert island. The elections were held by Caius Cassius the consul, in which Aulus Hostilius Mancinus and Aulus Atilius Serranus were appointed consuls. Then Marcus RÆcius, Quintus MÆnius, Lucius Flatensius, Quintus Ælius PÆtus, Titus Manlius Torquatus, and Caius Hostilius, were elected prÆtors. Italy and Macedon are declared the consular provinces. Italy fell to Atilius, and Macedon to Hostilius. With regard to the prÆtors, RÆius obtained by lot the city jurisdiction, MÆnias the foreign. The fleet, together with the sea-coast of Greece, fell to Hortensius. The rest of the prÆtorian provinces were, without doubt, those of the former year, viz. Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia. But what prÆtors obtained the command in each cannot be ascertained, in consequence of the silence of the ancient records. In the mean time Publius Licinius, as if he were sent to wage war not against Perseus, but the Greeks, turned the rage of war, so ineffectual against the real enemy, towards wretches who were unable to cope with him, and took by storm and plundered in a most merciless manner several cities in Boeotia, in which he was passing the winter. When the Coroneans, who were the most ill-used, threw themselves on the protection of the senate, that august body decreed that the captives who had been sold should be restored to freedom. Lucretius the prÆtor, who had the command of the fleet, imitated, or rather surpassed, the cruelty and avarice of the consul; he was oppressive to the allies, despicable in the sight of the enemy. Since Perseus, by a sudden attack on the fleet stationed at Oreum, took twenty transports laden with corn, sunk the rest of them, and even made himself master of four galleys of five banks of oars. Matters were successfully managed by Perseus in Thrace also where he made a diversion in that country in favour of Cotys against the forces of Atlesbis and Corragus. Nor truly was Cotys false to his own interests, as he was a man indefatigable in war, and pre-eminent in council, a Thracian by birth alone, not by his habits; for he was singularly sober and temperate, and, besides, quite amiable, owing to his mercy and moderation. The tide of war flowed on in favour of Perseus, for at this time the nation of the Epirotes also passed over to his party, by the advice of Cephalus, who however was induced to revolt more by necessity, than his own free will. He was a man of remarkable prudence and firmness, and even then influenced by the best of feelings. For he had prayed to the immortal gods that war might never break out between the Romans and Perseus, and that they might never come to a decisive struggle. For he had determined, when the war broke out, to aid the Romans according to the written articles of the treaty, but to do nothing further than the conditions of that treaty demanded, and not to be complaisant in a servile or disgraceful manner. These plans were confounded by one Charopus, the grandson of that Charopus who opened the pass at the river Arus to Titus Quinctius, in the war against Philip; this Charopus was a worthless flatterer of those in power, and a strange adept at forging calumnies against men of the best character. He was educated at Rome, having been sent there by his grandfather, in order that he might learn thoroughly the Roman language and literature. Owing to this he became acquainted with, and dear to, very many of the Romans; and yet, after his return home, as he was naturally of a fickle and depraved disposition, and besides inspired with confidence, owing to his intimacy with the Roman nobles, he was constantly sneering at the leading men of the state. At first he was despised by all, nor was any regard paid to his allegations. But after the war with Perseus broke out, and suspicions were rife throughout Greece, as many openly professed their zeal for Perseus, and still more felt it in secret, Charopus never ceased accusing before the Romans those who were invested with authority among the Epirotes. The intimate connexion that Cephalus, and the others who adopted that line of politics, had formerly with the kings of Macedon, gave a specious appearance and false colouring to his calumnies. Already, in truth, by malignantly prying into all their acts and words, and putting the worst construction on them, and by falsifying the truth by adding and subtracting whatever he chose, he was succeeding in having his accusations believed. Nor however were Cephalus, and, those who had been the associates of his designs in the management of the republic, moved by these allegations, since they relied on the full consciousness of unsullied fidelity towards the Romans. But when they perceived that the Romans lent an ear to these calumnies, and that some of the Ætolian nobles, whom the calumnies of slanderers had rendered objects of suspicion as well as themselves, were taken away to Rome, then at length they believed it necessary to provide for the safety of themselves and their property. And they, when no other resource than the king’s friendship suggested itself to them, were compelled to form an alliance with Perseus, and give their nation into his hands. Aulus Hostilius and Aulus Atilius, the consuls, having entered on their office at Rome, and having performed such religious and political acts as are usually executed by the consuls in and around the city, set out for their provinces. Hostilius, to whose lot Macedon had fallen, when he was hastening into Thessaly, to join the army there, entered Epirus, which had not yet openly revolted, and was very near falling into the hands of Perseus. For one Theodotus and Philostratus, under the impression that, if they would deliver him up to the king, they would receive great favour from Perseus; and, besides, would strike a very severe blow against the Romans at the time, sent letters to the king, desiring him to come up with all the speed he could. And were it not that Perseus was retained by delay, thrown in his way by the Molossians, at the passage of the river Lous, and that the consul, being informed of his danger, had changed his intended route, there was not a possibility of his escaping. Therefore, having left Epirus, he sailed to Anticyra, and from the latter place proceeded to Thessaly. Having received the command of the army there, he marched at once against the enemy. But he was not a whit more successful in the operations of the war than his predecessor. For having engaged in battle with the king, he was beaten, and when at first he attempted to force his way through Elimea, and afterwards to march secretly through Thessaly, he was compelled to desist from his useless attempts, as Perseus anticipated all his manoeuvres. Nor did Hortensius the prÆtor, to whom the fleet had fallen, carry on any of his operations with sufficient skill or success, for none of his acts deserves better to be remembered than his cruel and perfidious plundering of the city of the Abdertes, when they endeavoured to avert, by entreaty, the intolerable burdens imposed on them. Perseus, therefore, now despising the Romans, as if he were completely at leisure and disengaged, made an incursion, for the purpose of gaining a fresh wreath of laurel, against the Dardanians, and having slain ten thousand of the barbarians, bore away great booty.

4 In this year the Celtiberians made some warlike motions in Spain, at the instigation of a strange leader named Olonicus, some give him the name of Salindicus. He was a man of great cunning and boldness, and brandishing a silver spear, which he pretended was sent to him from heaven, with the agitation of a person inspired, he attracted universal attention. But when he, with corresponding rashness, had approached the camp of the Roman prÆtor, in the dusk of the evening, with the intention of slaying him, bringing with him an associate in his mad enterprise, he was killed, near the very tent, by a sentinel with a javelin: his companion paid the same penalty for his foolish undertaking. The prÆtor immediately ordered both their heads to be cut off and fixed on spears, and then given to some of the prisoners to bear to their countrymen. These entering the camp and showing the heads caused such panic, that if the Romans had instantly advanced to the camp they might have taken it. As it was, a general flight took place; and some were of opinion that ambassadors should be sent to supplicate for peace; while a great number of states, on hearing this intelligence, surrendered: and when the prÆtor had given pardon to them while endeavouring to excuse themselves, and laying all the blame on the madness of the two individuals who had voluntarily offered themselves for punishment, he proceeded immediately to the other states, every one of which acknowledged his authority, and he passed with his army in peace, without doing any injury, through the tract of country where before the flames of war raged with the utmost fury. This mercy shown by the prÆtor, by which he overcame without bloodshed a very savage people, was the more pleasing to the senate and people, as the war had been conducted in Greece both by the consul Licinius and the prÆtor Lucretius with uncommon avarice and cruelty. The plebeian tribunes, daily in their speeches to the people, censured Lucretius for being absent, though it was alleged in his favour that he was abroad on the business of the public. But so little was then known of what passed, even in the vicinity of Rome, that he was, at that very time, at his own estate near Antium; and with money amassed in his expedition, was bringing water thither from the river Loracina; he is said to have contracted for the execution of this work at the expense of one hundred and thirty thousand asses.84 He also decorated the temple of Æsculapius with pictures taken from among the spoils. But ambassadors from Abdera diverted the public displeasure, and the consequent disgrace, from Lucretius to his successor. These stood weeping at the door of the senate-house, and complained, that “their town had been stormed and plundered by Hortensius. His only reason,” they said, “for destroying their city was, that, on his demanding from them one hundred thousand denariuses,85 and fifty thousand measures of wheat, they had requested time until they could send ambassadors on the subject, both to the consul Hostilius, and to Rome; and that they had scarcely reached the consul, when they heard that the town was stormed, their nobles beheaded, and the rest sold for slaves.” This act appeared to the senate deserving their indignation, and they passed the same decree respecting the people of Abdera as they had passed concerning the CoronÆans. They also ordered Quintus MÆnius, the prÆtor, to publish the notice in a general assembly, as had been done the year before. Two ambassadors, Caius Sempronius BlÆsus and Sextus Julius CÆsar, were sent to restore the Abderites to liberty; and were likewise commissioned to deliver a message from the senate to the consul Hostilius, and to the prÆtor Hortensius, that the senate judged the war made on the Abderites to be unjust, and had directed that all those who were in servitude should be sought out and restored to liberty.

5 At the same time, complaints were laid before the senate against Caius Cassius, who had been consul the year before, and was then a military tribune in Macedon, under Aulus Hostilius, and ambassadors came from Cincibilus, a king of the Gauls. His brother made a speech to the senate, complaining that Caius Cassius had entirely wasted the country of the Alpine Gauls, their allies, and carried off into slavery many thousands of their people. Ambassadors came at the same time from the Carnians, Istrians, and Iapidans, who represented, that “at first guides had been demanded from them by the consul, Cassius, to point out the road to him, leading his army into Macedon: that he had parted from them in a peaceable manner, as if to carry war elsewhere; but afterwards, when he had proceeded half way, he returned, and overran their country in a hostile manner, spreading depredations and fires through every quarter; nor had they as yet been able to discover for what reason they were treated as enemies by the consul.” The following answer was returned to the absent prince of the Gauls, and the states present, that “the senate had no previous knowledge of those acts of which they complained; nor did they approve of them if they did take place. But that it would still be unjust to condemn, unheard and absent, a man of consular rank, especially as he was employed abroad in the business of the public. That, when Caius Cassius should come home from Macedonia, if they chose then to prosecute their complaints against him, in his presence, the senate, after examining the matter, would endeavour to give them satisfaction.” It was further resolved, that not only a verbal answer should be given, but that ambassadors should be also sent to those nations, (two to the transalpine chieftain, and three to the other states,) to notify to them the determinations of the senate. They voted, that presents, to the amount of two thousand asses,86 should be sent to the ambassadors; and to the prince, and his brother, some of extraordinary value: two chains made of gold, and weighing five pounds; five silver vases, amounting to twenty pounds’ weight; two horses, fully caparisoned, with grooms to attend them, and horsemen’s armour and cloaks, besides suits of apparel to their attendants, both freemen and slaves. These were presented to them; and, on their request, permission was given to each of them to purchase ten horses, and convey them out of Italy. Caius LÆlius and Marcus Æmilius were sent ambassadors with the Gauls, to the regions on the northern side of the Alps; and Caius Cicinius, Publius Cornelius Blasio, and Titus Memmius, to the other states.

6 Embassies from many states of Greece and Asia arrived at Rome at the same time. The first that had audience of the senate were the Athenians, who represented, that “they had sent what ships and soldiers they had to the consul Publius Licinius, and the prÆtor Caius Lucretius, who did not think proper to employ their forces, but ordered the state to furnish one hundred thousand measures of corn; and, notwithstanding that they were the cultivators of a sterile soil, and that they fed even the husbandmen with imported grain, yet that they might not appear deficient in their duty, they had made up that quantity, and were ready to perform any other service that might be required of them.” The Milesians making no mention of their past services, promised to readily afford any assistance in the war which the senate should think proper to demand. The Alabandians said, that they had erected a temple to the city of Rome, and instituted anniversary games to her divinity; that they had brought a golden crown, of fifty pounds’ weight, to be deposited in the Capitol, as an offering to Jupiter supremely good and great; also three hundred horsemen’s bucklers, which they were ready to deliver to any person appointed to receive them; and they requested permission to lodge the said offering as intended, and to perform sacrifice. Ambassadors from Lampsacus, who brought a crown of eighty pounds’ weight, made the same request, and represented to the senate that “they had renounced the party of Perseus as soon as the Roman army arrived in Macedon, though they had been under the dominion of that monarch, and formerly of Philip. In return for which, and for their having contributed every assistance in their power to the Roman commanders, they only requested to be admitted into the friendship of the Roman people; and that, if peace should be made with Perseus, they should be exempted from falling again into his power.” A gracious answer was given to the rest of the ambassadors, and the prÆtor, Quintus MÆnius, was ordered to enrol the people of Lampsacus as allies. Presents were made to all, and two thousand asses were given to each. The Alabandians were desired to carry back the bucklers into Macedon, to the consul Aulus Hostilius. At the same time ambassadors came from Africa; those of the Carthaginians acquainted the senate that they had brought down to the sea-coast a million of measures of wheat, and five hundred thousand of barley, “to be transported to whatever place the senate should order. They were sensible,” they said, “that this offer, and act of duty, were very inferior the deserts of the Roman people, and to their own inclinations; but that on many other occasions, when both nations were in favourable circumstances, they had performed the duties of faithful and grateful allies.” In like manner, ambassadors from Masinissa offered the same quantity of wheat, one thousand two hundred horsemen, and twelve elephants; desiring, that if he could be of service in any other particular, the senate would lay their commands on him, and he would execute them with as much zeal as if he had proposed them himself. Thanks were returned both to the Carthaginians and to the king; and they were requested to send the supplies, which they had promised, into Macedon, to the consul Hostilius. A present of two thousand asses was made to each of the ambassadors.

7 When the ambassadors of the Cretans mentioned that they had sent into Macedon the number of archers which had been demanded by the consul, Publius Licinius, on being interrogated, they did not deny that a greater number of their archers were serving in the army of Perseus than in that of the Romans: on which they received this answer; that “if the Cretans were candidly and sincerely resolved to prefer the friendship of the Roman people to that of king Perseus, the Roman senate, on their part, would answer them as allies who could be relied on. In the mean time, that they should announce to their countrymen, that the senate required that the Cretans should endeavour to call home, as soon as possible, all the soldiers who were in the service of king Perseus.” The Cretans being dismissed, the ambassadors from Chalcis were called, whose embassy seemed to be a matter of extreme necessity, from the very circumstance of their entering the senate-house at all, since Miction, their chief, having lost the use of his limbs, was introduced on a litter: and either the plea of bad health had not appeared to himself an adequate motive for seeking exemption from duty, though he was in such a distressing state, or exemption had not been given him at his request. After premising that no other part was alive but his tongue, which served him to deplore the calamities of his country, he represented, first, the friendly assistance given by his state to the Roman commanders and armies, both on former occasions and in the war with Perseus; and then, the instances of pride, avarice, and cruelty, which his countrymen had suffered from the Roman prÆtor, Caius Lucretius, and were at that very time suffering from Lucius Hortensius; notwithstanding which, they were resolved to endure all hardships, should they be even more grievous than they underwent at present, rather than swerve from their allegiance. “With regard to Lucretius and Hortensius, they knew that it would have been safer to have shut their gates against them, than to receive them into the city. For those cities which had so done, remained in safety, as Emathea, Amphipolis Maronea, and Ænus; whereas, in Chalcis, the temples were robbed of all their ornaments. Caius Lucretius had carried off in ships, to Antium, the plunder amassed by such sacrilege and had dragged persons of free condition into slavery; the property of the allies of the Roman people was subjected to rapine and plunder every day. For Hortensius, pursuing the practice of Caius Lucretius, kept the crews of his ships in lodgings both in summer and winter alike; so that their houses were filled with a crowd of seamen, and those men who showed no regard to propriety, either in their words or actions, lived among the inhabitants, their wives, and children.”

8 The senate resolved to call Lucretius before them, that he might argue the matter in person, and exculpate himself. But when he appeared, he heard many more crimes alleged against him than had been mentioned in his absence; and two more weighty and powerful accusers stood forth in support of the charges, Manius Juventius Thalna and Cneius Aufidius, plebeian tribunes. These not only arraigned him bitterly in the senate, but dragged him out into the assembly of the people, and there, after reproaching him with many heinous crimes, they instituted a legal prosecution against him. By order of the senate, the prÆtor, Quintus MÆnius, gave this answer to the ambassadors of Chalcis: that “the senate acknowledged their account of the good offices done by them to the Roman people, both on former occasions and during the present war, to be true; and that their conduct met with gratitude, as it ought: that as to the ill treatment, which they complained of having received formerly from Caius Lucretius, and now from Lucius Hortensius, Roman prÆtors, who could suppose that such things were done with the approbation of the senate, who would consider that the Roman people had made war on Perseus, and, before that, on his father Philip, for the express purpose of asserting the liberties of Greece, and not that their friends and allies should receive such treatment from their magistrates: that they would give them a letter to the prÆtor, Lucius Hortensius, informing him that the proceedings, of which the people of Chalcis complained, were highly displeasing to the senate; charging him to take care that all free persons, who had been reduced to slavery, should be sought out as soon as possible, and restored to liberty; and commanding that no seamen, except the masters of vessels, should be permitted to lodge on shore.” Pursuant to the senate’s order, a letter to this purport was written to Hortensius. A present of two thousand asses was made to each of the ambassadors, and carriages were hired for Miction, at the public expense, to carry him commodiously to Brundusium. When the day of Caius Lucretius’s trial came, the tribunes pleaded against him before the people, and demanded that he should be fined in the sum of one million of asses;87 and an assembly of the people being held, every one of the thirty-five pronounced him guilty.

9 In Liguria, nothing worthy of record occurred in that year; for the enemy made no hostile attempt, nor did the consul march his legions into their country; on the contrary, having made himself sure that there would be peace that year, he discharged the soldiers of the two Roman legions within sixty days after his arrival in the province, sent the troops of the Latin confederates early into winter quarters at Luna and PisÆ, and himself, with the cavalry, visited most of the towns in the Gallic province. Although there was no open war any where but in Macedon, yet the Romans suspected Gentius, king of Illyria. The senate, therefore, voted that eight ships, fully equipped, should be sent from Brundusium to Issa, to Caius Furius, lieutenant-general, who, with only two vessels belonging to the inhabitants, held the government of that island. In this squadron were embarked two thousand soldiers, whom the prÆtor, Quintus MÆnius, in pursuance of a decree of the senate, had raised in the quarter of Italy opposite Illyria; and the consul Hostilius sent Appius Claudius, with four thousand foot, into Illyria, to protect the states that bordered on it. But Appius Claudius, not content with the force which he brought with him, collected aid from the allies, until he armed as many as eight thousand men of different nations; and after overrunning all that country, took post at Lychnidus, in the territory of the Dassaretians.

10 Not far from this place was Uscana, a town generally deemed part of the dominions of Perseus. It contained ten thousand inhabitants, and a small party of Cretans, who served as a garrison. From this place messengers came secretly, to Claudius, telling him that “if he brought his army nearer, there would be people ready to put the town into his hands; and that it would be well worth his while; for he would satiate with plunder not only his friends, but also his soldiers.” The hopes presented to his avarice “blinded his understanding to that degree, that he neither detained any of those who came, nor required hostages as a pledge for his security, in a business which was to be transacted clandestinely and treacherously; neither did he send scouts to examine matters, nor require an oath from the messengers; but, on the day appointed, he left Lychnidus, and pitched his camp twelve miles from the city, which was the object of his design. At the fourth watch he set out, leaving about one thousand men to guard the camp. His forces, in disorder, extending themselves in a long irregular train, and few in number, as they were separated by a mistake in the night, arrived in this state at the city. Their carelessness increased when they saw not a soldier on the walls. But as soon as they approached within a weapon’s cast, a sally was made from two gates at once. Besides the shout raised by the sallying party, a tremendous noise was heard on the walls, composed of the yells of women and the sound of brazen instruments, while the rabble of the place, mixed with a multitude of slaves, made the air resound with various cries. Such a number of terrific circumstances, presented to them on all sides, had such an effect, that the Romans were unable to support the first onset of the sallying party; so that a greater number of them were killed in the flight than in the battle, and scarcely two thousand, with the lieutenant-general himself, effected their escape. The enemy had the greater opportunity of overtaking the weary Romans, in proportion to their distance from the camp. Appius, without even halting in the camp to collect his scattered troops, which would have been the means of saving many stragglers, led back, directly, to Lychnidus, the remains of his unfortunate army.

11 These and other unfavourable occurrences in Macedon were learned from Sextus Digitius, a military tribune, who came to Rome to perform a sacrifice. The senate being apprehensive on account of these advices of some greater disgrace ensuing, deputed Marcus Fulvius Flaccus and Marcus Caninius Rebilus to go to Macedon, and bring certain information of what was going on there; at the same time ordering that the consul, Aulus Hostilius, should summon the assembly for the election of consuls, and arrange that it might be held in the month of January, and should come home to the city as soon as possible. In the mean time instructions were given to the prÆtor, Marcus Recius, to call home to Rome, by proclamation, all the senators from every part of Italy, except such as were absent on public business; and it was resolved that none of those who were in Rome should go further than one mile from the city. All this was done pursuant to the votes of the senate. The election of consuls was held on the fifth day before the calends of February. Quintus Marcius Philippus a second time, and Cneius Servilius CÆpio, were elected consuls. Three days after, Caius Decimius, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, Caius Sulpicius Gallus, Caius Marcius Figulus, Servius Cornelius Lentulus, and Publius Fonteius Capito, were chosen prÆtors. Four other provinces in addition to the two in the city were assigned to the prÆtors elect; these provinces were Spain, Sardinia, Sicily, and the fleet. Towards the end of February the deputies returned from Macedon, and gave an account of the successful enterprises of Perseus during the preceding summer, and of the great fears which had taken possession of the allies of the Roman people, on account of so many cities being reduced under the king’s power. They reported, that “the consul’s troops were very thin, in consequence of leave of absence being granted to great numbers, with the view of gaining popularity; the blame of which the consul laid upon the military tribunes, and they, on the other hand, on the consul.” The senate understood them to make little of the disgrace sustained through the rashness of Claudius, since they represented “that very few soldiers of Italian extraction were lost, the greatest part being the soldiers raised in that country by an irregular levy.” The consuls elect received orders, immediately on entering into office, to propose the affairs of Macedon to the consideration of the senate; and Italy and Macedon were appointed their provinces. An intercalation was made in the calendar of this year, intercalary calends being reckoned on the third day after the feast of Terminus. There died of the priests during this year, Lucius Flaminius, augur, and two pontiffs, Lucius Furius Philus, and Caius Livius Salinator. In the room of Furius, the pontiffs chose Titus Manlius Torquatus, and in that of Livius, Marcus Servilius.

12 In the beginning of the ensuing year, when the new consuls, Quintus Marcius and Cneius Servilius, had proposed the distribution of the provinces for consideration, the senate voted that they should, without delay, either settle between themselves about Macedon and Italy, or cast lots for them; and that, before the lot should decide this matter, and while the destination of each was uncertain, lest interest might have any influence, the supplies of men, which the exigency required for each province, should be ordered. Six thousand Roman foot and six thousand of the Latin allies, two hundred and fifty Roman horse and three hundred of the allies, were voted for Macedon. The old soldiers were to be discharged, so that there should be in each Roman legion no more than six thousand foot and three hundred horse. The number of Roman citizens, which the other consul was to enlist for a reinforcement, was not precisely determined; there was only this limitation mentioned, that he should raise two legions, each of them to contain five thousand two hundred foot and three hundred horse. A larger number of Latin infantry was decreed to him than to his colleague; no less than ten thousand foot, with six hundred horse. An order was given for raising four other legions, to serve wherever occasion might require. The consuls were not allowed the appointment of the military tribunes; the people elected them. The confederates of the Latin nation were ordered to furnish sixteen thousand foot and one thousand horse. This force was intended only to be kept in readiness, to march out should any exigency demand it. Macedon gave the senate most anxiety; they ordered, that one thousand Roman citizens, of the rank of freed-men, should be enlisted in Italy, as seamen, to man the fleet, and the same number in Sicily; and instructions were given the prÆtor, to whose lot the government of the latter province fell, to the effect that he should take care to carry these over to Macedon, to whatever place the fleet should be stationed at. Three thousand Roman foot and three hundred horse were voted to recruit the army in Spain. Then also the number of men in each legion was limited to five thousand foot and three hundred and thirty horse. Besides these, the prÆtor, to whose lot Spain should fall, was ordered to levy from the allies four thousand foot and three hundred horse.

13 I am well aware, that, through the same disregard of religion, owing to which the men of the present day generally believe that the gods never give portents of any future events, no prodigies are now either reported to government, or recorded in histories. But for my part, while I am writing the transactions of ancient times, my sentiments, I know not how, become antique; and a kind of religious awe prevents me from considering events, which the men of those days, renowned for wisdom, judged deserving of the attention of the state and of public expiation, unworthy of being recorded in my history. From Anagnia two prodigies were reported this year: that a blazing torch was seen in the air; and that a cow spoke, and was maintained at the public expense. About the same time, at MinturnÆ, the sky appeared as in a blaze of fire. At Reate, a shower of stones fell. At CumÆ, the image of Apollo, in the citadel, shed tears during three days and three nights. In the city of Rome, two of the keepers of the temples made strange announcements, one that in the temple of Fortune, a snake, with a mane like that of a horse, had been seen by many; the other, that, in the temple of Fortuna Primigenia on the hill, a palm sprung up in the court, and that a shower of blood fell in the middle of the day. Two prodigies were not attended to: one, because it happened in a place belonging to a private person; Titus Marcius Figulus having reported, that a palm sprung up in the inner court of his house; the other, because it occurred in a foreign place, FregellÆ,—where, in the house of Lucius Arreus, a spear which he had bought for his son, who was a soldier, burned, as was said, for more than two hours, and notwithstanding the fire consumed none of it. The Sibylline books were consulted by the decemvirs on account of the public prodigies. They directed that the consuls should sacrifice forty of the larger victims to the deities, whom they pointed out; that a supplication should be performed; and that all the magistrates should sacrifice victims of the larger kinds in all the temples, and the people wear garlands. All these acts were performed according to the injunctions of the decemvirs.

14 Then the elections were held for the creation of censors. Several of the first men in the state, including Caius Valerius LÆvinus, Lucius Postumius Albinus, Publius Mucius ScÆvola, Marcus Junius Brutus, Caius Claudius Pulcher, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, were candidates for this office. The Roman people appointed the two last censors. As, on account of the Macedonian war, greater attention was paid to holding the levy than usual, the consuls made a complaint to the senate against the plebeians, that even the younger men did not obey their summons. But, in opposition to them, Caius Sulpicius and Marcus Claudius, tribunes of the people, pleaded in favour of the plebeians; asserting, that “the levying of soldiers was a difficult task, not to the consuls in general, but to such consuls as affected popularity; that no man was made a soldier by them against his inclination; and that the conscript fathers might be convinced of the truth of this, the prÆtors, who in their office had less power and authority, would, if it seemed good to the senate, complete the levy.” That business was accordingly committed to the care of the prÆtors by an unanimous vote of the senate, not without great murmuring on the part of the consuls. The censors, in order to forward it, published, in a general assembly, the following notice: that “they would make it a rule in conducting the survey, that, besides the common oath taken by all citizens, the younger part should swear in this manner, when challenged,—You are younger than forty-six years, and you shall attend at the levy, pursuant to the edict of Caius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius, censors; and you shall attend at the levy, as often as there shall be a levy held by any magistrate during the aforesaid censors’ continuance in office, if you shall not have been already enlisted.” Also as there was a report, that many men belonging to the legions in Macedon were absent from the army on furloughs, which did not limit the time, and were granted by the commanders to ingratiate themselves with the soldiers, they issued a proclamation concerning all who had been draughted for Macedon in the consulate of Publius Ælius and Caius Popilius, or since that period; that “such as were in Italy should, after being first registered by them in the survey, repair within thirty days to the province in which they served; and that, if any were under the power of a father or grandfather, the names of such should be notified to them. That they would also make inquiry into the cases of the soldiers who had been discharged; and that they would order those, whose discharge should appear to have been obtained through favour, before the regular number of campaigns were served, to be enlisted again.” In consequence of this proclamation, and letters from the censors being dispersed through the market-towns and villages, such multitudes of young men flocked to Rome, that the extraordinary crowd was even inconvenient to the city. Besides enrolling those whom it was necessary to send as a reinforcement for the armies, four legions were raised by the prÆtor, Caius Sulpicius, and the levies were completed within eleven days.

15 The consuls then cast lots for their provinces; the prÆtors, on account of the civil jurisdiction, had determined theirs earlier in the season. The civil jurisdiction had fallen to Caius Sulpicius; the foreign, to Caius Decimius; Marcus Claudius Marcellus had obtained by lot Spain; Servius Cornelius Lentulus, Sicily; Publius Fonteius Capito, Sardinia; and Caius Marcius Figulus had received the command of the fleet. In the arrangement of the consular provinces, Italy fell to Cneius Servilius, and Macedon to Quintus Marcius; and the latter set out as soon as the Latin festival could be celebrated. CÆpio then desired the senate to direct which two of the new legions he should take with him into Gaul; when they ordered, that the prÆtors Caius Sulpicius and Marcus Claudius should give the consul such of the legions, which they had raised, as they should think fit. The latter, highly offended at a consul being subjected to the will of prÆtors, adjourned the senate; and standing at the tribunal of the prÆtors, demanded, that pursuant to the decree, they should assign him two legions; but the prÆtors left the consul to his own discretion in selecting them. The censors then called over the list of the senate. Marcus Æmilius Lepidus was now, by the third censors, chosen prince of the senate. Seven were expelled that body. In making the survey of the people, they discovered from the rolls how many of the soldiers belonging to the army in Macedonia were absent, and obliged them all to return to that province. They inquired into the cases of the men who had been discharged; and, when any of their discharges appeared irregular in respect of time, they put the following oath to them: “Do you truly swear, that you will, without deceit or evasion, return into the province of Macedon, according to the edict of the censors, Caius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius?”

16 In the review of the knights their censorship was very severe and harsh: they deprived many of their horses; and after giving offence to the equestrian order in this matter, they inflamed the general displeasure to a higher degree by an edict, in which they ordered, that “no person who had farmed the public revenues or taxes from the censors Quintus Fulvius and Aulus Postumius, should attend their sale, or have any partnership or connexion in the contracts then to be made.” When the former tax-contractors could not prevail on the senate, by their frequent complaints, to check the power of the censors, at length they found a patron of their cause in Publius Rutilius, a plebeian tribune, who was incensed against the censors in consequence of a dispute about a private concern. They had ordered a client of his, a freed-man, to throw down a wall, which stood opposite to a public building in the Sacred Street, because it was built on ground belonging to the public. The tribunes were appealed to by the citizen. When none of them would interfere, except Rutilius, the censors were sent to seize the property of the citizen, and imposed a fine on him in a public assembly. When the present dispute broke out, and the old revenue-farmers had recourse to the tribunes, a bill was suddenly promulgated under the name of one of the tribunes, that “with regard to the public revenues and taxes, which Caius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius should have hired out, all contracts made by them should be null and void: that they should all be let anew, and that every person, without distinction, should be at liberty to bid for and take them.” The tribune appointed the day for an assembly to vote on this bill. When the day came, and the censors stood forth to argue against the order, there was deep silence while Gracchus addressed them: when the voice of Claudius was drowned in the murmurs, he directed the crier to cause silence, that he might be heard. When this was done, the tribune, complaining that the assembly which he had summoned was taken out of his rule, and that he was reduced to a private capacity, retired from the Capitol, where the assembly met. Next day he raised a violent commotion. In the first place, he declared the property of Tiberius Gracchus forfeited to the gods, because he, by fining and seizing the goods of a person who had appealed to a tribune, and by refusing to admit the tribune’s right of protesting, had reduced him to a private capacity. He instituted a criminal process against Caius Claudius because he had summoned the assembly away from him, and declared his intention of prosecuting both the censors for treason; and he demanded of Caius Sulpicius, the city prÆtor, that he would fix a day for an assembly to try them. As the censors offered no objection to the people passing their sentence on them as soon as they pleased, their trial for treason was fixed to come the eighth and seventh days before the calends of October. The censors went up immediately to the temple of Liberty, where they sealed the books of the public accounts, shut up the office, and dismissed the clerks; affirming, that they would do no kind of public business until the sentence of the people was passed on them. Claudius was first brought to trial; and after eight out of the eighteen centuries of knights, and many others of the first class, had given sentence against him, the principal men in the state, immediately taking off their gold rings, in the sight of the people, put on mourning, in order that they might suppliantly solicit the commons in his favour. Yet, it is said, that Gracchus was the chief means of making a change in their sentiments; for when shouts arose from the commons on all sides that Gracchus was in no danger, he took a formal oath, that if his colleague were condemned, he would be his companion in exile, without waiting for their judgment concerning himself. After all, the case of the accused was so near being desperate, that the votes of eight centuries only were wanting to condemn him. When Claudius was acquitted, the tribune said, that he would not delay Gracchus.

17 This year, when the ambassadors of the Aquileians demanded that the number of the colonists should be increased, one thousand five hundred families were enrolled by a decree of the senate; and Titus Annius Luscus, Publius Decius Subulo, and Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, were appointed commissioners to conduct them. During the same year, Caius Popilius and Cneius Octavius, who had been sent ambassadors into Greece, read, first at Thebes, and afterwards carried about to all the other states of Peloponnesus, a decree, ordering, that “no person should furnish the Roman magistrates with any thing for the use of the war, except what the senate should determine.” This afforded the allies a pleasing confidence, with regard to the future also, that they would be relieved from the heavy burdens and expenses, by which they were exhausted, in consequence of the various demands of those magistrates. In the council of Achaia, held at Ægium, the ambassadors spoke, and were heard with sentiments of mutual esteem and affection; and then, leaving that faithful nation in confident assurance of lasting prosperity, they crossed over to Ætolia. No civil war had yet broke out in that country; but all places were full of suspicion and mutual recrimination. The ambassadors having demanded hostages on account of these disputes, set out from this place to Acarnania, without putting an end to the evil. The Acarnanians gave to the ambassadors an audience of their general council at Thyrium. Here, too, there was a struggle between opposite factions; some of the nobles required that garrisons might be placed in their cities, to protect them against the madness of those who were endeavouring to bring the nation over to the Macedonians; and others objected to the measure, lest peaceful and allied cities should receive such an insult, as was usually offered only to towns taken in war, or engaged in hostilities. Their objection was reckoned reasonable. The ambassadors returned to Larissa, to Hostilius, for by him they had been sent. He kept Octavius with him, and sent Popilius, with about a thousand soldiers, into winter quarters at Ambracia.

18 Perseus did not venture, at the commencement of winter, to go out of the limits of Macedon, lest the Romans might make an irruption into the kingdom by some unguarded quarter; but on the approach of the winter solstice, when the depth of the snow renders the mountains between it and Thessaly impassable, he thought the season favourable for crushing the hopes and spirits of his neighbours, lest any danger should be lurking there, while his attention was turned to the Romans; since Cotys afforded him security in the direction of Thrace, and Cephalus, by his sudden revolt from the Romans, freed him from uneasiness on the side of Epirus, and his late expedition had subdued the Dardanians, he considered that Macedon was only exposed on the side next to Illyria, the Illyrians themselves being in motion, and having offered a free passage to the Romans: hoping, however, that if he reduced the nearest tribes of Illyrians, Gentius himself, who had long been wavering, might be brought into alliance with him, he set out at the head of ten thousand foot, the greater part of whom were soldiers of the phalanx, two thousand light infantry, and five hundred horse, and proceeded to Stubera. Having there supplied himself with corn sufficient for many days, and ordered every requisite for besieging towns to be sent after him, he encamped on the third day before Uscana, the largest city in the Penestian country. Before he employed force, he sent emissaries to sound the dispositions, sometimes of the commanders of the garrison, sometimes of the inhabitants; for, besides some troops of Illyrians, there was a Roman garrison in the place. When his emissaries brought back no friendly message, he resolved to attack the town, and made an attempt to take it by a line of circumvallation formed of troops; but though his men, relieving one another, continued without intermission, either by day or night, some to apply ladders to the walls, others to attempt to set fire to the gates, yet the defenders of the city sustained that shock, for they had hopes that the Macedonians would not be able to endure any longer the severity of the winter in the open field; and besides, that the king would not have so long a respite from the war with Rome, that he would be able to stay there. But, when they saw the machines in motion, and towers erected, their resolution was overcome; for, besides that they were unequal to a contest with his force, they had not a sufficient store of corn, or any other necessary, as they had not expected a siege. Therefore when they had no hopes of being able to hold out, Caius Carvilius Spoletinus and Caius Afranius were sent by the Roman garrison to request from Perseus, first, to allow the troops to march out with their arms, and to carry their effects with them; and then, if they could not obtain that, to receive his promise of their lives and liberty. The king promised more generously than he performed; for, after desiring them to march out with their effects, the first thing he did was to take away their arms. As soon as they left the city, both the cohort of Illyrians, five hundred in number, and the inhabitants of Uscana, immediately surrendered themselves and the city.

19 Perseus, placing a garrison in Uscana, carried away to Stubera the whole multitude of prisoners, almost equal to his army in number. He then distributed the Romans, who amounted to four thousand, besides officers, among several cities, to be kept in custody; and, having sold the Uscanians and Illyrians, led back his army to Penestia, to reduce the city of OÆneus: the town is advantageously situated in other respects, and besides, in that direction there is a passage into the country of the Labeatians, where Gentius was king. As he passed by a fort, named Draudacum, which was full of men, one of the persons, well acquainted with the country, told him that “there was no use in taking OÆneus unless he had Draudacum in his power; for the latter was situated more advantageously in every respect.” When his army was brought against it, the garrison surrendered unanimously and at once. Encouraged by the surrender of this place, which was earlier than he hoped, and perceiving what terrors his march diffused, by taking advantage of the like fears, he reduced eleven other forts to submission. Against a very few he had occasion to use force; the rest submitted voluntarily; among whom one thousand five hundred Roman soldiers were taken, who had been divided among the Roman garrisons. Carvilius Spoletinus was very serviceable to him in his conferences with the garrison, by declaring that no severity had been shown to his own party. At length he arrived at OÆneus, which could not be taken without a regular siege. The town possessed a much greater number of young men than the others, and was strong in its fortifications. It was enclosed on one side by a river called Artatus, and on another by a very high mountain of difficult access; these circumstances gave the inhabitants courage to make resistance. Perseus, having drawn lines of circumvallation, began, on the higher ground, to raise a mound, which he intended should exceed the wall in height. By the time that this work was completed, the besieged, in their many actions, when sallying out to defend their works, or to obstruct those of the enemy, had lost great numbers by various chances; while the survivors were rendered useless by wounds, and by continual labour both in the day and night. As soon as the mound was brought close to the wall, the royal cohort (the men of which are called Nicators) rushed from it into the town, while an assault was made by scalade in many places at once. All the males, who had reached the age of puberty, were put to the sword, their wives and children were thrown into confinement, and every thing else was given as booty to the soldiers. Returning thence victorious to Stubera, he sent, as ambassadors to Gentius,—Pleuratus, an Illyrian, who lived in exile at his court, and AdÆus, a Macedonian, from Beroea. He gave them instructions to represent his exploits against the Romans and Dardanians during the preceding summer and winter, and to add the recent operations of his winter campaign in Illyria, and to exhort Gentius to unite with him and the Macedonians in a treaty of friendship.

20 They crossed over the top of Mount Scordus, and through desert tracts of Illyria, which the Macedonians had laid waste, for the purpose of preventing the Dardanians from passing easily into Illyria or Macedon; and, at length, after undergoing prodigious fatigue, arrived at Scodra. King Gentius was at Lissus; to which place the ambassadors were invited, and received a favourable audience while stating their instructions, but obtained an indecisive answer: that “he wanted not inclination to go to war with the Romans, but was in extreme want of money to enable him to enter on such an undertaking, though he wished to do so.” This answer they brought to the king at Stubera, whilst he was engaged in selling the Illyrian prisoners. The same ambassadors were immediately sent back, with an accession to their numbers in Glaucias, one of his body guards, but without any mention of money; the only thing by which the needy barbarian could be induced to take a part in the war. Then Perseus, after ravaging Ancyra, led back his army once more into Penestia; and having strengthened the garrison of Uscana, and the surrounding fortresses which he had taken, he retired into Macedon.

21 Lucius CÆlius, a Roman lieutenant-general, commanded at that time in Illyria. While the king was in that country he did not venture to stir; but, on his departure, he made an attempt to recover Uscana, in Penestia; in which being repulsed, with great loss, by the Macedonian garrison, he led back his forces to Lychnidus. In a short time after he sent Marcus Trebellius Fregellanus, with a very strong force, into Penestia, to receive hostages from the cities which had faithfully remained in friendship. He ordered him, also, to march on to the Parthinians, who had likewise covenanted to give hostages, which were received from both nations without any trouble: those of the Penestians were sent to Apollonia; those of the Parthinians, to Dyrrachium, then more generally called by the Greeks Epidamnus. Appius Claudius, wishing to repair the disgrace which he had suffered in Illyria, made an attack on Phanote, a fortress of Epirus; bringing with him, besides the Roman troops, Athamanian and Thesprotian auxiliaries, to the amount of six thousand men; nor did he gain any advantage to recompense his exertion, for Clevas, who had been left there with a strong garrison, effectually defended the place. Perseus marched to Elimea, and, after reviewing his army in the vicinity of that town, led it to Stratus, in compliance with an invitation of the Epirotes. Stratus was then the strongest city in Ætolia. It stands on the Ambracian Gulf, near the river Inachus. Thither he marched with ten thousand foot and three hundred horse; for, on account of the narrowness and ruggedness of the roads, he led a smaller army than he would otherwise have done. On the third day he came to Mount Citium, which he could scarcely climb over, by reason of the depth of the snow, and with difficulty found even a place for his camp. Leaving that spot, rather because he could not conveniently stay, than that either the road or the weather was tolerable, the army, after suffering severe hardships, which fell heaviest on the beasts of burden, encamped on the second day at the temple of Jupiter, called NicÆus. After a very long march thence, he halted at the river Aracthus, being detained there by the depth of the water, during the time in which a bridge was being constructed; he then led over his army, and, having proceeded one day’s march, met Archidamus, an Ætolian of distinction, who proposed delivering Stratus into his hands.

22 On that day Perseus encamped at the borders of the Ætolian territory; and, on the next, arrived before Stratus, where, pitching his camp near the river Achelous, he expected that the Ætolians would come in crowds to put themselves under his protection; but on the contrary, he found the gates shut, and discovered that the very night on which he arrived, a Roman garrison, under Caius Popilius, lieutenant-general, had been received into the town. The nobles, who, induced by the authority of Archidamus, while he was present, had invited the king, as soon as he went out to meet Perseus had become less zealous, and had given an opportunity to the opposite faction to call in Popilius, with one thousand foot, from Ambracia. At the same juncture came also Dinarchus, general of the Ætolian cavalry, with six hundred foot and one hundred horse. It was well known that he came to Stratus intending to act with Perseus; but that, with the change of fortune, he had changed his mind, and joined the Romans, against whom he had come. Nor was Popilius less on his guard than he ought to be among people of such fickle tempers. He immediately took into his own keeping the keys of the gates, with the direction of the guard of the walls, and removed Dinarchus and the Ætolians, together with the young men of Stratus, into the citadel, under pretence of garrisoning it. Perseus sounded the garrison, by addressing them from the eminences that hung over the upper part of the city, and finding that they were obstinate, and even kept him at a distance with weapons, removed his camp to the other side of the river Petitarus, about five miles from the town: there he held a council, wherein Archidamus and the refugees from Epirus were for detaining him there; but the Macedonian nobles were of opinion that he ought not to fight against the severity of the season without having magazines of provisions; in which case the besiegers would feel a scarcity sooner than the besieged, especially as the winter quarters of the enemy were at no great distance: being deterred by these considerations, he removed his camp into Aperantia. The Aperantians, in consequence of the great interest and influence which Archidamus possessed among them, submitted to Perseus with universal consent; and Archidamus himself was appointed their governor, with a body of eight hundred soldiers.

23 The king then returned into Macedon with his men and horses, not less harassed than they had been in their advance to Stratus. However, the report of Perseus’s march to that place obliged Appius to raise the siege of Phanote. Clevas, with a body of active young men, pursued him to the foot of some mountains, which formed a defile almost impassable, killed one thousand men of his disordered troops, and took two hundred prisoners. Appius, when he got clear of the defile, encamped for a few days in a plain named Meleon. Meanwhile Clevas, being joined by Philostratus, who was invested with the chief power among the nation of the Epirotes, proceeded over the mountains into the lands of Antigonea. The Macedonians setting out to plunder, Philostratus, with his division, posted himself in ambush, in a place where he could not be seen. When the troops at Antigonea sallied out against the straggling plunderers, they pursued them in their flight with too great eagerness, until they precipitated themselves into the valley which was beset by the enemy, who killed one thousand, and made about one hundred prisoners. Being thus successful every where, they encamped near the post of Appius, in order to prevent the Roman army from offering any violence to their allies. Appius, as he was wasting time there to no purpose, dismissed the Chaonian and other Epirotes, and with his Italian soldiers marched back to Illyria; then sending the troops to their several winter quarters, in the confederate cities of the Parthinians, he went home to Rome on account of a sacrifice. Perseus recalled from the nation of the Penestians one thousand foot and two hundred horse, and sent them to garrison Cassandria. His ambassadors returned from Gentius with the same answer as before. Still he did not cease from soliciting him, but sent embassy after embassy; yet, notwithstanding that he was sensible of the powerful support he would find in Gentius, the Macedonian could not prevail on himself to expend money on the business, although it was to him a question of vital importance.