A Corsican of noble birth who left his country after it fell under the rule of France, and whose influence was used with Alexander to encourage him in a Liberal policy.
[1]
A popular and patriotic society, for training the Germans in resistance to the French yoke.
[2]
"He congratulated me on the fact that circumstances had spared me the tremendous ordeals usually undergone; and seeing me smile at this, he asked me severely what I should have done if I had been required, as others had been, to fire off a pistol in my own ear, which had been previously loaded before my eyes. I replied that I should have refused, telling the initiators that either there was some valve in the interior of the pistol into which the bullet fell—in which case the affair was a farce unworthy of both of us—or the bullet had really remained in the stock: and in that case it struck me as somewhat absurd to call upon a man to fight for his country, and make it his first duty to blow out the few brains God had vouchsafed to him."—Life and Writings of Mazzini, Vol. I.
[3]
As an instance of his way of carrying out this idea may be mentioned his feeling to Savoy. He felt that in race, language, and possibly in sympathy, Savoy might naturally gravitate towards France, while its geographical position and the modes of life of its inhabitants might naturally connect it with Switzerland. He therefore desired that by the deliberate vote of an elected Assembly, not by a fictitious Napoleonic plebiscite, Savoy should decide the question of its connection with Italy, France, or Switzerland. Mazzini expressed a hope that it would decide in favour of Switzerland.
[4]
"Mais M. Bulwer parler de faire la guerre, et faire la guerre sont choses bien diffÉrentes."
[5]
Document 158 to Gualterio Gli Ultimi Rivolgimenti Italiani.
[6]
I feel that some explanation is needed for the rejection of what was once one of the most deeply-rooted traditions among all Liberals who interested themselves in the politics of this period. I must, therefore, state that my chief authority for my account of the paralysis of the Austrian Government in the Galician insurrection, and their consequent innocence of any organized massacre, is Dr. Herbst, the well-known leader of the German Liberals in the Austrian Reichstag, who was in Galicia at the time of the insurrection.
[7]
I do not know what relation he was to the more celebrated Santa Rosa of 1821.
[8]
The word "Anschluss" seems hardly to imply so complete a union as was afterwards aimed at by the German party in Vienna.
[9]
This petition must be given at length in order that students of the Revolution may realize the peculiar character of the Bohemian movement, since this is the only one of the March risings in which the claim of an oppressed people to live in peaceable equality beside their former oppressors was, for the time, successfully established.
[10]
Rakoczi is still to a great extent a national hero among the Magyars, as is shown by the name of the Rakoczi March, which is given to one of the national airs; for the Magyars, in the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth centuries, were willing to risk the separation of Transylvania from Hungary if thereby they could secure an independent background to their struggles for liberty against Austria, much as the Venetians in 1859 were thankful for the liberation of Lombardy from Austria, though it involved the loss to Venetia of fellow-sufferers under Austrian oppression.
[11]
English readers may be reminded by this scene of that fiery debate on the Grand Remonstrance, when the members of the House of Commons would "have sheathed their swords in each other's bowels, had not the sagacity and great calmness of Mr. Hampden, by a short speech, prevented it."
[12]
Out of the various efforts of the Roman Catholics to bring back the Greeks to the Roman Church, there had arisen a community called the United Greeks, which acknowledged the power of the Pope while maintaining the Greek ritual.
[13]
To avoid needless controversy, I may add that I am perfectly aware of the tyranny exercised by Milan over Lodi and other small towns; but the fact remains that the real force of the Lombard League, in its struggle against Barbarossa, lay in the equal union of the greater towns of Lombardy.
[14]
It must be admitted that a protest was made by some of the members against Radetzky's restoration of the Duke of Modena; but then the Duke of Modena was not subject to the Viennese Parliament, and Radetzky, in restoring him, had acted without their authority.
[15]
The boundary river between Croatia and Hungary.
[16]
It is also worth noting that the first production of the freed Press of Vienna in March, 1848, was a poem by L. A. von Frankl, in praise of the services of the students to the cause of liberty; but, though this poem gained some celebrity at the time, it does not as easily lend itself to translation as the one translated above.
[17]
The following dialogue is taken from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung."
[18]
This alludes to the dissolution of several clubs by Wrangel's orders.
[19]
I must admit that my estimate of GÖrgei is, in many respects, lower than that of men whose opportunities of observing the facts, and whose general candour of judgment entitles their opinion to great respect. I can only plead that the severest judgments which I have passed upon him are founded upon his own memoirs; that is, partly upon the facts narrated in them, and partly upon the tone in which they are written.
[20]
This was the title of the Emperor Ferdinand in his capacity of King of Hungary.
[21]
It will observed that the Roumanians used, wherever possible, the old Roman titles, in order to assert their connection with ancient Rome.
[22]
The Council which advised the Ban.
[23]
A Bolognese priest, who followed Garibaldi partly in the character of a chaplain and partly as aide-de-camp. See "The Disciples," by Mrs. E. H. King.
