To the Worthy Gentlemen my surviving Owners, the Worshipful Christopher Shuter Esq., Sir John Hawkins Kt., John Romsey Esq.; Capt. Philip Freake, Mr. James Hollidge, Francis Rogers, Thomas Goldney, Thomas Clements, Thomas Coutes, John Corsely, John Duckinfield, Richard Hawksworth, William Saunders, John Grant, Laurence Hollister, and Daniel Hickman, Merchants in Bristol. Gentlemen, AS you did me the Honour to approve my Proposals for the following Voyage, and generously fitted out two Ships, in which you gave me the principal Command; I no sooner resolv’d to publish my Journal, than I determin’d to chuse you for my Patrons: and thereby to take an opportunity of expressing my Gratitude to you, who had the Courage to adventure your Estates on an Undertaking, which to Men less discerning seem’d impracticable. I heartily congratulate you on the Success and Profit of this Long and Hazardous Voyage; which might have been greater, but the following Sheets will show it was not my fault. I shall only add on this Head, that I used my utmost Endeavours to promote your Interest, which was always prefer’d to my own. I make no doubt, it will be to your lasting Honour, that such a Voyage was undertaken from Bristol at your Expence; since it has given the Publick a sufficient Evidence of what may be done in those Parts, and since the Wisdom of the Nation has now agreed to establish a Trade to the South-Seas, which, with the Blessing of God, may bring vast Riches to Great Britain. I wish you intire Health and Happiness, and am, Gentlemen, A |
Thos. Dover President, | Charles Pope, |
Stephen Courtney, | Carleton Vanbrugh, |
Woodes Rogers, | Tho. Glendall, |
Edward Cooke, | John Bridge, |
William Dampier, | John Ballet. |
Robert Frye, |
Sept. 10. At six in the Morning we saw a Sail; after speaking with our Consort, we both chas’d. I gave the Dutchess about a mile start of us, in order to spread the more. It blew fresh, with a great Sea; and the Chase being to Windward, we crouded extravagantly. Wind at N W.
Sept. 11. At three yesterday Afternoon we came up with the Chase, who bore down right upon us, shewing Swedish Colours. I fir’d twice at her before she brought to, then went aboard her with my Yall,
Sept. 12. Yesterday the Wind was very little and veerable, and we had an Observation, 34 deg. 30 min. N.
Sept. 13. Those in Irons discover’d others who were Ringleaders in the Mutiny, whom we also punish’d, and confin’d one of them in Irons with the rest. Alexander Wynter was made Boatswain instead of Giles Cash, one of the Mutineers. Fair pleasant Weather, little Wind at N W by W.
Sept. 14. I agreed with the Captain of the Crown Galley to carry my Boatswain (who was the most dangerous Fellow among the Mutineers) in Irons with him to Maderas. I did not at his first Confinement think of sending him off; but this day a Sailor came aft to the Steeridg Door, with near half the Ship’s Company of Sailors following him, and demanded the Boatswain out of Irons. I desir’d him to speak with me by himself on the Quarter-Deck, which he did, where the Officers assisted me, seiz’d him, and made one of his chief Comrades whip him. This Method I thought best for breaking any unlawful Friendship amongst themselves; which, with different Correction to other Offenders, allay’d the Tumult; so that now they begin to submit quietly, and those in Irons beg Pardon, and promise Amendment, This Mutiny would not have been easily lay’d, were it not for the number of our Officers, which we begin to find very necessary to bring our Crew to Order and Discipline, which
It being little Wind, and contrary, we agreed to pass by Maderas, and cruise a little amongst the Canary Islands for Liquor, to prevent Loss of time: So we took leave of the Crown Galley, who was bound into Madera.
Sept. 15. Last night we sent Giles Cash aboard her in Irons, with several Letters by the Commander at large to our Owners. We parted at twelve a Clock at night. Fair Weather, very little Wind from W N W. to N by E. had a very good Observation. Latitude 31 deg. 29 min. N.
Sept. 16. I discharg’d the Prisoners from their Irons, upon their humble Submission and strict Promises of good Behaviour for time to come. While they continu’d in Irons they had Centries over them, and were fed with Bread and Water. Those that were Officers we restor’d to their Places, and every body was order’d to obey them; John Pillar the Boatswain’s Mate was advanc’d to be Boatswain, so that we are all quiet again. About eight this morning we saw Land, and found it to be Salvage’s Island, bearing S S W. distant eight Leagues, Latitude 29 deg. 45 min. Wind very little, and veerable, with fair clear Weather.
Sept. 17. Moderate Gales of Wind; the Salvages at a distance is not unlike the Island Lundy in Bristol Channel, about two miles long, a high Island. This Morning we saw the Rock, that appear’d to us a good League to the S W. of the Island, and took it to be a Sail till we came near it. Little Wind between the N N E. and the West.
Sept. 18. At four yesterday in the Afternoon we came in sight of Pico Teneriff, bearing S W by W. distant about eight Leagues; steer’d S S E. and S E by S. for Grand Canaries. This Morning about five a clock we spy’d a Sail under our Lee Bow, between the Islands of Grand Canaries and Forteventura; we chas’d her, and at 7 came up with her. Our Consort being a little a Head, fir’d a Gun, and made her bring to; she prov’d a Prize, being a Spanish Bark about 25 Tuns, belonging to Oratava on Teneriff, and bound to Forteventura with about 45 Passengers; who rejoic’d when they found us English, because they fear’d we were Turks. Amongst the Prisoners were four Fryars, and one of them the Padre Guardian for the Island Forteventura, a good honest
Sept. 19. After we had took the Prize, we stood to the Westward for Teneriff, in order to have her ransom’d; where our Agent Mr. Vanbrugh press’d to go ashoar with some of the Prisoners. At eleven last night the Wind being at N E. when we were very near the Shore, we could hardly weather Cape Nago, the Eastermost part of Teneriff, till the Wind veer’d to the Northward. We stood off till Day: In the Morning it prov’d moderate, so we stood in for Oratava, and sent the Spanish Master of the Bark to it in his Boat, being mann’d with some of the Prisoners. Mr. Vanbrugh still insisting to go ashore, I consented, tho against my Judgment, and he went with them to treat for the Ransom of the Hull of the Bark; her small Cargo, which consisted in two Butts of Wine, and one Hogshead of Brandy, and other small matters, we design’d for our own use in both Ships, the Agents of each being to take an account of it the first Opportunity. Fresh Gale of Wind at N E.
Sept. 20. About eight this Morning came a Boat off from Oratava with a Flag of Truce, and brought a Letter signifying that unless we would immediately restore the Bark and Cargo, Mr. Vanbrugh should be detain’d. I sent to Capt. Courtney, who agreed with me on an Answer. We stood in with our Ships within a League of the Town, to tow in the Boat for Dispatch, and about eleven they went ashore again. Wind at N E by E. very fresh.
The Letter sent us was as follows:
Capt. Rogers and Capt. Courtney;
Gentlemen,
Port Oratava, 20 Sept. 1708.
‘YOUR Lieutenant coming ashore, and having given an account to our Governor of your having taken a Boat belonging to this place bound to Forteventura; we must inform you that her Majesty is graciously pleas’d to allow a Trade between her Subjects and the People of these Islands, whereof we suppose you are not ignorant; and that it is approv’d of not only by his Catholick Majesty, but also by the most gracious Christian King, who has sent Amongst the Canary Isles.
Gentlemen, | |
Your very humble Servants, | |
J. Pouldon, | Vice-Consul, J. Crosse, |
Bernard Walsh, | G. Fitz-Gerald. |
‘Pray excuse Haste, that we have not time to transcribe.
‘The rest of the Merchants are in the City where our Governor generally resides, being about six Leagues hence.
Our Answer was thus:
On board the Duke Frigat,
Sept. 20.
Gentlemen,
‘WE have yours, and observe its Contents; but having no Instructions given us with our Commission relating to Spanish Vessels trading amongst these Islands, we can’t justify the parting with this Bark on your single Opinions. It was Mr. Vanbrugh’s misfortune to go ashore; and if he is detain’d, we can’t help it. To have convinc’d us satisfactorily of what you say, you ought to have sent us a Copy of her Majesty’s Orders or Proclamation; but we doubt there’s no such thing in this case. If Mr. Vanbrugh is unjustly detain’d, we’ll carry the Prisoners we have on board to the Port we are bound to, let the Consequence be what it will. We are requir’d to be accountable no farther than we are oblig’d by our Instructions, which we have given sufficient Security already to follow, and don’t fear a Premunire when we comply with them. We know Fishing-Boats are excus’d on both sides, and all trading Vessels from Rio la Hache to the River of Chagre in the Spanish West-Indies. We admire the Master and Passengers should be so ignorant of a thing so necessary to be known by ’em, for we never had the least word or intimation from them of what you write. The Example you give us of a Trade here allow’d by the French King and Duke of Anjou, we don’t admire at, because it is for the Benefit of the Spaniards; and we know the English Ships are protected no farther than in Anchor-Ground: and since we took this Vessel at Sea, we shan’t part with her unless on our own Terms. If you are positive in what you wrote us, and conscious what detriment it will be to the English Trade, you have no way to prevent it, but immediately to ransom this Bark; and if it be her Majesty of Great Britain’s Pleasure, and we are better inform’d in England, then we can justify our Conduct to the Gentlemen that imploy’d us, and you will be again reimbursed. We shall wait but a short time for an Answer, having Water and Provisions for our selves and Prisoners to the English Settlements, where we are bound. We are apprehensive you are oblig’d to give us this Advice to gratify the Spaniards; and with Respect are,
Gentlemen,
Your Humble Servants,
Woodes Rogers,
Stephen Courtney.
‘If you send us Mr. Vanbrugh, and the Man with him, we’ll send you the Prisoners; but we’ll not part from the Bark, unless ransom’d: tho the Value is not much, we will not be impos’d on. We desire you to use all manner of Dispatch without loss of time, which we can’t allow, nor answer it to our Employers.
Sept. 21. At six last night the Spanish Boat came again to us with dilatory Answers to our last, insisting on behalf of the Spaniards, that the Goods should be return’d ’em, tho they consented to ransom the Bark. To which we immediately return’d an Answer; for we were angry at their Tediousness and our ill Treatment, our time being precious, because we were inform’d that they expected every hour a small Privateer that usually cruis’d off of Madera, as also a Spanish Ship from the West-Indies design’d for Santa Cruz: So that it look’d like a Design, to keep us here in suspence till these Ships might get safely in, on the other side of the Island. Our Answer was to this effect: That had it not been out of respect to our Officer on shore, we would not have staid one minute, but would now stay till Morning for their Answer, and take a Cruise among the Islands some time longer than we intended, in order to make a Reprisal; and tho we could not land our Men, would visit the Town with our Guns by eight next morning: adding, that we hop’d to meet with the Governor’s Frigat, and should repay his Civility in his own way, but wonder’d that they being Englishmen should trifle with us. The Letter had its effect; for this Morning at eight a clock we stood in close to the Town, and spy’d a Boat coming off, which prov’d to be one Mr. Crosse an English Merchant, and Mr. Vanbrugh our Agent with him, with Wine, Grapes, Hogs, and other Necessaries, for the Ransom of the Bark. Upon his coming up, we immediately went to work, discharg’d the Bark, and parted the small Cargo between our two Ships. We treated Mr. Crosse as well as we could, and at his desire gave the Prisoners back as much as we could find of what belong’d to their Persons; particularly to the Fryars their Books, Crucifixes, and Reliques. We presented the old Padre Guardian with a Cheese, and such as were strip’d, with other Clothes. So that we parted, very well satisfy’d on all sides. Mr. Crosse told us the Spaniards ashore were very inquisitive whither we were bound; and understanding by the Prisoners that our Ships were sheath’d, and so full of Provisions, they suspected
Sept. 22. Last night just as we had finish’d with Mr. Crosse, and deliver’d the Spaniards their Bark, we spy’d a Sail to the Westward of the Island between three and four in the Evening. We immediately made what Sail we could, and steer’d W by N. along the Shore. At eight a clock we were in sight of Gomera bearing S S W. distant three Leagues, Palma W by N. distant five Leagues. We lost sight of the Sail before Night, spoke with our Consort, and agreed to keep between Palma and Gomera in our Voyage; it being uncertain to meet with the Chase the next day, since last night she was near five Leagues from us, so that we believ’d she might get into a place of safety, if an Enemy, before we could see her. Besides, there came on a stiff Gale, which put us quite out of hopes of seeing her again to advantage. Fair Weather, fresh Gales at N E by N.
Sept. 23. About five yesterday in the afternoon, when at least 36 Leagues distant, we saw the Pico Teneriff very plain. Fine pleasant Weather, fresh Gales with smooth Water, Wind at N E by E.
Sept. 24. We sent our Boat for Capt. Courtney, Capt. Cook, Mr. Stratton, and Mr. Bath their Agent, who staid and din’d with us; and whilst they were aboard, we held a Council, the Result of which was as follows.
At a Committee by Desire of Capt. Woodes Rogers, Capt. Thomas Dover, and Capt. Stephen Courtney, held on board the Duke.
WE have examin’d all Letters and Proceedings that happen’d at and after the taking the Spanish Bark, and the Reason of both Ships Stay off of Teneriff, and amongst the
Tho. Dover, Pres. | William Stratton, |
Steph. Courtney, | Robert Frye, |
Woodes Rogers, | Charles Pope, |
Will. Dampier, | Thomas Glendal, |
Edward Cook, | John Bridge, |
Carl. Vanbrugh, | John Ballet. |
William Bath, |
Whilst the Committee were together, Mr. Vanbrugh complain’d I had not treated him as I ought: upon which I offer’d to refer it to all present, that we might not have needless Misunderstandings at the beginning of our Voyage; and they came to the following Resolution.
WHEREAS there has been some Difference between Capt. Woodes Rogers and Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh the Ship’s Agent; it being refer’d to the Council, we adjudg’d the said Mr. Vanbrugh to be much in the wrong. In witness whereof, we have set our Hands, the 24th of Sept. 1708.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | William Bath, |
Stephen Courtney, | Charles Pope, |
William Dampier, | Thomas Glendal, |
Edward Cook, | John Bridge, |
Robert Frye, | John Ballet. |
William Stratton, |
Sept. 25. This day, according to custom, we duck’d
Sept. 26. Yesterday in the Afternoon we sold the loose Plunder of the Bark amongst the Sailors by Auction. Fair Weather, moderate Gales at N N E. had a very good Observ. Lat. 21. 33. N.
Sept. 29. Betwixt nine and ten at night, a Sailor going up to furl the Main-Top-Gallant Sail, fell suddenly without any noise from the Main-Top over board, occasion’d as I suppos’d by a Fit. At nine this morning we saw Land, and suppos’d it to be Sal one of the Cape De Verd Islands, bearing S E by S. distant about 12 Ls.
Sept. 30. After being satisfy’d the Island was Sal, we stood from it W and W by N. for St. Vincent. At four a clock Sal bore E by S. 1/4 S. dist. 10 Ls. At six St. Nicholas bore S W by W. dist. 8 Ls. We went with an easy Sail till four this Morning, and lay by to make the Islands, because we had none aboard either Ship that was acquainted with ’em. When day broke, we saw the Islands all in a range, much as is laid down in the Draughts. At ten a clock we anchored in the Bay of St. Vincent in five fathom Water. ’Tis a fine Bay: The Northmost Point bore North near a mile dist. and the Westermost Point bore West dist. about two miles: Monk’s Rock, which is like a Sugar-Loaf, high and round, and bold on every side, lies almost in the Entrance of this fine sandy Bay on the West-side of the Island: But nearest the North Point of the Bay, Sailors must be careful as they come in, not to run too near under the high Land of the North Point, for fear of being becalm’d, and sudden Flaws coming every way upon ’em. There being a small Shoal about three Ships length almost without the Point, but giving it a small birth it’s bold enough. We ran within two Cables length of the first round Point, next to the long sandy Bay, and came to an anchor in clean sandy Ground. Monk’s Rock bore N W by N. dist. 3/4 Mile; the Body of the Island St. Antonio bore N W 1/2 N. dist. nine Miles.
This is a fine Bay and good Landing, but the best at the Northermost Point. The Wood lies in the middle of the sandy Bay, and the Water between the North Point and the place where we anchor’d. There is good Anchoring all over the Bay, and the Monks-Rock will direct any Stranger into it, there being no other like it about this Island on the side opposite to St. Antonio. It blows here a constant Trade-Wind betwixt the E by N. and the N N E. except in the Months of October, November, December, and January, it sometimes blows Southerly with Tornadoes and Rain.
October 1. We clear’d our Ship yesterday, but it blow’d too hard to row our Boat-Loads of empty Butts ashoar; and we could do but little to Wooding and Watering, till this morning we were forc’d to get a Rope from the Ship to the watering-place, which is a good half-mile from our anchoring-place, and so haul’d our empty Casks ashore by Boat-loads, in order to have ’em burnt and clean’d in the Inside, being Oil-Casks; and for want of cleaning, our Water stunk insufferably. I borrow’d a Cooper from the Dutchess, and having five of my own, made quick dispatch.
Octob. 3. We sent our Boat over to St. Antonio, with Joseph Alexander, a good Linguist, and a respectful Letter to the Governour, who accounts himself a Great Man here, tho very poor, to get in Truck for our Prize-Goods what we wanted; they having plenty of Cattel, Goats, Hogs, Fowls, Melons, Potatoes, Limes, ordinary Brandy, Tobacco, Indian Corn, &c. Our People were very meanly stock’d with Clothes, and the Dutchess’s Crew much worse; yet we are both forc’d to watch our Men very narrowly, and punish several of ’em, to prevent their selling what Clothes they have for Trifles to the Negroes, that came over with little things from St. Antonio’s. The People at all these Islands rather chuse Clothing or Necessaries of any sort than Mony, in return for what they sell. The Letter sent by the Linguist to the Governour of St. Antonio’s, Senior Joseph Rodriges, was as follows:
Honourable Sir,
‘THE Bearer hereof is one of our Officers, whom we have sent to wait upon your Honour with our due Respects, and to acquaint you with our Arrival in the Bay of St. Vincent; and further, that being Subjects and Servants of her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain, a High Ally and Confederate of his Sacred Majesty the King of
Your Honour’s most Obedient
Humble Servants,
Woodes Rogers,
Stephen Courtney.
Octob. 4. Our Boat return’d this Morning; but the Landing-place being far from the inhabitable part of St. Antonio, they brought nothing but a few Limes and Fowls, and left our Linguist behind to get what we wanted. We struck two of our Gun-room Guns into the Hold, being useless in their place, and the Ship having too much top-weight, and not very stiff. We had plenty of Fish here, but not very good. Wind at N N E.
Octob. 5. Our Boat went to St. Antonio to see for our Linguist, according to appointment. We heel’d and clean’d our Ships, and got a great deal of Wood and Water aboard. Wind at N E. fine Weather.
Octob. 6. Our Boat return’d with nothing but Limes and Tobacco, and no News of our Linguist. But soon after there came another Boat belonging to that part of the Island where the Governour lives, with his Deputy-Governour, a Negro, who brought Limes, Tobacco, Oranges, Fowls, Potatoes, Hogs, Bonanoes, Musk and Water-Melons, and Brandy, which we bought of him, and paid in such Prize-Goods as we had left of the Bark’s Cargo cheap enough. They are poor People, and will truck at any Price for what they want, in such Payments as they can make.
Octob. 7. We sent our Boat at Three this Morning to see if our Linguist was return’d. The Deputy-Governour told us he promis’d him to wait at the Water-side all that night where we put him ashore, and that there were Cattel for us if we would fetch ’em. We were ready to sail: A good Wind at N E. and a fresh Gale.
Octob. 8. Our Boat return’d yesterday in the Afternoon with two good black Cattel, one for each Ship, but no News of our Linguist; upon which we consulted with the Officers of both Ships, and all unanimously agreed, that we had better leave him behind, than to wait with two Ships for one Man that had not follow’d his Orders. We held a Committee on board the Dutchess to prevent Embezlements in Prizes, and to hinder Feuds and Disorders amongst our Officers and Men for the future, because the small Prize had shew’d us, that without a Method to be strictly observ’d in Plunder, it might occasion the worst of Consequences to both Ships, and such Quarrels as would not easily be laid. So with the Consent and Approbation of the Officers appointed for a Committee, we unanimously agreed on it, to prevent those Mutinies and Disorders amongst the Men of both Ships, who were not yet reconcil’d since the taking the small Canary-Prize. They all insisted there was never any Privateer’s Crew hinder’d from Plunder, so that we were forc’d to agree on the following Instrument of a Dividend, when we should meet with any Prize. And that the things we deem’d to be Plunder, according to custom in Privateering, should tend as little as possible to the disadvantage of the Owners, we did for that end take care by the second Article in the said Instrument and Agreement with the Men, to reserve the Power of adjudging what should be deem’d Plunder, unto the superior Officers and Agents exclusive of the Crew, &c. For we found it would be next to a miracle to keep the Men in both Ships under Command, and willing to fight resolutely on occasion, if we held ’em to the Letter of Agreement with the Owners, which was not duly consider’d of at home. We had a particular Regard however to the Sentiments of the Owners, deliver’d on this head in Discourses at several times with divers of the Committee, as my self, Capt. Dover, Capt. Courtney, Mr. Robert Frye, and Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh; and particularly in Kingroad to the Men, at the time of signing of their Instrument. By all which we judg’d that the Owners could not but approve of the Measures that we took on this occasion, and that the good effects of ’em would
At a Committee held on board the Dutchess the 8th of October, 1708. it is agreed by the Officers and Men of both Ships to the sundry Particulars following.
THAT all Plunder on board each Prize we take by either Ship, shall be equally divided between the Company of both Ships, according to each Man’s respective whole Share, as ship’d by the Owners or their Orders.
2. That what is Plunder shall be adjudg’d by the superior Officers and Agents in each Ship.
3. That if any Person on board either Ship do conceal any Plunder exceeding one Piece of Eight in value, 24 hours after the Capture of any Prize, he shall be severely punish’d, and lose his Shares of the Plunder. The same Penalty to be inflicted for being drunk in time of Action, or disobeying his superior Officer’s Commands, or concealing himself, or deserting his Post in Sea or Land-Service; except when any Prize is taken by Storm in Boarding, then whatsoever is taken shall be his own, as followeth: A Sailor or Landman 10 l. Any Officer below the Carpenter 20 l. A Mate, Gunner, Boatswain, and Carpenter 40 l. A Lieutenant or Master 70 l. And the Captains 100 l. over and above the Gratuity promis’d by the Owners to such as shall signalize themselves.
4. That publick Books of Plunder are to be kept in each Ship attested by the Officers, and the Plunder to be apprais’d by Officers chosen, and divided as soon as possible after the Capture. Also every Person to be sworn and search’d so soon as they shall come aboard, by such Persons as shall be appointed for that purpose: The Person or Persons refusing, shall forfeit their shares of the Plunder as above.
5. In consideration that Capt. Rogers and Capt. Courtney, to make both Ships Companies easy, have given the whole Cabin-Plunder (which in all probability is the major part) to be divided as aforesaid; we do voluntarily agree, that they shall have 5 per Cent. each of ’em, over and above their respective Shares, as a Consideration for what is their Due of the Plunder aforesaid.
6. That a Reward of twenty Pieces of Eight shall be given to him that first sees a Prize of good Value, or exceeding 50 Tuns in Burden.
7. That such of us who have not sign’d already to the Articles of Agreement indented with the Owners, do hereby oblige our selves to the same Terms and Conditions as the rest of the Ships Company have done; half Shares and half Wages, &c.
To which Articles of Agreement we have set our Hands, as our full Intent and Meaning, without any Compulsion.
Sign’d by the Officers and Men of both Ships.
Octob. 8. At seven in the Evening (after having put the Deputy-Governour ashore, where he must lie in a Hole of the Rocks, there being no House on that part of the Island) we came to sail: our Consort got before us, and lay with a Light for us. There were several Negroes on the Island, that came from St. Nicholas and St. Antonio to make Oil of Turtle, there being very good green Turtle at this time of the Year, which I sometimes gave our Men to eat. They have likewise wild Goats, but in no great plenty; wild Asses, Guinea-Hens and Kerlews, and abundance of Sea-Fowls. Capt. Dampier, and others aboard each Ship, that had formerly stopt at St. Jago, another of these Cape de Verd Islands, told us, that tho this Island is not often frequented by Ships, yet it is preferable to St. Jago for stopping outward, because ’tis a much better Road for Ships, and more convenient for Water and Wood, and has better Landing. The Island is mountainous and barren, the plainest part lies against this sandy Bay where we rode. The Wood that grows in it is short, and for no use but Firing. They have very large Spiders here, which weave their Webs so strong betwixt the Trees, that ’tis difficult to get thro ’em. Where we water’d, there’s a little Stream that flows down the Hill from a Spring, and is very good, but in other parts ’tis brackish. This Island was formerly inhabited, and had a Governor, but is now only frequented in the Season for catching Tortoises by the Inhabitants of the other Islands, who are for the most part Negroes and Mulattoes, and very poor.
These Islands are so well known, that I need not say much of ’em. They are ten in number, of which St. Jago, St. Nicholas Bonavist, St. Antonio, Brava Mayo, and Fuego are inhabited: The latter is so nam’d from a Volcano. St. Jago is much the largest and best, and the Seat of the chief Governour. It produces a small matter of Indico, Sugar and Tobacco; which, with their Goat-Skins and others, they send to Lisbon. The Capital is of the same Name, and the See of a Bishop. There is also a Town call’d Ribera Grande, which is said to consist of 500 Houses, and has a good Harbour towards the West. The Air of this Island is not very wholesom, and the Soil uneven. Their Valleys produce some Corn and Wine. Their Goats are fat and good Meat, and the she ones are said to bring three or four Kids at a time once in four months. St. Nicholas is the best peopled next to St. Jago. The Island Mayo has a great deal of Salt naturally made by the Sun from the Sea-Water, which is left from time to time in Pits on shore: It’s known they load many Ships with that Commodity in a Year, and are able to furnish some thousands, had they Vent for it. The fine Marroquin Leather is made of their Goats-Skins. The other inhabited Islands afford more or less of Provisions. They have their Name from Cape Verd on the African Coast, from whence they lie about 160 Leagues to the Westward. The Portuguese settled here in 1572. We had very hot Weather here. On the 8th a brisk Gale at E N E. At nine last night St. Antonio’s bore N W by N. dist. 3 Ls. from whence we took our Departure for the Isle of Grande in Brazile.
Octob. 9. Fair Weather, brisk Gale of Wind at N E. We saw abundance of flying Fish. At 12 a clock being near the Lat. 14 N. we hal’d up S E. by S. to get well to the Eastward, expecting as usual to meet with Southerly Winds, when near the Equinoctial. Had an Observ. Lat. 12. 53.
Octob. 10. Fair Weather, moderate Gales of Wind at N E by E. These 24 hours we met with several great Riplings as if a Current, which had it been calm we would have try’d.
Octob. 11. Wind and Weather as before till seven last night, when we had much Lightning follow’d by a hard Shower of Rain, and a Calm ensu’d. Such Weather is customary as we draw near the Line.
Octob. 14. Cloudy Weather, with moderate Gales from the S S W. to the S W. by W. all last night; but this morning cloudy Weather, with hard Showers of Rain. This day we put up the Smith’s Forge, and he began to work on such things as we wanted.
Octob. 21. Yesterday I din’d on board Captain Courtney. Nothing remarkable happen’d since the 14th, but veerable Winds and frequent Showers of Rain, with Calms. We agreed with our Consort, if possible, to stop at the Isle Trinidado, and not to water and refresh at Brazile, for fear of our Mens deserting, and losing our time.
Octob. 22. Close cloudy Weather all night, with Squalls of Rain. At ten this morning it clear’d up: Capt. Courtney came aboard of us, and sent back his Boat for Capt. Cook, with Orders to bring Mr. Page, second Mate, with him, to be in the room of Mr. Ballett, that we exchang’d out of our Ship. Page disobeying Command, occasion’d Capt. Cook, being the superior Officer aboard, to strike him; whereupon Page struck him again, and several Blows past: but at last Page was forc’d into the Boat, and brought on board of us. And Capt. Cook and others telling us what Mutiny had pass’d, we order’d Page on the Fore-Castle into the Bilboes.
Octob. 28. At five last night we were on the Equinoctial, and spy’d a Sail about 4 Leagues dist. to Windward, bearing S. by E. and thinking she had not seen us, we lay by in her way from six a clock till half an hour past ten, hoping to meet her if bound to the West-Indies; but it growing dark, and she having, as we suppose, seen us before night, and alter’d her
Octob. 29. This Morning I let Mr. Page out of Irons on his humble Submission, and acknowledging his Fault, with Promises of Amendment. Fair pleasant Weather, with a fresh Gale.
Novemb. 1. This Morning between one and four a clock the Sea seem’d to be in a Breach as far as we could see, being a Moon-light Night. The Watch being surpriz’d, call’d me up; for they suppos’d it to be something extraordinary, and hove the Lead: but finding no Ground, were all easy, and afterwards believ’d that it was the Spawn of Fish floating on the Water. Fair Weather, with moderate Gales.
Novemb. 2. This Morning two Persons being accus’d of concealing a Peruke of the Plunder in the Canary Bark, two Shirts, and a Pair of Stockings; and being found guilty, I order’d them into the Bilboes: After which they begg’d pardon, promis’d Amendment, and were discharg’d. Pleasant Weather and moderate Gales of Wind from E S E to S E by S. Had an Observ. Lat. 7. 50. S.
Nov. 4. Yesterday about four in the Afternoon we spoke with our Consort, and agreed to bear away for the Island of Grande in Brazile, it being uncertain to fetch the Island of Trinidado; and besides, by the time we could get the length of it, being generally close Weather, and the Sun in the Zenith, we might miss so small an Island; which would prove a great loss of time to us. Close Weather, with a fresh Gale of Wind at S E by E.
Nov. 13. Nothing remarkable since the fourth. We have had the Winds very veerable. Now we draw near the Land, the Wind veers to the Northward, and often strong Gales with hazy Weather. About eleven last night we made a Signal to our Consort, and both lay by, thinking our selves to be near the Land. This morning came on moderate Weather, and we made sail again. Wind at N by E.
Nov. 14. This Morning at five we made the Land of Brazile very plain, bearing N W. We had several Soundings on the Sand call’d in the Maps Bonfunda, from 28 to 50 Fathom Water; brown fair Sand, with grey Stones amongst it. We had several Showers of Rain with very little Wind from N N E. to N by W. Lat. 22. 9. S.
Nov. 15. At ten a clock last night we had a heavy Turnado with Lightning, which fell as if it had been liquid. While this Storm held, which was not above an hour, we had all our Sails furl’d; yet the Ship lay along very much. Wind at S W. but afterwards calm, and little Wind. The Sun being near the Zenith here at this time, occasions such Weather. As soon as Day appear’d, we saw the Land bearing West about 7 Ls. dist. a small Breeze at N N W. We stood in with it, but could not be certain what Land it was: we had sundry Soundings from 40 to 50 Fathom Water, coarse Sand.
Nov. 16. Yesterday Evening having a brave Breeze at E. we stood in with the Land, and suppos’d it to be the Island of Cape Frio. It makes the Southermost Land of several other Islands; is high and uneven. This Island appears in two Hills to the Southward: The least looks like a Saddle, and appears at a distance like two Islands, but as you draw near it, you see that it joins.
Nov. 17. This Morning, the Weather being calm, our Pinnace went ashore with Capt. Dampier into a sandy Bay about two Leagues off; they brought aboard a large Tortoise which our People eat. The Tortoises on this Coast have a strong Taste. Foggy Weather, and very little Wind from the East to the S W. sometimes calm.
Nov. 19. Yesterday in the Afternoon we came to an anchor in 22 Fathom Water. The East End of the large Island, which we took to be Grande, bore W S W dist. about 4 Ls. and there’s a high woody Point at the West end of the low sandy Bay, which at last we run by, about one League and a half from us. We sent our Pinnace ashore well-mann’d to this Point, with Capt. William Dampier, in order to be certain whether it was the Entrance of Grande between the two Lands. The Boat return’d about ten a clock at night, with a Confirmation that it was the Island of Grande, as we had suppos’d: So we immediately weigh’d with a small Breeze; but it soon falling calm, we came to anchor again: then weigh’d with another small Breeze, and row’d and tow’d; by the help of which, at twelve a clock we came to an anchor in the middle of the Entrance of the Island of Grande in 11 Fathom water. The Entrance goes in W by S. a remarkable white Rock on the Larboard side of the Bay bore S E. about a mile and a half. ’Tis a long Entrance near 5 Leagues from the place we anchor’d at.
Nov. 20. Yesterday at one a clock in the Afternoon we
Nov. 21. Yesterday Afternoon it rain’d so hard that our Men could not work. At four a clock Capt. Courtney put eight of his Men in Irons for disobeying Command; and knowing ’em to be Ringleaders, was willing to secure them whilst here, where they could run away. About six a clock it began to clear up, and our Pinnace with Capt. Cook and Lieutenant Pope went to Angre de Reys, as it’s call’d in Sea-Draughts, but the Portuguese call it Nostra Seniora de La Conception, a small Village about three Leagues distant, to wait on the Governour, and acquaint him with our Arrival, with a Present of Butter and Cheese, to procure his Friendship if any of our Men should run away. The Boat return’d at twelve at night, and told us that when they came near the Town it was almost dark; that the People suspecting they were French, fir’d on ’em several times, but did no hurt, and when they came ashore begg’d their pardon. The Fryars invited them to the Convent, and told ’em they were often plunder’d by the French, or they should not have been so ready to fire at ’em. The Governour was gone to Riojanero, a City about 12 Ls. distant, but expected back every day. This morning our Men went in our Boat to hall our Fishing-Net, and caught some very good Fish much better than those at St. Vince.
Nov. 22. Yesterday Afternoon we got our empty Casks ashore, and sent our Carpenter with a Portuguese to look out Wood for Trusle-Trees,
Graves of dead Men; and the Portuguese tell us, that two great French Ships homeward bound from the South Seas, that water’d in this same place about nine months before, had bury’d near half their Men here; but God be thank’d ours are very healthy. At this place the French South-Sea Ships generally water both out and homewards. This Morning we had several Canoes from the Town, with Limes, Fowls, Indian Corn, &c. to exchange for such things as we could spare. We treated ’em all very civilly, and offer’d a Gratuity to such as would secure our Men if any of ’em run away: they all promis’d to give us good Information, and assist us in searching after ’em.
Nov. 23. This was a fair pleasant Day, but violent hot. We heel’d the Dutchess both sides by us, we had a great deal of Wood cut, caught excellent Fish with our Lines, and had several Canoes from the Town, which inform’d us of a Brigantine at an anchor in the Entrance where we came in. I sent our Pinnace mann’d and arm’d to know what she was, and found her a Portuguese laden with Negroes for the Gold Mines. Our Boat return’d and brought a Present, being a Roove
Nov. 24. Yesterday in the Afternoon we clean’d one side by the Dutchess, and this Morning the other side, gave the Ships great Lists; and having Men enough, whilst our Ship was cleaning, we let the Pinnace with Capt. Dover, Mr. Vanbrugh, and others, go to take their pleasure, but to return by twelve a clock, when we should want our Boat. When they return’d, they brought with them a monstrous Creature which they had kill’d, having Prickles or Quills
Nov. 25. This Day was fair, but very hot. We had three or four Canoes aboard, one of which had three Fathers belonging to the Franciscan Convent at Angre de Reys. We had got a great deal of Water and Wood aboard, with new Trusle-Trees fix’d to the head of the Fore-Mast.
Nov. 26. Yesterday Afternoon we rigg’d the Fore-Mast again, and got almost all our Water on board. Last night one Michael Jones and James Brown, two Irish Landmen, run into the Woods, thinking to get away from us; tho two such Sparks run away the 25th from the Dutchess, and in the night were so frighted with Tygers, as they thought, but really by Monkeys and Baboons, that they ran into the water, hollowing to the Ship till they were fetch’d aboard again. About four this Morning the Watch on the Quarter-Deck spy’d a Canoe, and call’d her to come on board; but they not answering, and trying to get away, made us suspect they had either got our Men that run away last Evening, or were coming by Agreement to fetch ’em off the Island, which was uninhabited. We immediately sent the Pinnace and Yall after ’em; the Pinnace coming up near the Canoe, fir’d to stay ’em, but to no purpose; at last they wounded one of the Indians that row’d in the Canoe. He that own’d and steer’d her was a Fryar, and had a Quantity of Gold which he got at the Mines, I suppose by his Trade of confessing the Ignorant. The Fryar had just ran the Canoe ashore on a little Island full of Wood as our Boats landed, and afterwards told us he hid some Gold there. A Portuguese that would not run away with the Father, because he had no Gold to hide, knew our People to be English, and call’d the Father back. The Man that was wounded could not move, and was brought by our Men, with the Father and several Slaves that row’d the large Canoe, on board our Ship, where our Surgeon dress’d the wounded Indian, who died in two hours time. I made the Father as welcome as I could, but he was very uneasy at the Loss of his Gold and the Death of
Nov. 27. Yesterday in the Afternoon the Dutchess weigh’d, and tow’d out of the Cove about a mile, and came to anchor to wait for us: Their Boats returning to the Cove to fetch what was left, they spy’d two Men waiting under the side of a Wood by the Shore, for a Portuguese Canoe to get ’em off; but our Boats landed on each side of the Point, where they were not seen, found ’em to be the Men that left us the Evening before, and brought ’em to us. I order’d ’em both to be severely whip’d, and put in Irons.
This Morning Capt. Courtney and I, with most of our Officers, except those which we left to do what little remain’d unfinish’d on board the Ships, went in our Boat to Angre de Reys, it being the Day kept for the Conception of the Virgin Mary, and a high Day of Procession amongst these People. The Governour Signior Raphael de Silva Lagos, a Portuguese, receiv’d us very handsomly. He ask’d us if we would see the Convent and Procession: we told him our Religion differ’d very much from his. He answer’d we were welcome to see it, without partaking in the Ceremony. We waited on him in a Body, being ten of us, with two Trumpets and a Hautboy, which he desir’d might play us to Church, where our Musick did the Office of an Organ, but separate from the Singing, which was by the Fathers well perform’d. Our Musick play’d, Hey Boys up go we!
The Town consists of about sixty low Houses built of Mud, cover’d with Palmetto Leaves, and meanly furnish’d. They told us they had been plunder’d by the French, or perhaps they hid their Plate and other best Movables, because they were in doubt whether we were Friends or Enemies. They have two Churches and a Franciscan Monastery tolerably decent, but not rich in Ornaments: They have also a Guard-house, where there are about 20 Men commanded by the Governour, a Lieutenant, and Ensign. The Monastery had some black Cattel belonging to it, but the Fathers would sell us none.
The Fish we saw in the Road were Sharks, so well known that I need not describe them. 2. Pilot-Fishes, so call’d because they commonly attend the Sharks, find out their Prey for ’em, and are never devour’d by ’em. 3. The Sucking-Fish, so call’d because of a Sucker about two inches long on the top of their Heads, by the Slime of which they stick so fast to Sharks and other large Fish, that they are not easily pull’d off. 4. Parrot-Fish, so nam’d because their Mouths resemble the Beak of a Parrot. 5. A Rock-Fish, which is very good, and much like our Cod. 6. Silver-Fish in great plenty: ’tis a deep-body’d bright Fish, from 12 to 18 inches long, and very good Meat: But there are so many sorts of good Fish here, that we can’t describe ’em all.
Nov. 28. Yesterday in the Afternoon we left Angre de Reys; when we got aboard, we found the Main-Mast rigg’d, with every thing ready. This Morning we got our Ship out by our Consort, and the Wind being out of the way, and but little, we went with our Boat to the Town, to get Liquors for the Voyage, and bring the Gentlemen of the Town aboard our Ships, where we treated ’em the best we could. They were very merry, and in their Cups propos’d the Pope’s Health to us; but we were quits with ’em, by toasting that of the Archbishop of Canterbury: to keep up the Humour, we also propos’d William Pen’s to them; and they lik’d the Liquor so well, that they refus’d neither. We made the Governour and the Fathers of the Convent a handsom Present of Butter and Cheese from both Ships, in consideration
Nov. 29. Yesterday in the Afternoon our Yall went to Town to get Necessaries for our next long Voyage, because we were to run near 2000 Leagues before we could expect any Recruit of Liquors, unless by extraordinary good fortune. In the Evening it came on blowing with thick Showers of Rain, which prevented the Governour and the rest from going ashore that night. This Morning the Governour and Company were carry’d ashore: at parting we saluted ’em with a Huzza from each Ship, because we were not overstock’d with Pouder. After which all the Officers of the Committee met on board the Dutchess, where we enquir’d into the true Cause of the aforesaid Indian’s Death, and protested against Mr. Vanbrugh (who was the Occasion) for commanding our Ships Pinnace as he did in chase of the Canoe unknown to me, and without my Order. At the same time I desir’d to have the Committee’s Hands, if they approv’d what I had transacted since my leaving the Canary Islands, which they very readily sign’d, as also the Protest against Mr. Vanbrugh’s unadvis’d Management; for I was sensible that good Order and Discipline in Privateers was the only Method to support my self and the other Officers, and keep up our Authority, which is so essential towards acting with Success and Vigour on all occasions. This made it highly necessary in the Infancy of our Undertaking to prevent Innovations in Command, which inevitably confound the most promising Designs. Therefore I thought it a fit time now to resent ignorant and wilful Actions publickly, and to shew the Vanity and Mischief of ’em, rather than to delay or excuse such Proceedings; which would have made the Distemper
At a Committee held on board the Dutchess riding at the Island Grande on the Coast of Brazile, by Request of Capt. Tho. Dover President, Capt. Woodes Rogers, and Capt. Stephen Courtney, 29 Novemb. 1708.
WE have examin’d, and do approve of all the Proceedings and Transactions since our being at the Canary Islands, both as to the punishing of Offenders, and acting in all cases for the best of our intended Voyage, and that we found it actually necessary to sell part of the Goods taken in the Prize amongst the Canary Islands here, to purchase some Liquor and other Necessaries for our Men as they go about Cape Horn, they being very meanly clothed, and ill provided to endure the Cold; and we have and do hereby desire the Agent of each Ship to take particular Cognizance of what such Goods are sold and dispos’d of for; and agree that all possible Dispatch hath been made both here and at St. Vincent. In acknowledgment of which we have set our Hands the Day and Year above-written.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | William Stratton, |
Woodes Rogers, | William Bath, |
Stephen Courtney, | Charles Pope, |
William Dampier, | John Rogers, |
Edward Cook, | John Connely, |
Robert Frye, | Geo. Milbourne, |
Carleton Vanbrugh, | John Ballet. |
MEmorandum, That on the 26th Day of November, 1708. a little before break of Day, a Canoe coming near the Ship Duke, as she rode at Anchor at the Island of Grande on the Coasts of Brazile; they hal’d her, she not answering, they fir’d at her; upon which she row’d away, and the Captain order’d the Boat to get ready and pursue her: And Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh, Agent of the said Ship, putting off the Boat, without the Order of his Captain, or before any Commanding Officer was in pursuit of her, fir’d, or order’d to be fir’d, at her several Muskets at a distance: But coming nearer, he order’d the Men to fire into the Boat; and the Corporal firing, as we have reason to believe, kill’d an Indian, and took the Canoe, and sent her away with two of the Duke’s Men, the Corporal and a Padre, and afterwards brought the rest of the
Tho. Dover, Pres. | William Stratton, |
Woodes Rogers, | William Bath, |
Steph. Courtney, | John Rogers, |
Will. Dampier, | Thomas Glendal, |
Edward Cook, | John Connely, |
Robert Frye, | Geo. Milbourne, |
Charles Pope, | John Ballet. |
Nov. 30. The Wind continuing out of the way, last night we held a Committee on board the Dutchess, and agreed to remove Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh from the Ship Duke; which Agreement is as follows:
MEmorandum, This 30th of Novemb. 1708. We the underwritten Officers belonging to the Ships Duke and Dutchess, appointed as a Committee by the Owners of both Ships, do find it necessary for the Good of our intended Voyage, to remove Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh from being Agent of the Duke Frigate, to be Agent of the Dutchess, and to receive Mr. William Bath Agent of the Dutchess in his Place. This is our Opinion and Desire, in acknowledgment of which we have hereunto set our Hands in the Port of the Island of Grande on the Coast of Brazile, the Day above-written.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | Robert Frye, |
Woodes Rogers, | Charles Pope, |
Stephen Courtney, | Tho. Glendall, |
William Dampier, | John Bridge. |
Edward Cooke, |
Nov. 30. About ten this morning we both weigh’d, in order to go out on the other side of Grande, which I think is the fairest Outlet, tho they are both very large, bold and good. We went out E S E. the Wind at N E. and in two hours came to an Anchor again, it proving calm, and a Current against us.
Dec. 1. Yesterday at two in the Afternoon we weigh’d again, with a Breeze at N E. but at five a Gale came up at S S W. and blew very strong with Rain, insomuch that we were forc’d to bear away, and come to an Anchor close under the Island of Grande, in fourteen Fathom Water. It rain’d hard all night, but towards morning little Wind. About ten this morning we weigh’d Anchor, and steer’d away S W. At twelve it was calm, and we anchor’d again. Just before we anchor’d, we spy’d a small Vessel close under the Shore, near the West-end of Grande. We sent our Boat to examine her, and found it to be the same Brigantine our Boats were aboard of six days before, and from whence I had the Present. I gave the Master an Half-hour Glass, and other small things of little Value, for which he was very thankful.
Dec. 2. I wrote a long Letter to my Owners, which Captain Dover and Captain Courtney also underwrote, and gave it the Master of this Brigantine, who promis’d to forward it by the first Conveyance for Portugal; so that now I had sent by four Conveyances. At ten this morning we sail’d, Wind at W N W. row’d and tow’d till twelve, and came to an Anchor to the Southward of Grande, our Men continuing healthy.
Dec. 3. Yesterday in the afternoon we sail’d with a brisk Gale of Wind at E by N. At six a clock in the Evening, the S W Point of Grande bore W N W. distant five Leagues. The small Three-Hummock Island without Grande, which is seen as you go in both ways to it, bore N E 1/2 N. dist. 5 Ls. the Westermost Point of the Main bore W by S. dist. 9 Ls. from whence we departed for the Island of Juan Fernandez. The rest of these 24 hours a good Gale from E by N. to the E S E. This I observ’d when we came from Cape Frio to Grande, more than I have yet noted: About 13 Leagues to the Eastward of the Isle of Grande is a high round Rock, a good League without the Land, as it appear’d to us; within it is high mountainous Land, which we are inform’d is the Entrance to Rio-Janeiro: and as we came to the Westward, we open’d a sandy Bay with low sandy Land in the middle, and high Land on each side clear to the Points; it’s about
The Island Grande is remarkable high Land, with a small Notch, and a Tip standing up on one side in the middle of the highest Land, easy to be seen if clear; and there’s a small Island to the Southward without it, which rises in three little Hummocks; the nearest Hummock to the Island Grande is the least. As we came in and out, we saw it, and it appears alike on both sides: there is also a remarkable round white Rock that lies on the Larboard side nearest to Grande, between it and the Main at the Entrance going in. On the Starboard side there are several Islands, and the Main is much like Islands, till you get well in. The best way, when you open the Coves that are inhabited on the Starboard side going in, is to get a Pilot to carry you to the watering Cove within Grande; otherwise send in a Boat to the fresh-water Cove, which lies round the inner Westermost Point of the Island, and near a League in: the Passage is between small Islands, but room enough and bold; it’s the second Cove under the first high Mount and round, behind the first Point you see when you are in between the two Islands. This is the Cove where we water’d. There are two other Coves very good, with some Shoal-Banks between them, but no Shoal-Ground before we come to this Cove. We sounded all the Passage in, and seldom found less than
We clear’d an ordinary Portuguese here, call’d Emanuel de Santo, and shipt another, whose Name was Emanuel Gonsalves.
I had Newhoff’s
The Product of Brazile is well known to be Red Wood, Sugars, Gold, Tobacco, Whale-Oil, Snuff, and several sorts of Drugs. The Portuguese build their best Ships here: The Country is now become very populous, and the People delight much in Arms, especially about the Gold Mines, where those of all sorts resort, but mostly Negroes and Molattoes. ’Tis Account of Brazile.
This is all I can affirm from my own Observation concerning this Country, which was discover’d first by the famous Americus Vespucius, Anno 1500. when he call’d it Santa Cruz; but the Portuguese afterwards nam’d it Brazile, from the red Wood of that name which grows here. It’s situate in the Torrid Zone, and extends from the Equinoctial to the Lat. of 28 South. The Extent from East to West is uncertain, therefore I can determine nothing concerning it. The Portuguese divide it into fourteen Districts or Captainships, six of which, being the Northern part, were subdu’d by the Dutch about the Year 1637. and a Peace concluded, allowing it to be call’d Dutch Brazile, which extended from North to South about 180 Leagues: And since it is not usual for the Dutch to lose their Settlements abroad, it mayn’t be amiss to give a brief Account how they were outed of this profitable Country. In 1643 the Face of the Dutch Affairs there began to alter for the worse, the Magazines of their West-India Company were exhausted by several Expeditions against Angola, &c. and receiving no Supplies from Holland as usual, the great Council at the Receife, their Capital in Brazile, was forc’d to make use of what was due to the Company, for paying the Garisons and Civil Officers, and by consequence to force their conquer’d Debtors the Portuguese to prompt Payment. This oblig’d the Debtors to borrow Mony at 3 or 4 per Cnt. per Month, which impoverished them so in a little time, that they were neither able to pay Principal nor Interest. The Portuguese immers’d themselves in Debt to the Company, because of their hopes that the Fleets coming from Portugal would quickly subdue the Dutch, and pay off all scores. Besides, there happen’d a great Mortality among the Portuguese Negroes, which they purchas’d from the Dutch at 300 Pieces of Eight per head. This compleated their Ruin; which, together with their Hatred to the Dutch on account of Religion, made them resolve on a general Revolt.
The Dutch at the same time were engag’d in a War with Spain at home, and Count Maurice,
Newhoff, who gave the best Account of Brazile at that time, assigns the following Causes for so easy a Reconquest of it by the Portuguese: 1. The Dutch took no care to have sufficient Colonies of their own Natives, nor to keep strong Garisons in the Country. 2. They left the Portuguese in possession of all their Sugar-Mills and Plantations, which hinder’d the Dutch from getting any considerable Footing in the open Country. 3. The Plantations and Sugar-Mills that fell into their hands by Forfeiture or otherwise, they sold at such excessive Rates, and laid such Taxes on the Product, that the Dutch did not care to purchase them. 4. The States
Whilst Prince Maurice was in Brazile, the Dutch fitted Ships thence for Chili, which arriv’d there: but wanted a sufficient Force to withstand the Spaniard, while they could be recruited, or gain an Interest amongst the Natives, which they might have easily done, could they have settled, because at that time the Spaniards had not conquer’d the Indians of Chili; so the Dutch being too weak, were forc’d to return without effecting any thing. I shall conclude this Head with a brief Account of the Natives of Brazile from Newhoff, whose Authority, as I have said already, I found upon Inquiry to be very good. They are divided into several Nations, and speak different Languages. They are generally of a middling Size, well-limb’d, and their Women not ill-featur’d. They are not born black, but become so by the Heat of the Sun. They have black Eyes, black curl’d Hair, and have their Noses made flat when young. They come soon to Maturity, yet generally live to a great Age, without much Sickness; and many Europeans live here to above a hundred Years old, which is ascrib’d to the Goodness of the Climate. The Portuguese cut off such multitudes of ’em, that they perfectly hate that Nation, but were civil enough to the Dutch because they treated them kindly. Such as live next the Europeans, wear Shirts of Linen or Callico, and the chief of ’em affect our Apparel; but those within Land go for the most part naked, covering their Privities slightly with Leaves or Grass fasten’d about them with a string, and the Men exceed the Women in Modesty. Their Hutts are built of Stakes, and cover’d with Palm-tree Leaves. Their Dishes and Cups are made of Calabasses, being the Shells of a sort of Pompions. Their chief Furniture is Hammocks of Cotton made like Network, and these they fasten to sticks, and use them for Beds; and when they travel, tie them to Trees. The Wives follow their Husbands to War and elsewhere, and carry their Luggage in a Basket, with a Child hung about them in a piece of Callico, a Parrot or an Ape in one hand, and leading
The Tapoyars, who inhabit the inland Country on the West, are the most barbarous of the Natives, taller and stronger than the rest, and indeed than most Europeans. They wear little Sticks thro their Cheeks and Under-Lips, are Maneaters, and use poison’d Darts and Arrows. They change their Habitations according to the Season, and live chiefly by Hunting and Fishing. Their Kings and Great Men are distinguish’d by the manner of shaving their Crowns, and their long Nails. Their Priests are Sorcerers, make them believe that the Devils appear to ’em in form of Insects, and perform their diabolical Worship in the night, when the Women make a dismal howling, which is their chief Devotion. They allow Polygamy, yet punish Adultery by Death; and when young Women are marriageable, but courted by no body, their Mothers carry ’em to their Princes, who deflower ’em; and this they reckon a great Honour. Some of these People were much civiliz’d by the Dutch, and very serviceable Account of the River Amazons.
The River of the Amazons being the Northern Boundary of Brazile, I shall describe it here.
According to most Geographers it rises in the Mountains of Peru, and is compos’d at first of two Rivers, one of which begins about Lat. 9. S. and the other about 15. The Sansons call the latter Xauxa or Maranhon, which communicates its Name to the other. ’Twas call’d Amazons, not because of any Nation of Virago’s, who as some fancy are govern’d by a Queen, and have no Commerce with our Sex; but at certain times, when they make an Appointment with the Males of neighbouring Nations, and if they prove with Child, keep the Daughters and send away the Sons, as the Greeks fabled of their Amazons. But the true Reason of the Name is, that the Spaniards, who first discover’d it, were told of such a terrible barbarous Nation of Women by some of the Natives, on purpose to frighten them, and that they did actually on several places of this River find their Women as fierce and warlike as the Men; it being their Custom to follow their Husbands, &c. to War, on purpose to animate them, and to share in their Fate, as we find was antiently practis’d by the Women of Gaul, Germany, and Britain.
But to return to the Course of the River. The Sansons
Texeira
The Nations who inhabit about this and the other Rivers that run into it, are reckon’d by Sanson and others 150, and their Villages so thick in many places, that most of ’em are within Call of one another. Among those People, the Homagues who live towards the Head of this great River, are mostly noted for their Manufactures of Cotton; the Corosipares for their Earthen Ware; the Surines who live betwixt Lat. 5 and 10. and Long. 314 and 316, for their Joyners Work; the Topinambes who live in a great Island of this River, about Lat. 4. and Longit. 320. for their Strength. Their Arms in general are Darts and Javelins, Bows and Arrows, with Targets of Cane or Fish-Skins. They make war upon one another to purchase Slaves for their Drudgery, but otherwise they treat them kindly enough.
Among the Rivers that fall into it on the North side, the Napo, Agaric, Putomaye, Jenupape, Coropatube, and others, have Gold in their Sands. Below Coropatube there are Mines of several sorts in the Mountains. In those of Yagnare there are Mines of Gold; in Picora there are Mines of Silver; on the River Paragoche there are precious Stones of several sorts; and Mines of Sulphur, &c. near other Rivers. Those of Putomaye and Caketa are large Rivers: the latter is divided into two Branches; one falls into the Amazons River, by the name of Rio Negro, which is the largest on the North side; and the other, call’d Rio Grande, falls into the Oronoko. The chief Rivers that fall into it on the South side, are Maranhon, Amarumaye, Tapy, Catua, Cusignate, Madere or Cayane, and many other large ones.
The Sansons add, that on this River, about 200 Leagues from the Sea, there is a Bosphorus or Strait of one mile broad; that the Tide comes up hither, so that it may serve as a Key to all the Trade of those Countries: But the Portuguese being already possess’d of Para on the side of Brazile, Corupa and Estero on the side of Guaiana, and Cogemina an
William Davis
I come next to the Discovery of this River. When Gonsales Pizarro, Brother to Francis that conquer’d Peru, was Governour of the North Provinces of that Country, he came to a great River where he saw the Natives bring Gold in their Canoes to exchange with the Spaniards. This put him upon a compleat Discovery of that River from its Fountains to its Mouth. In order to this, he sent out Capt. Francisco de Orellana
On Whitsunday he pass’d by a great Town divided into many Quarters, with a Canal from each to the River. Here he was attack’d by Canoes, but soon repuls’d them with his Fire-Arms. He afterwards landed, and took Provisions at several Towns. He met with the Mouth of a River, the Water as black as Ink, and the Stream so rapid, that for 20 Leagues it did not mix with that of the Amazons. He saw several small Towns in his Passage, enter’d one by force, which had a Wall of Timber, and took abundance of Fish there. He pursu’d his Voyage by many great Towns and well-inhabited Provinces, by which time the River was grown so wide, that they could not see the one side from the other. Here he took an Indian, by whose Information he suppos’d this to be the proper Country of the Amazons. He sail’d on by many other Towns, and landed at one, where he found none but Women. He took abundance of Fish there, and resolv’d to have staid for some time; but the Men coming home in the Evening, they attack’d him, so that he ship’d off, and continu’d his Voyage. He saw several great Towns with pav’d Roads between Rows of Fruit-Trees into the Country, and landed for Provisions. The Inhabitants oppos’d him; but their Leader being kill’d, they fled and left him at liberty to carry off Provisions. From hence he sail’d to an Island for Rest, and was inform’d by a Female he had taken Prisoner, that there were Men like themselves in that Country, and some white Women, whom he conceiv’d to be Spaniards: she told him they were entertain’d by a Cacique. After several days sail, he came to another great Town, near which the Indian told him those Whites did live. He kept on his Course, and after four days came to another Town, where the Natives were civil, furnish’d him with Provisions; and here he saw abundance of Cotton Cloth, and a Place of Worship hung with Weapons and two Mitres resembling those of a Bishop. He went to a Wood on the other side in order to rest, but was soon dislodg’d by the Natives. He saw several large Towns on both sides the River, but did not touch at them. Some days after they came to a Town where he got Provisions. After doubling a Point, he saw other large Towns, where the People stood ready on the Banks to oppose him. He offer’d ’em Toys in order to please them, but in vain. He continu’d his Voyage, and on the Banks saw several Bodies of People.
THE TRACK OF THE DUKE AND DUTCHESS ROUND THE WORLD
Reproduction of the frontispiece to the first edition of Woodes Rogers’s book.
He stood into them, and landing his Men, the Natives fought with great Resolution, ten or twelve being white Women of an extraordinary Size, with long Hair and all naked but their Pudenda, who seem’d to be their Commanders. They were arm’d with Bows and Arrows; and seven of ’em being kill’d, the rest fled. Orellana had several Men wounded; and finding that multitudes of the Natives were marching against him, he sail’d off, reckoning that he had now made 1400 Leagues during his Voyage, but still did not know how far he was from the Sea. He afterwards came to another Town, where he met with the like Opposition: several of his Men were wounded, and his Chaplain lost an Eye. Here he observ’d several Woods of Oak and Cork-Trees: He call’d this Province by the name of St. John’s, because he came to it on that Saint’s Day. He sail’d on till he met with some Islands, where he was attack’d by 200 Canoes with 30 or 40 Men in each, abundance of Drums, Trumpets, and Pipes, &c. but he kept them off with his Fire-Arms. These Islands appear’d to be high, fruitful, and pleasant, and the largest of ’em about 50 Leagues long; but he could take in no Provisions, because the Canoes continually pursu’d him.
When he came to the next Province, he perceiv’d many large Towns on the Larboard side of the River: Multitudes of Natives came in their Canoes to gaze on him, and his Indian Prisoner inform’d him that these Countries abounded with Gold and Silver. Orellana was here oblig’d to barricade his Boats to cover his Men, because one of ’em was kill’d by a poison’d Arrow. As he sail’d on, he came to inhabited Islands, and perfectly discern’d the Tide. Here he was attack’d by multitudes of Canoes, and lost some more Men by poison’d Arrows. There were many Towns on the Starboard side of the River, and he found other inhabited Islands, where he got Provisions, but was attack’d and beat off when he landed on the Continent, till he came near the mouth of the River, where the People readily furnish’d him. He sail’d 200 Leagues among the Islands, where he found the Tide strong, and at last in August that Year found a Passage to the Sea of about 50 Ls. wide, where the Tide rises five or six fathom, and the fresh Water runs 20 Leagues into the Sea; Esquire Harcourt,
When he reported his Discoveries, the King of Spain sent him back with a Fleet and 600 Men to take possession of this River in 1544, some say 1549, but the Project came to nothing: for the Captain himself, after he had sail’d up 100 Ls. died with 57 of his Men by the Unhealthiness of the Air; and some of them sail’d 60 Ls. higher, where they were friendly entertain’d by the Natives, but being too few to pursue the Discovery, they return’d to the Island Margarita, where they found Orellana’s Lady, says Heerera, who told them that her Husband died of Grief for the Loss of so many of his Men by Sickness and the Attacks of the Indians. And thus they return’d re infecta: so that Orellana receiv’d no other Advantage for his Danger and Expence, but the Honour of the first Discovery, and having the River call’d by his name in some Authors. Ovalle says that he lost half his Men at the Canaries and Cape Verd, and his Fleet was reduc’d to two large Boats before he came back to the River; so that he was too weak to attempt a further Discovery.
The Manuscripts taken by Capt. Withrington say the second Person who attempted it was Leus de Melo a Portuguese, by order of his Sovereign King John III. to whom the Country from the mouth of this River to that of La Plata belong’d, according to the Partition agreed on betwixt the Portuguese and the Spaniards. He had ten Ships and 800 Men, but lost eight of his Ships at the mouth of the River; so that he went to the Island Margarita, from whence his Men were dispers’d all over the Indies. Two or three Captains from the Kingdom of New Granada attempted it afterwards by Land, but without Success.
In 1560. those of Peru try’d it another way. The Viceroy sent Pesdro de Orsua, a Native of Navarre, with 700 Men to the Head of this River, where he built Pinnaces and Canoes; and having furnish’d himself with Provisions, and taken 2000 Indians with many Horses on board, he imbark’d on the
River Xauxa or Maranhon. He sail’d till he came to a plain Country, where he began to build a Town: but his Men not being us’d to such Labour, and fatigu’d by the hot and rainy Seasons, they murmur’d, tho they had Provisions enough, and a great prospect of finding Store of Gold. The Mutineers were headed by Lopez de Agira a Biscayner, who had been an old Mutineer in Peru; and being join’d by Ferdinand de Guzman a Spanish Soldier, and one Saldueno who was enamour’d on Orsua’s beautiful Lady, they murder’d him when asleep, with all his Friends and chief Officers. Then they proclaim’d Guzman their King, but 20 days after he was also murder’d by Lopez, who assum’d the Title to himself. Being a Fellow of mean Birth, he murder’d all the Gentlemen in company, lest any of them should rival him; and having form’d a Guard of Ruffians about him, he became so jealous of his new Dignity, and was so conscious of what he deserv’d, that when any of the Men talk’d together, he concluded they were plotting against him, and sent his Ruffians to murder them. Abundance of the rest and the Women falling sick, he barbarously left them to the mercy of the Natives, and sail’d to the Island Margarita with 230 Men. He was “well entertain’d by the Governour, who took him to be one of the King’s Officers; but this ungrateful Villain did speedily murder him and his Friends, ravag’d the Island, forc’d some Soldiers to go along with him, and pretended to conquer the Indies; but was defeated, taken and hang’d by the Governour of New Granada. The Wretch murder’d his own Daughter that she might not be insulted by his Enemies, and then attempted to murder himself, but was prevented. Thus concluded that fatal Expedition.
The Sansons say the next Attempt was by those of Cusco in 1566. but it came to nothing; for their Leaders fell out and fought with one another, which made the rest a Prey to the Natives: or that only Maldonado one of their Captains and two Priests escap’d to carry home the News.
Two of the Generals of Para and Governours of Maranhon were the next that renew’d the Attempt by the King’s Command, but met with so many cross Accidents that they could not effect it.
In 1606. two Jesuits set out from Quito, thinking to reduce the Country on this River by their Preaching: but one of them was kill’d by the Natives, and the other narrowly escap’d, says Ovalle.
The next Discovery was by Capt. John de Palacios.
Upon the News of this Discovery, the Count de Chinchon Viceroy of Peru sent Orders from Lima to furnish Texeira with all Necessaries for his Return down the River, and appointed Father d’Acugna, Rector of the College of Cuenca, and another Jesuit, to attend him and carry the News to Spain. They set out in February 1639. and arriv’d at Para in December following; from whence d’Acugna went to Spain, and publish’d his Account of this River in 1640.
The Sum of his Discovery, besides what has been mention’d already, is as follows. There’s a Tree on the Banks of this River call’d Andirova, from whence they draw an Oil that is a Specifick for curing Wounds. There’s plenty of Iron-Wood, so nam’d because of its Hardness, Red-Wood, Log-Wood, Brazile, and Cedars so large, that Acugna says he measur’d some that were 30 span round the Trunk. They have Timber enough to build Ships, make Cordage of the Barks of Trees, and Sails of Cotton, but want Iron. They make Hatchets of Tortoise-shells, or hard Stones ground to
The Jesuits of Quito in Peru have engrav’d a Map of this River, in which they give the following Account, viz. That ’tis the greatest in the known World: That tho it be call’d by the name of Amazons or Orellana, its true name is Maranhon: That it rises from the Lake Lauricocha, as we have mention’d already, runs 1800 Leagues, and falls into the North Sea by 84 Mouths: That near the City Borja it is pent up by a Strait call’d El-Pongo, not above 13 Fathom wide and 3 Ls. long; where the Stream is so rapid, that Boats run it in a quarter of an hour. The Truth of this must be submitted to the Judgment of the Reader, but it seems very improbable, since none of those who sail’d up and down this River describe it thus: besides, ’twere impossible to sail up against so rapid a Stream without a Tide, which the Sansons say comes up to this Strait; but they make it a mile broad, and by consequence not so rapid. The Jesuits add, that both Banks from the City Jaen in the Province of Bracamoros, where it begins to be navigable, down to the Sea, are cover’d with Woods of very tall Trees, among which there’s Timber of all colours, abundance of Sarsaparilla, and the Bark they call Cloves, which is us’d by Dyers and Cooks. In the neighbouring Woods there are many Tygers, wild Boars, and Buffaloes, &c. The Jesuits began their Mission upon this River in 1638. have their Capital at the City of St. Francis of Borja in the Province of Manos, 300 Leagues from Quito; and their Mission extends along three other Rivers
The Portuguese have some Towns at the Mouth of this River, and a Fort on Rio Negro; so that of late years they have traded much upon it, and, as several Spaniards inform’d me, during the last Peace they extended their Commerce as far as Quito and many other Places in Peru. I have insisted the longer on this River, because it is of so great Fame, and may be of mighty Advantage for Trade.
The River of La Plata being the South Boundary of Brazile, within the Limits of the South-Sea Company, and lying conveniently for opening a great Trade from the North-Sea with Peru, Chili, and other vast Countries; I shall give a Description of it here, from the best Authors.
The first European who discover’d it, seems to have been Juan Dias de Solis, who sailing from Spain in 1512. some say 1515. run along the Coast of Brazile till he came to this River, says Ovalle. With him agree the Manuscripts taken on some Spanish Priests in this River by Capt. Withrington, publish’d in Harris’s Collections
1535. and they had so great hopes of finding Mines of Gold and Silver, that above thirty Heirs of noble Families went on the Expedition; and sailing 50 Leagues up the River, where the Air was good, he founded a Town, which from thence was call’d Buenos-Ayres. They built a Fort, and enlarg’d the Town; but as they were carrying on their Work, the Natives attack’d them, and overpowering them with Numbers, kill’d 250, among whom were several of the chief Men. This oblig’d the Spaniards to keep within their Fort, where they suffer’d much by Famine. Mendoza return’d towards Spain, but died miserably, with many of his Companions, for want of Provisions by the way. His Deputy-Governour Oyola sail’d up into Paraguay, in quest of a Country said to abound with Gold and Silver; but was treacherously slain by the Natives, with all his Followers.
Irala who was his Deputy, and left at Buenos-Ayres, contracted a Friendship with some of the Natives call’d Guaranians. In 1538. he built Assumption in their Country, which is now the Metropolis of Paraguay, and left Buenos-Ayres for a time. Assumption lies on the Banks of the River Paraguay, in S. Lat. 25. 240 Leagues from the Sea, and 40 from the Mouth of the River Paraguay, where it falls into La Plata, These Rivers after they join continue their natural Colour for several miles, La Plata being clear, and Paraguay muddy. The latter is by much the most considerable River, and the adjacent Country abounds with Mines of Gold and Silver, and is navigable above 200 Leagues. The River Uruquay falls into Paraguay on the right side, and runs a Course of 300 Leagues, according to Sepp the Jesuit, who in his Voyage says ’tis as big as the Danube at Vienna. In short, as to this River La Plata, Authors are not agreed. Some of the Jesuits who are Missionaries in those Countries think it to be the same with that call’d Paraguay higher up in the Country, and that it has a Communication with the North-East Coast of Brazile by the River St. Meary, which rises out of the same Lake, and runs N E. as Paraguay or Plata runs S. and afterwards to the S E. when it falls into the Sea. Be that how it will, here are many Rivers which fall into the same Channel on both sides. But that which is commonly call’d La Plata, begins near the Town of that Name about S. Lat. 19. and after running N. a little way, takes its Course S E. till it join the River Paraguay. So that I chuse rather to trust to the Account given us by Mr. White our Linguist, who having dwelt long in that Country, told me this River derives its
All are agreed that La Plata is very large at the Mouth, where some account it 50, and others 30 Leagues broad. The Mouth of it is dangerous because of Sands, and therefore requires Pilots. Knivet,
La Plata runs into the Sea about S. Lat. 35. and sometimes overflows the Country for several miles, when the Natives put their Goods into Canoes, and float about till the Inundation assuages, and then they return to their Habitations. Ovalle gives the following Account of this River, viz. That it runs with such a mighty Stream into the Sea, as makes it fresh for a great way: That the Water of this River is very sweet, clears the Voice and Lungs, and is good against all Rheums and Defluxions: That the People who dwell about it have excellent Voices, and are all inclin’d to Musick: That it petrifies the Branches of Trees, and other things which fall into it; and that Vessels are naturally form’d of its Sand, which are of various Figures, look as if they were polish’d by Art, and keep Water very cool. It breeds great store of excellent Fish of divers sorts, and most beautiful Birds of all kinds are seen on its Banks. Sepp informs us, that this River and Uraguay abound so with Fish, that the Natives catch great numbers of them without any other Instrument than their Hands: one of the choicest, call’d the Kings-Fish, is small without Bones, and taken only in Winter. Our Author, says he never saw any European Fish in this latter, except one that the Spaniards call Bocado; and that the Fish are larger here than ours, of a dark or yellow colour, and well tasted; which he ascribes to the nature of
THE ISLANDS OF JUAN FERNANDEZ, WHERE ALEXANDER SELKIRK WAS FOUND
the Water, that tho drunk in great quantities even after raw Fruit, helps Digestion, and never does any hurt. The Plains about this River are so large and even, without any Obstruction to the Sight, that the Sun seems to rise and set in them. Their way of travelling in those Plains is by high Carts cover’d with Hoops and Cows-Hides like our Waggons, with Conveniency for Travellers to sleep in the bottom; which is so much the better, because they travel most by night to avoid the Heat. They are drawn by Oxen, which are frequently so pinch’d by Drought, that when they come towards any Water, which they smell at a great distance, they run furiously to it, and drink up the very Mud which they raise with their Feet. This obliges Travellers to furnish themselves with Water and other Provisions for their Journy; there being no Water to be had, except by Rain: so that Travellers are frequently as much distress’d for want of Water as the Oxen, and can scarce get any that’s clear at the Watering-places, tho they send before-hand, because the Oxen run with so much haste to it that they make it all in a puddle: Ovalle says, that in this case Travellers are forc’d to stop their Noses and shut their Eyes when they drink it. The Journy thro these Plains is at least 14 or 20 days, without any place of shelter, or any Firing to dress their Victuals but the dry’d Dung of Cattle. Yet there are several Lakes and Ponds where Inns might be fix’d, but ’tis neglected because there’s no settled Trade that way.
It remains to give some account of the Towns upon the River Plata and on the Road to Potosi. 1. Buenos-Ayres lies upon the River 50 Leagues from the Sea, about Lat. 36. Our Linguist inform’d me that ’tis the Residence of a Spanish Governour, is defended by a Stone Fort mounted with 40 Guns, and is generally garison’d by 4 or 500 Men. The Harbour is pretty good, but troublesom in a N W. and W. Wind. The River is 7 Ls. broad there, and navigable by Ships 60 Ls. above the Town, but no further, because of a great Cataract. The Town has one Cathedral, and five other Churches: The Portuguese had a Settlement over against this Town, but were dislodg’d by the Spaniards at the beginning of this War; since which time the French drive a Guinea Trade hither for Negroes, who are sent over Land to Peru and Chili, and yield them vast Profit. The Trade from hence to Spain is in Hides and Tallow, Silver from Peru, and Gold and Silver from Chili. All European Goods yield a good Price here. They have plenty of Fruit-Trees about the
Father Sepp,
He describes the Natives thus: The Men are not quite so tall as Europeans, but have thick Legs and large Joints. Their Faces are round, flattish, and of an Olive Colour; and their Arms are Bows and Arrows. Some of the strongest have many Scars on their Bodies, occasion’d by Wounds which they gave themselves when young, that these Scars may be remaining Proofs of their Courage. Their Hair is black, long, and as strong as that of a Horse. The Women look more like Devils than rational Creatures, with their Hair loose over their Foreheads, and the rest twisted in Locks behind, which hang as low as their Hips. Their Faces are wrinkled, their Arms, Shoulders and Breasts naked; and their Ornaments are Fish-Bones made like
It is now time to see how the Missionaries live among those Flocks over whom they assume the Pastoral Care. Father Sepp tells us, that he and other new Missionaries were welcom’d by some of them with 20 Musicians in a Train, abundance of Boats equip’d like Galleys lin’d with Firelocks, and having Drums, Trumpets, and Hautboys on board. The Missionaries brought ’em Sweatmeats, and all sort of Fruit; and the Indians diverted them by wrestling in the Water, and Salvoes of their Fire-Arms, &c. They conducted them thro a green Triumphal Arch to the Church, where the Women were so earnest at their Devotion, that not one of them cast an eye upon our Father and his Companions: so that here were a Militant and a Triumphant Church both together. When the Devotion was over, the chief of the Indians welcom’d the Father and the rest of the Missionaries, by a short but very pathetick Speech; and one of the Indian Women did the like with wonderful Elegancy, says the Jesuit, who it seems is not against Women speaking in the
These Cantons, he says, are 26, and have but one or two Missionaries apiece, tho they contain from 3000 to 6000 People each, and sometimes more; so that they must either have too much work, or perform it very slightly, especially if they be so ignorant as our Father says, that if they be neglected one day, they scarce know how to make the Sign of the Cross the next: And besides all the Pastoral Work, the Missionaries must act the part of Clerks, and clean the Church-Ornaments and Plate; for these poor Wretches are uncapable of doing it. To be short, says he, the Missionary must be Cook, Nurse, Doctor, Architect, Gardiner, Weaver, Smith, Painter, Baker, Potter, Tile-maker, and every thing else that is necessary in a Commonwealth. This he supposes will appear incredible (and he’s certainly in the right) but he says ’tis the naked Truth; the Natives being so stupid, that unless he plainly shew his Indian Cook how much Salt he must put in each Pot, he would put all into one, tho ever so much; and he must see them wash the Vessels, unless he would be poison’d: yet this Father, for all his other hard work, must look after his Garden, Orchard, and Vineyard, where he has all sorts of Flowers, Herbs, Roots and Fruits, and so many Vines as produce 500 large Casks of Wine in a Year, if not prevented by multitudes of Pismires, Wasps, Birds, or by the North Winds, which sometimes make Wine so dear, that a Cask yields 20 or 30 Crowns; and after all, ’tis not to be preserv’d from turning sour without a great mixture of Lime. The chief Distemper of the Natives is the Worms before-mention’d, the bloody Flux [dysentery] and spotted Fever, which frequently carry off great numbers. The Medicines which the Missionaries give against Worms, is a Vomit of Tabacco-Leaves; and after that, sour Lemon-Juice with those of Mint and Rue put into Milk.
These Cantons or Towns, he says, are generally upon an Ascent near the Rivers Uruguay and Paraguay, and contain
How mean soever the Natives live, the Priests have enough of Splendor and Plenty. Their Churches and Steeples are lofty, have four or five Bells apiece, most of ’em a couple of Organs, Altars, and Pulpits richly gilt, Images well painted, plenty of Silver Candlesticks, Chalices, and other Church-Plate; and the Ornaments of the Priests and Altars are as rich as in Europe. They teach the Natives to sing and play on all Musical Instruments both for Devotion and War; so that according to the Jesuits they go now more merrily to Heaven than formerly they did to Hell, and the good Fathers divert themselves with Sets of Musicians on the Banks of the Rivers and in charming Islands. Nor can we wonder that they live so merrily, since they fare so well; for besides all sorts of delicious Fruits and Preserves, they have plenty of Fowl, Fish, and Venison of all sorts, as well as ordinary Butchers Meat; only the Tygers, which are very numerous, frequently put in for a share with them, invade their Flocks and their Followers: but if you’ll believe
But they are so lazy that they must be forc’d to their work by blows, at the direction of the Missionaries, who tho they convert ’em themselves, make them cudgel one another. This they take very patiently, give no ill Language, but cry Jesu Maria! and thank the good Fathers into the bargain for taking such care of ’em; so that they have learnt Passive-Obedience to perfection. But to make them amends, our Author says the Missionaries teach their young ones to dance as well as to sing in the Church, when they are habited in rich Apparel: so that they are extremely taken with the Ornaments of our Religion, says he, which raises in them a high Esteem and Affection; and indeed ’twould be a wonder if it should not. The Missionaries do now take care to instruct both Sexes in all necessary Employments, Reading,
The Soil is so fruitful that it produces a hundred fold, tho sorrily manur’d. The Natives sow nothing but Turky Wheat, and scarce enough of that, they are so lazy: and are likewise such bad Husbands, that they would eat all at once, did not the Missionary force ’em to lay it up in his Barn, where he distributes it to ’em as they want, and so he does their Flesh. They have no Mills, but pround their Wheat in a Mortar, and make it into Cakes which they bake on Coals, or boil with their Meat. The Fathers have white Bread for themselves, which the Natives value so much, that they will give two or three Horses for a Loaf; and of these the Missionaries have good store, for they have always 40 or 50 Acres sow’d with Wheat for themselves: Land, Corn, Cattel, and every thing is theirs; so that they call all the People their Sons and Daughters, and perhaps there’s just cause enough to give many of ’em that Title. These Lords Proprietors assign every Family their number of Cows and Oxen to till their Ground, and to eat; tho one would think they might have enough for the taking, without asking any body’s leave: and yet our Father says he has been forc’d to chide his Parishioners for killing and eating their Oxen, and roasting them with their wooden Plows in the very Field while they were tilling the Ground; for which they pleaded in excuse that they and their Wives were hungry and weary: and yet there was no great reason for the latter, since their Plows, says our Author, don’t enter above three inches into the Ground. They need no Hay for their Cattel, since they go up to the knees in Grass all the year. This is the way of living in those Cantons, which the Missionaries call Reductions, because, if you’ll believe ’em, they have reduc’d them to Christianity by their Preaching, tho the Spaniards could never do it by their Arms.
Our Linguist told me that the Road from Buenos-Ayres to Chili is only passable in the Summer Months, when Commodities are purchas’d at that Town, and transported by Land to Chili.
On that Road about 100 Leagues N. W. from Buenos-Ayres lies the City of Cordoua, which is the See of a Bishop,
Another Town on this Road is Mendosa, where they make large quantities of Wine, Brandy, and Oil.
So much for that part of this vast Country which lies towards Chili and Brazile: I shall next come to that part which lies towards Peru, and particularly the Road to Potosi and the Mines.
Santa-Fe is the next Spanish Settlement of note to Buenos-Ayres, from which it lies 80 Leagues N W. at the mouth of a River which falls into La Plata. The Country betwixt this Town and Buenos-Ayres is fruitful, well inhabited by Spaniards and Indians, and produces Wheat from forty to an hundred fold, and abounds with Cattel. The Town is encompass’d with a River, and built of Brick. Our Prisoners and Linguist told us that there are Mines of Gold and Silver in the Neighbourhood, but the Spaniards don’t care to open them, because the Conveniency of sailing up the River might encourage Enemies to invade and take them from ’em. This Town was built by the Spaniards when they first settled, for the Defence of this River.
St. Jago de l’Istero 200 Leagues N W. from Santa-Fe, is a pretty Town govern’d by a Corregidore, has three Churches, and lies on the River that runs down to Santa-Fe. Hither the Plate is brought from Potosi on Mules, because the Roads
Potosi is next, lies N. of the Tropick of Capricorn about S. Lat. 21. Long. 73. Our Linguist tells us the City is large, has ten Churches govern’d by an Arch-Priest. The Town stands at the bottom of that call’d the Silver Hill, which is round like a Sugar-Loaf. There are 1500 or 2000 Indians constantly at work in the Mines here; they have two Reals a day, and are paid every Sunday. The Mines are a hundred fathom deep, and the Silver is grown much scarcer of late. Provisions are scarce at this Town, and they have no Firing but Charcoal, which is brought from 30 to 50 Ls. distance. They have great Frosts and Snow here in May, June, and July. Knivet in his Remarks says, in his time they were well supply’d here with all things from the South-Sea, and that the Natives in the adjoining Country traffick’d in Gold and precious Stones; and hundreds of ’em ply’d upon the Road to carry Passengers from Town to Town in Nets fasten’d to Canes, and supported by two or more Men; which was the easiest way of travelling, and they desir’d no other Reward but a Fish-Hook and a few Glass-Beads. They have also Sheep of an extraordinary Size, with large Tails, upon which they carry’d Jars of Oil and Wine. He says the rich Oar when taken out of these Mines looks like Black Lead, then they grind it by certain Engines, and wash it thro fine Sieves into pav’d Cisterns. They make the Indians and other Slaves work quite naked in the Mines, that they mayn’t hide any thing.
The Curious who would know more of the Manners of the Natives, or the History and particular Product of this large Country, may find it in Gemelli,
Some being of Opinion that our South-Sea Company may possess themselves, by virtue of the late Act, of the River de
This Province, till that of Tucuman was taken from it, contain’d all the Country betwixt Brazile and Peru. Our Author
Tucuman is 300 Leagues long, but varies much in breadth. ’Tis inhabited by four Nations: The furthest South have no fix’d Dwellings, live by Fishing and Hunting, and carry about Mats to serve them for Tents. The North People live in Marshes, and feed most on Fish. The Southern People are the tallest, but the Northern the fiercest; and many of them live in Caves, but those nearest Peru in Villages. They are all very slothful, and have store of Brass and Silver, but make little use of them. They have large Sheep which carry their Burdens, and their Wool is almost as fine as Silk. They have many Lions, not so large and fierce as those of Africa, but their Tygers are fiercer than those of other Countries. Their two chief Rivers are Dulce and Salado, so call’d from the sweet and salt Taste of their Waters. They have multitudes of Springs and Lakes, some of which have a petrifying quality. The Country was formerly very populous, but their Numbers are much decreas’d since the Spaniards planted among them.
He adds, that the Country about St. Michael is well peopled, abounds with Woods, and all sorts of European and other Fruits, so that it was call’d The Land of Promise; but they are much infested with Tygers, which the Natives kill with great dexterity. Guaira a Province of Paraguay is very hot, because for the most part under the Tropick of Capricorn; is very fruitful, but subject to Fevers and other Diseases: yet when the Spaniards came hither in 1550, they are said to have found 300000 People in this Country, but they say there’s scarce a fifth part of that number now; and the Natives very miserable, having no Meat but the Flesh of wild Beasts nor Bread but what they make of the Root Mandiosa. There are Stones here which breed in an oval Stone-Case, about the bigness of a Man’s Head. Our Author says, they lie under ground, and when they come to maturity, break with a noise like Bombs, and scatter abundance of beautiful Stones of all colours; which at first the Spaniards took to be of great Value, but did not find ’em so. The other remarkable Product of this Country is a Flower call’d Granadillo, which the Jesuit says represents the Instrument of our Saviour’s Passion, and produces a Fruit as big as a common Egg, the Inside of which is very delicious. 2. A Fruit call’d Guembe, which is very sweet, but has yellow Kernels, which if chew’d, occasions a sharp Pain in the Jaws. 3. Dates, of which they make Wine and Pottage. 4. Wild Swine which have their Navel on their backs, and if not cut off immediately when the Beast is kill’d, corrupts the whole Carcase. 5. Abundance of wild Bees, several sorts of which yield store of Honey and Wax. 6. Snakes which dart from the Trees, and twist themselves about Men or Beasts, and soon kill ’em if they be not immediately cut in pieces. 7. Macaqua Birds, so call’d because of an Herb which they eat as an Antidote when hurt by Snakes, which lie and watch for them in the Marshes. They frequently fight those Snakes, for which Nature has provided them with sharp Beaks for a Weapon, and strong Wings to serve them as a Buckler. Our Author mentions the River Paranapan, which runs thro this Country, is almost as large as the Paraguay, and falls into the Parana.
Our Author not being distinct in describing the Provinces of Paraguay and Tucuman, but sometimes confounding one with the other, I shall only add a few things more relating to those Countries in general. He mentions a People call’d Guaicureans who live on the Banks of Paraguay near the City Assumption, maintain themselves by Fishing and Hunting, and eat all manner of Serpents and wild Beasts without hurt. They have Tents of Mats, which they remove at pleasure. They dawb one side of their Bodies with stinking Colours, scarify their Faces to make them look terrible, suffer no Hair to grow on their Bodies; and instead of a Beard fasten a Stone of a finger’s length to their Chin, and make their Deformity the Standard of their Valour. Their chief Delight is in Drunkenness and War; and to acquire the Title and Dignity of Soldiers, they must endure to have their Legs, Thighs, Tongues, &c. bored with an Arrow; and if they flinch in the least, are not allow’d that Quality: and therefore they inure their Children from their Youth to all sorts of Hardship, and to run Thorns and Briars into their Flesh by way of Pastime. They honour their Commanders so much, that when they spit they receive it into their hands, stand about them when they eat, and observe all their Motions. They chose to fight by night, because they knew nothing of Order, but made their Onsets like Beasts. They either kill’d or sold their Prisoners, if at Man’s Estate, and the young ones they bred in their own way. They lurk’d in Marshes and Woods by day, keeping Spies abroad; and thus they plagu’d the Spaniards for above a hundred years, till they were civiliz’d by some Missionaries. They would not allow their Women to paint with a Clay-colour till they had tasted human Flesh; and therefore when they kill’d Enemies, would divide them among the young Women, or give them the Corpse of their
Father Techo mentions another People nam’d Calchaquins in this Country, whom he supposes to have been of Jewish Descent, because when the Spaniards came first here, they found that many of them had Jewish Names, and something of their Habit and Customs. Our Author draws a Parallel in several Instances; but this, as well as his Arguments to prove that St. Thomas the Apostle planted Christianity in this Country, will scarce obtain Credit among the Learned. I refer the Curious who would know more of those things to our Author, who brings down what he calls the History of this Country as low as 1645. which is the latest Account we have yet printed, except Father Sepp’s abovemention’d, which brings it to 1691. of which I have given the Substance already.
Before I go further, I shall give some account of the River Aranoca or Oronoco, which is the Northern Boundary of our South-Sea Company’s Limits. The Head of it, according to our Maps, is about N. Lat. 3. and in Long. 77. It runs Eastward about 840 miles, about 60 miles N. of the Equator, then runs N. about 420. and turning NE. about 120, falls into the Sea about N. Lat. 9. So that its whole Course is about 1370 miles, including Turnings and Windings; for it runs almost the whole Breadth of that part of America, since it rises within 160 miles of the South-Sea.
Mr. Sparrey,
Nothing remarkable happen’d till Decemb. 6. when we had close cloudy Weather, with Showers; Wind at E. by N. We saw a large Bird call’d Alcatros, who spread their Wings from eight to ten foot wide, and are much like a Gannet.
Dec. 7. Rainy Weather, with Thunder and Lightning, a brisk Gale from E by N. to N E. This day I remov’d one of the Boatswain’s Mates, and put Rob. Hollanby one of our best Sailors in his place.
Dec. 10. Yesterday I exchang’d Benjamin Long, one of the Boatswain’s Mates, with Tho. Hughes Boatswain’s Mate
Dec. 13. We had a strong Gale of Wind at S W. Yesterday in the Afternoon we reef’d our Main-Sail, which was the first time since we left England.
Dec. 15. The Colour of the Water being chang’d very much, we founded, but had no Ground: so that this Change is probably occasion’d by the nature of the Ground at bottom. We find it much colder in this Lat. which is 43. 30 S. than in the like degree N. tho the Sun was in its furthest Extent to the Southward: which may be ascrib’d partly to our coming newly out of warmer Climates, which made us more sensible of the Cold; or ’tis probable the Winds blow over larger Tracts of Ice than in the same Degrees of N. Latitude.
Dec. 18. Cold hazy rainy Weather. Yesterday in the Afternoon one of the Dutchess’s Men fell out of the Mizen-Top down on the Quarter-Deck, and broke his Skull: They desir’d the Advice of our Surgeon, and I went on board with our two, where they examin’d the Wound, but found the Man irrecoverable; so that he died, and was buried next day. Brisk Gales from the W N W. to the W by S.
Dec. 19. Cold airy Weather: We saw several Grampusses, and a great number of uncommon sort of Porpusses, black on their Back and Fins, and white underneath, with sharp white Noses; they often leap’d a good height out of the Water, turning their white Bellies uppermost: they were much of the shape and bigness of our Porpusses. We also saw many Seals.
Dec. 20. This day, according to what our Committee agreed at Grande, we exchang’d Mr. Vanbrugh for Mr. Bath Agent of the Dutchess. Easy Gales of Wind, but very veerable. This morning at four we had a very thick Fog, when we were caught in Stays,
Dec. 21. Easy Gales of Wind, but very veerable. We have seen a deal of Rock-Weed for some days past, of a great length and generally round in large Branches. Lat. 48.50. S.
Dec. 22. Fair Weather with Rain, Wind very veerable. The Water is generally discolour’d. We had a good Observ. Lat. 49.32. S.
Dec. 22. At ten this morning, we saw Land, bearing S S E. dist. 9 Ls. It appear’d first in three, afterwards in several more Islands. At twelve it bore S. 1/2 W. the West End dist. 6 Ls. a long Tract of Land. We saw most of that which appear’d at first to be Islands, join with the low Lands. The Wind being Westerly, and blowing fresh, we could not weather it; but was forc’d to bear away and run along Shore from 3 to 4 Ls. dist. It lay as near as we could guess E N E. and W S W. This is Falkland’s Land, describ’d in few Draughts, and none lay it down right, tho the Latitude agrees pretty well. The middle of it lies in Latitude 51.00. S. and I make the Longitude of it to be 61. 54. West from London. The two Islands extend about two Degrees in Length, as near as I could judg by what I saw.
Dec. 24. Last night we reefed both Courses; it blowing strong, lay by from eight till three in the Morning, with our Heads to Northward, Wind at W by S. because we could not tell how far Falkland Islands ran to the Eastward. Between two and three a clock yesterday in the Afternoon we ran by a high round large white remarkable Rock, which appear’d by it self near 3 Ls. without the Land; which is not unlike Portland, but not so high, and the Rock like that call’d the Fastneste to the Westward of Cape Clear in Ireland. At four yesterday in the Afternoon the North-East End bore S E by S. 7 Ls. the white Rock bore S. 3 Ls. At six the Eastermost Land in sight bore S.E. 7 Ls. All this Land appear’d with gentle Descents from Hill to Hill, and seem’d to be good Ground, with Woods and Harbours. At three a clock we made sail, steering S E. Lat. 52. S.
Dec. 25. Yesterday Noon we saw the Land again, and find it to trim away Southerly from the white Rock. A strong Gale of Wind at S W. At six a clock in the Evening we lost sight of the Land, but could not come near enough to see if it was inhabited; and spy’d a Sail under our Lee-Bow bearing S E. from us, dist. about 4 Ls. We immediately let our Reefs out, chas’d and got ground of her apace: we kept sight till ten at night, when we lost her. We spoke with our Consort, and were both of opinion that the Chase would, as soon as she lost sight of us, if homeward bound, bear away to the Northward; so we ran North
Dec. 26. We kept on rowing and towing till about six in the Evening; and perceiving we approach’d her, I went in the Boat to speak with Capt. Courtney, and agree how to engage her, if a great Ship, as she appear’d to be; and also adjusted Signals, if either of us should find it proper to board her in the night. I return’d aboard as soon as possible, when we had a fine Breeze: we got in our Boats and Oars, and made all possible Sail after the Chase, kept in sight of her till past ten a clock, bearing S S W. of us, when it came on thick again; we kept her open on the Larboard, and the Dutchess on the Starboard-Bow, and being short Nights, we thought it impossible to lose one another. At one a clock this Morning my Officers persuaded me to shorten Sail, telling me we should lose our Consort if we kept on: I was prevail’d with to do so, and in the Morning had a very thick Fog, so that I could see neither our Consort nor Chase till an hour after ’twas full Light. When it clear’d up, we saw our Consort on our Larboard-Bow; we fir’d a Gun for her to bear down, but immediately we saw the Chase ahead of her about four miles, which gave us new Life. We forthwith hal’d up for them; but the Wind soon veering a-head, had a great disadvantage in the Chase. We ran at a great rate, being smooth Water; but it coming on to blow more and more, the Chase outbore our Consort: so she gave off, and being to Windward, came down very melancholy to us, supposing the Chase to have been a French homeward-bound Ship from the South-Seas. Thus this Ship escap’d; which, considering that we always out-went her before, is as strange as our first seeing of her in this place, because all Ships that we have heard of bound out or home this way, kept within Falkland’s Island. At twelve a clock we saw a little plain low Island, which bore W N W. dist. 4 Ls. not mark’d in any of our
Dec. 27. Strong Gales, with Squalls from the South to the West. The Dutchess put her Guns into the Hold again, that she took up in the Chase. Yesterday at two in the Afternoon we put about, and stood off to the Eastward from the little low Island: because we could but just weather it, we were not willing to come too near it. Lat. 54.15. S.
Dec. 30. Fresh Gales of Wind at West, hazy Weather mix’d with small Rain. We had an Observ. Lat. 58.20.
January 1. Fresh Gales of Wind from the W N W. to the W S W. with Fogs, but indifferent smooth Water. This being New-Year’s Day, every Officer was wish’d a merry New-Year by our Musick; and I had a large Tub of Punch hot upon the Quarter-Deck, where every Man in the Ship had above a Pint to his share, and drank our Owners and Friends Healths in Great Britain, to a happy new Year, a good Voyage, and a safe Return. We bore down to our Consort, and gave them three Huzza’s, wishing them the like.
Jan. 2. Fresh Gales from the W S W. to the N W. with Fogs. Clothes and Liquor were now an excellent Commodity amongst our Ships Company, who are but meanly stor’d: We had six Taylors at work for several weeks to make them Clothing, and pretty well supply’d their Wants by the spare Blankets and red Clothes belonging to the Owners; and what every Officer could spare, was alter’d for the Mens Use. The like was done on board the Dutchess.
Jan. 5. Just past twelve Yesterday it came on to blow strong: We got down our Fore-Yard, and reef’d our Fore-Sail and Main-Sail; but there came on a violent Gale of Wind, and a great Sea. A little before six we saw the Dutchess lowering her Main-Yard: the Tack flew up, and the Lift unreev’d, so that the Sail to Leeward was in the water and all a-back, their Ship took in a great deal of Water to Leeward; immediately they loos’d their Sprit-Sail, and wore her before the Wind: I wore after her, and came as near as I could to ’em, expecting when they had gotten their Main-Sail stow’d they would take another Reef in, and bring to again under a two-reef’d Main-Sail, and reef’d and ballanc’d Mizen, if the Ship would not keep to without it: but to my surprize they kept scudding
Jan. 6. Raw cold Weather, with some Rain. A great Sea from the N W. little Wind from the N N W. to the West. I and Capt. Dampier went in the Yall on board the Dutchess, to visit ’em after this Storm; where we found ’em in a very orderly pickle, with all their Clothes drying, the Ship and Rigging cover’d with them from the Deck to the Main-Top: They got six more Guns into the Hold, to make the Ship lively.
Jan. 7. Fresh Gales of Wind, with hazy Weather and some small Rain. Yesterday about three in the Afternoon John Veale a Landman died, having lain ill a Fortnight, and had a Swelling in his Legs ever since he left Grande. At nine last night we bury’d him; this is the first that died by Sickness out of both Ships since we left England. Several of the Dutchess’s Men had contracted Illness by the Wet and Cold. Wind from the N N W. to the W N W.
Jan. 10. Strong Gales of Wind, with Squalls of Rain and Hail, and a great Sea from the W. We lay by with our Head to the Southward till 12 last night, then came to sail under three-reef’d Courses,
Jan. 14. Moderate Gales with cloudy Weather, Wind veerable. This day the Dutchess bury’d a Man that died of the Scurvy.
Jan. 15. Cloudy Weather, with Squalls of Rain, fresh Gales at S W. We had an Observ. Lat. 56. S. We now account our selves in the South-Sea, being got round Cape Horne. The French Ships that came first to trade in these Seas came thro the Straits of Magellan: but Experience has taught them since, that it is the best Passage to go round Cape Horne, where they have Sea-room enough; the Straits, being in many places very narrow, with strong Tides and no Anchor-ground.
Here I think it proper to give an Account of the first Discovery of the South-Sea, of the Passage to it by the Straits of Magellan, of the chief of those who have pass’d those Straits, and a short Description of the Country on both sides of ’em.
An Account of the Discovery of the South-Sea, and of the Straits of Magellan, &c. from Ovalle and other Authors.
THE first European who discover’d the South-Sea, was Basco or Vasco NuÑes de Balboa a Spaniard, in 1513. He was the first who landed on the Isthmus of Darien, and made war with their Caciques or Princes; who not being able to resist his Fire-Arms, and perceiving that the chief Design of the Spaniards was to find Gold, one of the Caciques told Vasco, that since they were so fond of that which he and his Countrymen valu’d so little, he would conduct them over the Mountains to another Sea, upon which they might find a Country where the People had all their Utensils of Gold. This was the first notice the Spaniards had of the South-Sea. Vasco march’d on till he came near the top of the highest Mountain, where he order’d his Men to halt, because he would have the honour of first discovering that Sea himself: which having done, he fell down on his knees and thank’d God for his Success, and call’d it the South-Sea, in opposition to that on the other side the Continent, Having pass’d these Mountains, he march’d down till he came to the Coast, and took possession of it in the name of the King of Spain. When
In 1539 Alonso de Camargo a Spaniard pass’d the same Straits, and arriv’d at the Port of Arequipa in Peru; but much shatter’d, having lost one of his Ships, and another leaving him, return’d to Spain. After him several other Spaniards pass’d the same way, and they planted a Colony and Garison at the North End, to block up the Passage to other Nations; but without success, the Garison being all starved or destroy’d by the Indians.
The 15th of Novemb. 1577. the famous Sir Francis Drake set out from Plymouth with five Sail, and having touch’d at several places by the way, enter’d the Straits the 21st of August following. He found them very dangerous, because of the many Turnings, contrary Winds, and sudden Blasts from high Mountains cover’d with Snow on both sides, and their Tops reaching above the Clouds, and no anchoring but in some narrow River or Creek. The 24th he came to an Island in the Straits, where there were so many Fowls call’d Penguins, that his Men kill’d 3000 in a day, which serv’d them for Provisions. The 6th of September he enter’d the South-Sea, where he met with dreadful Storms, and one of his Ships was drove back into the Straits, thro which she return’d to England; as Sir Francis Drake did July 24. 1580. being the first Sea-Captain that ever sail’d round the World, and brought his Ship home, which was accounted a great Honour to the English Nation.
July 1. 1586. Mr. Tho. Candish, afterwards Sir Thomas,
Other Nations attempted it likewise, and particularly Don Garcia de Loaisa, a Knight of Malta and a Spaniard, with seven Ships and 450 Men; and tho he pass’d the Straits, he died himself, and all his Ships were afterwards taken by the Portuguese or others. Vargas Bishop of Placentia sent 7 Ships to attempt it, one of which only succeeded, went to Arequipa a Port on the South-Sea, and discover’d the Situation of the Coast of Peru; but went no further. Ferdinand Cortez, the Conqueror of New Spain, sent two Ships and 400 Men in 1528. to discover the way to the Moluccas thro the Straits, but without success. Two Genoese Ships were the first that attempted it in 1526, after Magellan, but could not effect it. Sebastian Cabot try’d it also by Commission from Don Emanuel King of Portugal, but could not do it. Americus Vespusius was sent by the same Prince, but could neither find the Straits nor the River of La Plata. Simon Alcasara a Spaniard attempted it likewise with several Ships and 440 Men, but came back without performing it, his Men having mutiny’d. All these Attempts by the Spaniards, &c. happen’d before Sir Francis Drake perform’d it.
In the Reports made of those Straits upon Oath to the Emperor Charles V. those who attempted this Passage give the following Account, viz. That from the Cape of 11000 Virgins at the Entrance of the North Sea, to the Cape of Desire at the Entrance of the South-Sea, is 100 Spanish Ls.
The last of our Countrymen who pass’d them was Sir John Narborough,
I have insisted the longer on these Straits, partly because they are so much talk’d of, and partly to justify our going to the South-Seas by the way of Cape Horne, which is far more safe: so that in all probability the Straits of Magellan will be little frequented by Europeans in time to come.
The Land on the North side of the Straits is call’d Patagonia, and that on the South Terra del Fuego, because of the numerous Fires and the great Smoke which the first Discoverers saw upon it. It extends the whole Length of the Straits, and lies from East to West about 130 Leagues, according to Ovalle; and before the Discovery of the Straits of St. Vincent, otherwise call’d Le Maire’s Straits, was suppos’d to join to some part of the Terra Australis. Ovalle says, that on the Continent of Chili, near the Straits of Magellan, there’s a People call’d Cessares, who are suppos’d to be
M. de Beauchesne Gouin, who is the last that attempted the Passage of the Straits of Magellan, that we have heard of, came to an anchor at the Virgins Cape in the mouth of this Strait the 24th of June 1699. and the Wind being contrary, he lay at anchor betwixt the Continent and Terra del Fuego. He weighed again, the Winds being still contrary, and on the third of July anchor’d at Port Famine in the Straits, where the Spaniards had built a Garison, but were forc’d to quit it for want of Provisions. He observes, that from the Mouth of the Straits to this place, the Climate seem’d to be as temperate as in France, tho now the coldest Season of the Year in those parts. He found abundance of Wood for Firing, but the greatest Inconveniency he met with there, was from the great Storms of Snow, tho it did not lie long, being carry’d off by Rains which come from the West. He is of opinion that a Settlement might easily be made here, in a part of the Country extending above 20 Leagues; and that he was inform’d the Islands of St. Elizabeth in the Straits are proper enough for Corn and Cattel, if planted with them. He sent his Sloop ashore on Terra del Fuego, where he saw Fires, and found the savage Natives by 50 or 60 together in Companies, and some of them came aboard his Ship that lay 5 Ls. from the shore. They were very peaceable and friendly, but more miserable than our Beggars in Europe, having no Clothes but a strait Coat of wild Beasts Skins, that comes no lower than their knees, and pitiful Hutts made up of Poles cover’d with Skins of Beasts; and this is all the shelter
This and the other Journals convince me intirely that the best way to the South-Sea is round Cape Horne, the Route we pursu’d in our Voyage.
Besides what I said from my own Observation, to prove how extensive a Trade we might have in those Seas, I shall add the following Observations from M. de Beauchesne; who says, that tho he was look’d upon as a Free-Booter, and that the then Spanish Governours on those Coasts were forbid to trade or suffer the People to trade with any but their own Subjects in those Seas, and that at Valdivia and other places they fir’d at him when he approach’d their Harbours, and deny’d so much as to sell him any Provisions, or to suffer him to wood or water; yet at Rica some particular Persons traded with him to the Value of 50000 Crowns, and told him, That that place was not so proper for them to act so manifestly contrary to Law, but if he went to a place more retir’d, they would buy all he had, tho both his Ships were full of Goods. Accordingly, when he came to Hilo, a great number of Merchants bought all that he had of Value at good rates. He owns that the Cloth he had on board was half rotten, that the Merchants were vex’d at their Disappointment, and express’d their Resentment that he should come to those parts so ill provided: but in other places the People bought all to the very Rags he had on board, and brought him Provisions in abundance to sell, tho they were forbid doing so on pain of Death; and the Officers themselves conniv’d at it.
He return’d by the way of Cape Horne in 58 deg. 15 min. January 1701. and had as good a Passage and Season as could be desir’d, but saw no Land on either side till the 19th of January 1701. when he discover’d a small Island about 3 or 4 Ls. round, in Lat. 52. odd min. not mark’d in our Maps, with strong Currents near it; and on the 20th he came to the Isle of Sebald de Wert, which is a marshy Land with some rocky Mountains, no Trees, but abundance of Sea-Flow.
It is proper here likewise to give an Account of the Straits of Le Maire, so call’d from James Le Maire an Amsterdam Merchant, their Discoverer in 1615. They lie in S. Lat. 55. 36. and are form’d by the Terra del Fuego on the West,
Ovalle
I return now to my Journal.
Jan. 16. Fresh Gales of Wind with cloudy Weather. These 24 hours we had extraordinary smooth Water, as if we were close under Land: Indifferent warm Weather. Wind from the W S W. to W by N.
January 20. Yesterday at three in the Afternoon we saw high Land bearing E by N. dist. about 10 Ls. being the Land about Port St. Stephen’s on the Coast of Patagonia in the South-Sea, describ’d in the Draughts. S. Lat. 47.
Jan. 22. Fair Weather, with fresh Gales of Wind from W by S. to the W N W. Last night George Cross died; he was a Smith by Trade, and Armourer’s Mate. We and the Dutchess have had a great many Men down with the Cold, and some with the Scurvey; the Distemper that this Man died of. The Dutchess had always more sick Men than we, and have so now: They buried but one Man that died of Sickness, and tell us they hope the rest will recover. We have but one Man whose Life we doubt of, tho most want a Harbour. This day Capt. Courtney and Capt. Cook
Jan. 26. Fresh Gales with Clouds and Rain. We spoke with our Consort this day, who complains their Men grow worse and worse, and want a Harbour to refresh ’em; several of ours are also very indifferent, and if we don’t get ashore, and a small Refreshment, we doubt we shall both lose several Men. We are very uncertain of the Latitude and Longitude of Juan Fernandez, the Books laying ’em down so differently, that not one Chart agrees with another; and being but a small Island, we are in some doubts of striking it, so design to hale in for the main Land to direct us.
Jan. 27. Fair Weather, smooth Water, pleasant Gales of Wind, veerable from the W. to the N W. had a good Amplitude, found the Variation to be 10 deg. Eastward. This is an excellent Climate. Lat. 36. 36. S.
Jan. 28. We have had moderate Weather. At six a clock we saw the Land, the Eastermost appearing like an Island, which we agree to be the Island of St. Mary on the Coast of Chili: it bore E by N. dist. 9 or 10 Ls. Our Consort’s Men are very ill; their want of Clothes, and being often wet in the cold Weather, has been the greatest cause of their being more sick than our Ships Company.
Jan. 31. These 24 hours we had the Wind between the S. and S W by W. At seven this morning we made the Island of Juan Fernandez; it bore W S W. dist. about 7 Ls. at Noon W by S. 6 Ls. We had a good Observ. Lat. 34. 10. S.
February 1. About two yesterday in the Afternoon we hoisted our Pinnace out; Capt Dover with the Boats Crew went in her to go ashore, tho we could not be less than 4 Ls. off. As soon as the Pinnace was gone, I went on board the Dutchess, who admir’d our Boat attempted going ashore at that distance from Land: ’twas against my Inclination, but to oblige Capt. Dover I consented to let her go. As soon as it was dark, we saw a Light ashore; our Boat was then about a League from the Island, and bore away for the Ships as soon as she saw the Lights. We put out Lights abroad for the Boat, tho some were of opinion the Lights we saw were our Boats Lights; but as Night came on, it appear’d too large for that. We fir’d one Quarter-Deck Gun and several Muskets, showing Lights in our Mizen and Fore-Shrouds, that our Boat might find us, whilst we ply’d in the
Febr. 2. We stood on the back side along the South end of the Island, in order to lay in with the first Southerly Wind, which Capt. Dampier told us generally blows there all day long. In the Morning, being past the Island, we tack’d to lay it in close aboard the Land; and about ten a clock open’d the South End of the Island, and ran close aboard the Land that begins to make the North-East side. The Flaws
He had with him his Clothes and Bedding, with a Firelock, some Powder, Bullets, and Tobacco, a Hatchet, a Knife, a Kettle, a Bible, some practical Pieces, and his Mathematical Instruments and Books. He diverted and provided for himself as well as he could; but for the first eight months had much ado to bear up against Melancholy, and the Terror of being left alone in such a desolate place. He built two Hutts with Piemento Trees, cover’d them with long Grass, and lin’d them with the Skins of Goats, which he kill’d with his Gun as he wanted, so long as his Powder lasted, which was but a pound; and that being near spent, he got fire by rubbing two sticks of Piemento Wood together upon his knee. In the lesser Hutt, at some distance from the other, he dress’d his Victuals, and in the larger he slept, and employ’d himself in reading, singing Psalms, and praying; so that he said he was a better Christian while in this Solitude than ever he was before, or than, he was afraid, he should ever be again. At first he never eat any thing till Hunger constrain’d him, partly for grief and partly for want
He might have had Fish enough, but could not eat ’em for want of Salt, because they occasion’d a Looseness; except Crawfish, which are there as large as our Lobsters, and very good: These he sometimes boil’d, and at other times broil’d, as he did his Goats Flesh, of which he made very good Broth, for they are not so rank as ours: he kept an Account of 500 that he kill’d while there, and caught as many more, which he mark’d on the Ear and let go. When his Powder fail’d, he took them by speed of foot; for his way of living and continual Exercise of walking and running, clear’d him of all gross Humours, so that he ran with wonderful Swiftness thro the Woods and up the Rocks and Hills, as we perceiv’d when we employ’d him to catch Goats for us. We had a Bull-Dog, which we sent with several of our nimblest Runners, to help him in catching Goats; but he distanc’d and tir’d both the Dog and the Men, catch’d the Goats, and brought ’em to us on his back. He told us that his Agility in pursuing a Goat had once like to have cost him his Life; he pursu’d it with so much Eagerness that he catch’d hold of it on the brink of a Precipice, of which he was not aware, the Bushes having hid it from him; so that he fell with the Goat down the said Precipice a great height, and was so stun’d and bruis’d with the Fall, that he narrowly escap’d with his Life, and when he came to his Senses, found the Goat dead under him. He lay there about 24 hours, and was scarce able to crawl to his Hutt, which was about a mile distant, or to stir abroad again in ten days.
He came at last to relish his Meat well enough without Salt or Bread, and in the Season had plenty of good Turnips, which had been sow’d there by Capt. Dampier’s Men, and have now overspread some Acres of Ground. He had enough of good Cabbage from the Cabbage-Trees, and season’d his Meat with the Fruit of the Piemento Trees, which is the same as the Jamaica Pepper, and smells deliciously. He found there also a black Pepper call’d Malagita, which was very good to expel Wind, and against Griping of the Guts.
He soon wore out all his Shoes and Clothes by running thro the Woods; and at last being forc’d to shift without them, his Feet became so hard, that he run every where
After he had conquer’d his Melancholy, he diverted himself sometimes by cutting his Name on the Trees, and the Time of his being left and Continuance there. He was at first much pester’d with Cats and Rats, that had bred in great numbers from some of each Species which had got ashore from Ships that put in there to wood and water. The Rats gnaw’d his Feet and Clothes while asleep, which oblig’d him to cherish the Cats with his Goats-flesh; by which many of them became so tame, that they would lie about him in hundreds, and soon deliver’d him from the Rats. He likewise tam’d some Kids, and to divert himself would now and then sing and dance with them and his Cats: so that by the Care of Providence and Vigour of his Youth, being now but about 30 years old, he came at last to conquer all the Inconveniences of his Solitude, and to be very easy. When his Clothes wore out, he made himself a Coat and Cap of Goat-Skins, which he stitch’d together with little Thongs of the same, that he cut with his Knife. He had no other Needle but a Nail; and when his Knife was wore to the back, he made others as well as he could of some Iron Hoops that were left ashore, which he beat thin and ground upon Stones. Having some Linen Cloth by him, he sow’d himself Shirts with a Nail, and stitch’d ’em with the Worsted of his old Stockings, which he pull’d out on purpose. He had his last Shirt on when we found him in the Island.
At his first coming on board us, he had so much forgot his Language for want of Use, that we could scarce understand him, for he seem’d to speak his words by halves. We offer’d him a Dram, but he would not touch it, having drank nothing but Water since his being there, and ’twas some time before he could relish our Victuals.
He could give us an account of no other Product of the Island than what we have mention’d, except small black Plums, which are very good, but hard to come at, the Trees which bear ’em growing on high Mountains and Rocks. Piemento Trees are plenty here, and we saw some of 60 foot high, and about two yards thick; and Cotton Trees higher, and near four fathom round in the Stock.
The Climate is so good, that the Trees and Grass are verdant all the Year. The Winter lasts no longer than June and July, and is not then severe, there being only a
Ringrose
We did not get to anchor till six at night, on Febr. 1. and then it fell calm: we row’d and tow’d into the Anchor-ground about a mile off shore, 45 fathom Water, clean Ground; the Current sets mostly along shore to the Southward. This Morning we clear’d up Ship, and bent our Sails, and got them ashore to mend, and make Tents for our sick Men. The Governour (tho we might as well have nam’d him the Absolute Monarch of the Island) for so we call’d Mr. Selkirk, caught us two Goats, which make excellent Broth, mix’d with Turnip-Tops and other Greens, for our sick Men, being 21 in all, but not above two that we account dangerous; the Dutchess has more Men sick, and in a worse condition than ours.
Febr. 3. Yesterday in the Afternoon we got as many of our Men ashore as could be spar’d from clearing and fitting our Ship, to wood and water. Our Sail-makers are all mending our Sails, and I lent the Dutchess one to assist them. This Morning we got our Smiths Forge put up ashore, set our Coopers to work in another place, and made a little Tent for my self to have the Benefit of the Shore. The Dutchess has also a Tent for their sick Men; so that we have a little Town of our own here, and every body is employ’d. A few Men supply us all with Fish of several sorts, all very good; as Silver-fish, Rock-fish, Pollock, Cavallos, Oldwives, and Craw-fish in such abundance, that in a few hours we could take as many as would serve some hundreds of Men. There were Sea-Fowls in the Bay as large as Geese, but eat fish. The Governour
We spent our time till the 10th in refitting our Ships, taking Wood on board, and laying up Water, that which we brought from England and St. Vincent being spoil’d by the badness of the Casks. We likewise boil’d up about 80 Gallons of Sea-Lions Oil, as we might have done several Tuns, had we been provided with Vessels, &c. We refin’d and strain’d it for the use of our Lamps and to save our Candles, tho Sailors sometimes use it to fry their Meat, when straiten’d for want of Butter, &c. and say ’tis agreeable enough. The Men who work’d ashore on our Rigging eat young Seals, which they prefer’d to our Ships Victuals, and said was as good as English Lamb; tho for my own part I should have been glad of such an Exchange.
We made what haste we could to get all Necessaries on board, being willing to lose no time; for we were inform’d at the Canaries that five stout French Ships were coming together to these Seas.
Febr. 11. Yesterday in the Evening having little or nothing to do with the Pinnance, we sent her to the South End of the Island to get Goats. The Governour told us, that during his stay he could not get down to that end from the Mountains where he liv’d, they were so steep and rocky; but that there were abundance of Goats there, and that part of the Island was plainer. Capt. Dampier, Mr. Glendal, and the Governour, with ten Men, set out in company with the Dutchess’s Boat and Crew, and surrounded a great parcel of Goats, which are of a larger sort, and not so wild as those on the higher part of the Island where the Governour liv’d; but not looking well to ’em, they escap’d over the Cliff: so that instead of catching above a hundred, as they might easily have done with a little precaution, they return’d this Morning with only 16 large ones, tho they saw above a thousand. If any Ships come again to this Island, the best way is to keep some Men
Febr. 12. This Morning we bent the remaining Sails, got the last Wood and Water aboard, brought off our Men, and got every thing ready to depart. The Island of Juan Fernandez is nearest of a triangular form, about 12 Leagues round; the South-west side is much the longest, and has a small Island about a mile long lying near it, with a few visible Rocks close under the shore of the great Island. On this side begins a Ridge of high Mountains that run cross from the S W to the N W of the Island; and the Land that lies out in a narrow Point to the Westward, appears to be the only level Ground here. On the N E. side ’tis very high Land, and under it are the two Bays where Ships always put in to recruit. The best Bay is next the middle on this side the Island, which is to be known at a distance by the highest Table Mountain right over this Bay. You may anchor as near as you will to the shore, and the nearer the better. The best Road is on the Larboard side of the Bay, and nearest the Eastermost Shore: provided you get well in, you cannot mistake the Road. The other Bay is plain to be seen under the North end, but not so good for Wood, Water, or Landing, nor so safe for riding. In this Bay, where we rode, there’s plenty of good Water and Wood: the best Water is in a small Cove about a good Musket-shot to the Eastward of the place I have describ’d. You may ride from a Mile to a Bow-shot off the Shore, being all deep Water and bold, without any danger round the Island, but what is visible and very near in. This Bay where we rode is open to near half the Compass; the Eastermost Land in sight bore E by S. dist. about a mile and a half, and the outermost Northwest Point of the Island lies something without our Bay, and bears N W by W. dist. a good League. We were about a mile off the Shore, and had 45 fathom Water, clean sandy Ground; we design’d to have ran farther in, and new moor’d, but Mr. Selkirk inform’d us that this Month proves the fairest in the Year, and that during Winter and Summer, the Account of Juan Fernandez.
Mr. Selkirk tells me, that in November the Seals come ashore to whelp and ingender, when the Shore is so full of them for a stone’s throw, that ’tis impossible to pass thro them; and they are so surly, that they’l not move out of the way, but like an angry Dog run at a Man, tho he have a good Stick to beat them: so that at this and their whelping Seasons ’tis dangerous to come near them, but at other times they’l make way for a Man; and if they did not, ’twould be impossible to get up from the Water-side: they lin’d the Shore very thick for above half a mile of ground all round the Bay. When we came in, they kept a continual noise day and night, some bleeting like Lambs, some howling like Dogs or Wolves, others making hideous noises of various sorts; so that we heard ’em aboard, tho a mile from the Shore. Their Fur is the finest that ever I saw of the kind, and exceeds that of our Otters.
Another strange Creature here is the Sea-Lion: The Governour tells me he has seen of them above 20 foot long and more in compass, which could not weigh less than two Tun weight. I saw several of these vast Creatures, but none of the above-mention’d Size; several of ’em were upward of 16 foot long, and more in bulk, so that they could not weigh less than a Tun weight. The Shape of their Body differs little from the Sea-Dogs or Seals, but have another sort of Skin, a Head much bigger in proportion, and very large Mouths, monstrous big Eyes, and a Face like that of a Lion, with very large Whiskers, the Hair of which is stiff enough to make Tooth-pickers. These Creatures come ashore to engender the latter end of June, and stay till the end of September; during all which time they lie on the Land, and are never observ’d to go to the Water, but lie in the same place above a Musket-shot from the Water-side, and have no manner of Sustenance all that time that he could observe. I took notice of some that lay a week, without once offering to move out of the place whilst I was there, till they were disturb’d by us; but we saw few in comparison of what he informs us he did, and that the Shore was all crouded full of them a Musket-shot into the Land. I admire how these Monsters come to yield such a quantity of Oil. Their Hair is short and coarse, and their Skin thicker than the thickest Ox-Hide I ever
I shall not trouble the Reader with the Descriptions of this Island given by others, wherein there are many Falshoods; but the Truth of this I can assert from my own knowledg. Nor shall I insert the Description of the Cabbage and Piemento Trees, being so well known and so frequently done, that there’s no manner of need for it. I have insisted the longer upon this Island, because it might be at first of great use to those who would carry on any Trade to the South-Sea.
Febr. 13. At a Committee held on board the Dutchess the 13th of February, 170-8/9, it was agreed as follows:
“Resolv’d to steer from Juan Fernandez N E by E. for the Land; and when come within six Leagues of the Shore, to keep that distance, steering along Shore to the Northward.
“The next Place we design’d to stop at, to build our Boats and land our Men, is the Island of Lobos de la Mar. In case of losing Company, to wait for each other 20 Leagues to the Northward of the place where we accounted we were when we separated.
“Then to lie at six Leagues distance from the Shore the space of four days, and to proceed with an easy Sail for Lobos, in case of not meeting; taking special care of the Rocks call’d Ormigos, lying about that distance off from Callo, the Sea-port of the City of Lima.
“In case of seeing one or more Sail, the Signal for chasing, if not out of call, is to clew up our Maintop-gallant Sheets, with the Yards aloft. And the general method we design to take in chasing, is, for the Ship that sails best, or is nearest the Chase, to chase directly after the Sail discover’d, and the other to keep to or from the Shore at a convenient distance, as occasion shall require, to prevent being known. And if the Ship that is nearest the Chase believes her to be too big for one Ship alone, then to make the same Signal, or any other plainer to be distinguish’d than the Signal for the Chase: And if either Ship comes up with the Chase, and have her in possession or under command, if in the day, to show a white Jack on the
“To leave off Chase, the Signal by night is one good Light at the Maintop-Mast head; and to fire no Gun, but in a Fog, or very thick Weather, either night or day, to prevent being discover’d.
“To leave off Chase by day, the Signal is to haul down the Top-sails, keeping out our Maintop-gallant Stay-Sail; and in case of losing Company, we refer our selves to our weekly Signals to discover each other.
“In case either Ship in Chase or otherways should run into any danger of Shoal-Water or other kind, then the Ship in such danger is to fire a Gun with a Shot, and to stand from it.
“In case of a Separation, each Ship as they enter Lobos to carry an English Pennant at the Foretop-Mast head; and if the other happens to be there, she must show her English Colours. And if either Ship anchor short of the Road, she shall put out three Lights, viz. at the Maintop-Mast head, Poop, Boltsprit end.
“Either Ship arriving at Lobos, and not finding his Consort there, he is immediately to set up two Crosses, one at the Landing-place nearest the farther end of the Starboard great Island going in, with a Glass-Bottle hid under ground 20 Yards directly North from each Cross, with Intelligence of what has happen’d since parting, and what their further Designs are. This to be done and in readiness, that if they give Chase, or be forc’d out by the Enemy, the missing Ship may not want Intelligence from her Consort.”
We began this Method at Cork, to secure the best place we could possible to rendevouz at; hoping by this means and our Signals always to keep Company, and know each other thro the whole Voyage. These Directions being something particular, made me insert them in the Journal.
Febr. 13. Yesterday in the Afternoon we sent our Yall a fishing, and got near 200 large Fish in a very little time, which we salted for our future spending. This Morning we concluded what we began last night, being the foregoing Agreement to direct our Affairs from this place; and as all our Success depends on a strict Secrecy, the Precautions may not be useless.
Febr. 14. Yesterday about three in the Afternoon we weigh’d, had a fair pleasant Gale at S S E. Mr. Vanbrugh
Febr. 16. Had moderate Gales of Wind with Calms. This Morning I went on board the Dutchess, with Capt. Dover and Capt. Dampier, and din’d there. Wind at S.
Febr. 17. Most part of this 24 hours was calm, and cloudy Weather. About ten a clock we hoisted our Boat out, and fetch’d Capt Courtney and Capt. Cook to dine with us: whilst they were on board, we settled and sign’d the following Instrument, one for each Ship, further to secure our Methods, and to regulate the Affair of Plunder, which if well follow’d will prevent the bad effects of so dangerous an Obstacle to our good Proceedings; which has prov’d too hard a Task for all others in our time that have gone out on the same account, so far from Great Britain: which I believe is chiefly owing either to want of Unity or good Measures. God be thank’d we have a good Concord between each Ships Company hitherto.
At a Committee held by the Officers of the Duke and Duchess, 17 Febr. 1708/9.
Mr. George Underhill, | Mr. David Wilson, |
Mr. Lanc. Appleby, | Mr. Sam. Worden: |
YOU being chosen by the Officers and Men on board the Duke, to be Managers of the Plunder which we may take in our Cruising at Sea on the Coast of New Spain, ’tis our Order that Mr. Lanc. Appleby and Mr. Samuel Warden do go and continue aboard the Dutchess, in the place of two other Men from them; who are to search all Persons that return from such Prize or Prizes that may be taken by either Ship: as also all Persons that the Captains of either Ship shall give leave, whose Advice you are continually to follow, and apply to them for Assistance, if occasion require; and immediately to inform of any Persons belonging to either Ship, that shall be perceiv’d to use clandestine Methods to hide Plunder, or endeavour to avoid the searching them.
If the Ships Duke and Dutchess are separated when any Prize it taken, then one of you is to be on board the Prize, and the other to remain on board the Ship; and in each place be very strict, and keep an exact Account of what comes to your hands, and as soon as possible secure it in such manner as the Captain of either Ship shall direct: still observing the Command of the
If any Person not concern’d in this Order, nor employ’d in the same by Capt. Courtney, concerns himself with the Plunder, except the Commanding Officer, you are to forbid him; and if he disobeys, to give immediate Information of such Person or Persons.
You are not to incumber the Boats with Chests or Plunder out of any Prize at first coming aboard, but mind what you see. And the first thing you are to do, is to take account of what you find aboard that is Plunder, and remove nothing without the Captains of either Ship’s Orders; or in case of their Absence, of the chief Officer or Officers of either Ship that shall be aboard the Prize, to avoid Trouble and Disturbance.
You are by no means to be rude in your Office, but to do every thing as quiet and easy as possible; and to demean your selves so towards those employ’d by Capt. Courtney, that we may have no manner of Disturbance or Complaint: still observing that you be not overaw’d, nor deceiv’d of what is your Due, in the behalf of the Officers and Men.
The Persons appointed to be Managers by the Dutchess, were the underwritten,
John Connely, | Simon Fleming, |
Simon Hatley, | Barth. Rowe. |
To whom the foregoing Orders were also given, and sign’d by the Committee.
Tho. Dover, President, | Carleton Vanbrugh, |
Woodes Rogers, | John Bridge, |
Stephen Courtney, | William Stratton, |
William Dampier, | John Rogers, |
Edward Cooke, | John Connely, |
Robert Frye, | William Bath, |
Charles Pope, | Geo. Milbourne, |
Tho. Glendall, | John Ballet. |
Febr. 17. Capt. Courtney and Capt. Cooke being aboard, we agreed that Mr. Appleby should appear for the Officers on board the Dutchess, and Samuel Worden for the Men: Mr. Simon Hatley and Simon Fleming were to have the like Charge on board of us, to manage the Plunder according to the foregoing Orders.
Febr. 18. About three Yesterday afternoon, we saw the Main dist. 9 Ls. it’s very high Land, with several Islands.
Febr. 28. Yesterday afternoon we came within about 6 Ls. of very high Land. This Morning we put both Pinnaces in the Water, to try them under Sail, having fix’d them with each a Gun after the manner of a Patterero,
March 1. Having little Wind and smooth Water, we heel’d both Ships and tallow’d.
Mar. 2. We are in sight of Land, dist. 12 or 14 Ls. Within the Country there’s a vast high Ridge of Mountains, nam’d Cordilleras, all along this Course; some parts I believe are full as high, if not higher, than the Pico Teneriff, with Snow on the top. We had a good Observ. Lat. 17. 03. Longit. 70. 29. West from London.
March 4. Fine pleasant Weather, with fresh Gales of Wind. This day we came to an Allowance of three Pints of Water a Man per day, tho we had a good stock aboard. My reason for it was, that we might keep at Sea some time and take some Prizes, and not be forc’d to discover our selves by watring, before we attempted any thing ashore; because an Enemy being once discover’d, there’s nothing of Value, as I’m informed, puts to Sea from one end of the Coast to the other. They have great Conveniences of giving notice by Expresses and strict Orders for all Officers on the Shore to keep Lookers-out upon every Head-Land.
Mar. 8. Fine pleasant Weather, a brisk Gale at S E. At three this Morning we lay by, and at six saw the Land dist. about 14 Ls. after which I made sail. The Dutchess had a Boy fell out of the Mizen-top down on the Deck, and broke his Leg; of which he is in a fair way to recover. Lat. 12. 31. Longit. 84. 58.
Mar. 9. Fair Weather, a moderate Gale at S E. We go under an easy Sail, in hopes of seeing rich Ships either going or coming out of Lima, being now near it. We keep about 7 Ls. from Shore, to prevent our being discover’d. We shall not lie long here, but design to go for Lobos to build our Boats, and get things ready to land at Guiaquil.
Mar. 10. Pleasant Weather, moderate Gales at S E. This Morning, perceiving white Rocks at a distance which look’d like Ships, we brought to, and sent our Boats under the shore, having kept them ready a-stern four days, that if
Mar. 13. Fair Weather, moderate Gales at S E. This Morning we ran near Land, and the Dutchess kept in the Offing, to see if we could meet any of the Traders; there being, as I am inform’d, Ships of good Value sometimes on this Coast. Our Men begin to repine, that tho come so far, we have met with no Prize in these Seas.
Mar. 14. The Nights are very cold in comparison of the Days, which are warm enough, but not so hot as I expected in this Latitude. Here’s never any Rain, but great Dews in the night, almost equivalent to it, tho the Air be generally serene. At eight last night we hal’d up N N W. for the Island Lobos.
Mar. 15. We saw Land yesterday, and supposing it was Lobos, stood off and on all night. In the Morning it prov’d very hazy till ten, when we saw it again right a-head; we stood nearer till we were convinc’d it was not Lobos, but the main Land of Peru within it: so we stood off at twelve, and had a good Observ. Lat. 6. 55.
Mar. 16. Yesterday afternoon we spy’d a Sail; our Consort being nearest, soon took her. She was a little Vessel of about 16 Tun belonging to Payta, and bound to Cheripe for Flower, with a small Sum of Money aboard to purchase it. The Master’s Name was Antonio Heliagos, a Mustees, begotten between an Indian and a Spaniard: his Company was eight Men, one of them a Spaniard, one a Negro, and the rest Indians. We ask’d them for News, and they assur’d us that all the French ships, being seven in number, sail’d out of these Seas six months ago, and that no more were to return; adding, That the Spaniards had such an Aversion to them, that at Callo the Sea-Port for Lima they kill’d so many of the French, and quarrel’d so frequently with ’em, that none were suffer’d to come ashore there for some time before they sail’d from thence. After we had put Men aboard the Prize, we hal’d off close on a Wind for Lobos, having shot within it; and had we not been better inform’d by the Crew of the Prize, might have endanger’d our Ships, by running in farther, because there are Shoals between the Island and the Main. The Prisoners tell us there had been no Enemy in those parts since Capt. Dampier, which is above four Years ago. They likewise inform’d us that Capt. Stradling’s
Mar. 17. Yesterday about five in the Evening we got well into anchor, but found no body at the Island. We had 20 fathom Water, clean Ground in the Thorow-fair between the two Islands, above a Cable’s length from each Shore. ’Tis a bold going in and a good Road, the Wind blowing constantly over Land. We resolv’d here to fit out our small Bark for a Privateer, she being well built for sailing; and this Morning we had her into a small round Cove in the Southermost Island, where we haul’d her up dry on the Land. The Carpenters also got the Timber ashore, to build our Boat for landing Men.
Mar. 18. In the Evening we launch’d our small Privateer, having clean’d her Bottom well, call’d her the Beginning, and appointed Capt. Cooke to command her. We got a small spare Mast out of our Ship, which made her a new Main-Mast, and our Mizen-top Sail was alter’d to make her a Main-Sail. The Dutchess heel’d, and clean’d their Ship. This Morning I got all our sick Men ashore, and built Tents for them: the Dutchess also landed hers. We agreed to stay the building of our Boat and fitting out the Privateer, while the Dutchess cruis’d about the Island, and in sight of the Main.
Mar. 19. Yesterday afternoon we sent the Yall a fishing, got the Bark rigg’d, and almost ready, with four Swivel-Guns and a Deck near finish’d. This Morning the Dutchess sail’d a cruising, and appointed to meet the Bark off the South-East End of the Island.
Mar. 20. The Bark being got ready, this Morning we victual’d her out of our Ship, and put 20 of ours, and 12 of our Consorts Men aboard her well arm’d. I saw her out of the Harbour with our Pinnance, she looks very pretty, and I believe will sail well in smooth Water, having all Masts, Sails, Rigging, and Materials, like one of the Half-Galley’s fitted out for her Majesty’s Service in England: They gave our Ship’s Company three Huzza’s, and we
Mar. 22. This Morning a Spaniard belonging to us, nam’d Silvester Ramos, died suddenly, and we buried him at night. Most of our Men are healthy, except two or three who are ill of the Scurvey.
Mar. 23. This Morning we began to scrub our Ship, and clear’d abundance of Barnacles off her Bottom, almost as large as Muscles. A Ship grows foul very fast in these Seas.
Mar. 25. We caught plenty of very good Fish. The Seals are numerous here, but not so many as at Juan Fernandez: A large one seiz’d a stout Dutchman, had like to have pull’d him into the Water, and bit him to the bone in several places, in one of his Arms and Legs.
Mar. 26. This Morning the Dutchess came in with a Prize call’d the Santa Josepha, bound from Guiaquil to Truxillo, Burden about 50 Tuns, full of Timber, with some Cocou, and Coco-Nuts, and Tobacco which we distributed among our Men: The Dutchess and Beginning took her between this Island and the Main; she had very little of Value on board.
Mar. 27. This Morning we gave our Ship a good heel, and tallow’d her low down. A Dutchman belonging to the Dutchess died of the Scurvy ashore, and was buried on the Island.
Mar. 30. Yesterday afternoon we got the second Prize (which we call’d the Increase) aboard us, and clean’d her. We brought all off shore, and launch’d our new Boat to tow at our stern, and at ten a clock came to sail, after we had put Mr. Stratton to command the Beginning, and all our sick Men and a Doctor of each Ship aboard the Increase, of which Mr. Selkirk, our second Mate, was appointed Master.
By Observation we had here, this Island lies in Lat. 6. 50. S. the Variation 3. 30. Easterly; and I reckon it lies in the Longitude of 87. 35. West from London. The two largest Islands, call’d Lobos de la Mar (to distinguish them from others call’d Lobos de la Terra, within 2 Ls. of the Land) are about 16 Ls. from the Main, and 6 Miles in length.
Our Prisoners tell us, they expect the Widow of the late Vice-Roy of Peru would shortly embark for Aquapulco, with her Family and Riches, and stop at Payta to refresh, or sail near in sight as customary, in one of the King’s Ships of 36 Guns; and that about eight months ago there was a Ship with 200000 Pieces of Eight aboard, the rest of her Cargo Liquors and Flower, which had pass’d Payta for Aquapulco: she would have been a welcome Prize to us, but since she is gone, it’s not worth while to follow her. Our Prisoners added, That they left Signior Morel in a stout Ship with dry Goods for Lima, recruiting at Payta, where he expected in few days a French-built Ship, belonging to the Spaniards, to come from Panama richly laden, with a Bishop aboard. Payta is a common Recruiting-place to those who go to or from Lima, or most Ports to Windward, in their Trade to Panama, or any part of the Coast of Mexico. Upon this Advice we agreed to spend as much time as possible cruising off of Payta, without discovering our selves, for fear of hindring our other Designs.
At these Islands Capt. Dampier in his last Voyage left his Ship the St. George at anchor, and went to the East-Indies in a Spanish Brigantine with about 25 Men: After he had plunder’d Puna in 1704. and water’d his small Bark near it, he endur’d many Hardships, and for want of his Commission to show (which he lost at Puna) he was imprison’d, and had all his Goods seiz’d in the Indies by the Dutch.
Before we came hither, we held a Committee, and publish’d an Order in both Ships, forbidding our Officers or Men on severe Penalties to hold any Correspondence, or talk any thing that in the least concerns the Voyage, with our Prisoners; which was strictly observ’d, to prevent the Discovery of our Designs to the Spaniards.
April 1. Small Gales, fair clear Weather. This Morning I went in our Yall on board the Dutchess, and afterwards spoke with the Beginning. We agreed how to act, in case we see more than one Sail at a time to chase.
April 2. Yesterday in the Afternoon we were surpriz’d with the Colour of the Water, which look’d as red as Blood for several miles, occasion’d by the Spawn of Fish. This Morning at Daybreak we spy’d a Sail about 2 Ls. to Windward: We immediately hoisted out and mann’d our Pinnace,
April 3. We immediately mann’d this Prize, took some of the Spaniards out of her, and put in Mr. Frye Commander. We found a good stock of fresh Provisions on board. In the Evening we saw another Sail, which the Beginning took, and brought her to the rest this Morning: She was a Vessel of 35 Tuns, laden with Timber from Guiaquil to Chancay near Lima; the Master’s Name was Juan Guastellos, the Crew 11 white Men and 1 Negro. We agreed with the Dutchess and Beginning when and where to meet; and having all our Stations appointed, they left us. We were inform’d by the Prisoners, that the Bishop of Chokeaqua, a Place far up the Country in the South Parts of Peru, was to have come from Panama in this Vessel for Lima, in his way to the said Bishoprick; but the Ship springing a Leak at Panama, he went on board a French-built Ship belonging to the Spaniards that was following them for Lima, but would stop at Payta to recruit, as the Morels had done. Being near that place, we resolve to watch narrowly in order to catch the Ship with his Lordship.
April 4. About six in the Evening we parted with Mr. Frye in the great Prize, having order’d him with the two other Prizes to keep together, and ply about 8 Ls. off shore in sight of the Hummocks call’d the Saddle of Payta, because they appear in that shape with low Land betwixt ’em. We stood in for the Shore, and next Morning saw a Ship to Leeward, and gave chase; she made a Signal, by which we knew her to be the Dutchess; but being at a distance, and we not having kept out our Signal long enough, they did not see it. We kept on sail till we came near her, which made them clear their Ship in order to fight: I did this to surprize them, and at Noon went on board.
April 5. I kept the Dutchess company till the Evening; and whilst I was on board her, the Beginning came down to us. We agreed on an exact Station; the Beginning to keep close in with Payta, the Dutchess 8 Ls. to Leeward, and I to lie right off of Payta about 7 or 8 Ls. a little to Windward. Just as the sun set I left them; they fancy’d they saw a
April 6. We came up with our three Prizes about four a clock in the Afternoon, and found all in good order. Mr. Frye had fitted out the great Boat we built at Lobos, which we call a Launch, with Sails and Oars, ready to give chase if they saw any thing in little Winds, having Men enough for that end, in these peaceable Seas, where they are in no fear of an Enemy.
April 7. At eight this Morning the Saddle of Payta bore E N E. 7 Ls. at Noon N E. dist. 10 Ls. I went on board the Galeon to Mr. Frye, and station’d him again, leaving Signals for the other two, if he saw ’em; and after having din’d on a good Quarter of Mutton and Cabbage with him, which is a great Rarity to us here, I came on board, in order to leave him the second time.
Mr. Vanbrugh threatning to shoot one of our Men at Lobos, only for refusing to carry some Carrion-Crows that he shot, and having lately abus’d Capt. Dover, as he said; the latter desir’d a Committee might be call’d to examine into Mr. Vanbrugh’s Conduct, and we came to the following Issue: That Mr. Vanbrugh had committed sundry Misdemeanours, and according to our Orders, we not believing him a fit Person to be one of the Committee, had chosen Mr. Samuel Hopkins in his stead. Which was sign’d, and agreed to by all the Committee in both Ships.
At the same time, while we were together, we had a second Committee; which concluded as follows.
WE have examin’d and do approve of all the Proceedings and Transactions since our leaving the Island of Grande on the Coast of Brazile, both as to punishing Offenders, our Dispatch at Juan Fernandez, and staying at Lobos to build our Boat, and acting in all cases for the best of our intended Voyage to this time. In Testimony of which, we have set our Hands the Day and Year above-written.
Sign’d by all the chief Officers in both Ships.
April 11. Yesterday afternoon we all met aboard the Duke, to consult how to act; for beginning to grow short of Water, we can’t keep the Sea much longer.
April 12. This Morning we came to a full Resolution to land and attempt Guiaquil. In order thereunto we fix’d two Barks, put Ammunition and Arms on board them, with our
At a Committee held on board the Duke-Frigot
WE have consulted and examin’d sundry Pilots taken in Prizes, and had several Meetings on this Occasion, being provided with convenient Vessels to carry our Men, Guns, Arms, and other Necessaries to Guiaquil: We resolve to attempt it, having also consulted the most secret way of managing our Attempts on it without discovery. We do approve and appoint Capt. Tho. Dover, Capt. Woodes Rogers, and Capt. Stephen Courtney, to command the Men design’d to land in three equal Parties; except 21 Men with Capt. William Dampier and Mr. Tho. Glendall, who are to manage and take care of the Guns, Ammunition, Provisions, &c. which we agree to be lodg’d in a convenient place, as near as possible to the best Landing-place nearest the Water-side, in order to take care and help ship off the Effects that we may take in the Town; who are also to serve either Commander, where most wanted.
We leave the Management of this Expedition wholly to the prudent Conduct of the above Commanders, whom we heartily wish and desire to consult each other on all occasions, as the most promising Method to succeed and keep our Designs secret; which is the only way to prevent the Enemies removing their Wealth, or giving us a vigorous Reception. This is our Opinion; in witness whereof we have set our Hands, the 12th of April 1709.
Sign’d by all the chief Officers in both Ships.
Memorandum,
WE have considered the Opinion of the foregoing Committee sign’d this Day, and do jointly concur with them, and accordingly design to prosecute it with our Lives and Fortunes to the utmost of our Power and Judgment. Witness our Hands, this 12th Day of April 1709.
Tho. Dover, Presid. | Stephen Courtney. |
Woodes Rogers, |
April 13. We appointed an Officer to every ten Men, to prevent Disorders, and stragling ashore.
The Committee having agreed on our Method of Command, left it to us jointly and vigorously to attack the Enemy ashore;
WHEREAS as it is agreed to land and take the Town of Guiaquil, we fully resolve to do it with all manner of Privacy and Dispatch; and that we our selves and our Men may have full Encouragement to attempt it bravely and cheerfully, we publish this following Order.
Imprim. All manner of Bedding and Clothes without stripping, all manner of Necessaries, Gold Rings, Buckles, Buttons, Liquors, and Provisions for our own expending and use, with all sorts of Arms and Ammunition, except great Guns for Ships, is Plunder, and shall be divided equally amongst the Men of each Ship, with their Prizes, wither aboard or ashore, according to the whole Shares.
2. It is also agreed, that any sort of wrought Silver or Gold Crucifixes, Gold and Silver Watches, or any other Movables found about the Prisoners, or wearing Apparel of any kind, shall likewise be Plunder: Provided always we make this Reserve, that Mony and Womens Ear-Rings, with loose Diamonds, Pearls, and precious Stones be excepted. And if any thing is short and omitted in this Publication, we do hereby declare, that when this Expedition is over, every particular Man shall have a Hearing; or the Persons already appointed for the Company of both Ships, may come to us, and insist on what is or ought to be deem’d Plunder, either more or less than what is here inserted; and that a general Committee of the Officers of both Ships shall immediately meet, and at once resolve if any mors is or ought to be Plunder. And that we shall give all manner of Encouragement, without Fraud to the Owners, or Prejudice to our selves, Officers, and Men, in the same manner as agreed on at the Island of St. Vincent on this head: Provided always that our Intent and Meaning for the Mens Encouragement be not made liable to a Construction prejudicial to the Owners, or Ships Companies Interest; and that under pretence of the aforesaid Movables allow’d to be Plunder, no Person whatsoever do seize on, or clandestinely hide any wrought or
In case this or any other Town, Fort, Ships, or the like, be taken in this Expedition by Storm, then the same Encouragement shall be allow’d each Man, as agreed on at St. Vincent, over and above the Gratuity promis’d by the Owners, to such as shall signalize themselves in time of Action, as by their Instrument appears. But if any Party of ours, or the whole, or any separate Body shall be engag’d with the Enemy on shore, and become Victors, then all Prisoners, the Mony, Arms, and Movables about ’em, are immediately on that place to be brought to the Officer or Officers of that Body or Party, and put into a general Stock, to be divided proportionately amongst those only of our Men that were engag’d in that Action, who are to enjoy the whole Reputation and Right of it to themselves.
And tho there had been nothing yet taken worth a Division of Plunder, we don’t question but the effecting this good Enterprize will equally encourage us all, and that we shall gladly and expeditiously get the Wealth of the Town brought to the places appointed on shore. There shall at the same time be several Places appointed, and Men to receive Plunder, and a sufficient time before we leave the Town allow’d to ship it off by it self, and Men appointed to take care and an account of it; which, with all other Plunder, shall be enter’d in publick Books: and when we come on board, we hope and design to divide it equally, to the Satisfaction of all concern’d.
And to prevent all manner of pernicious and mischievous Ill-Conduct that may accrue by Disorders on shore, we pressingly remind you, that any Officer or other that shall be so brutish as to be drunk ashore in an Enemy’s Country, shall not only be severely punish’d, but lose all share of whatsoever is taken in this Expedition. The same Punishment shall be inflicted on any that disobeys Command, or runs from his Post, discourages our Men, or is cowardly in any Action, or presumes to burn or destroy any thing in the Town without our Order, or for mischief sake; or that shall be so sneakingly barbarous to debauch themselves with any Prisoners on shore, where we have more generous things to do, both for our own Benefit and the future Reputation of our selves and our Country. We shall always take care to keep Prisoners of the best Note, as Pledged for our Men that may be accidentally missing: for as
Tho. Dover, Pres. | Stephen Courtney. |
Woode Rogers. |
April 14. This Morning we got all our Arms, Ammunition, and Provisions, with part of our Men, &c. aboard. Our Bark being the largest, we took in part of Capt. Courtney’s Men; and his Bark carrying the rest, we stood into the great Bay of Guiaquil all night, designing to leave the Ships a good distance at Sea, for fear of being discover’d from the Town call’d Tombes, which lying on the Starboard side going in, would ruin our Design. Wind at South, but very little. Lat. 4. 23. 85. 42.
April 15. At Break of Day we saw a Ship between us and the Land: being calm, we sent off both our Pinnaces mann’d and arm’d. But our Men expecting no Resistance from that Ship, they hurry’d from us, left out their Swivel-Gun, and carry’d but a slender Stock of Arms with them. My Brother John Rogers being unfortunately aboard our Ship, to assist me in getting ready, because he was to be Lieutenant of my Company ashore, he stept into our Boat. I had before this oppos’d his landing, which he resented as a Slight; and this hinder’d me stopping him now, tho it was not his business, he being second Lieutenant of our Consort, and we having Officers enough of our own for that Service: but Mr. Frye, who commanded the Boat, being related to us, was the occasion of my Brother’s Willingness to go as a Volunteer with him. The Dutchess’s Pinnace was worse provided than ours, and had not Arms enough for their Men, as Capt. Cooke told me afterwards. About nine a clock our Boat came within shot of the Ship, which prov’d to be the French-built Ship belonging to Lima, the same we have been a cruising for. They hoisted their Spanish Ensign in its place, and a Flag at their Top-Mast-Head; which our Boats took to be the Bishop’s Banner, because it was broad, made of white Sattin and fring’d, which was unusual Colours in Ships. They fir’d a Gun at our Boat, which lay
April 16. We got possession of the Spanish Ship about two yesterday in the afternoon. She had upwards of 50 Spaniards and above 100 Negroes, Indians, and Molattoes on board. They would not strike till within half-shot of our Ships: The Dutchess being somewhat nearest, fir’d two Shot over her, and then she struck, and bore down to us. But we miss’d the Bishop, who ten days before landed at Point St. Hellena, with his Attendants, Plate, &c. designing to stop at Guiaquil. This Morning we saw a small Sail under the shore; we sent our Pinnace and the Beginning, who brought her off to us: she prov’d a small Bark from Payta with Soap, Cassa, Fistula, and Leather. About twelve we read the Prayers for the Dead, and threw my dear Brother overboard, with one of our Sailors, another lying dangerously
April 17. We made ready to go ashore, and read the Encouragement agreed on the 13th to the Men, who all express themselves well pleas’d with the Undertaking, and were so forward to land, that they make all the Interest possible to go ashore; not considering that we must secure a safe Retreat, by leaving a sufficient number on board our Ships to man ’em and guard our Prisoners: but it was a proof of their Courage, since the Advantage was alike, either to stay on board or go ashore. To prevent their stragling when landed, we gave each Man a Ticket, that he might remember what Company he belong’d to; and appointed the best and soberest Man we could pick to command every ten Men under the Captains. Capt. Courtney and I being willing to compliment our President Capt. Dover, agreed that he should have the Preference in Command at our Landing: being a considerable Owner in our Ship, he had an equal third part of the Men allotted to be under his Command whilst ashore; we were afterwards to take it in turns.
April 18. Yesterday Afternoon Capt. Courtney and I settl’d every thing on board our Ships and Prizes, and got all the Men design’d for Landing on board the Barks. We proportion’d the rest, and put Irons on board every Ship, because having many more Prisoners than we could leave Men to guard ’em, we must have ’em well secur’d. We agreed to leave on board the Duke 42 Men and Boys, sick and well, Robert Fry Commander; 37 aboard the Dutchess, Edward Cook Commander; 14 aboard the Galleon, John Bridge Master; 14 aboard the Havre de Grace, Robert Knowlman Master; and 4 aboard the Beginning, Henry Duck Master: The whole being 111, and 201 were design’d for the Shore. The Prisoners on board are above 300, more than one half Spaniards and Indians, the rest Negroes. The Captain and 7 of the chief Spaniards taken in the last Prize I carried aboard our Bark to go with us to the Town, fearing they might be dangerous Persons to leave behind us. Last Midnight we left the Ships, every thing being in good order aboard both Imbarkations. We were, when we parted, about 9 Leagues distant from the Island Sancta Clara, and
About 10 last Night we came to an Anchor in sight of Point Arena with both Barks, not being able to stem the Tide. At 4 in the Morning we weigh’d, when Capt. Courtney and I, with our Boats and 40 Men, left the Barks, and order’d ’em to lie at Puna one Tide after us, that we might have time to surprize Guiaquil before they should appear in sight of it to alarm them; for we had notice, that they keep a Look-out a League below the Town. We reach’d about half way to Puna, and landed on the Island, where we staid during the Ebb Tide, and hid our Boats under the Mangrove Branches. This Island is not passable, being full of thick Mangroves and Swamps, that swarm with Musketo’s.
April 20. Yesterday in the Evening we rowed and towed one another with the Flood, that if seen in the Night, we might look like Drift Timber. We had an excellent Indian Pilot, that advis’d us to come to a Graplin
To the Lieutenant General Don Hieronimo Boza y Soliz, Corregidore and Judge of the City of St. Jago de Guiaquil, under the Jurisdiction of the Captain General for his Majesty.
“I Have a Letter I received from his Excellency the Lord Marquis de Castel dos Reys, Viceroy, Governour, and Captain General of these Kingdoms, with the Copy of another of the tenor following.
“In the Packet with Letters from Spain, which I have received, there are Orders from his Majesty, giving an account of a Squadron of 7 Sail, getting ready at London by several Lords, from 44 to 74 Guns each, to sail to the South Sea, under the Conduct of an English-man nam’d Dampier: That they are first to sail for Ireland in April to victual there, and afterwards to possess themselves of an Island and Harbour in these Seas, and particularly the Island of Juan Fernandez. You are to give an account
Lima, March | El. Marq. de Castel de los Reyos. | |
20, 1709. | Don. Hieronimo Boza de Solis, &c. |
“The like Orders are sent to the Lieutenant General, and the other Officers belonging to the Sea Coast, and the Lieutenant of Puna, &c.”
April 21. At 2 Yesterday Afternoon I left Capt. Courtney and Capt. Dampier at Puna, and went in quest of the Barks, admiring they did not come in sight, they being now a Tide and half behind. I carried with me the Lieutenant of Puna, and went with the great Launch and our Pinnace, designing to join Capt. Courtney and Capt. Dampier again, who are to
April 22. It was very hot Yesterday, and we were pester’d and stung grievously by the Muskitoes, as we lay under the Mangroves. At 6 in the Evening the Bark and Boats made way up the River. By 12 at Night we were in sight of the Town with all the Boats, in which we had 110 Men. We saw a very great Fire on the top of an adjoining Hill,
April 23. We did nothing yesterday in the Afternoon, but secure the Barks, and treat with the Governour. Several of our Prisoners told us they did not doubt to find Credit here, and that they would also deal with us; so that we were in hopes of more Profit by selling our Cargo’s and Negro’s than if we had ransack’d the Town. The Corregidore and we had verbally agreed for the Goods by the Lump, at 140 Pieces of Eight per Bale, one sort with another, and talked of the Price for other things. We parted about Five in the Afternoon, he having desir’d to go ashore, that he might prevail with the other Gentlemen to agree with him, and promis’d to meet us three Commanders on board one of our Prizes at 8 in the Evening. We order’d our Linguist to get Candles lighted, and the best Entertainment we could provide for them; but the Time being elapsed, and they not appearing, it gave us great reason to suspect we were trick’d; therefore we sent our Boats again above the Town, and alarm’d them afresh in the Night. Our Centinels hail’d a Boat after Midnight, that came aboard us with a Gentleman, who told us he was sent from the Corregidore with a Present of 2 Bags of Flower, 2 Sheep and 2 Hogs ready kill’d, 2 Jars of Wine and 2 of Brandy; and to assure us the Governour had been with us according to Appointment, but that one of the chief Merchants concern’d was absent; yet he would come off in the Morning by 7 a Clock, on board one of the new Ships next the Shore, where he desir’d us to meet him, and requested us to believe he was a Man of Honour; for tho’ he had been considerably reinforced since he left us, and that more Men were continually coming into the Town, he resolved to discharge yesterday’s Promise, and therefore
April 24. About One Yesterday Afternoon the Governour was put ashore in my Pinnace: Some insisted on our stopping him, because not long before an Indian came in a Canoe from the Master le Camp, and the other Officers ashore, to know whether the Governour had agreed. Because our Barks lay near the Shore the Spaniards kept to Arms, expecting we might fall on them suddenly; and said they wanted nothing but him, and if he could not come, his Orders when to begin the Fight with us, if we did not agree. This Message was deliver’d in our Hearing, and occasion’d Disputes among us about keeping him Prisoner; those who were for it urg’d, that if he went ashore the Enemy would certainly fight us, and that as he had broke with us last Night, we might break with him now; but I was utterly against it, since we had given him our Word of Honour to the contrary; and at last we agreed, and sent him ashore. The three Gentlemen staid with us as Hostages, upon request of the Corregidore, neither they nor we doubting but the Agreement would be ratified ashore. The Time allotted for Answer being past, a Messenger from the Town came to inform us, they could raise but 30000 Pieces of Eight, and not a word of the Trade; so we sent our Linguist and a Prisoner with our final Answer, that if they did not in half an hour send us three more good Hostages for the 40000 Pieces of Eight agreed on, we would take down our Flag of Truce, land, and give no Quarter, and fire the Town and Ships. In the mean time we saw the Spaniards quit the new Ships, and we took possession of them; our Messenger returned, and in half an hour 3 Men more from the Town came to the Bank against our Barks, holding out a white Handkerchief to parley again: They told us their Resolution was to give us 32000 Pieces of Eight, and no more; so we order’d our Linguist to tell ’em we had done treating, and bid the Spaniards ashore retire forthwith, and keep out of shot of us, if they design’d to save their Lives. We all at once hal’d down our White Flag of Truce, and let fly our English and Field Colours. I order’d 2 of our Guns of about 600 Weight each, mounted on Field Carriages, into the Great Launch to land before their Faces, and we fill’d our 3 Boats full of Men. I went in our Pinnace, Capt. Dover in the Launch, and Capt. Courtney in his Pinnace, the 3 Boats landing about 70 Men: We towed the Launch
reprimanded them, and they promis’d never to be guilty of the like Folly again. All the Men in general behav’d themselves with great Courage, but like Sailors could be kept under no Command as soon as the first Piece was fired; however it happen’d much better than we could expect, for now the Attack is over, they keep handsomely together, and forbear immoderate Drinking. I overtook Capt. Dover and Capt. Courtney at the other End of the Town, and left Capt. Dover to keep guard at a Church there; as I march’d back with Capt. Courtney, I left him in the Middle of the Town at another Church, and I came to my first Post at the Church where the Guns were planted, and sent Capt. Dampier with his Men to reinforce Capt. Courtney and Capt. Dover. Thus we were in quiet possession of the Town by Sun-set, and posted our Guards, having had no Opposition after the Enemy quitted the great Church. In the Evening I went on board our Barks, settl’d a good Watch, and secur’d the Spaniards the Corregidore left behind him; then I return’d ashore to the Church. Capt. Dover set the Houses on fire that fronted the Church where he was posted, which burnt all Night and the next Day. There was a Hill near his Quarter, and thick Woods within half Shot of the Church; so that the Enemy were almost continually popping at him all Night. He told me that the next Day some Parties appear’d out of the Woods; but when he fired a Volley at ’em, they retir’d, our Quarters were quiet, and out of hearing all Night. The Enemy might have done him Mischief, had they been couragious, since we were not near enough to assist him in the Night. For the Town being long, we could not keep the whole without dividing at such a distance; but his firing the Houses cover’d the worst part of his Quarters that Night, which was of great service to him. Capt. Courtney relieved him at Day-break, and they both quitted Capt. Dover’s Quarters, as being too much expos’d to the Enemy. An Indian that I had taken Prisoner told us, that he knew of much Money up the River in Bark-logs and Houses; upon which Capt. Courtney and I last Night detached 21 Men out of our Companies, and sent ’em in his Boat up the River under the Command of his new second Lieutenant Mr. Connely: I would fain have sent both Pinnaces to make the best use of our time, and seize that Wealth, finding little or none in the Town; but the rest would by no means consent to it, lest the Enemy might engage us next Morning, and then we should want our Boats and Men. When I could not
April 25. We kept our Colours flying on the Tower of the Church, Capt. Dover keeping Guard there all Day, whilst I and Capt. Courtney took care to get every thing we found useful carried to the Water-side. Yesterday in the Afternoon we sent the Lieutenant of Puna and another Prisoner into the Country, with Proposals to ransom the Town, a great part of the Enemy being in the Woods about a League from us; they have but ordinary Quarters, because of the great Rain. Their Horses being in Parties, and continually At Guiaquil.
April 26. About one Yesterday in the Afternoon our Prisoners return’d with an Offer of 30000 Pieces of Eight for the Town, with their Ships and Barks, to be paid in 12 Days, which we don’t approve of, nor should we stay so long for a
April 27. Yesterday about 2 in the Afternoon our Prisoners returned with two Men on Horseback from the Enemy’s sorry Camp, and told us the Agreement was concluded as we last proposed, that if we suspected them, they would stay for Hostages, and that the Lieutenant of Puna, who as a Messenger forwarded the Treaty, with an old Gentleman already on board our Bark, were to be the other two. We contented our selves with the latter, and let the two Strangers return to their Camp with our Messenger, who was to bring back the Agreement sign’d; but they sent another back to us, signifying that we had omitted to take notice that the Town was taken by Force of Arms, which we afterwards inserted both in the Spanish and English Paper. This Morning the Spanish Agreement was brought back sign’d by ’em, and we sent ours in English sign’d to them as follows:
“WHereas the City of Guiaquil, lately in subjection to Philip V. King of Spain, is now taken by Storm, and in the Possession of the Capts. Thomas Dover, Woodes Rogers, and Stephen Courtney, commanding a Body of Her Majesty of Great Britain’s Subjects: We the underwritten are content to become Hostages for the said City, and to continue in the Custody of the said Capts. Tho. Dover, Woodes Rogers, and Stephen Courtney, till 30000 Pieces of Eight shall be paid to them for the Ransom of the said City, 2 new Ships, and 6 Barks; during which time no Hostility is to be committed on either Side between this and Puna. The said Sum to be paid at Puna in six Days from the Date hereof, and then the Hostages to be discharg’d, and all the Prisoners to be deliver’d immediately, otherwise the said Hostages do agree to remain Prisoners till the said Sum is discharg’d in any other Part of the World. In witness whereof we have voluntarily set our Hands this 27th Day of April, Old Stile, and the 7th of May, S.N. in the Year of our Lord, 1709.”
The two Hostages lay this Night at our Quarters, and we ship’d ’em off, with all we had got together, by 11 a Clock,
April 28. Yesterday in the Afternoon we settl’d every thing on board the Barks as well as we could, and separated our Men aboard the Prizes, where we had put most of our Town Goods and Plunder, being about 230 Bags of Flower, Beans, Peas and Rice, 15 Jars of Oil, about 160 Jars of other Liquors, some Cordage, Iron Ware, and small Nails, with about 4 half Jars of Powder, about a Tun of Pitch and Tar, a Parcel of Clothing and Necessaries, and as I guess about 1200 l. in Plate, Ear-rings, &c. and 150 Bales of dry Goods, 4 Guns, and about 200 Spanish ordinary useless Arms and Musket Barrels, a few Packs of Indigo, Cocoa and Anotto, with about a Tun of Loaf-Sugar. We left abundance of Goods in the Town, besides Liquors of most sorts, and Sea-Stores, with several Warehouses full of Cocoa, divers Ships on the Stocks, and 2 new Ships unrigg’d, upwards of 400 Tun, which cost above 80000 Crowns, and then lay at Anchor before the Town. We are also to deliver 4 Barks ashore, and leave two here to bring down the Ransom. By this it appears the Spaniards had a good Bargain; but this Ransom was far better for us than to burn what we could not carry off. About 2 yesterday Afternoon our Dutch-man that was missing rose out of his Brandy-wine Fit, and came aboard; he was disturb’d by the honest Man of the House where he lay, who first called in his Neighbours, and cautiously seized his Arms, then gently rais’d him, and when his Eyes were open, told him there was his Arms again, and bid him hasten aboard to us. This is the only Man that I know of since we took Guiaquil, who had so much transgressed our Orders
A Description of Guiaquil
’TIS the Metropolis of its Province, about a Mile and half long, and divided into Old and New, joined by a wooden Bridge above half a Mile in Length, but passable only by People on foot. There are some Houses at a distance on each side the Bridge, and those of both Towns may be about 4 or 500 in the whole, besides 5 Churches, and the Inhabitants about 2000 in all. Their chief Church is that of St. Jago or St. James the Apostle, which has 7 Altars, and before it a handsom Square; the others are those of St. Augustin, St. Francis, St. Dominick, and St. Ignatius. The latter belongs to the Jesuits. Before that of St. Dominick, which is not quite finished, there is also a Square, with a Half-moon, upon which they formerly planted Guns, but none were mounted there when we took it. Three of these Churches were very lofty, one of them of Stone, and all adorn’d with Altars, carv’d Work, Pictures, &c. and there was an Organ in that of St. Augustin; but the Priests and their Scholars had carry’d off all the Plate belonging to those Churches, and retir’d with it into the Woods before we landed. Some of the Houses of the Town were very high, several built of Brick, but most of them of Timber, and the meaner sort of Bamboes. There is but one regular Street along the Side of the River to the Bridge, and from thence along the Old Town. The Situation is in a low boggy Soil, so dirty in Winter, that without the Bridge they could scarce
The French, by their Commerce in these Seas, as the Spaniards in general told us, damage their Trade so much, that their Sea-ports are sensibly impoverish’d, and this Town was much richer 6 Years go than now. A mile below I took my Leave of the Barks, with the Pinnace double mann’d, designing to get before them to the Ships at Point Arena. The Day came on very hot, and we saw many Alligators in the River.
Apr. 29. Last Night I reached Puna, and met Mr. Duck and Mr. Hatley in the Beginning, and an empty Bark which the Duke’s Yall had taken in our Absence; the Spaniards
Apr. 30. About 3 Yesterday Afternoon a Sail from under the Main appear’d in sight running up the Channel to Guiaquil; Capt. Cooke sent the Havre de Grace’s Boat in pursuit of her, but my Pinnace sailing better, followed and took her before Sun set: She was a Bark of above 30 Tuns, from Sania, call’d the Francisco la Salma, Senior Jacomo de Brienas Master, with 6 Men on board: She was laden with about 270 Bags of Flour, Beans and Pease; near 200 Sugar-Loaves; several Frails of Quinces, Marmalet, Sugar-plumbs, and other Sweetmeats, with a good Quantity of large Pomegranates, Apples and Onions; a little of this Country Cheese, and dried Beef: They had been out 7 Days, and heard nothing of
Mr. Goodall and others told me, there were no other Barks coming down but what went up with his, from the Ships for Water, and that he did not know the Reason why the rest stay’d there: He told me, he had a Letter from Capt. Courtney to his Second, Capt. Cook, but no Message or Letter from him or Capt. Dover to me; adding, he heard one of them say that they expected this Bark would meet the Ships half way coming up to Puna, and that they looked for me hourly. This unexpected Story surpriz’d me, but I suppos’d they might now have some Hopes of disposing our Cargo to the Spaniards at Guiaquil, which occasion’d their Staying, and Expectation of my Return. I discours’d it with Capt. Cooke and Mr. Frye, and saw Capt. Courtney’s Letter, but not a Word of Advice to me: However, I resolved to hasten away the Beginning, with some Negroes (the most troublesome Goods we had) to dispose of, that they might be at Puna before me. I began to unmore the Havre de Grace, in order to go up with the Flood, hoping to sell her Cargo, or good Part of it, while our Ships took in Water, resolving to save as much Time as possible. Mean while the other Water Bark arriv’d, but without any manner of Advice to me when those above design’d to come down, or to send the Men that were so much wanting aboard, to put things in order for our going to Sea.
May 1. Yesterday, in the Afternoon, I took Sen. Morell for a Pilot, and weigh’d with the Havre de Grace, but having little Wind, and being neep Tides, I did not get one Third of the Way up to Puna, with that Flood: I was likewise but ill mann’d; because I was obliged to leave the Pinnace and Crew that came down with me for the Security of our Ship. We weigh’d again with the Morning Flood, and met the Dutchess’s Bark coming down, but without the least Advice to me from the 2 Captains at Puna, which farther confirm’d
May 2. We got up to an Anchor before Puna, by 10 this Morning, where I found 4 of the Barks that came down from Guiaquil. Capt. Dover and Courtney came on Board, and contrary to Expectation told me, they had not heard one Word from the Spaniards since we left them. This being the last Day appointed for Payment, a Boat came and brought us upwards of 22000 Pieces of 8, in part of the Ransom, which we immediately receiv’d, and dispatch’d the Boat back, telling them, we design’d to leave this Place in the Morning, and would carry off the Hostages, if they did not come time enough with the rest of the Mony to prevent it.
May 3. Yesterday in the Afternoon Capt. Courtney took Charge of the Havre de Grace, and I agreed to follow him in the Morning, to Point Arena, after I had ship’d off 7 live Black Cattel, some Sheep, Hogs and Fowls, with a good Quantity of Plantains, about 80 Jarrs and some Casks of Water, 24 Packs of Cocoa, 2 Sails, and 4 large Brass Patereroes.
About a League before the Town I saw the Havre de Grace at Anchor, near the Edge of a Shoal, and the Dutchess’s Pinnace coming from her, with Captains Courtney, Dover, and Dampier, who had quitted the Havre de Grace, and desired to exchange with me, which I did.
May 5. I went aboard the Havre de Grace about 2 in the Afternoon, and got her out of Danger into the Channel, but came to an Anchor again, by the Advice of Senior Morell and the Indian Pilot: I encourag’d ’em and the Men to assist me as much as possible to get her under Sail, because we were in hast to be gone, but there being little Wind, I could not make use of half the Ebb, before I was again in shole Water, and came to an Anchor, where for the want of Wind we lay for the rest of these 24 Hours.
May 5. This Morning I got the Length of our Ships again, and soon after Day went aboard the Duke, being quite sick by my long Fatigue. Capt. Courtney came to me aboard, and we agreed to throw the Timber and great Boat between Decks in the Galeon overboard, to make room for the Flour and Guiaquil Goods which were yet in the Barks. We gave the Flour Prize to the Prisoners whom we let go, to carry to the Inhabitants of Guiaquil, and took in as much Water as we could get. Most of it was fetch’d half Way above Puna, in the River towards Guiaquil, and tho’ but very indifferent, we had not half enough for want of Time.
May 6. Our Hostages are very uneasy, fearing the Mony will not come in Time to redeem them, and it’s worse than Death, they say, to be carried to Great Britain. We got all aboard last Night, by 7 a Clock, our People being fatigued. I was willing to rest my self and them one Night before we sailed; but Capt. Courtney was in too much hast, and my Second, Capt. Dover, and my Pilot Dampier forsook me to go along with him. They sailed at Midnight with the Havre de Grace, leaving me and the rest at Anchor. Mr. Connely, who went in the Bark for Water, did not return till the Morning,
I endeavour’d, but in vain, to convince the other Captains that we were not yet in any danger from the Enemy, because it was not possible that the French and Spaniards could have Notice of us, and arm out time enough from Lima to attack us.
May 7. Yesterday, about 4 in the Afternoon, we came to an Anchor again, in 13 Fathom Water, about 4 Leagues below Point Arena. At 2 this Morning, with a very small Breeze, we came to sail: Sometime after Senior Morell, that went with us up to Guiaquil from Puna, and a Gentleman of that Town related to our Prisoners, brought us about 3500 Pieces of 8, in Plate, towards the Ransom: they came as far as Point Arena in a Boat, and thence follow’d in one of the 4 Barks that we left by Agreement.
May 8. Yesterday, in the Afternoon, we discharg’d all our Prisoners, except the Morells, a little Dutchman, and a Gentleman’s son of Panama, with our Indian Pilots, that I took aboard to amuse the People of Guiaquil that we should return thither, and 2 more that desir’d to stay with us, besides the 3 Ransomers. The Gentleman that came from Guiaquil had a Gold Chain and some other Moveables, with which he purchased the Beginning of us, and we gave the Captain of the Havre de Grace 3 Negroe Women, and Senior Morell, and Senior Ignatius, one a piece, and to all of them good part of their waring Apparel: So that we parted very friendly. They told us, A Prisoner we put a shore at Puna, call’d Senior Don Pedro Sinfuegos, was a Man of great Credit at Guiaquil; that he had got a good Sum together, before they came thence in order to buy Goods of us, and that they expected him in less than 12 Hours; adding, that there were several others coming down to trade with us, but the Majority of our Officers would not believe ’em, being resolved to make the utmost Dispatch for the Gallapagos Islands: They press’d to know where they might meet us to trade, but every one was against informing them of the Place where we design’d to rendezvous, lest they should discover it to the Enemies Ships of War.
At 8 last Night we came to an Anchor in 16 Fathom
A Description of the Province of
Guiaquil.
THE City or Town of Guiaquil is the Metropolis of a Province of that Name in Peru, govern’d by a President with 5 or 6 Orderes, which makes a Royal Audiencia or chief Court of Judicature, accountable only to the Viceroy in military Affairs. Every Province has a Government of the same Nature.
These Governors are commonly appointed, or, to speak more properly, purchase their Offices in Old Spain, for Life, or good Behaviour; and in case any die, or misbehave themselves, the Vice-roy may name another during his Time, which ought to be but 5 Years; but sometimes he gets these Officers of his own placing confirm’d by an Order from Spain, which is a considerable Part of the Vice-roy’s unknown Profits. The late Vice-roy continued 14 Years, several new ones having died by the Way. The King of Spain himself scarce lives in more Splendor than his Vice-roy in the City of Lima, where the chief Courts of Judicature are kept, and Appeals are brought thither from all Courts and Provinces of this extensive Kingdom. I should not here mention the vast Wealth the late Vice-roy obtain’d during his Government; the Sum being so large that I thought it fabulous, but that I was inform’d of it by so many Hands, who told me, that about 4 Years ago he died at least worth 8000000 Pieces of 8, and left it to his Widow and Children, but the greatest Part to his eldest Son, the Conde de la Monclo, besides vast Sums he gave away in Charity, during his Life-time, and the many Churches, Fryaries, and Nunneries that he built.
He left a better Character behind him than any Vice-roy had done for an Age past. The Conde, his eldest Son, waits here, expecting to succeed the present Vice-roy of Peru or Mexico, if the Government holds in Old Spain; but I and every Englishman ought earnestly to hope, that K. Charles III. will happily recover that Monarchy, and gratefully
The Corregidore that last died at Guiaquil, tho’ he had possess’d the Office but 5 Years, had rak’d together 300000 Pieces of 8, tho’ his Post was not allow’d to exceed above 2000 Pieces of 8 per Annum; but all the Corregidores make vast Advantages by Seizures, and trading privately themselves.
The Trade to and from Mexico is forbid here, under the severest Penalty, especially transporting Quick-silver from Peru thither, because Quantities are brought from Old Spain, which is impos’d on the Refiners at great Rates. Here are many Ships employ’d coasting in this Kingdom; but a Trade is so severely prohibited between ’em and Mexico, that all the Commodities with Silver and Gold in Returns, may have little other Circulation in these vast Countries, but by the Flota and Galeons to and from Old Spain. Yet notwithstanding the Severity us’d against private Traders, by the Vice-roys and Corregidores, there are some that use it, who have no Mercy shew’d ’em if caught, all being seiz’d in the King’s Name, tho’ his Majesty has little or no Share of it; All such Seizures (as I am told) being divided amongst these Officers, and the poor Sufferer banish’d or confin’d to a Goal.
All English and Dutch Goods, except what comes by the Galeons, are prohibited here, so that the private Traders, after they have by stealth purchased ’em in the North Seas, must vend ’em in like manner all over Peru, and if the wholesale Merchants have not a good Certificate from the Commerce of Sevilia, that their Commodities came by the Flota or Galeons; whenever the Goods are question’d, they must disown them, for fear of a worse Punishment, unless they have a good Interest in the Vice-roy, which costs dear to purchase, and preserve; so that the Trader makes little Profit, but where the chief Officers have a feeling: yet tho’ these mercenary Vice-roys are so severe on others, they themselves employ the Corregidores to negotiate a Trade for them by a 3d Hand, which cannot be done to the Purpose, without being publickly known; so that Ships are constantly imployed on their Account, and carry Quick-silver and all manner of prohibited Goods to and from Mexico out of By-ports. Thus, being their own Judges, they get vast Estates, and stop all
Their other Ways of getting Money unjustly are too many; but in short, in my Opinion, there’s no Country naturally more rich, nor any People more terribly oppress’d.
The Spaniards say, and I believe, not without Reason, That a Vice-roy, after purchasing his Place with all that he has, and quitting Old Spain as poor as Job, comes here like a hungry Lion, to devour all that he can; and that every Officer under him in the Provinces (who are ten times more than are necessary) are his Jackals to procure Prey for him, that they may have a Share of it themselves.
To this we may add, the Burthen of a numerous and luxurious Clergy, that indulge their Pride, Sloth, Effeminacy and Bigottry, more than in the Romish Countries of Europe: So that were this Country possess’d by an industrious and well govern’d People, we might have reason to fear, that Silver and Gold would become so plentiful, and by consequence of so little Value, that the World would be at a Loss to find a less troublesome and more acceptable Species to satisfy Avarice and Luxury.
The River of Guiaquil, from about 2 Leagues above Puna to Point Arena, is so broad, that a Man can scarce see cross the Channel; the Land down to the Water-side, is low and cover’d with Mangrove Trees; the Tide flows above 3 Fathom, and an East and West Moon, as near as I could guess, makes High-water at Puna. The Tide has a quick Current, much stronger than in the Thames, and I believe the Ebb is little inferior to that at Bristol, and the Water as thick, and as much discolour’d. Not being able to describe the Channel plain enough to direct Strangers, I shall give a View of it from a Spanish Draught; for I had not time enough to draw the Channel, or found it all along. There’s need of a good Pilot to carry a Vessel to the Town. The River is 14 Leagues navigable beyond it, and the Tide flows 20 Leagues above it, but Canoes and Bark-Logs go much higher.
The Province abounds with several sorts of good Timber, which makes it the chief Country of Peru for building and repairing Ships; there’s seldom less than 6 or 7 at a time on the Stocks before the Town of Guiaquil. The chief Commodity this City and its Province afford is Cocoa, which is so plentiful, as to supply most Places on the South Sea; they say there’s never less exported in a Year than 30000
Having thus given an account of the Wealth and Trade of the Town and Province from my own Knowledge, or good Information, I shall now proceed to give a further Account of the Strength and Government of the Province. The Corregidore is Governour in all Civil and Military Affairs of the whole; the next is his Lieutenant, call’d by the Spaniards Lieutenant General, and all the chief Officers reside in or near Guiaquil.
Their Method of trying Civil and Criminal Causes being different from ours, I shall give as clear an Idea of it as I can. When any Court is held, or urgent Affair happens, the following Persons are summon’d to the Council in Guiaquil. First, the Corregidore, the Lieutenant General, 2 Alcaldes or Justices, who are generally Men vers’d in the Law, and serve in the nature of Mayors and Justices by turns
The Inquisition rages worse here than in Old Spain; their chief Court is at Lima, but 4 Officers from that Court are settl’d at Guiaquil, besides 24 Clergy belonging to the Town, who inform against any Person that they suspect of Opinions contrary to the Roman Church, and with a violent Zeal prosecute ’em almost without any Formality. The Offenders are speedily sent to the chief Court at Lima, where nothing but a great deal of Money can save ’em, if found guilty in the least degree.
Their Military Men affect great Titles, and their Strength is as follows.
The Corregidore is General, Don Hieronimo Boso.
Master le Camp, Don Christopher Ramadeo de Areano.
Serjeant Major, Don Francisco Gantes.
Commissaria de la Cavalaria, Don Antonio Calabria.
They have 5 Dons all Captains of Infantry, and each of ’em a large Company: One Don is a Captain of near 200 Horsemen, and there are Lieutenants, Ensigns, Serjeants, Corporals and Drummers to each Company, as customary among the Spaniards. By the most reasonable Computation of their Force, they could in a few days bring together 900 armed Horse and Foot Militia; and I was inform’d by them they had not less than 500 of these in a Body before we landed, and beat ’em out of the Town, there being always that Number ready in the Towns and adjacent Parts upon an Alarm. These and many more form’d a sorry Camp within a League of us in the Woods, whilst with about 160 Men we
Their other Towns are govern’d by Lieutenants deputed by the Corregidore; above half of ’em border on the same River and its Branches, so that they can join those of the Capital in 2 Tides, tho’ at several Leagues distance. These Towns and Lieutenancies are as follow.
A LIST of the Lieutenancy of this Province.
Leagues. | ||
Y Aquache, govern’d by a Lieutenant, distant from Guiaquil | 7 | |
Bava | 12 | |
Pemocho has 6 Brass Guns of 16 Pound Ball, both govern’d —by the same Lieutenant. | 14 | |
Puna, | —By the same Lieutenant— | 9 |
Naranghal, | 14 | |
Machala, | 14 | |
Daule, a Lieutenant | 7 | |
Point St. Hellena, | —by the same Lieut.— | 30 |
Colonche, | 20 | |
Chongong, | 7 | |
Chandoe, | 10 | |
Sheba, | —by the same Lieut.— | 21 |
Babaoya, | 16 | |
Chilintoam, | 14 | |
Porto Vaco, | —by the same Lieut.— | 34 |
Charapeto, | 36 | |
Peco Assaa, | 25 | |
Manta, | 40 | |
Hepe Hapa, | 30 |
Porto Vaco was formerly the Metropolis of the Province, before the Government was removed to Guiaquil.
In the Towns and the whole Province the Spaniards compute at least 10000 Inhabitants; but I believe there are many more. They are distinguish’d by themselves into 11 Classes or Sorts, which being particular, and worth remarking,
The first and chief is the original Spaniards, never yet mix’d with other People (at least as they pretend) and these are most respected.
2. The Mustees, begot by Spaniards on Indian Women.
3. Fino Mustees, their Children married again with the Spaniards.
4. Terceroons de Indies, their Children again mix’d with the Spaniards.
5. Quarteroons de Indies, their Posterity again mix’d with the Spaniards. These last are allowed to be Primitive Spaniards again.
6. Mullattoes, begot by a Spaniard, or any European, on a Negro Woman.
7. Quarteroon de Negroes, again mixt with the Spaniards, and esteem’d no better than Mullattoes.
8. Terceroon de Negroes, a third Mixture with the Spaniards, still call’d Mullattoes, because they will not allow ’em the Privilege or Title of Spaniard after once debas’d with the Negro Breed, tho’ some of ’em are as white as themselves; but they can’t get off the ugly Name of Mullatto, unless they hide their Descent, which is no hard Task, if they remove their Abode to another Place where they are not known, which is often practis’d and conniv’d at by the Fathers of the Church, to increase the Number of good Catholick Spaniards.
9. The 9th Sort is Indians, who are all of a dark Olive-tawny Colour; these (tho’ the true and antient Proprietors of the Country) are placed a Class below the worst of the Spanish Descendants, which are generally begot without Marriage on their Servants and Slaves.
10. Negroes.
11. All the Species and Breeds between the Negroes and Indians are call’d Sambos, tho’ by mixing their Breed as they do, they commonly differ little or nothing to the Eye from the Spanish mix’d Descendants.
These 11 are the common Sorts, tho’ some of ’em seem not very regularly distinguish’d: But they have rung Changes so often in those Peals of Generation, that there is no End of their Distinctions. The Spaniards are the fewest by far of all the Inhabitants; and were it not for those Mixtures, which the Fathers of the Church keep united, the Indians might again take possession of their Country, for the Spaniards
The Account that the French Buccaneers, alias Pirates, gave of this Place, is so false, that there’s not the least Truth in it; so that by their Description it would not appear to be the same Place, had they not left infamous Marks of their being here: For when they took the Town of Guiaquil about 22 Years ago, they discover’d little or no Bravery in the Attack (tho’ they lost a great many Men) and committed a great deal of Brutishness and Murther after they had the Place in their Power, which was above a Month here and at Puna. The Seasons here are improperly call’d Winter and Summer; the Winter is reckon’d from the Beginning of December to the last of May, and all that Season is sultry hot, wet and unhealthy. From the latter End of May to December ’tis serene, dry and healthy, but not so violently hot as what they call Winter.
Their Cocoa is ripe, and mostly gather’d between June and August, and of the other Fruits natural to these Climates, some are ripe and others green all the Year. But I return to my Journal, and the Account of our Voyage to the Gallapagoes Islands.
May 11. A fresh Gale at S.S.W. We had upwards of 20 Men that fell ill within these 24 Hours, and our Consort near 50, of a malignant Fever, contracted as I suppose at Guiaquil, where I was informed, that about a Month or 5 Weeks before we took it, a contagious Disease which raged there swept off 10 or 12 Persons every Day for a considerable time; so that the Floors of all the Churches (which are their
Capt. Courtney was taken ill, and Capt. Dover went on board the Dutchess to prescribe for him.
May 14. This Day we saw a great many Albacores in pursuit of Flying Fish, and a very large Albacore
May 15. At 6 last Night Mr. Samuel Hopkins, Dr. Dover’s Kinsman and Assistant, died; he read Prayers once a Day ever since we pass’d the Equinox in the North Sea: He was a very good temper’d sober Man, and very well beloved by the whole Ship’s Company.
May 17. This Morning we saw the Land bearing S. S. W. about 10 Leagues distant. It seems a large Island, and high Land: We tack’d and stood E. by S. Wind at S. by E. to turn up to Windward for the Island. Our Men in both Ships continue very ill; we have near 60 sick, and the Dutchess upwards of 80. We had a good Observation, Lat. 00°. 37´´. S.
May 18. At 6 last Night the End of the Island bore S. by E. distant about 5 Leagues. Edward Downe died at 12 at Night. When Day broke we were within 4 Leagues of 2 large Islands almost joining together, having passed the other that we saw yesterday. We sent our Boat ashore to look for Water, and agreed with our Consort where to meet in case of Separation. They turn’d towards an Island we saw to Windward, and left us to try this Island for Water: All our Prizes were to stay near us under Sail by a remarkable Rock.
May 19. Yesterday in the Afternoon the Boat return’d with a melancholy Account, that no Water was to be found. The Prizes we expected would have lain to Windward for us by the Rock, about 2 Leagues off Shore; but Mr. Hatley in a Bark, and the Havre de Grace, turn’d to Windward after
May 20. Yesterday in the Evening our Boat return’d, but found no Water, tho’ they went 3 or 4 Miles up into the Country: They tell me the Island is nothing but loose Rocks, like Cynders, very rotten and heavy, and the Earth so parch’d, that it will not bear a Man, but breaks into Holes under his Feet, which makes me suppose there has been a Vulcano here; tho’ there is much shrubby Wood, and some Greens on it, yet there’s not the least Sign of Water, nor is it possible, that any can be contain’d on such a Surface. At 12 last Night we lost sight of our Galleon; so that we have only one Bark with us now.
May 21. Yesterday in the Afternoon came down the Dutchess and the French Prize. The Dutchess’s Bark had caught several Turtle and Fish, and gave us a Part, which was very serviceable to the sick Men, our fresh Provisions that we got on the main Land being all spent. They were surpriz’d as much as we at the Galleon, and Hatley’s Bark being out of Sight, thinking before they had been with us. We kept Lights at our Top-mast’s Head, and fir’d Guns all Night, that they might either see or hear how to join us, but to no Purpose.
Capt. Courtney being not yet quite recover’d, I went on board the Dutchess, and agreed with him and his Officers, to stay here with the Havre de Grace and Bark, whilst I went in quest of the missing Prizes. At 6 in the Morning we parted, and stood on a Wind to the Eastward, judging they lost us that way. Here are very strange Currents amongst these Islands, and commonly run to the Leeward, except on the Full Moon I observed it ran very strong to Windward; I believe ’tis the same at Change.
May 22. Yesterday at 3 in the Afternoon we met with the Galleon under the East Island, but heard nothing of Mr. Halley’s Bark. At 9 last Night Jacob Scronder a Dutch-man, and very good Sailor, died. We kept on a Wind in the Morning to look under the Weather Island for Mr. Hatley, and fired a Gun for the Galleon to bear away for the Rendevouz Rock, which she did.
May 23. Yesterday at 3 in the Afternoon we saw the Weather Island near enough, and no Sail about it. We bore away in sight of the Rock, and saw none but our Galleon; we were in another Fright what became of our Consort, and the 2 Prizes we left behind; but by 5 we saw ’em come from under the Shore to the Leeward of the Rock. We spoke with ’em in the Evening; we all bewail’d Mr. Hatley,
May 21. Yesterday at 5 in the Afternoon we ran to the Northward, and made another Island, which bore N. W. by W. distant 5 Leagues; and this Morning we sent our Boat ashore, to see for the lost Bark, Water, Fish or Turtle. This Day Tho. Hughes a very good Sailor died, as did Mr.
May 25. Yesterday at 6 in the Evening our Boat return’d from the Island without finding any Water, or seeing the Bark. About 4 in the Morning we stood to another Island, that bore about N. E. distant 4 Leagues, and the Dutchess went to view another to the S. W. of it. Last Night Peter Marshal a good Sailor died. This Morning our Boat with Mr. Selkirk’s Bark went to another Island to view it. We had an Observation, Lat. 00°. 35´´. N.
May 26. Last Night our Boat and Bark return’d, having rounded the Island, found no Water, but Plenty of Turtle and Fish. This Morning we join’d the Dutchess, who had found no Water. About 12 a Clock we compar’d our Stocks of Water, found it absolutely necessary to make the best of our way to the Main for some, then to come off again; and so much the rather, because we expected that 2 French Ships, one of 60, and another of 40 Guns, with some Spanish Men of War, would suddenly be in quest of us.
May 27. At 6 last Night the Body of the Eastermost Island bore S. E. by S. distant 4 Leagues, from whence we took our Departure for the Main. Last Night died Paunceford Wall, a Land-man. A fresh Gale at S. E. with cloudy Weather.
May 30. Fair Weather with moderate Gales from the S. S. E. to the S. by E. We are forced to water the Bark and Galleon every Day with our Yall: ’Tis a very great Trouble to hoist our Boat out daily; now that our Men are so very weak. Senior Morell, and the other Prisoners, tell us, that it frequently proves Calm between these Islands and the Terra firma, at this time of the Year, which if it should now happen, but for a few Days, would very much incommode us for Want of Water. Had we supplied our selves well at Point Arena, we should, no doubt, have had time enough to find the Island S. Maria de l’Aquada, reported to be one of the Gallapagos, where there is Plenty of good
Nothing more remarkable happen’d till the 6th of June, but that Thomas Morgan, a Welch Land-man, died the 31st of May; George Bishop, another Land-man, the 4th of June; and that we had Advice from some of our Men on board the Galeon, that the Prisoners and Blacks there had form’d a Plot to murder the English, and run away with the Ship in the Night. We examin’d the Spaniards who positively denied it; yet some of the Blacks own’d there had been such a Discourse betwixt some Negroes and Indians, but they did not believe they were in earnest: So we contented our selves to disperse those Prisoners into several Ships, as the best Way to break the Cabal.
June 6. Yesterday at 4 a Clock in the Afternoon we spied a Sail, and at the same time saw the Land, the Dutchess being a Mile a Head, gave chase first, we followed, and about 7 in the Evening the Dutchess took her; we immediately sent our Boat aboard, and took out some of the Prisoners. She was a Vessel of about 90 Tun, bound from Panama to Guiaquil, call’d the St. Thomas de Villa nova and St. Demas, Juan Navarro Navaret Commander. There were about 40 People aboard, including 11 Negro-Slaves, but little of European Goods, except some Iron and Cloth. Captain Courtney sent to tell me, the Prisoners he had knew nothing of our being in these Seas, and brought no News from Europe, but confirm’d the Story that they expected the Arrival of a Squadron from
June 7. Yesterday at 2 in the Afternoon we made the Island of Gorgona; about 4 the Body bore E. N. E. 5 Leagues.
June 8. Yesterday at 4 in the Afternoon we got to an Anchor, about a good Cable’s Length from the Shore in 30 Fathom Water, on the East side of the Island; the Southermost point of it in sight bore S. E. about 3 Miles, and the Rocks off the North Point bore N. half W. a Mile and a half.
June 8. At 8 this Morning we spied a Sail to the Southward of the Island, between it and the Main; our Pinnace being a-shore for Water, the Dutchess’s Boat went first after her, ours followed on the other side of the Island, that if the Prize bore away, she might meet her on the West Side. In the mean time I took in Water from the Island.
June 9. Yesterday in the Afternoon our Boats return’d and brought the Prize with them, being a small Bark of about 35 Tuns, call’d the Golden Sun; she belong’d to a Creek within this Island, on the Main, and was bound for Guiaquil, Andros Enriques Master, with 10 Spaniards and Indians, and some Negroes; no Cargo but a very little Gold Dust, and a large Gold Chain, together about 500 l. value, which were secur’d aboard the Dutchess. The Prize design’d to purchase Salt and Brandy with ’em. The Prisoners said they had no Notice of us, so that News does not spread in this Country so fast as we believ’d, especially this Way; the Land being, as I am informed, full of Woods and Rivers, and bad for Travellers or Posts. About 6 in the Evening there was a Consultation on board the Dutchess, with some of my Officers, Capt. Dover and others; being discompos’d I was not with them, but resolved to act in consortship, according
June 10. Yesterday Afternoon Capt. Courtney and Capt. Cook came aboard us. We immediately agreed to return to Gorgona, to refit our Prizes, and that there we would come to
June 11. We had good Soundings, but came no nearer the Shore than 36 Fathom Water, it being uncertain Soundings, and dangerous for Ships to venture within that Depth here.
June 12. Had rainy Weather, with little or no Wind. At 8 this Morning saw the Island of Gorgona; bore S. half W. distant about 9 Leagues. We impatiently long to be there again, at an Anchor, being in an ordinary Condition to keep the Sea, tho’ when there, we are open to all Advantages against us, if the Enemy is out after us, which we expect, and that this is a Place they will search, but having no other Place so convenient, we must run the Risque of it.
June 13. About 4 in the Morning we came to an Anchor again at Gorgona, in 40 Fathom Water, and most of both Ships Officers having some Thoughts of Careening
GORGONA: 13 June, 1709.
At a Committee held on Board the Duke.
WE have agreed on Mr. Lancelot Appleby to succeed Mr. Samuel Hopkins, and Mr. Robert Knowlesman to succeed Mr. John Rogers, who being deceased, these we approve as the fittest Men to be Members of a Committee in their Places; and having at the same time consider’d the Necessity of cleaning our Ships, we do desire Capt. Courtney to use all manner of Dispatch to get ready for a Careen, and that the Men and Officers assist him as much as possible, and then he to assist the Duke, as soon as his Ship is compleated, and off the Careen, because one Ship
ought to be in a Readiness to protect the other, whilst on a Careen, in case we be attack’d by the Enemy.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | Wm. Stratton, |
Woodes Rogers, | Cha. Pope, |
Step. Courtney, | Tho. Glendall, |
Wm. Dampier, | John Connely, |
Edw. Cooke, | John Bridge. |
Rob. Frye, |
While we were together, we agreed to fit out the Havre de Grace with twenty Guns, and put Men out of each Ship aboard her, under Captain Cook’s Command, resolving to carry her home with us, and to make a third Ship to cruise in our Company, whilst in these Seas.
June 14. I proposed before, we should careen at Port a Penees, because it was an unfrequented Place, and good Harbour, where we might lie sometime undiscover’d, and from thence go to the Bay of Panama, when ready; but considering our present Condition, every body seem’d most inclinable to stay here, which I the more readily agreed to, because it was pleasing to the rest, and that, if any Casualty happen’d, I might not be reflected on, if I had over-perswaded them to go elsewhere. We began, according to agreement, to careen the Dutchess first, and I to lye on the Guard the mean while, in case of being attack’d, which we had reason to fear, having been so long from Guiaquil. The Dutchess began to make ready for a Careen. Captain Courtney and I went a fishing together, and had pretty good Luck, Fish being plenty here.
June 15. We had indifferent fair Weather, but very sultry. We put all our sick Men, with our Consort’s on board the Galeon, being about 70 in Number, besides sick Officers, whom we put on board the Havre de Grace.
June 16. We built a Tent a-shore for the Armourer and Cooper; set several Men to cutting of Wood, and clearing a Place for the sick Mens Tents.
Nothing remarkable pass’d from the 16th, but that we had frequent Thunder, Lightning and Rain, which retarded our Careening the Dutchess, till the 21st that we finish’d her, and began upon our Ship: We were forc’d to carry most of our Stores ashore, for want of Barks, which are full of the Dutchess’s Provisions and Materials. We seldom miss catching good Fish daily, and keep a Boat and Men imploy’d for that purpose, there being very little Refreshment in the
June 28. We got our Provisions aboard, and mounted all our Guns; so that in 14 Days we had calk’d our Ships all round, careen’d, rigg’d and stow’d them again, both fit for the Sea; which was great Dispatch, considering what we had to do was in an open Place, with few Carpenters, and void of the usual Conveniencies for careening. The Spaniards our Prisoners being very dilatory Sailors, were amazed at our Expedition, and told us, they usually take 6 Weeks or 2 Months to careen one of the King’s Ships at Lima, where they are well provided with all Necessaries, and account it good Dispatch.
June 29. Yesterday in the Afternoon we built a Tent ashore for the Sick, who are now much better than when we came to the Island, neither the Weather nor the Air here being half so bad as the Spaniards represented, which made us think ’twould be worse than we found it. This Morning we got the sick Men into their Tents, and put the Doctors ashore with them: We unloaded the Havre de Grace, and chose a Place very easy to lay her ashore, to clean her Bottom. A clear Sand about a Mile and half from the Place where we rode, near the South End of the Island.
June 30. I went to her this Morning, and left Capts. Courtney and Cooke, with the Carpenters, &c. to grave her Bottom, whilst I took the most experienced Prisoners, and walked through the Island (which is every where full of Wood) to look out Masts for her. The Spaniards knew best what Wood was most fit for this Purpose here. We found one Tree proper to be a Fore-mast, having before that cut down a great Tree big enough, but a wrong sort of Wood. All the Timber here is too heavy, but we must use it, her old Masts and Yards being unserviceable, her Sails rotten, and very little of her Cordage fit to be us’d; so that it’s near equal to rigging out a-new. She is a very sharp Ship, but lies easy on soft red Sand, which is dry at little more than half Tide. The Worms had not much damag’d her Bottom, but her Rudder and Cut-water
July 1. We have Men imploy’d in our Tents ashore, to prepare the Rigging as fast as possible; a Rope-maker at work to make twice-laid Cordage, and a Smith, Block-maker
CAPTAIN WOODES ROGERS, WITH HIS SON AND DAUGHTER, 1729
From the engraving by W. Skelton, after the painting by Hogarth.
and Sail-maker at the same time; so that we want no Tradesmen to fit her out. Necessity makes us of all Trades on this occasion.
The Natives of Old Spain are accounted but ordinary Mariners, but here they are much worse; all the Prizes we took being rather cobled than fitted out for the Sea: So that had they such Weather as we often meet with in the European Seas in Winter, they could scarce ever reach a Port again, as they are fitted, but they sail here hundreds of Leagues. The French us’d her as a Victualling Ship, and sold her at Lima, as they have done several others, for 4 times the Money they cost in Europe. ’Tis certainly a good Method they took at first trading hither, to bring a Victualling Ship with no other Goods but Provisions and Stores along with ’em. Generally one of these small Ships comes out with two Traders, and since in six, nine, or 12 Months time, which they stay in these Seas, they expend their Provisions, and lessen their Men by Mortality or Desertion, they sell their Victualling Ship, and being recruited with Men and Provisions out of her, they return well victualled and mann’d to France. But now they put into Chili, where they sell the remaining Part of their Cargo, and salt up a new Stock of Provisions for their homeward bound Passage, so that they need bring no more Victuallers.
July 2. We had Showers of Rain, with Thunder and Lightning last Night, and few Nights are without Rain, but ’tis pretty dry in the day-time. This day I got a fine Tree for the Main-mast; the Island is so cover’d with Trees, that we are forced to clear a Place for a Yard to work in. The Wood that we us’d for Masts and Yards is 3 sorts, but the best is Maria Wood, of the Colour and Grain of our English Oak, all of the Cedar Kind, good Timber, but very heavy. There are several other sorts fit for Masts, but Care must be taken not to use any that is short-grain’d, or soft and white when green.
July 3. The Prize Flower we took in Bags being much damag’d by the Rats, I order’d the Coopers to put it up in 36 Casks: The little English Bread we have left is eaten as hollow as a Honeycomb, and so full of Worms, that it’s hardly fit for Use. Last Night we met aboard our Ship to consult of the quickest Method for Dispatch, and the Officers agreed each to take his Share of looking after the Ships, and forwarding the several Workmen: So that most of our little Commonwealth being ashore very busy, ’twas a Diversion
We were imploy’d till the 9th in refitting the Havre de Grace, and when finish’d call’d her the Marquis. We saluted each of the other Ships with 3 Huzzas from on board her, distributed Liquor among the Company, drank her Majesty’s and our Owners Healths, and to our own good Success. The Ship look’d well, so that we all rejoic’d in our new Consort to cruize with us. The next thing we did was to clear Mr. Selkirk’s Bark to carry our Prisoners to the Main, who being 72 in Number, were very chargeable to maintain; but we could not discharge them sooner, lest they should have allarm’d the Country, and inform’d the French and Spanish Men of War where to find us. But being now almost ready to depart, we call’d a Committee, and came to the following Resolutions.
At a Committee held on board the Duke, riding at Anchor in the Road of Gorgona, July 9, 1709.
WE think it convenient to turn all our Prisoners ashore, in a Bark already provided for that purpose, and at the same time to Plunder the Settlements on the Main opposite to this Island, and do desire Capt. Thomas Dover, Mr. Robert Fry, and Mr. William Stratton to command the Bark and 45 Men on the same Expedition, and to make what Dispatch they can, and return hither with such Refreshments, &c. as they can get for our sick Men.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | William Stratton, |
Woodes Rogers, | Cha. Pope, |
Stephen Courtney, | John Connely, |
William Dampier, | John Ballett, |
Edw. Cooke, | John Bridge, |
Robert Frye, | Lan. Appleby. |
After this we gave them the following Instructions.
Capt. Tho. Dover, | |
Mr. Robert Frye, | |
Mr. W. Stratton, | Gorgona, 9 July, 1709. |
Gentlemen,
WE having agreed with you in a Committee, That you take a Bark under your Care, and transport our Prisoners to the Main, and having order’d about 45 Men under your Command to
Should a powerful Enemy attempt us in your Absence, we’ll be certain to leave a Glass Bottle buried at the Root of the Tree whence the Fore-mast was cut, to acquaint you, then Quibo is the Place we will wait for you at, if we are well, and you must leave a Glass Bottle at this Place in case we return hither again: But this we don’t expect, if once chas’d away.
Woodes Rogers, | Tho. Glendall, |
Stephen Courtney, | John Connely, |
William Dampier, | Geo. Milbourne, |
Edward Cooke, | John Bridge, |
William Bath, | John Ballett, |
Cha. Pope, |
July 10. Early this Morning we put our 72 Prisoners aboard the Bark. We had several times discours’d our Prisoners, the two Morells, and Don Antonio about ransoming the Goods, and were in hopes of selling them to advantage, but deferr’d coming to Particulars, till now that we plainly saw, unless they could have the Cargoes under a quarter Value, they would not deal with us. I propos’d going to Panama, and to lie 6 Days as near it as they pleas’d, till they brought the Money we should agree for at a moderate Rate; provided they left a Hostage aboard us, whom on failure we would carry to England. To this they would have agreed, provided we would take 60000 Pieces of Eight for all the Prize Goods. Then I propos’d their ransoming the Galleon, and putting good part of the Goods aboard her, provided one of them three and another they could procure would be Hostages for the Sum. They answer’d, That neither of them would go Hostage to England for the World. Then I propos’d delivering the Galleon and Cargo to them here, provided 2 of them would be Ransomers to pay us the Money at any other Place but Panama or Lima, in Six Days, if they would give us 120000 Pieces of Eight, being the lowest Price we could take for all the Prizes and Goods, Negroes, &c. They told us that Trade with Strangers, especially the English and Dutch, was so strictly prohibited in those Seas, that they must give more than the prime Cost of the Goods in Bribes, to get a License to deal with us: So that they could not
July 11. Yesterday our Bark and 2 Pinnaces sail’d with our chief Prisoners. Don Antonio, the Fleming, Sen. Navarre, and the Morells, who did not expect to part with us so suddenly, but by continuing with us, and knowing we could not carry away all the Prizes and Goods, they hop’d we should of course have freely given them what we could not keep. We apprehended that was the principal Reason of their not closing with our Terms, which were advantageous to them. Besides, should we have been attack’d, they believ’d we must then put them in possession of their Ships, which were of no use for fighting. But to obviate all their Hopes of benefiting themselves at this easy Rate, without our participating of their Money, the Magnet that drew us hither, I made them sensible at parting, that as we had treated them courteously like generous Enemies, we would sell them good Bargains for whatever Money they could bring us in 10 Days time, but that we would burn what we did not so dispose of or carry away. They beg’d we would delay burning the Ships, and promis’d to raise what Money they could, and return within the time to satisfy us.
One of the chief Prisoners we now parted with was Don Juan Cardoso, design’d Governor of Baldivia, a brisk Man of about 35 Years of Age; he had serv’d as a Collonel in Spain, had the Misfortune to be taken in the North Seas by an English Privateer near Portobello, and carried to Jamaica, from whence he was sent back to Portobello: He complain’d heavily of the Usage he met with from the Jamaica Privateer; but we parted very good Friends, and he returned us his hearty Thanks, and a Stone Ring for a Present to one of the Dutchess’s Lieutenants that had lent him his Cabbin while he was sick on board.
We allow’d Liberty of Conscience on board our floating Commonwealth to our Prisoners, for there being a Priest in
July 13. This Morning our Vessels return’d from landing our Prisoners, and brought off 7 small Black Cattle, about 12 Hogs, 6 Goats, some Limes and Plaintains, which were very welcome to us; they met with little else of Value in the Village they were at, and the others being far up the River, they did not think it worth while to visit them. The Country where they landed was so poor, that our Men gave the Prisoners and Negroes, some Bays, Nails, &c. to purchase themselves Subsistance. The Inhabitants ashore had notice of our taking Guiaquil, and were jealous of our being at this Island, because they heard our Guns, when we fired in order to scale them after careening. This Place bears S.E. about 7 Leagues from the Body of Gorgona, is low Land and full of Mangrove Trees; but within the Country the Land is very high. The River is hard to be found without a Pilot, and has Shole Water for above 2 Leagues from Shore, There are some poor Gold Mines near it, but the Inhabitants agree that those of Barbacore are very rich, tho’ difficult to be attempted, as we were informed before.
July 16. Yesterday about Noon came aboard one Michael Kendall, a free Negro of Jamaica, who had been sold a Slave to the Village we plunder’d; but not being there when our People were ashore, he follow’d them privately in a small Canoe; and the Account he gave of himself was, that when the last War was declared at Jamaica, he embark’d under the Command of one Capt. Edward Roberts, who was join’d in Commission from the Governour of Jamaica with Capts. Rash, Golding and Pilkington; they had 106 Men, and design’d to attempt the Mines of Jaco at the Bottom of the Gulph of Darien: There were more Commanders and Men came out with them, but did not join in this Design. They had been about 5 Months out, when they got near the Mines undiscover’d; they sail’d 15 Days up the River in Canoes, and travel’d 10 Days by Land afterwards. By this time the Spaniards and Indians being alarm’d, laid Ambushes in the Woods, and shot many of them. The Enemy having assembled at least 500 Men, and the English being diminish’d to about 60, including the Wounded; the Spaniards sent them a Flag of Truce, and offer’d them their Lives after a small Skirmish, wherein the English lost 4, and the Enemy about 12
July 17. About 10 this Morning, the two Morells, Mr. Navarre, and his Son in law, our old Prisoners came in a large Canoe, with some Money to ransom what they could of us: We told them of the Barbarity of their Countrymen, and of the different Treatment they met with from us; and that we had reason to apprehend, that if we became Prisoners here, that few of us would ever return to our native Country.
July 18. A Negro belonging to the Dutchess was bit by a small brown speckl’d Snake, and died within 12 Hours, notwithstanding the Doctor us’d his utmost Endeavours to save him. There’s abundance of Snakes on this Island, and the Spaniards say some are as thick as the Middle of a Man’s Thigh. I saw one as big as my Leg, and above 3 Yards long; their Bite proves generally mortal. Yesterday in the Afternoon we had a Consultation, and agreed that the small Bark we took belonging to the Main right against this Island,
July 19. We continued discharging the Galleon, and lading the Marquiss, and put a Part aboard of us and the Dutchess. We found in the Marquiss near 500 Bales of Pope’s Bulls, 16 Reams in a Bale. This took up abundance of Room in the Ship; we throw’d most of them overboard to make room for better Goods, except what we used to burn the Pitch of our Ships Bottoms when we careen’d ’em. These Bulls are imposed upon the People, and sold here by the Clergy from 3 Ryals to 50 Pieces of Eight a-piece, according to the Ability of the Purchaser. Once in two Years they are rated, and all the People obliged to buy them against Lent; they cannot be read, the Print looking worse than any of our old Ballads, yet the Vulgar are made believe it’s a mortal Sin to eat Flesh in Lent, without being licensed by one of these Bulls, the Negro Slaves not being exempted. This is one of the greatest Branches of Income the King of Spain has in this Country, being a free Gift from the Pope to him, as the Spaniards and Natives told us. We should have made something of them, if we had taken the Bishop before mentioned; but now they are of no use to us.
July 20. At Noon Navarre return’d with a little more Money, some Limes, Fowls, &c. He told us he had left Mr. Morell to get more, and that he would be soon with us.
July 21. We sent aboard the Marquiss 2 of our Main Deck Guns, and the Dutchess did the like, which with 4 we took at Guiaquil, and 12 taken in the same Ship, make 20 good ones. The Carriages are all new, or very much repair’d, and as good and strong as if mounted in England. Another Canoe came with Limes, Guavas, and other Fruit, and brought a little Money to trade with us. The Main here is a poor Country, and I believe we might have pick’d up a good Quantity of Money any where else on this Coast, notwithstanding their severe Orders against trading with us.
July 22. Two of our Negroes, and three of the Dutchess’s ran into the Woods to hide themselves, and go to the Spaniards
July 23. At 6 last Night our Stream Cable broke, and we lost our Anchor: The Ground here is a black Mud, which in all hot Countries rots Cables in a very little time. We have often Thunder, Rain and Lightning all the Night, tho’ clear dry Days. This is accounted by the Spaniards the worst part of all the Coast for wet dirty Weather. We have had enough of it, but God be thank’d are now pretty well, there not being above 30 Persons in all our Ships unhealthy.
July 24. We caught our Negroes that ran away, and one of the Dutchess’s, Hunger having brought ’em out of the Woods.
July 25. I put 35 Men aboard the Marquiss, and Capt. Courtney 26, so that her Complement will be 61 White Men, and 20 Negroes. Captain Edward Cooke Commander, and our Second Lieutenant, Mr. Charles Pope, his Second. We design to agree, that the Captain with his Officers and Men shall have equal Wages with others in the like Posts, to encourage them.
July 26. Last Night the Marquiss sprung a Leak, and made 8 Inches Water in an Hour; but the Carpenters stopt it. A Canoe came from the Main, and bought some Negroes of us.
July 27. At 8 this Morning, the Canoe return’d, with Mr. John Morell, who desir’d he might go ashore to his Brother, and forward his getting of more Money to deal with us for Goods, since he saw that we were resolved to leave nothing of Value behind us.
July 28. Yesterday Afternoon, Mr. John Morell return’d, having met his Brother coming with what Money he could get; he told us the Country being alarm’d, he had much ado to get Leave to come to us; that the Governour of Barbacore was at the Water-side, with above 200 Men commanded by himself, to prevent our Landing, or that any thing should be brought to us; and that all the Shore was lined with Men for that End. We have took out of the Galleon 320 Bails of Linnen, Woolen, a little Silks, and most Sorts of Goods, usually in Bails, besides Boxes of Knives, Scizzars, Hatchets, &c. The Dutchess and Marquiss have also taken what they can; so that all our 3 Ships are full. We found aboard the Galeon a great Quantity of Bones in small Boxes, ticketed with the Names of Romish Saints, some of which had been dead 7 or 800 Years; with an infinite Number of Brass Medals, Crosses, Beads, and Crucifixes, religious Toys in Wax,
July 29. Having for a long time been importun’d by the Companys of each Ship, to divide what we was forc’d to agree to as Plunder, we resolved on a Committee to be called to morrow to settle that Affair, which we did in the following Manner.
At a Committee on board the Duke, the 29th Day of July, 1709. It’s agreed, that the following Articles shall regulate Plunder, and be in part a Satisfaction allow’d by the Committee of the Duke and Dutchess, for past Services, more than each Man’s Agreement with the Owners.
GOLD Rings found in any Place, except in a Gold-smith’s Shop, is Plunder. All Arms, Sea Books and Instruments, all Cloathing and Moveables, usally worn about Prisoners, except Women’s Ear-rings, unwrought Gold or Silver, loose Diamonds, Pearls or Money; all Plate in use aboard Ships, but not on Shoar, (unless about the Persons of Prisoners) is Plunder.
All manner of Clothes ready made, found on the upper Deck, and betwixt Decks, belonging to the Ships Company and Passengers, is Plunder also, except what is above limited, and is in whole Bundles and Pieces, and not open’d in this Country, that appears not for the Persons use that owns the Chest, but design’d purposely for Merchandize, which only shall not be plunder. And for Encouragement, we shall allow to James Stratton 40 Rupees to buy him Liquor in India, in Part of Amends for his smart Money. To William Davis and Yerrick Derrickson 20 Rupees each, as
In witness whereof, We have hereunto set our Hands the Day and Year above-mentioned.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | John Connely, |
Woodes Rogers, | William Bath, |
Stephen Courtney, | Tho. Glendal, |
William Dampier, | Geo. Melbourne, |
Edw. Cooke, | John Bridge, |
Rob. Frye, | John Ballett, |
William Stretton, | Lan. Appleby. |
The Cause why we delay’d adjusting what should be Plunder so long, was the unreasonable Expectations of some among us: This made us wait till now we had a proper Opportunity, and could better insist on our Owner’s Interest: Besides, we were not willing that any Difference should arise about this knotty Affair, when the Prisoners were on board, nor till we had finish’d the Rigging of our Ships, lest it should have put a full Stop to our Business, or at least have hinder’d our Proceeding chearfully.
July 30. We over hall’d our Plunder-Chests, and what was judged to be Plunder, (by Men appointed with the Owners Agents) was carried aboard the Galeon, which was kept clear between Decks, in order to divide it. Mr. Frye and Mr. Pope were to be Appraisers for the Duke, and Mr. Stratton and Mr. Connely for the Dutchess, so I hope to get over a troublesome Job peaceably.
July 31. Mr. Navarr’s Bark grew leaky, and Benjamin Parsons, one of our Midshipmen, that had charge of her, ran her a-shore without Orders, at high Water, thinking to have stop’d her Leak at low Water, and got her off the next Tide; but contrary to his Expectation, the Vessel strain’d and sunk; so that we had much ado to get out what we had a-board her Time enough; and were forced to leave in her 10 Bails of damag’d Bays, and a great deal of Iron Work, which we gave Senior Navarr, in part of Payment for what we have received of him from the Settlement on the Main.
August 1. The Officers we appointed to praise the Plunder
August 2. We continued appraising the Plunder, and found it a very troublesome Task.
August 3. Capt. Cooke told me they had discover’d another Leak, and was troubled at so many Leaks in a Harbour; so that I began to dread that all our Labour and Time was lost on the Marquiss, but hop’d for the best.
August 4. Yesterday in the Afternoon they made an End of appraising the Clothes at a very low rate, amounting to upwards of 400l. and the Silver-handled Swords, Buckles, Snuff-Boxes, Buttons, and Silver Plate in use aboard every Prize we took, and allow’d to be Plunder at 4s. 6d. per Piece of 8, amounted to 743l. 15s. besides 3 ? 12? of Gold, which was in Rings, Gold, Snuff-boxes, Ear-rings, and Gold Chains, taken about Prisoners. This I believe to be an exact Account.
This Morning we had like to have a Mutiny amongst our Men: The Steward told me, that several of them had last Night made a private Agreement, and that he heard some Ring-leaders by way of Encouragement, boast to the rest, that 60 Men had already signed the Paper. Not knowing what this Combination meant, or how far it was design’d, I sent for the chief Officers into the Cabin, where we arm’d our selves, secured two of the chief of those mutinous Fellows, and presently seized two others. The Fellow that wrote the Paper we put in Irons; by this time all Hands were upon Deck, and we had got their Agreement from those who were in the Cabin, the Purport of which was to oblige themselves, not to take their Plunder, nor to move from thence till they had Justice done them, as they term’d it. There being so many concern’d in this Design, Captains Dover and Fry desired I would discharge those in Confinement upon their asking Pardon, and faithfully promising never to be guilty of the like, or any other Combination again. The Reason we shewed ’em this Favour was, that there were too many guilty to punish them at once: And not knowing what was design’d a-board the Dutchess and Marquiss, we were of Opinion they had concerted to break the Ice first a-board the Duke, and the rest to stand by them. Upon this I us’d what Arguments I could offer, shew’d them the Danger and Folly of Combinations, and exhorted them to believe they would have Justice in England, should any thing seem uneasy to them now, or in
We have had lately almost a general Misunderstanding amongst our Chief Officers, and some great Abuses which I
Capt. Morell, that went for the Main to get Victuals, return’d. The Negro we caught first and punished, we kept in Irons, but this Night miss’d him. We suppose he got his Irons off, and swam ashore.
We had the following Committees, confirmed the Officers of the Marquiss, agreed to sell the Bark and her Cargo, got off all our Wood and Water, and made Preparation for Sailing. We design to leave the Launch we built at Lobos with Sen. Morells and Navarre, being of no farther use to us, tho’ hitherto she had done us very good Service. Here follows what we agreed on in Council.
At a Committee held on board the Dutchess, riding at Gorgona, August 6. 1709.
WE whose Names are hereunto subscribed, appointed as a Committee on board the Ships Duke and Dutchess, do hereby impower and order Capt. Cooke to command the Marquiss, Mr. Charles Pope Lieutenant, Mr. Robert Knowlman Master, Mr. William Page Chief Master, Joseph Parker Second Mate, Mr. John Ballet Doctor, Benjamin Long Boatswain, George Knight Gunner, Edward Gormand Carpenter, and other Officers as the Captain shall direct aboard the Marquiss: Each of the above Officers, or the others, on their good Behaviour, to have such Wages as those in the same Offices on board the Duke and Dutchess, and to cruise on this Coast in our Company, or where else Capt. Cooke shall think convenient, in his Return to Bristol, should he be unfortunately separated from us. Witness our Hands.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | Tho. Glendall, |
Woodes Rogers, | John Connely, |
Stephen Courtney, | William Bath, |
William Dampier, | Geo. Milbourne, |
Robert Frye, | John Bridge, |
William Stratton, | Lan. Appleby. |
Memorandum,
WE have now done careening, fixing, and loading our Ships, with the Marquiss, and taken all manner of Goods out of our Prizes, as much as our Ships can carry, having received a valuable Consideration of Mr. Morell and Navarre, the Masters of our 2 Prizes, we are all of opinion we had best leave them in possession of their Ships, and what Negroes we can’t carry hence; our present Circumstances and the Condition of the Prizes not allowing us to remove them from this Place, could we make ever so great advantage of ’em elsewhere. So judge it our present Interest to ply to Windward, to try for other Purchases and Sale of the Goods, and if possible to take or buy Provisions. We all agree to land one of the Guiaquil Hostages at Manta, in order to procure Money to pay for the Ransom of the Town, and a Bark we have sold the same Man, laden with Prize Goods, Witness our Hands this 6th of August, 1709.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | William Stratton, |
Woodes Rogers, | Tho. Glendall, |
Stephen Courtney, | John Connely, |
William Dampier, | William Bath, |
Edw. Cooke, | John Ballett, |
Robert Frye, | Lan. Appleby. |
Cha. Pope, |
I drew up the following Agreement, to which we Officers swore on the Holy Evangelists, because I thought it the most proper Method to prevent the Confusions which were like to happen among us, because of the Jealousies that were entertain’d of one another, and came to such a height, that I fear’d a Separation.
WE having made a solemn Agreement, do this Instant sign voluntarily, and give each other our Oaths on the Holy Bible; and as we hope for Forgiveness of Sins, and Salvation by the alone Merits and Intercession of our Blessed Lord Jesus Christ, to keep severely and strictly this serious concerted Memorandum. First we agree to keep company, and assist each other on all Occasions, and with all Necessaries, as far as our Abilities reach, and our common Safety requires. Secondly, that in case we engage at any time with the Enemy, we design it in Consortship, and that each Commander and Second in each Ship, hereto subscribed, shall on all Occasions, without the least Reserve, and to the utmost of his Power, be forward and ready to assist, rescue or defend each other, with the utmost Dispatch, Bravery and Conduct, even to the apparent Hazard
On these and the like Considerations we do hereby solemnly agree never to desert each other in time of Need, if possibly we can avoid it, and to be to the utmost of our Power and Knowledge alike brave in attacking or defending our selves against the Enemy to the last Extremity.
But if we are so unfortunate to see one Ship inevitably perish, then the two remaining (after they have us’d their utmost Endeavours for the distress’d Ship, and find all past Recovery) may then agree on the best Methods for their own Security. The like for one Ship if two are lost, but for no other Reason to desert this firm and solemn Agreement of Consortship; and to shew that none of us is so unbecoming a Man as to shrink back, or slight this agreement in time of Action, we agree it shall not be alter’d without the Consent of all us three Commanders, and the major part of the Officers hereto subscrib’d, and to a Duplicate in each Ship of the same Date in Gorgona, the sixth Day of August, 1709.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | William Stretton, |
Woodes Rogers, | Charles Pope, |
Stephen Courtney, | John Connely, |
Edward Cooke, | Tho. Glendale. |
Rob. Fry, |
Another Paper was also drawn up for every Man to swear what Clothes, Goods, &c. he had received of the Agents, and to restore whatever he had taken without the Agents Knowledge, in order to a just distribution of the Plunder, and every one was to oblige himself in a Penalty of 20s. for every Shilling Value that should be found about him conceal’d, besides the former Penalty agreed on of losing his Share of any Prize or Purchase for concealing above the Value of half a Piece of Eight; and for the Incouragement of Discoveries the Informer was to have half the Penalty, and the Protection of the Commanders. This Paper was objected against by several of the Officers, who insisted, that there ought to be a greater Latitude allowed them to advantage themselves, since they had ventured their Lives hither on so difficult an Undertaking, which made us defer the signing it till a better Opportunity; for unless such Agreements as these had been constantly promoted, as occasion
Aug. 7. We gave Sen. Morell and Navarre their Ships, and all the Goods we could not carry away, for what Money our Agents receiv’d of ’em, tho’ they expected to have had ’em at an easier Rate. We came to sail this Morning; the dividing the Plunder has took up more Time than we were willing to spare; but ’twas absolutely necessary to do it. We took Sen. Navarre with us before we came to sail: I went ashore, and shew’d Sen. Morell how we left things between his Ship and the other Prize. Mr. Navarre left his Son-in-law in charge of this Vessel and Goods, then came with me on board our Ships, expecting to have the Bark betwixt him and our Ransomers, if they paid us at Guiaquil. Wind veerable in the South West Quarter, a Lee Current.
August 8. Yesterday at 6 in the Evening the Island of Gorgona bore S. by E. distant 6 Leagues. Just before Night we took our Men out of the Bark, and left her in possession of an old Indian Pilot, and some Negroes and Indian Prisoners, putting our ordinary Ransomer aboard to go in her, as we agreed on before we came out. I and Capt. Dover sign’d a Paper to protect them from being seiz’d by the Spaniards, if they should lose Company with us; but order’d them not to stir from us. I also desir’d the Spaniards aboard the Duke, who had agreed for her, strictly to charge the Crew in the Bark not to leave us willingly, which they did, because our Agreement was not in Writing, but only Verbal, promising us 15000 Pieces of Eight for the Bark and her Cargo, including the Remainder of the Towns Ransom, we designing to have it under their hand in Spanish and English to morrow, before we would wholly let go the Bark: But this Morning, to our surprize, the Bark was out of sight. The Marquiss is very crank, and sails heavy on a Wind. We held the following Committee to endeavour to help the Marquiss’s sailing.
At a Committee held on board the Dutchess at Sea, off the Island Gorgona, August 8th, 1709.
Memorandum,
THE Marquiss not answering our Expectations, but proving crank and sailing heavy: We now advise Capt. Cooke to heave the Dutchess’s two heavy Guns overboard, and 20 Boxes of
Signed by the Majority of our Council.
Amongst our Prisoners taken on board Sen. Navarre’s Ship from Panama, there was a Gentlewoman and her Family, her eldest Daughter a pretty young Woman of about 18, was newly married, and had her Husband with her. We assign’d them the Great Cabin aboard the Galleon, and none were suffer’d to intrude amongst them, or to separate their Company; yet the Husband (I was told) shew’d evident Marks of Jealousy, the Spaniards Epidemick Disease; but I hope he had not the least Reason for it amongst us, my third Lieutenant Glendall alone having charge of the Galleon and Prisoners: For being above 50 Years of Age, he appear’d to be the most secure Guardian to Females that had the least Charm, tho’ all our young Men have hitherto appear’d modest beyond Example among Privateers; yet we thought it improper to expose them to Temptations. At this time Lieut. Connely, who behav’d himself so modestly to the Ladies of Guiaquil, was some days in possession of Navarre’s Ship before we stopt here, to remove these Prisoners aboard the Galleon, where he gain’d their Thanks and publick Acknowledgments for his Civilities to these Ladies, and even the Husband extols him. We had notice these Ladies had some conceal’d Treasure about them, and order’d a Female Negro that we took, and who spoke English, to search them narrowly, and found some Gold Chains and other things cunningly hid under their Clothes. They had before deliver’d to Capt. Courtney Plate and other things of good Value. We gave them most of their wearing Apparel and Necessaries, with 3 Female Mullatto Slaves, and parted very friendly. They confess’d to our People, who put them ashore, that we had been much civiller than they did expect, or believe their own Countrymen would have been in the like case, and sent back the Husband with Gold to purchase some Goods and two Slaves of us. I come next to the Description of Gorgona.
Gorgona is 3 Leagues in Length, N. E. and S. W. but narrow. It’s about 6 Leagues from the Main, full of Wood and tall Trees, one of ’em call’d Palma Maria, of which the Spaniards make Masts, and use a Balsam that flows from it for several Diseases. The Island appears at a distance indifferent
I saw no Land Birds here; because I suppose the Monkeys destroy their Nests and Eggs: We shot many of them, and made Fricassees and Broth for our sick Men; none of our Officers would touch them, Provisions being not yet so scarce; but Capt. Dampier, who had been accustomed to such Food, says he never eat any thing in London that seemed more delicious to him than a Monkey or Baboon in these Parts.
August 9. I propos’d sending the Marquiss to India, and thence to Brazil; and then we could add to our own Stock of Bread and salt Provisions, and if she got well to Brazil, would vend her Goods at an extraordinary Rate, to the Advantage of the Voyage, and we two should be strong enough to wait for the Manila Ship, but Capts. Dover and Courtney did not think it reasonable.
August 10. We got to wind-ward very slowly, here being a constant Current, which runs down to Leward into the Bay of Panama.
August 11. Yesterday Afternoon I went aboard the Dutchess, and carried with me Doctor Dover; we discoursed about parting with Capt. Cooke, and giving him only a Sailing Crew to go for Brazil, and sell his Cargo; but finding the Majority against my Proposition, I dropt it, tho’ I fear we shall repent it, were there no other Reasons but to save Provisions. Capt. Cooke came to us a-board the Dutchess, to put in Execution the Order of the 8th instant, where we agreed as before to throw 2 of the heaviest Guns over-board he had out of the Dutchess, being less valuable than the Goods between Decks, and what Lumber they had besides, which he did, and we perceive his Ship much stiffer, and sails better; our Consort, Capt. Courtney and his Officers, with some of mine, are uneasie at parting with the Bark, so that if
August 12. Yesterday Evening, the Island of Gorgona was in sight, and bore E. half S. about 13 Leagues. At 6 this Morning, we met with the Bark, and put Mr. Selkirk aboard her, with his Crew. At 9 this Morning, we sent our Boat for Capt. Courtney and Capt. Cooke, when we had a second Consultation, which again concluded with keeping the Marquiss and Bark: Tho’ I was of Opinion, they’d be rather a Detriment than Furtherance to us in any thing, so long as the Marquiss sails so heavily, besides the Benefit of more Provisions that would have been left for us that must stay behind.
August 13. In the Evening last Night, we saw the Island of Gallo, bearing S. by E. distant 6 Leagues. We have a strong Current runs to Leward, so that we lost Ground, and at 8 this Morning was again in sight of Gorgona, bearing N. E. by E. distant about 12 Leagues; had rainy Weather all Night, with Thunder and Lightning, but indifferent fair in the Morning. Wind veerable in the S. W. Quarter. This Coast is more subject to hot Weather than any other Part of Peru.
August 15. We sounded several Times in the Night, and had Ground in about 50 Fathom Water, not above two Leagues off Shore.
August 16. This Day I muster’d our Negroes aboard the Duke, being about 35 lusty Fellows; I told them, That if we met the Spaniards or French, and they would fight, those that behav’d themselves well should be free Men; 32 of ’em immediately promis’d to stand to it, as long as the best Englishman, and desired they might be improv’d in the Use of Arms, which some of them already understood; and that if I would allow ’em Arms and Powder, these would teach the rest. Upon this, I made Michael Kendall, the Jamaica free Negro, who deserted from the Spaniards to us at Gorgona, their Leader, and charged him to be continually exercising them, because I did not know how soon we might meet an Enemy: I took down the Names of those that had any, and such as wanted I bestow’d Names on them, and to confirm our Contract made them drink a Dram all round to our good Success; at the same time I gave ’em Bays for Clothes, and told them they must now look upon themselves as Englishmen, and no more as Negro Slaves to the Spaniards, at which they express’d themselves highly pleas’d: I promise my self good
August 18. At 6 this Morning we saw a Sail, which bore W. N. W. of us; we and the Dutchess gave Chace, and took her in about an Hour. The Dutchess had kept her Company ever since 12 at Night, and thought her to be our Bark. She was a Vessel of about 70 Tun, bound from Panama to Lima, but was to stop at Guiaquil. They had very little aboard besides Passengers, for they knew of our being in these Seas: The best of her Cargo was about 24 Negroes, Men and Women. I sent our Agent aboard, to examine the Prize.
August 19. After Dinner aboard the Dutchess, we examin’d the Prisoners; they could tell us little News from Europe, but said there came Advices by a Packet to Portobell from Spain, and by a French Ship from France, not long before they came out of Panama; that all was kept private, only they heard in Panama, that his Royal Highness Prince George of Denmark was dead,
August 20. At 10 in the Morning we bore down to the Dutchess, who had Spanish Colours flying, to make a sham Fight to exercise our Men and the Negroes in the Use of our great Guns and small Arms. Here I must not forget a Welchman that came to me, and told me, He took the Ship we were going to engage for the Dutchess, till he saw the Spanish Colours, and that being over-joyed with the Hopes of a good Prize, he had loaded his Musket with Shot, and design’d to fire amongst the thickest of ’em, which he would certainly have done, had he not been forbid. By this it appears, that blundering Fools may have Courage. During this sham
Engagement, every one acted the same Part he ought to have done, if in earnest, firing with Ball excepted. Our Prisoners were secured in the Hold by the Surgeons, who had their Instruments in order, and to imitate Business for them, I order’d red Lead mixt with Water to be thrown upon two of our Fellows, and sent ’em down to the Surgeons, who, as well as the Prisoners in the Hold of the Ship, were very much surpriz’d, thinking they had been really wounded, and the Surgeons actually went about to dress them, but finding their Mistake, it was a very agreeable Diversion.
August 23. Yesterday, at one in the Afternoon, we tack’d and stood for the Shore, but at two we drew near discolour’d Water, and sounded, had but 8 Fathom, and very near an ugly Shoal, which the Spaniards tell me runs off about 2 Leagues from the Shore, off a high white Cliff, 3 Leagues to the N. of Tecames. At 6 last Night, Cape St. Francisco bore S. by W. distant about 6 Leagues. We sounded again, and had 40 Fathom Water. We stood off at Night, and at 6 in the Morning tack’d for the Shore. The Wind is here always more Southerly, as we draw near the Equinox.
August 24. At 10 this Morning, I went with Captain Dover aboard the Dutchess, where we agreed to send the Bark into Tecames, being now under our Lee, and we to follow them. We order’d our Linguist to buy Provisions of the Indians there, and put several Men well arm’d a-board, to keep the Bark till our Ship could arrive near enough to protect her, if occasion, in Case of an Attack.
August 25. About 2 Yesterday in the Afternoon we bore away for Tecames, after the Barks. I went aboard the Dutchess, and found our Pilot, and most of the Spaniards, who are generally ignorant, uncertain whether it was the Port under our Lee, tho’ I never saw more remarkable Land; this made us the more timerous, and me in particular, because Capt. Dampier, who was here last Voyage, and said he had pass’d near it very often, was full as dubious as our selves, that never saw it: This occasion’d me to hurry aboard our own Ship to secure her; for I doubted our being near Shoals, because the Water was very thick and white. Capt. Courtney sent his Pinnace a Head sounding, and we follow’d, he having then all the Pilots aboard. We kept the Lead sounding from 40 to 13 Fathom Water, very uneven Depths, till we came within 2 Leagues of the Anchoring place. We had every Cast about 14 Fathom Water, and saw the Houses by the Water-side; then I was easy and satisfied. Before we got
August 26. The Padre aboard, who was zealous to conclude this Treaty with the Indians to our Content, went this Morning a-shore, and return’d a-board in the Evening; while he was a-shore, he writ a Letter to the Priest of the place in our Favour, earnestly recommending a Trade, and expressing the many Civilities we shewed to him and the other Spanish Prisoners, beyond their Expectation, adding that we were sensible of the smallest Favours, and would not fail of making very grateful Returns. He convinc’d the Inhabitants ashore, and also inform’d the Padre, how easily we could land, and burn the Church and Houses, and lay waste all the adjacent Parts; but that we were full of Charity, and very kind to those in our Power. This wrought so well on the People, that they promis’d faithfully they would only wait till to morrow, and if the Padre did not consent, would notwithstanding trade with us. They brought with them a naked Indian, who like a Savage view’d very narrowly every Part of our Ship; he was wonderfully taken with the Great Cabbin, where he lay on his Side, scarce satisfy’d after an Hour’s gazing wildly about him, till giving him a Dram of Brandy, and a few Toys to be rid of this Visitant, I obligingly led the Gentleman out, and giving him old Bays for Clothing, our Yall carried him ashore, to influence the rest by our kind Usage of him. At the same time all the rest of our Boats full of Casks, with the Men well arm’d, went up the Creek between us and the Village, for fresh Water, where they
August 27. Last Night the Boats came from the Village Laden with Water, and brought a Letter from the Tecames Padre, assuring us he would not obstruct our Trade. The Inhabitants also told us, that Cattle, Hogs and Plantains would be ready for us, and desir’d we should bring ashore Bays and other Goods to pay for ’em, which we did, and this Morning our Boats return’d with Black Cattle and Hogs, leaving Capt. Navarre, one of our chief Prisoners, and Mr. White our Linguist, to deal with the Indians. This Morning we began to heel and clean our Ships Bottoms, and sent several of our best Sailors, and two Carpenters, to assist the Marquiss. Ashore our Men keep one half at Arms, while the rest load the Boats, left the Indians, who are generally treacherous, should watch an Opportunity to fall on ’em. Our People that came off the Shore took particular notice, that the red Paint with which the Indians were at first daub’d, was a Declaration of War, and after we had amicably treated with them, they rub’d it off, but still kept their Arms. We sent them 3 large Wooden Spanish Saints, that we had out of Morell’s Ship, to adorn their Church, which they accounted a great Present; and I sent a feather’d Cap to the chief Indian’s Wife, which was likewise very well accepted, and I had a Present of Bows and Arrows in requital.
August 28. Yesterday in the Afternoon we made an end of heeling and cleaning our Ship; our Boats brought from the Shore at several times Water, Plantains, and other Provisions, with Hogs, and 2 Black Cattle. Our Linguist and Prisoner manage their Business beyond Expectation, selling very ordinary Bays at 1 Piece of Eight and half per Yard, and other things in proportion, so that we have Provisions very cheap.
August 29. Capt. Cooke buried one John Edwards, a Youth, who died of a Complication of Scurvey and the Pox, which he got from a loathsome Negro, whom we afterwards gave to the Prisoners, that she might do no further Mischief on board.
In the Afternoon we concluded how to proceed from this Place as follows.
At a Committee held on board the Duke the 29th of August, 1709. in Tecames Road.
WE have consider’d our mean Stock of Provisions, and that our Time is far spent; therefore do think it for the good of the Voyage to part with several Negroes, besides those taken in the last Prize, and to make as good a Contract as we can with two or more of the substantial Prisoners, and to return their Produce to Alderman Batcheller and Company, our Owners in Bristol, in the best manner we can, having no other Method to make an advantage of them; we now being design’d to cruize for the Manila Ship: But if any Accident parts us, then our Place of Rendevouz is in the Latitude of Cape Corientes in sight of Land. It is likewise agreed to sell the Hull of the last Prize, to carry the small Bark with us, and to turn one of the Guiaquil Prisoners ashore here, in order to save Provisions.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | William Stratton, |
Woodes Rogers, | Tho. Glendall, |
Stephen Courtney, | John Connely, |
William Dampier, | John Bridge, |
Edw. Cooke, | John Ballett, |
Robert Frye, | Lan. Appleby. |
Cha. Pope, |
Then we found it necessary to agree as follows.
August 29. 1709.
IN consideration of the great Risque that Capt. Edward Cooke and Capt. Robert Frye ran in attacking the Marquiss, when in the Hands of the Spaniards, we do in behalf of the Owners agree to give Capt. Cooke the Black Boy Dublin, and Capt. Frye the Black Boy Emanuel of Martineco, as a free Gift.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | Charles Pope, |
Woodes Rogers, | John Connely, |
Stephen Courtney, | John Bridge, |
William Dampier, | John Ballet, |
William Stratton, | Lan. Appleby. |
August 30. Yesterday Peter Harry a Frenchman, and Lazarus Luke a Portuguese, both good Sailors, ran from our Yall ashore. This Peter Harry was he who shot a Centinel at Guiaquil as beforemention’d. We did not punish him, because he was a Foreigner, and did not well understand English, but suppose he was afraid of a Prosecution in England.
August 31. Yesterday in the Afternoon we put ashore our useless Negroes, I having concluded with Sen. Navarre, and taken the best Methods we could to be paid at Jamaica for them, he had also 4 Bales of Bays, and one Piece of Camlet, and became obliged to our Owners for 3500 Pieces of Eight, to be remitted by way of Portobello, with the English trading Sloops to Jamaica; which if he do, ’tis much better than to turn the Negroes ashore as Prisoners of War, as otherwise
The Land to the Northward, which is the Limits of the Bay of Tecames, is a long bluff high Point, and looks white down to the Water. The next Land to the Southward of Tecames is also white Cliffs, but not so high. I saw no Land on any part of the Shore, like those white Cliffs. Between them, which is about 3 Leagues, the Land is lower, full of Wood, and trimming inward makes a small Bay, and the Village of Tecames lies in the Bottom, consisting of 7 Houses and a Church, all low built of split Bamboes, cover’d with Palmetto Leaves, and standing on Posts, with Hog-sties under them. These Houses have notch’d Pieces of Timber instead of Stairs to get up to ’em. The Village lies close by the Water-side, and may be seen when the Bay is open above 4 Leagues. ’Tis suppos’d they had sent off their best Furniture on notice of our Approach, for there was nothing of Worth in their Houses nor Church. The Women had only a Piece of Bays tied about their Middle. The Men are dextrous at hunting and fishing. There is a large Village about 4 Leagues off, where the Padre resides, and several Indians live between these Villages. The next River, 3 Leagues to the Northward, is very large, and call’d Rio de las Esmeraldas, but shoal’d; the Country about is thinly inhabited by Indians, Mullattoes and Samboes. By the Village of Tecames there’s a River into which a Boat may enter at half Tide; it flows here above 3 Fathom Water, the Flood runs to the Northward, and the Ebb to the Southward; there is an infinite Number of Plantains for 3 Days Journey into the Country, the nearest are about a League from the Houses, and were brought to our Boats down this River in
The Indians about this Place are sometimes barbarous to the Spaniards, as our Prisoners tell us. Our People saw here about 50 armed with Bows and Arrows, and some good Fire-Arms; they are worse to engage than double the Number of Spaniards, so that it would have been folly in us to land Men here, where there is so little to be got; and the Indians with
’Twas off this Cape that Sir Francis Drake in 1578. took the rich Plate Prize; and Sir Richard Hawkins was taken by the Spaniards in this Bay off of Tecames in 1594. both in Queen Elizabeth’s Time.
Sept. 1. At 6 this Morning Cape St. Francisco bore S. E. distant 10 Leagues, from whence we take our Departure. Had fair Weather, Wind at S. W. by S. We saw many Water-snakes, one of ’em crawl’d up the Side of Capt. Cooke’s Ship, but was beat off by his Men. The Spaniards say their Bite is incurable.
Sept. 6. This day I had Capt. Courtney, Capt. Cooke, and Capt. Dampier aboard, who dined with us. Capt. Cooke complain’d of his Ship being crank, and that we need not have tack’d so near the Shore, since we might easily fetch the Gallapagos without Tacking. All agree to this except our Pilot, who is very positive of seeing other Islands about 100 or 110 Leagues from the Main under the Equinox. He tells us he was at them formerly when he was a Buccaneer, and has describ’d ’em in one of the Volumes he calls his Voyages, and says that those Islands we were at lay to the Westward of them; but he must be mistaken, or we had seen them in the last Runs to and from these Islands.
Sept. 8. We are run over and beyond where our Pilot affirm’d the Islands were, and no sight of them; so we all agree that the Islands he was at when a buccaneering can be no other but those we were at, and are going to now; the nearest part of them lies 165 Leagues to the Westward of the Main Land.
Sept. 10. The 8th we made one of the Gallapagos Islands, and in the Morning hoisted out our Pinnace; Capt. Dover and Mr. Glendall went in her for the Shore. The Dutchess’s Pinnace return’d very soon laden with Turtle.
Sept. 11. Yesterday we came to an Anchor in about 30 Fathom Water, about 2 Miles off Shore, being rocky at bottom. In letting go the Anchor the Buoy Rope was immediately cut off, and our Ship drove; so that we thought our
Sept. 12. This Morning I sent to the Dutchess, who was at an Anchor a good distance from us, to know how they were stock’d with Turtle. At 10 the Boat return’d with an Account they had about 150 Land and Sea Turtle, but not generally so large as ours: We had no Land Turtle as yet, but about 150 Sea Turtle; the Marquiss had the worst Luck.
Sept. 13. The Dutchess’s People having inform’d us where they got their Land Turtle, I sent our Pinnace, which at Night return’d with 37, and some Salt they found in a Pond; and the Yawl brought 20 Sea Turtle, so that we are very full of them. Some of the largest of the Land Turtle are about 100 Pound Weight, and those of the Sea upwards of 400: The Land Turtle lay Eggs on our Deck; our Men brought some from the Shore about the bigness of a Goose’s Egg, white, with a large thick Shell exactly round. These Creatures are the ugliest in Nature, the Shell not unlike the Top of an old Hackney Coach, as black as Jet, and so is the outside Skin, but shrivel’d and very rough; the Legs and Neck are long, and about the bigness of a Man’s Wrist, and they have Club Feet as big as one’s Fist, shaped much like those of an Elephant, with 5 thick Nails on the Fore Feet, and but 4 behind; the Head little, and Visage small, like a Snake, and look very old and black; when at first surpriz’d, they shrink their Neck, Head and Legs under their Shell. Two of our Men,
Sept. 14. Yesterday Afternoon we sent a Boat ashore for Wood, they brought off the Rudder and Boltsprit of a small Bark; we fancy’d it might be Mr. Hattley’s that we lost amongst these Islands when here before, but on view perceiv’d it to be much older. We also found 2 Jars, and a Place where Fire had been made on the Shore, but nothing to give us farther Hopes of poor Mr. Hattley. Our Pinnace came aboard and brought about 18 Bushells of Salt, and 18 Land Turtle more; the Men commend them for excellent Food, especially the Land Turtle, which makes very good Broth, but the Flesh never boils tender: for my own part, I could eat neither sort yet. Having got as much Turtle on board, as we could eat while good, we agreed to make the best of our Way to the Coast of Mexico, and this Morning our Consort and the Marquiss were under Sail by 8 a Clock, but we lying farther in were becalm’d, and could not follow them. We caught a good quantity of Fish here, which we split and salted for our future Spending. About 12 a Clock, being calm, we weighed our Anchor, and with the Help of our Boats and Ships Oars got off the Shore.
Sept. 15. We had a fine Breeze, came up to the rest, and agreed to lye by with our Heads to the Eastward, till Midnight, being in sight of the Island and Rock where we lost poor Hattley, when last here. In the Morning we stood to the Westward amongst the Islands.
Sept. 16. At 4 a Clock in the Afternoon we sent our Yawl for Capt. Cooke and Capt. Courtney, with whom we agreed to bear away, seeing so many Islands and Rocks to the Westward, we did not care to incumber our selves amongst them in the Night. By 6 we found the Remedy worse than the Disease, and at Mast head could see all low Rocks almost joining from Island to Island, that we seem’d Land-lock’d for
Sept. 17. Yesterday Afternoon I went a-board the Marquiss, being brought too between the two Islands, in sight of the rendezvous Rock I have so often mention’d: Mean while the Dutchess (not being so well provided with Turtle as we) sent her Boat a-shore on another Island, where they got her Lading of excellent Turtle, leaving a vast Number a-shore that they could not bring away. We have as many a-board as we have Room for, being, as we suppose, enough to last us to the Tres Marias, if they live. At 7 we all join’d, and agreed to lie by, till 2 in the Morning, when we again jogg’d on with an easy Sail till Day-break. We were a-breast of the Thorowfare, where we tried for Water the last time. I order’d a Gun to be fir’d at a venture, to see if it were possible Mr. Hattley could be there alive, and then seeing or hearing us, might make a Smoak a-shore, as a Signal, but we had no such good Luck; so that our Hopes of him are all vanish’d, and we finally conclude, that we can do no more for him than we have done already.
The 18th and 19th we saw several more Islands, one of ’em a large one, which we suppos’d reach’d near the Equinoctial, and abundance of small Islands betwixt us; the 19th at Noon, we had an indifferent good Observation. Lat. 2°. 2´´. N.
The Gallapagos Islands need no further Description than I have at several Places given of them; only that I believe, as others before have observed, that the Turtle come a-shore in the sandy Bays of these Islands, all the Year round.
We saw in all (some that we searched and others that we viewed at a Distance, at both times) no less than 50, but none that had the least Appearance of fresh Water. The Spanish Reports agree that there is but one that has any; which lies about Lat. 1°. 30´´. S. Sen. Morell tells me, that a Spanish Man of War employed to cruize for Pyrates, was once at an Island that lies by it self in the Lat. 1°. 20 or 30´´. S. They call it S. Maria de l’Aquada, a pleasant Island and good Road,
Sept. 22. The Marquiss had sprung a large Leak, for want of good Caulking at first in Gorgona: I went aboard with our Carpenter, who assisted theirs, and with a Piece of Lead nail’d over the Leak (being in the Water’s Edge) soon stopt it, and we made Sail again in a little time. Wind at S. by E. We had a good Observation. N. Lat. 6°. 9´´. Every Day as we leave the Equinoctial more distant the Heat encreases very much.
October 1. Yesterday we made the main Land of Mexico; it bore N. E. distant about 10 Leagues. We hoisted out our Yawl, and fetch’d aboard Capt. Cooke, and his Lieutenant Mr. Pope, Capt. Courtney and Capt. Dampier; the latter says he knows this high Land; but the Latt. directs us all to know it. Capt. Dampier, near this Place, five Years past, met the
Octob. 2. Most part of this 24 Hours we had Squalls and then little Wind at S.S.E. intermixt with sultry hot Weather. Our Men begin to be unhealthy again, two having lately dropt down on the Deck, but after bleeding came pretty well to themselves. We agreed with our Consort to lie by from 8 at Night till day break. At Noon it clear’d up, and we saw the Land, at least 8 Leagues off, tho’ we seem’d just under it, it was so very high. We made Cape Corientes bearing N.E. about 8 Leagues, by which we judge according to our Observation at Noon, that it lies in Lat. 20°. 10´´. N. We know it to be Cape Corientes, because we could see no Land to the Northward of it, and that it was a Head-land. Capt. Dampier has been here also, but it’s a long Time ago. We all agreed it was the Cape, and that we had best hall off N. W. to look for the Islands Tres Marias, which are not far from this Cape, but we are not certain of their Situation.
Octob. 4. Yesterday Afternoon, at 4, the Cape bore E. N. E. about 10 Leagues. We kept on under an easy Sail all Night. In the Morning we saw 2 Islands, being very clear Weather, at least 14 Leagues distant, one bearing N. by W. and the other N. by E. At Noon we had a good Observation. Lat. 20°. 45´´. N.
Tho’ our Men have their Fill of Land and Sea Turtle, which keeps them from the Scurvy, yet I find them weak, it being but a faintly Food, except they had sufficient Bread or Flower with it, they having but a Pound and a Quarter of Bread or Flower, for five Men a Day, to prolong our Stock of Bread against we come to live wholly on our salt Provisions, and then must be forced to allow more.
Octob. 6. In the Morning we sent Lieutenant Frye in the Pinnace ashore on the Eastermost Island, to try whether there was any good Road or convenience for us to recruit there. At 9 they return’d, and told me the Island had foul Ground near half a Mile from the Shore; bad Anchoring, worse Landing, and no fresh Water; but Wood enough. A melancholy Story, our Water growing short. We hall’d on a Wind, for the middle Island, which Capt. Dampier, I do believe, can remember he was at, when he belong’d to
Octob. 7. The Dutchess’s People, and our Pinnace had been ashore at several Places on the S. E. side of the Island, and found bitter Water at every Place. Our Ship got soon to an Anchor near the Dutchess, in 11 Fathom Water and sandy Ground, about a Mile and a half off Shore.
Octob. 8. Those that had been on the Island saw no Sign of Peoples being lately there, but found a human Skull above Ground, which we suppose to have been one of the two Indians Capt. Dampier tells us were left here by Capt. Swann, about 23 Years ago; for Victuals being scarce with these Buccaneers, they would not carry the poor Indians any farther, but, after they had served their Turns, left them to make a miserable End on a desolate Island. We kept a Light out all Night, and a great Fire in the Island, that if the Marquiss and Bark, who had left Company, saw it, and had a Gale, they might come into Anchor Ground. But having no sight of them at Day-break, I went on board our Consort, and propos’d my going out to look after ’em; but they made Light of it and thought it needless, believing they would be in after us, without any Assistance. The Recruit of Cattle, Hogs, and Plantains, at Tecames, held to the Gallapagos, and we have fed on the Turtle we got there ever since, excepting these two last Days. This accidental Stock of fresh Food has been some Refreshment to our Men, and prolongs our Stock of European Provisions. Now Bread or Flower will be the first thing wanting. We had little Wind Northerly, and often calm.
Octob. 9. Yesterday I sent Lieut. Glendall to view the other side of the Island, and he brought me back word it was much better than this, with sandy Bays, and signs of Turtle in the Sand, which he believed came ashore the last Night. I sent back the Boat and Men to try to get Turtle; and this Morning they came back with their Boats Load of very good ones, and left another lading behind them ready turn’d; they also had found indifferent good Water on the N. E. side of the Island, which rejoiced us to be so unexpectedly supplied; for the other Water on this side the Island, At Anchor at St. Marias Islands.
Octob. 10. Lieut. Connely of the Dutchess, that went in quest of ’em return’d without any News. And we having begun trimming our Ship, and stripping the Rigging; the Dutchess desired to go and look for them, mean while we were to employ our People to cut Wood and get a Stock of Turtle against their Return. We found an excellent Run of Water on the other side of the Island, and sent our Pinnace to view the Westermost Island, to see if either of the missing Ships had got into Anchor here.
Capt. Dover being willing to remove aboard the Dutchess, I desired our Officers to make the following Memorandum.
Tres S. Maria Islands.
WE the under-written, appointed part of a Committee now present on board the Duke, do certify, that Capt. Dover requested to go on board the Dutchess; and desired us to take notice it was his own Choice so to do. Witness our Hands, this 10th Day of October, 1709.
Stephen Courtney, | Robert Frye, |
Woodes Rogers, | Thomas Glendall, |
William Dampier, | Lanc. Appleby. |
At the same time the following Agreement was made where to meet with the Dutchess, and they took a Copy with them.
IN case we aboard the Duke don’t see the Dutchess return in 10 Days, then to be ready to sail, and first look in the Latitude 20°. N. in sight of the Land: If not to be found there, to run off the Land farther into Sea, and then in sight again, but no nearer than within 6 Leagues of the Land, to prevent Discovery. We are to bring all full of Water and Turtle for a second Recruit, to keep a continual Look-out for them, and leave a Signal at the South End of this Island.
Octob. 11. According to this Agreement Capt. Dover went himself, and sent his Servant with his Necessaries aboard the Dutchess. In the Evening they came to sail, and carry’d above 100 large Turtle that we brought to them in our Boats
Octob. 12. Last Night our Pinnace, which had been in quest of the missing Ships, return’d from the Westermost Island, and saw no Sign of the Ships. Our People tell us, they heard aboard the Dutchess, that the Bark had not 2 Days Water when they left them, which made me very uneasy lest she should go to the Main after Water, which would discover us, and might prove the Occasion of losing her also.
Yesterday we put Negroes ashore to cut Wood for the absent Ships, and last Night our Boat came off, and brought but 3 out of 10, 7 having run away into the Woods: Immediately we dispatch’d several Men round the Island with Arms, to endeavour to catch ’em when they come down out of the Woods to get Food at the Sea-side. These Negroes had an Antipathy against Michael Kendall the Jamaica Negro, and design’d to have kill’d him, had not one of those that came aboard given him timely Notice of it. A Negro amongst the Runaways could write well, which made me get our Ransomers to write 3 Spanish Papers of Encouragement to incline the Fugitives upon sight of ’em to return, promising that Negro his Freedom and every thing else he or the rest of them could reasonably desire. These Papers we nail’d up against Trees by the Brook side, where they will be sure to see them. My Reason for so doing was to prevent these Fellows from giving notice of us on the Coast, if they reach’d the Main on Bark Logs, which they could make with the Hatchets they had to cut Wood for us. If this Method fails of Success, ’tis in vain to hope for finding them by searching the Island, every part of it being full of thick Woods and Prickles, which make it unpassable. On the sandy Shore we began to imploy our Rope-makers to spin Twine for the Dutchess and Marquiss, who complain their Stock is short. Our people found another Spring of excellent Water on the other side of the Island.
Octob. 13. Yesterday Afternoon the Dutchess came in sight, with the Bark in Tow, and soon after we saw the Marquiss. We kept a Light out, that they might the better find us. In the Morning we saw them at Anchor between the 2 Islands. I weigh’d in their sight, and put out our Ensign for
Octob. 14. Yesterday in the Afternoon we came to an Anchor in 16 Fathom Water off the N. E. Side of the Island. I went immediately in our Pinnace aboard the Dutchess, that was then under Sail with the Bark in Tow, 2 Leagues from us. About 4 they and the Marquiss came to an Anchor; I told them of our Negroes deserting us, which had prevented our getting a good Stock of Wood in their Absence, and we agreed to keep all our Negroes on board the Ships, and narrowly watch ’em to prevent their Desertion for the future.
Mr. Duck, who was Master of the Bark, told me the Day they lost sight of us their Water was expended, and two of the Bark’s Crew in a very small Canoe left her almost out of sight of Land, and being smooth calm Weather, fortunately got aboard the Marquiss to acquaint Capt. Cooke they had no Water, upon which he bore down to them, and took her in Towe. Had he not done this, the Bark must have run for the Main Land to get Water, which might have alarm’d the Enemy, and endanger’d the Loss of the Vessel and Men. They were not above 8 Leagues off the Island, but it being hazey Weather, and having little Wind, and a Lee Current, they could not get in, or see us.
Octob. 15. We could not get to the Watering Place near the N. W. Corner of the Island, till 7 last Night, when we anchor’d in 7 Fathom Water, clean sandy Ground, about half a Mile from the Shore; the Westermost Point bore W. by N. about 3 Miles, and the Eastermost E. by S. 6 Miles. The Body of the Westermost Island bore N. W. distant 4 Leagues. This Morning we got our empty Casks ashore, and began filling Water. Had we not very fair Weather at this Season, and little Wind, this Place would be but an ordinary Road.
Octob. 16. Capt. Courtney sent me word, that the Marquiss, who has been again missing, was well moored at the S. E. Side of the Island, and could not easily turn it hither; so we agreed she should lie there, and we would water her from hence with our Boats.
Octob. 18. Lieutenant Fry went in the Pinnace last Night to view the Weather Island, and he returned this Morning, and told me there was a Road, but not very good and that he could find no Water.
Octob. 19. We hal’d the Sain [Sein], and caught some Fish.
Octob. 23. We began this Morning to take aboard our Turtle, and the Remainder of our Wood and Water, designing in the Evening to return, and anchor on the S. E. Side of the Island, to join the Marquiss, and agree on a Station to cruize for the Manila Ship. Our Men shot a Snake ashore, and brought it aboard dead; I saw it measured 15 Inches round, and near 10 Foot long; some of ’em are much larger; this was of a hazle colour, and spotted, called by the Spaniards here a Leopard Serpent.
Octob. 24. All the Officers met aboard the Dutchess, and sign’d a Duplicate of every Conclusion in all Committees since we have been in these Seas. Many of the Resolutions wrote on board this Ship were in my Custody, and others wrote aboard the Dutchess in Capt. Courtney’s; but it was thought advisable that each of us should have all the Copies signed alike. While we were together, we agreed on a Station to lie for the Manila Ship; but I lately proposed parting, and to meet again at Cape Corientes, or any other appointed Station, and for us in the Duke to cruize off the same Place where Capt. Dampier met the Manila Ship in the St. George, or else the Marquiss and Dutchess to take that Station, and I would go to Cape St. Lucas; since by either Method we should have 2 Chances for the Prize, and get Provisions, which we begin to want very much. This Method might prove much better than to be at one Place, where we could not be supply’d with Provisions; but the Officers of the Dutchess and Marquiss seeming unwilling to part Companies, and the Majority thinking Cape St. Lucas the properest Place to lie for the Manila Ship bound for Acapulco, I drew up our Resolution, which was signed by the whole Council, who on this Occasion were altogether.
At a Committee held on board the Dutchess at the Islands Tres Marias, October 24. 1709.
WE whose Names are hereunto subscribed, being Members of a Committee appointed to manage the Affairs of the Duke, Dutchess and Marquiss, having recruited our Ships at these Islands, and being in a readiness to put to Sea again; We have
We resolve with the utmost Care and Diligence to wait here the coming of the Manila Ship belonging to the Spaniards, and bound for Acapulco; whose Wealth on board her we hope will prompt every Man to use his utmost Conduct and Bravery to conquer. This is our Opinion the Day above.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | John Connely, |
Woodes Rogers, | William Bath, |
Stephen Courtney, | Tho. Glendall, |
Edw. Cooke, | Geo. Milbourne, |
William Dampier, | Robert Knowlman, |
Robert Frye, | John Bridge, |
William Stratton, | John Ballett, |
Cha. Pope, | Lan. Appleby. |
Being all supply’d with Wood, Water, and Turtle, we came to sail at Eleven this Forenoon, Wind at N. by W. a fine Gale; but e’er I proceed with my Journal, I will give a short Description of these Islands.
The Islands of Tres Marias lie N. W. in a Range at equal Distances from each other, about 4 Leagues asunder: The largest Island is the Westermost, appears to be high double Land, and about 5 Leagues in Length; the middle Island about 3 Leagues the longest way, and the Eastermost scarce 2 Leagues; these are also middling high Lands, and full of Trees. Near the least Island are 2 or 3 small broken white Islands, one of the outermost of these appear’d so much like a Ship under Sail at a distance, that we gave the usual Signal for a Chase, but soon found our Mistake.
These Islands have abundance of different sorts of Parrots, Pigeons, Doves, and other Land Birds, of which we kill’d great Numbers, with excellent Hares, but much less than ours. We saw abundance of Guanas, and some Raccoons; the latter bark’d and snarl’d at us like Dogs, but were easily beat off with Sticks.
I think the Water more worthy of Remark than any thing we saw here, because we found but two good Springs, which ran down in large Streams near others, that were very bitter
The Turtle here is very good, but of a different Shape from any I have seen; and tho’ vulgarly there’s reckon’d but 3 sorts of Turtle, we have seen 6 or 7 different sorts at several Times, and our People have eat of them all, except the very large hooping or logger-head Turtle (as they are call’d) found in Brazil in great plenty, and some of them above 500 l. Weight. We did not eat of that sort, because then our Provisions were plentiful, which made those Turtles to be slighted as coarse and ordinary Food. Those at the Gallapagos Islands, both He’s and She’s, I observed came ashore in the Day-time, and not in the Night, quite different from what I have seen or heard of the rest.
All that we caught in this Island was by turning ’em in the Night, and were She’s, which came ashore to lay their Eggs, and bury them in the dry Sand: One of these had at least 800 Eggs in its Belly, 150 of which were skin’d, and ready for laying at once. I could not imagine that Turtle were 6 Weeks in hatching, as some Authors write, considering the Sun makes the Sand so very hot wherever these Eggs are found, and instead of a Shell they have nothing but a very thin Film. In order therefore to be better informed, I order’d some of our Men ashore to watch carefully for one, and suffer her to lay her Eggs without disturbance, and to take good notice of the Time and Place. Accordingly they did so, and assur’d me they found the Eggs addled in less than 12 Hours, and in about 12 more they had young ones in ’em, compleatly shap’d, and alive. Had we staid a little longer, I might have given my self and others a thorough Satisfaction in this quick Production of Nature. From hence I am inclinable to credit the Report of divers of our Sailors, who assert, that where they have found Eggs in the Sand, and look’d for ’em 3 Days after in the same place, they found nothing but Films; this shews that the young ones are hatch’d within that time. They assured me also, that they had observed oftener than once, that the young Brood run out of the Sand every day directly for the Sea in great Numbers, and quicker than the old ones.
At this time here was little Fish about the Shores of this Island, and of the same sorts mention’d at other Places in these Seas; but the Plenty of Turtle at this time supplies that Defect. We the chief Officers fed deliciously here, being scarce ever without Hares, Turtle Doves, Pigeons, and
Where we rode we could see Spots of high Land, which I suppose was the Continent join’d by low Land between it; the Northermost bore N. by E. half E. about 16 Leagues distance: I take it to be the Starboard Entrance into the Gulph or Strait of California; the nearest Land to us bore E.N.E. about 12 Leagues, and the Southermost E. S. E. at least 17 Leagues, very high, which I believe is the next Headland to the Northward of Cape Corientes. I had but two Opportunities to see it just at Sun-rising, because ’twas very hazey during our Stay here, so that I might err in the Distance; but the best Directions for these Islands is thus: We account the nearest bears N.N.W. from Cape Corientes 28 Leagues, and that it lies in the Lat. 21°. 15´´. N. and Longit. 111°. 40´´. West from London. I return to my Journal.
Octob. 28. At 6 this Evening the Westermost Island bore E.N.E. 15 Leagues. The Wind has been very little, and veerable, with a great Swell out of the N.W. I sent our Yawl with a Lieutenant aboard the Dutchess and Marquiss, with whom we agreed to spread as we ran to the Northward, that the Acapulco Ship might not pass us, if they should arrive sooner than we expected: We agreed to be to the Leeward, the Marquiss to Windward, and the Dutchess between us, and all to keep in sight of each other. I order’d our Surgeons and Mr. Vanbrugh to see the Inside of the Physick Chest that Capt. Dover left us, and take an Inventory of what was in it. We saw no more of the Islands.
Octob. 29. Still easy Gales, and sometimes quite calm,
Octob. 30. This Morning one of our Negro Women cry’d out, and was deliver’d of a Girl of a tawny Colour; Mr. Wasse our chief Surgeon was forced to discharge the Office of a Midwife in a close Cabbin provided for that Purpose; but what we most wanted was good Liquor, to keep up, or imitate the Womens laudable Custom of a refreshing Cup, on such an Occasion. I accidentally found a Bottle of thick strong Peru Wine, a good Part of which was given to the sick Woman, who desir’d more than we could spare her. She had not been full 6 Months amongst us, so that the Child could belong to none of our Company. But to prevent the other she-Negro (call’d Daphne) from being debauch’d in our Ship, I gave her a strict Charge to be modest, with Threats of severe Punishment, if she was found otherwise. One of the Dutchess’s black Nymphs having transgressed this Way, was lately whip’d at the Capston. This I mention to satisfy the censorious, that we don’t countenance Lewdness, and that we took those Women aboard, only because they spoke English, and begg’d to be admitted for Landresses, Cooks and Semstresses.
Nov. 1. This Day we saw high Land, being the Point of California. By Noon the Westermost in sight bore W. by N. 8 Leagues, and the Northermost N. half W. about 10 Leagues. We had an Observation Lat. 22°. 55´´. Long. 113°. 38´´. W. from London.
Nov. 2. The Westermost Land we set yesterday Noon, we make to be Cape St. Lucas, the Southermost Head-land of California. We agreed on Signals and Stations; and to spread S.W. into the See, off of this Cape that now bore N. by W. from us.
Nov. 3. Our Stations being concluded, I was to be the outermost Ship, the Dutchess in the middle, and the Marquiss next the Land; with the Bark to ply and carry Advice from Ship to Ship: The nearest Ship to be 6 Leagues at least, and 9 at most from the Land: By this Agreement, we could spread 15 Leagues, and see any thing that might pass us in the Day, within 20 Leagues of the Shore. And to prevent the Ships passing in the Night, we were to ply to Windward all Day, and drive at Night. Whilst we were together, we at last settled the Form of our Agreement for each Ship; that all the Ships Companies might sign it, for every one to
Nov. 4. I order’d a Sailor into Irons, for threatning the Cooper; and one Peter Clark, an ill abusive Fellow, I order’d to have the like Punishment, because he had wished himself aboard a Pirate, and said he should be glad that an Enemy, who could over-power us, was a-long-side of us.
Nov. 5. Yesterday in the Afternoon the Dutchess being near, I sent our Yawl aboard with Lieut. Glendall, to agree more exactly on some remarkable Land, that each of us knowing the same Land Mark, might the better keep our Stations. We agreed also, that the Marquiss should now be in the middle, and the Dutchess next the Shore, as being the properest Stations. This Morning we put all manner of Lumber and Chests down, designing to keep all as clear as possible, that we might not be in a Hurry if near the Acapulco Ship.
Nov. 6. This Day ended our Stock of Turtle we had at the Marias; being all Shes, with Eggs in them, they would not keep so long as those we had at the Gallapagos Islands: We have for some Days thrown more dead Turtle overboard than we kill’d for eating.
Nov. 7. Yesterday I went aboard the Marquiss, and desir’d them to tell Capt. Courtney, when he came off the Shore, that we would take the inner Birth, and exchange again for the same Number of Days, that we might have equal Chances for seeing the Manila Ship; because I now think the inner Birth the likeliest. Sir Thomas Cavendish, in Queen Elizabeth’s Time, took the Manila Ship in this Place on the 4th of November.
Nov. 12. Yesterday Afternoon, all our Ships Company sign’d the before-mention’d Agreement, finally to settle Plunder. At the same time we sign’d another Agreement, to prevent gaming and wagering: some of our Crews having already lost most of their Clothes, and what else they could make away with. To prevent those loose and dissolute Courses, we sign’d both Agreements as follows.
WE the Officers, Seamen and Landmen belonging to the Ship Duke, having made several former Agreements concerning the equal sharing of Plunder, do now desire and agree, That each Man give an exact Account of all Clothes, Goods of Value, or Necessaries of any kind he had, over and above his Dividend deliver’d him at Gorgona, or had purchased of others since, to be rightly charged to him in his Account of Plunder, by the Agents appointed; and to restore whatever he had taken without the Agents Knowledge, and to prevent any Persons detaining and concealing any Goods or Riches of any kind, now or for the future, more than their respective Shares, in order to a right Distribution of Plunder, except Arms, Chests, Knives, Roman Relicks, Scizzars, Tobacco, loose Books, Pictures, and worthless Tools and Toys, and Bedding in use, which are not included in this Agreement; and those that have already only things of this kind, are not liable to a Penalty: We do voluntarily sign this, and offer our selves to be obliged firmly by these Presents, to be under the Penalty of 20 Shillings for every Shilling value taken hid or conceal’d by any of us, or removed out of any Prize without written Orders from the Commanders publickly; and that none but the Agents already named, or to be named hereafter, shall detain in Possession any Plunder; but whatever is found conceal’d shall be valued, and the Persons that hid it to be fin’d as aforesaid, which Penalty we acknowledge to be laid on us by our own Desire, Consent, and Approbation, over and above the former Penalty agreed on, That any Person shall loose his share of every Prize or Purchase taken, whether Cargo or Plunder, that conceals of either the Value of half a Piece of 8. and this to remain in Force, to the End of the Voyage.
And to encourage Discoveries of such Concealments, what-ever Person discovers the Fraud of any, who shall be so imprudent as to detain more than his due, in any Goods that has not been shar’d before as Plunder, or purchas’d of the Owners Agent or Commanders; the Informer of such Fraud shall have one Half given him gratis, out of the Offenders Shares and Wages; the other Half for the use of the Ships Company as Plunder; which Information shall be encouraged by the Commanders of each Ship, in order to prevent Frauds, as long as this Voyage holds; and that ever hereafter Accounts shall be made up, and the Plunder immediately adjudg’d to prevent Confusion.
We likewise agree, That if any of us hereafter shall without farther Proof be accus’d of concealing Plunder or Goods of Value, belonging to any Prize, he shall, on request, before a Committee of all or either of the Ships Commanders and chief Officers, voluntarily make Affidavit to answer fully and satisfactorily to such Questions
Sign’d by the Officers and Men
of each Ship.
The Agreement to prevent Gaming was as follows.
WE the Ship’s Company belonging to the Ship Duke now in the South Seas, being Adventurers so far to improve our Fortunes in a private Man of War, under the Command of Capt. Woodes Rogers, who has a lawful Commission from his Royal Highness Prince George of Denmark,
Sign’d by all the Officers and Men in each Ship in sight of California, Nov. 11. 1709.
Nov. 13. The Water being discolour’d, and we near the Shore, we hove the Lead but found no Ground.
Nov. 17. Yesterday we sent the Bark to look for Water on the Main, and this Morning they return’d, having seen wild Indians who padled to them on Bark Logs; they were fearful of coming near our People at first, but were soon prevail’d with to accept of a Knife or two and some Bays, for which they return’d 2 Bladders of Water, a Couple of live Foxes, and a dear Skin. Till now we thought the Spaniards had Missionaries among those People, but they being quite naked, having no sign of European Commodities, nor the least Word of Spanish; we conclude they are quite savage. We dispatch’d the Bark and Boat a second Time with odd Trifles, in hopes to get some Refreshment from ’em.
Nov. 19. Before Sun set last Night we could perceive our Bark under the Shore, and having little Wind she drove most part of the Night, that she might be near us in the Morning. We sent our Pinnace, and brought the Men aboard, who told us, that their new Acquaintance were grown very familiar, but were the poorest Wretches in Nature, and had no manner of Refreshment for us. They came freely aboard to eat some of our Victuals; and by Signs invited our Men ashore; the Indians swam a-shore in the Water to guide the Bark Logs, that our Men were on, there being too much Sea to land out of our Boat: After they got safe on Shore the Indians led each of our Men betwixt two of ’em, up the Bank, where there was an old naked Gentleman with a Deer-skin spread on the Ground, on which they kneeled before our People, who did the like, and wip’d the Water off their Faces, without a Cloth; those that led them from the Water-side, took the same Care of ’em for a quarter of a Mile, and led them very slowly thro’ a narrow Path to their Hutts, where they found a dull Musician rubbing two jagged Sticks a-cross each other, and humming to it, to divert and welcome their new Guests. After the Ceremonies were over, our People sat on the
WOODES ROGERS LANDING ON THE COAST OF CALIFORNIA
From a print in the Macpherson Collection.
Ground with them, eat broil’d Fish, and were attended back in the same manner, with the Indian Musick. The Savages brought a Sample of every thing they had except their Women, Children, and Arms, which we find are not common to Strangers: Their Knives made of Sharks Teeth, and a few other of their Curiosities, our People brought aboard to me, which I have preserved to shew what Shifts may be made.
Nov. 21. Last Night we saw a Fire ashore, which we interpreted to be a Signal from the Inhabitants, that they had got something extraordinary for us; and we wanting Refreshments, sent our Bark and Boat this Morning with one of our Musicians, to shew that we could at least equal them in Musick.
Nov. 22. Our Boat return’d and brought an Account, that they had found a very good Bay, with a fresh Water River, and that they saw near 500 Indians, who lived there in small Hutts, but had no Recruit for us, besides a little Fish. They met them as customary, and pilotted the Bark to that Place, which we suppose was the same that Sir Thomas Cavendish recruited at in Queen Elizabeth’s Time, Anno 1588.
Nov. 23. Our main Top-Gallant-Mast being broke, we got up another, but the Rope breaking the Mast fell down upon the Deck, amongst the Men, but by God’s Providence hurt no body. At 8 last Night our Ship sprung a Leak; so that we were forced to keep one Pump a going.
Nov. 25. Capt. Courtney came aboard in his Yawl, and complain’d his Stock of Water was almost spent; I agreed with him to send in our Pinnace, and a Bark, to supply them with Water.
Nov. 26. This Morning our Pinnace return’d from Shore, brought 3 Barrels of Water, and 2 very large Fish from the Indians, which serv’d most of the Ships Company. Those that came from the Shore observed the Indians were not so friendly to our Men as customary.
Nov. 27. They refus’d to let them come ashore after it was Night, which could not be to prevent their thieving, because the miserable Wretches had nothing to lose; yet they are jealous to keep what they have; and though they make no Use of their Land, might be afraid of Rivals.
Nov. 28. Yesterday in the Afternoon we heard the Marquiss fire a Gun, which was answer’d by the Dutchess, who had the middle Birth. We tackt immediately, and made all possible Sail, supposing they had seen a Stranger; the Marquiss
Nov. 29. Last Night our Lazareto
Dec. 9. Mr. Duck the Master of the Bark came aboard, and presented me with some Dolphins he had from the Indians. I order’d our Master to go with him, and endeavour, if possible, to discover the Shore along to the Northward, to find out a better Harbour than that where the Indians lived, and if they met with the Dutchess, to tell Capt. Courtney, I thought it convenient for one of the Ships to go into the Bay we had already discover’d, and there to take in Water and Wood, &c. so to fit our Ships by turns to save time, and consequently Provisions, which begin to grow short with us. We were now something dubious of seeing the Manila Ship, Cruising off Cape St. Lucas.
Dec. 14. Yesterday I went aboard the Dutchess, where ’twas agreed the Marquiss should go into the Harbour and refit with all manner of Dispatch. In the mean time we to keep the outer Birth, and the Dutchess to be betwixt us and the Shore, and to cruize but 8 Days longer, without we had a Prospect of the Manila Ship, because our Provisions grow short.
Dec. 20. Having compar’d our Stock of Bread, and of what would serve to prolong it, we agreed that a Committee should be held, and that every one should give his Opinion in Writing, whether we should attempt taking a Town to victual us, and so continue the Cruize for some time longer; or to make all possible Dispatch to refit, and sail hence for the Island Guam, one of the Ladrones, and there if possible to get a fresh Recruit. My Opinion was as follows.
On board the Ship Duke, cruising off Cape St. Lucas in California, this 19th of December, 1709.
EIght Days ago I was with Capts. Courtney and Cooke, and computed what Bread there might be left aboard the 3 Ships; and we all agreed there might be 64 Days Bread of all sorts for each Ship, when equally divided.
Since which Time there is 8 Days spent, so that there should be left no more than | 56DaysBread, | |
But on a Rumage of both Ships Duke and Dutchess, and strictly computing every thing that will help prolong our Bread, we hope to make | 14DaysmoreBread, | |
Which may be in all 70 Days Bread to come, | ||
We must expect before we can get fitted hence to spend at least 9 Days, and add to that our Passage to Guam, which we can’t think will be less than 50 Days, is —— | 59DaysBread, | |
11 |
By this Account, which is the utmost,—11 Days Bread will be left when we come to Guam.
I am of opinion now we have search’d each others Ships to prevent Frauds, that there can be no more than 11 Days Bread left when we come to Guam, as above, except we shorten our Allowance very much, which we can’t do till driven to the last Extremity, our Allowance being very small already; but if we should have an unexpected long Passage from hence to Guam, it will go hard with us at the present Allowance, besides we are not certain of a Recruit at Guam.
By the foregoing Account it’s plain what Flower and Bread-kind we have left, and the risque we must now run to get to the East-Indies, with so mean a Stock. This I doubt not will be full Satisfaction to our Imployers, that we have prolonged our Cruize to the utmost Extent, in hopes to meet the Rich Manila Ship: But since Fortune has not favour’d us, we must think of other Methods to promote our Safety and Interest. Except we resolve to take a Town here to victual us, ’tis evident we can’t cruize, and ’tis my Opinion, that now our Time is so far spent, we ought to attempt nothing more in these Seas, lest our too long Stay might be the Loss of all, because the Worm has already entred our Sheathing, For these and other Reasons, I think it highly necessary, that from this Instant we make all manner of Dispatch to fit, and sail hence for the Island of Guam, one of the Ladrones Islands, and there, if possible, to get a fresh Recruit, and consult how farther to proceed for the Interest of our Imployers, and our own Advantage and Reputation. This I give as my Opinion aboard the Dutchess, this 20th of December, 1709.
Woodes Rogers.
This my Opinion being perused with the rest, we came to the following Resolve.
WE the Officers present in a Committee on board the Dutchess, having farther considered our short Store of Bread and Bread-kind, and finding it too little to continue our Cruize longer here for the Manila Ship, do therefore now agree to get a Harbour, and there to recruit with the utmost dispatch, and sail for the Island of Guam, or any other Place where we can revictual. We design to consult farther of our next Proceedings, when in Harbour. This is our present Opinion. Witness our Hands this 20th of December, 1709.
Signed by the Officers of the Committee.
At signing this in the Committee we all looked very melancholy and dispirited, because so low in Provisions, that if we should not reach Guam in the limited Time, or accidentally
Necessity forces us to design from hence to Guam, and thence to the East Indies; for if we had Provisions to go back round Cape Horne, and to stop in Brazil, and there to sell our Europe Prize Goods, it might be much more for our Advantage, and be sooner at Great Britain.
Dec. 21. Pursuant to Yesterday’s Agreement we made the best of our Way into the Harbour call’d by Sir Tho. Cavendish Port Segura, where the Marquiss was refitting; but having Calms most part of the Afternoon, and a Current setting to Leeward, we rather lost than got ground. Towards Morning there sprung up a Gale, and we found our selves to Leeward of the Port, tho’ we took all Advantages of the Wind: But to our great and joyful Surprize, about 9 a Clock the Man at Mast-head cry’d out he saw a Sail besides the Dutchess and Bark, bearing West half South of us, distant about 7 Leagues. We immediately hoisted our Ensign, and bore away after her, the Dutchess soon did the same; but it falling calm, I order’d the Pinnace to be mann’d and arm’d, and sent her away to make what she was: Some were of opinion ’twas the Marquiss come out of the Harbour, and to confirm this, said they could discern the Sail to have no Foretop mast; so the Boat being not out of call, return’d back, and we put a Cap
Dec. 22. We had very little Wind all Yesterday Afternoon; so that we near’d the Ship very slowly, and the Boat not returning kept us in a languishing Condition, and occasion’d several Wagers, whether ’twas the Marquiss or the Acapulco Ship. We kept sight of our Boat, and could not perceive her to go aboard the Ship, but made towards the Dutchess’s Pinnace, who was rowing to them; they lay together some time, then the Dutchess’s Boat went back to their Ship again, and ours kept dogging the Stranger, tho’ at a good distance, which gave us great hopes that ’twas the Manila Ship. I sent Mr. Frye aboard the Dutchess in our Yawl, to know what News, and if the Ship was not the Marquiss, to agree how to engage her. We then hoisted a French Ensign, and fired a Gun, which the Stranger answer’d. Mr. Frye At Anchor on the Coast of California.
Dec. 23. After we had put our Ships to rights again, we stood in for the Harbour, which bore N.E. of us, distant about 7 Leagues. Our Surgeons went aboard the Prize to dress the wounded Men.
Dec. 24. About 4 Yesterday Afternoon we got to an Anchor in Port Segura in 25 Fathom Water, found the Marquiss in a sailing Posture, and all the Company much overjoy’d at our unexpected good Fortune. In the Night I felt something clog my Throat, which I swallow’d with much Pain, and suppose it’s a part of my Jaw Bone, or the Shot, which we can’t yet give an account of, I soon recover’d my self; but my Throat and Head being very much swell’d, have much ado to swallow any sort of Liquids for Sustenance. At 8 the Committee met aboard us, and agreed that the Dutchess and Marquiss should immediately go out, and cruize 8 Days for the other Ship, being in hopes she had not pass’d us; in the mean time we and the Prize to stay and refit, and dispatch the Prisoners away in the Bark, and if we could get Security from the Guiaquil Hostages for the Payment of the Remainder of the Ransom, to let ’em go likewise. We lie land-lockt from the E. by N. to the S. S. E. distant from the Eastermost Point about 4 Mile, from the Southermost Rock about half a Mile, and near the same Distance off Shore. The Committee we held resolv’d as follows.
On board the Duke riding in Port Segura on the Coast of California, Dec. 24. 1709.
HAving Information from the Prisoners taken on board the Prize the 22d instant, bound from Manila to Acapulco, that they came out in company with another Ship bound for the same Port from which they parted in Lat. 35. N. It is resolved that
Signed by the Majority of the Council.
Capt. Courtney, Cooke, and their Officers of the Council, would not agree that the Duke and Dutchess should go out as I desir’d, with most of the Men belonging to the Marquiss divided between them, in order to cruise for the biggest Acapulco Ship, which we were in hopes had not passed us; and by being thus well mann’d, might if they meet her carry her by boarding at once, and that in the mean time the Marquiss with a very small number of Men might be sufficient to stay in the Port, and send off the Bark with the Prisoners.
But there having been some Reflections amongst the Sailors because the Dutchess did not engage this Prize before the Duke came up, it made them obstinate to cruize for her without us, and the Officers of our Consorts being agreed, made the Majority of our Council; so that according to the foregoing Committee we were obliged to stay in the Harbour against our Will.
Dec. 25. Last Night the Dutchess and Marquiss went out: We put 10 good Hands aboard the Dutchess, that if they should be so fortunate as to see the Great Ship, they might be the better able to attack her. In the Morning we began to put part of the Goods aboard the Bark into the Prize, in order to send the Prisoners away. Capt. Dover and Mr. Stretton, who were aboard the Prize, came to me, and we all agreed to send off the Guiaquil Hostages, the Captain of the Manila Ship (who was a French Chevalier) having given us 5 Bills of Exchange for the same, payable in London for 6000 Dollars, being 2000 more than the Ransom Money, for which we allow’d him the Benefit of the Bark and Cargo, the Captain and Hostages giving us Certificates, that it was a Bargain concluded at their own Requests, and very much to their advantage. Sir John Pichberty being, we hope, a Man of Honour, will not suffer his Bills to be protested, since we have so generously trusted him, tho’ a Prisoner, without a Hostage, which is always demanded for less Sums.
Dec. 25. We plac’d two Centries to keep a good Lookout upon the Top of a Hill, with Orders if they saw 3 Sail in the Offing, to make 3 Waffs
Dec. 26. Yesterday Afternoon the Centrys made 3 Waffs, Cruising off Cape St. Lucas.
In the Afternoon we saw the Marquiss come up with the Chase, and engage her pretty briskly; but soon fell to Leeward out of Cannon-shot, and lay a considerable Time, which made us think she was some way or other disabled. I order’d the Pinnace to be mann’d, and sent her away to her, that if what we suspected prov’d true, and we had not Wind to get up with them before Night, our Boat might dog the Chase with Signals till the Morning, that she might not escape us and the other Ships; but before the Boat could get up with them, the Marquiss made sail and came up with the Chase, and both went to it again briskly for 4 Glasses and
Enemy’s was a brave lofty new Ship, the Admiral of Manila, and this the first Voyage she had made; she was call’d the Bigonia, of about 900 Tuns, and could carry 60 Guns, about 40 of which were mounted, with as many Patereroes, all Brass; her Complement of Men on board, as we were inform’d, was above 450, besides Passengers. They added, that 150 of the Men on board this great Ship were Europeans, several of whom had been formerly Pirates, and having now got all their Wealth aboard, were resolved to defend it to the last. The Gunner, who had a good Post in Manila, was an expert Man, and had provided the Ship extraordinary well for Defence, which made them fight so desperately; they had filled up all between the Guns with Bales to secure the Men. She kept a Spanish Flag at her Main-top mast Head all the time she fought us; we shatter’d her Sails and Rigging very much, shot her Mizon-yard, kill’d two Men out of her Tops, which was all the Damage we could see we did ’em; tho’ we could not place less than 500 Shot (6 Pounders) in her Hull. These large Ships are built at Manila with excellent Timber, that will not splinter; they have very thick Sides, much stronger than we build in Europe. Whilst the Officers were aboard us, Capt. Courtney and others desir’d that what we had agreed upon might be put in Writing, and sign’d by as many as were present, to prevent false Reflections hereafter, which was done as follows.
At a Committee held on board the Duke, after we had engag’d the bigger Manila Ship, December 27. 1709.
WE having consider’d the Condition of all our 3 Ships, and that our Masts are much damnified in engaging the Manila Ship, do think it for the Interest of the whole to forbear any further Attempts upon her, having no Probability of taking her, but to do our endeavours to secure the Prize we have already took, which will be much more for the Honour and Interest of our selves and Country. This is our Opinion, in witness whereof we have set our Hands, the Day and Year above-written.
Woodes Rogers, | Lan. Appleby, |
Stephen Courtney, | Charles Pope, |
William Dampier, | Henry Oliphant, |
Edw. Cooke, | Alex. Selkirk, |
Rob. Frye, | John Kingston, |
Tho. Glendall, | Nath. Scotch, |
John Connely, | John Piller. |
John Bridge, |
Thus ended our Attempt on the biggest Manila Ship, which I have heard related so many ways at home, that I thought it necessary to set down every particular Circumstance of it, as it stood in my Journal. Had we been together at first and boarded her, we might probably have taken this great Prize; but after the Enemy had fixed her Netting-deck and close Quarters, they valued us very little. I believe also we might have burnt her with one of our Ships, but that was objected against by all the Officers, because we had Goods of Value on board all our 3 Ships. The Enemy was the better provided for us, because they heard at Manila from our English Settlements in India, that there were 2 small Ships fitted from Bristol, that design’d to attempt them in the South Seas. This was told us by the Prisoners we took on board the other Ship.
When I proposed parting Companies at the Tres Marias, and to cruise for the Acapulco Ship from Manila with our Ship and Bark at one Station, and the Dutchess and Marquiss at another, we then expected but one Ship from Manila, and she not so well provided as the least Ship now was; tho’ as we have found it, we might probably have been better asunder, for then I make little question but we should have got some Recruit of Provisions, and consequently our Men had been stronger and better in heart to have boarded this great Ship at once, before they had been so well provided; but since Providence or Fate will have it as it is, we must be content.
Dec. 28. The Enemy lay braced to all the time the Council held, and run out 4 Guns of her lower Teer, expecting we would have the other Brush with her; but when we made sail, she fil’d and made away, W.N.W. and we betwixt the S.S.E. and the S. close upon a Wind. At 6 a Clock we sent the Pinnace with some Men into the Harbour to secure the Prize, not knowing what might happen before we could get in with our Ships. We unrigg’d the Main-top-gallant Mast, and got it down, securing our Main-mast with Runners and Tackles every way we could contrive, had little Wind all the Afternoon and Night, but this Morning a fresh Breeze sprung up at E.S.E. and soon after we saw nothing more of the great Ship.
Jan. 1. After we arriv’d again at Port Segura, we dispatch’d the Prisoners away in the Bark, and likewise the Guiaquil Hostages: having got Security for the Money as aforesaid, we supplied them with Water and Provisions
WE, whose Names are hereto subscrib’d, do acknowledge, that ever since we have been in the Hands of Capt. Woodes Rogers, and Capt. Stephen Courtney, Commanders of the Duke and Dutchess, two British private Men of War, we have been by them very civilly treated; and whatsoever we have transacted or done, had been voluntary, and by our Consent, and particularly in passing Bills, and Obligations, thro’ the Hands of Sir John Pichberty, for the Ransom of the Town of Guiaquil, and other valuable Considerations. Witness our Hands on the Coast of California.
Jan. 1. 1709.
Don John Pichberty, | Manuel de Punta. |
Don Antonio Guttera, | Manuel Hemanes. |
I wrote a Letter to my Owners, to acquaint ’em with our good Success, but could not be so full as I would, because I sent it by the Hand of an Enemy. We spent our Time till the 7th, in refitting, wooding, and watering; and were very glad to find as much Bread on board the Prize as we hop’d might, with what we had left of our old Store, make enough to subsist us in our next long Run. Capt. Courtney and his Officers, with those on board the Marquiss, are too willing to complement Capt. Dover with the chief Command of the Prize; which till now I thought he would not have accepted, his Posts already being above a Commander of any of our Prizes; but I and my Officers are against it; because we believe Capt. Frye or others, are fitter Persons to take Charge of her, which we insisted on; and Capts. Courtney and Cooke came to me, where they agreed to a Paper that was drawn up while we were all together, in such a Manner as I thought would have satisfied every one. Capt. Courtney carried this Agreement to Capt. Dover to sign it, not doubting but all would be content with what we had concluded; yet to our Surprize, they spent the Remainder of the Day, and instead of making Capt. Dover comply with it, undid all, and brought a Paper which impower’d him to be sole Commander, without the least Restraint, of not molesting those that should navigate the Ship, but to order every thing as he should think fit.
KNOW all Men, by these Presents, That We, the Commanders of the Ships Dutchess and Marquiss, and other Officers, being the major Part of a Committee appointed by the Owners, for the regulating the Affairs of the Ships Duke and Dutchess, private Men of War, till their Return to Great Britain, as more largely appears in their Orders and Instructions. Now, whereas we have lately taken a rich Prize bound from Manila to Acapulco, and the said Ship being safe at Anchor in a Bay near Cape St. Luke, on California, We held a general Committee on board the Duke the 6th Day of January 1709-10. for appointing a Commander and other Officers for the said Prize, call’d by the Spaniards, when in their Possession, Nostra Seniora del Incarnation de Singano, but now named by us The Batchelor Frigate, wherein it was carried by Majority of Votes for Capt. Thomas Dover, who came out second Captain of the Duke, and President of this Committee, and Owner of a very considerable Part of both Ships, Duke and Dutchess, to command the said Prize, we thinking him the most proper Person for the Interest of the Owners and Company; we likewise proposing to put two of the best of our Officers on board, to command under him, and manage the navigating Part of the said Ship during the Voyage, with other substantial Officers and Men, sufficient to work the Ship and take Care of her.
Now whereas Capt. Woodes Rogers, Commander of the Duke, and several of his Officers, Members of this Committee, did refuse to sign to the Agreement of the said Committee (the Like never having been refus’d by any before, when carried by Majority of Voices) to acknowledge the said Capt. Thomas Dover Commander of the Ship Batchelor Frigate; we do hereby, in the
In witness whereof, we the Commanders and Officers, being the major Part of the Committee, have set our Hands, this 9th Day of January, 1709-10. on board the Marquiss, at Anchor near Cape St. Luke, on California.
Sign’d by the Officers of the Dutchess and
Marquiss.
Which Protest was answer’d by another from our Ship.
WE the chief Officers in behalf of ourselves and the rest of the Ship’s Company of the Duke, having taken a rich Spanish Prize, in Consortship with the Dutchess and Marquiss, call’d Nostra Seniora del Incarnacion de ingano, and did design to use the securest Methods to carry her to Great Britain, both for our Employers interest and our own Advantage. But being in a remote part of the World, we offer’d and desired our Consorts to put one or more able Officers in the principal charge of the aforesaid Prize, it being so valuable that a Retaliation for all our Risques and Hardships is in her Riches, which highly behoves us to be very careful in preserving. But against all our Ships Company’s Consent, (tho’ we are so nearly concern’d) our said Consorts Officers, Capt. Stephen Courtney, Capt. Edward Cooke, Capt. William Dampier, Mr. William Stretton, Mr. Charles Pope, Mr. John Connely, Mr. George Milbourne, Mr. Rob. Knowlman, and Mr. John Ballett, have sign’d an Instrument, and combin’d together, to put Capt. T. Dover in Command of the said Ship.
We therefore (being inclin’d to Peace and Quietness aboard and
Sign’d by the Officers of the Duke.
’Twas our great Unhappiness, after taking a rich Prize, to have a Paper-War amongst our selves. I am sorry to trouble the Reader with these Disputes, which continued for two Days about a proper Commander for this Prize; because it highly concern’d us to take the utmost Precautions for her Safety, having a long Run through dangerous unknown Passages, into the East Indies, and most of the Recompence for our great Risques and Hardships lay in her Riches. I had always desired that Capt. Dover might be aboard her, for being a considerable Owner, we all agreed he was a very proper Person to take Care of her Cargo, and to have all the Freedom and Accommodation that could be made for him in that Ship, which was of such vast Consequence to us and our Employers, that in their Instructions to me, they strictly charged me to use the securest Methods to bring her safe home, in case we should be so fortunate as we now are, to take one of the Acapulco Ships: So that after the Protests were over on both sides, I desired they might assemble together, and finally determine what the Majority would agree on, that no Time might be lost. So all the Council met again on board the Batchelor, to endeavour an Accommodation. I being very weak, and in much Pain, was not able to stir, therefore sent my Opinion in Writing, as follows.
MY Opinion is, That ’tis not for the Safety of the rich Spanish Prize, that Capt. Dover command her, because his Temper is so violent, that capable Men cannot well act under him, and himself is uncapable. Our Owners directed me to use the securest Method to bring the Ship home, if we should have the
Woodes Rogers.
This Dispute is against my Desire already put in Print, from the publick Notes of the Voyage, otherwise I had left it wholly out of my Journal, as I had done several other of our Differences, being unwilling to trouble the Reader with the Contests that too often happen’d in the Government of our sailing Common-wealth.
After a long Debate, they voted Mr. Frye and Mr. Stretton, both to act in equal Posts, to take Charge of the navigating the Ship, tho’ under Capt. Dover, but they were to be no ways molested, hinder’d nor contradicted in their Business by him, whose Duty ’twas to see that nothing should be done contrary to the Interest of the Owners, and Ships Companies, in the Nature of an Agent, almost in the same Manner I proposed at first, only he had the Title of Chief Captain in that Ship, which was so small a Difference, where Titles are so common, that we all consented to it; and at the same time they chose Officers, agreeing that we should put 30 Men aboard her, the Dutchess 25, and the Marquiss 13, which with 36 Manila Indians, call’d Las-Carrs, and other Prisoners we have left, her Complement will be about 110 Men. The Majority keeping to their first Agreement I was obliged to come into it, according to my Instructions from our Owners; so that all our Differences about this Affair were at an end, and we drank to our safe Arrival in Great Britain.
The Council agreed as follows.
At a Council held on board the Batchelor Frigate, at Anchor in Port Segura, on California, Jan. 10. 1709/10.
IT is agreed, by the Majority of this Council, that Capt. Robert Frye and Capt. William Stretton, shall both act in equal Posts in the sole Navigating, Sailing and Ingaging, if Occasion should
Sign’d by the Majority of our Council.
In the Morning we put 35 good Hands aboard her. The Dutchess and Marquiss put no more than their Share. Mean while Capts. Courtney and Cooke, and 2 or 3 more of the Committee came to me, where we sign’d a Paper for Capt. Dover and the two Commanders, recommending Peace and Tranquility amongst them. And that in case of Separation, the Place of Rendezvous was to be Guam, one of the Ladrones Islands, where we design’d to touch at, God willing, to get Provisions: Every thing being thus settled, and all in a Readiness to sail; before I proceed with the Relation of our Voyage from hence, I shall give an Account of California.
California described.
IT is not yet certainly known whether it be an Island, or joins to the Continent, nor did either our Time or Circumstances allow us to attempt the Discovery. I heard from the Spaniards, that some of their Nation had sail’d as far up betwixt California and the Main, as Lat. 42 N. where meeting with Shoal Water, and abundance of Islands, they durst not venture any further: So that if this be true, in all Probability it joins to the Continent, a little further to the Northward; for Shoal Water and Islands is a general Sign of being near some main Land: but the Spaniards having more Territories in this Part of the World than they know how to manage, they are not curious of further Discoveries. The Manila Ships bound to Acapulco often make this Coast in the Latitude of 40 North, and I never heard of any that discover’d it farther to the Northward. Some old Draughts make it to join to the Land of Jesso, but all this being yet undetermin’d, I shall not take upon me to affirm whether
During the Time of our Stay the Air was serene, pleasant, and healthful, and we had no strong Gales of Wind, very little Rain, but great Dews fell by Night, when ’twas very cool.
The Natives we saw here were about 300, they had large Limbs, were straight, tall, and of a much blacker Complexion than any other People that I had seen in the South Seas. Their Hair long, black, and straight, which hung down to their Thighs. The Men stark naked, and the Women had a Covering of Leaves over their Privities, or little Clouts made of Silk Grass, or the Skins of Birds and Beasts. All of them that we saw were old, and miserably wrinkled. We suppose they were afraid to let any of their young ones come near us, but needed not; for besides the good Order we kept among our Men in that respect, if we may judge by what we saw, they could not be very tempting. The Language of the Natives was as unpleasant to us as their Aspect, for it was very harsh and broad, and they pronounc’d it so much in the Throat, as if their Words
We saw nothing like European Furniture or Utensils among ’em. Their Huts were very low, and made of Branches of Trees and Reeds, but not sufficiently cover’d to keep out Rain. They had nothing like Gardens or Provisions about them. They subsisted chiefly on Fish while we were here, which with the Miserableness of their Huts, that seem’d only to be made for a time, made us conclude they had no fix’d Habitation here, whatever they may have elsewhere, and that this was their Fishing Season. We saw no Nets or Hooks, but wooden Instruments, with which they strike the Fish very dextrously, and dive to admiration. Some of our Sailors told me they saw one of ’em dive with his Instrument, and whilst he was under Water put up his Striker with a Fish on the Point of it, which was taken off by another that watch’d by him on a Bark Log. The Reader may believe of this what he pleases, but I give it the more credit, because I my self threw some rusty Knives overboard, on purpose to try those Divers, who seldom miss’d catching a Knife before it could sink about 3 or 4 Fathom, which I took to be an extraordinary Proof of their Agility.
Instead of Bread they us’d a little black Seed, which they ground with Stones, and eat it by Handfuls; some of our Men thicken’d their Broth with it, and say it tastes somewhat like Coffee. They have some Roots that eat like Yams, a sort of Seeds that grow in Cods, and taste like green Pease, a Berry which resembles those of Ivy, and being dry’d
They seem to have a Season of Hunting by the Skins of Deer, &c. we saw among them: They paid a sort of Respect to one Man, whose Head was adorn’d with Feathers made up in the Form of a Cap; in other respects they seem’d to have all things in common; for when they exchang’d Fish with us for old Knives, of which we had plenty, they gave the Knives to any that stood next, and after they had enough, we could get no Fish from them. They appear’d to be very idle, and seem to look after no more than a present Subsistance. They stood and look’d upon our Men very attentively, while they cut Wood and fill’d Water; but did not care to lend us a Hand at either, or indeed to do any thing that requir’d hard Labour. Their Arms are Bows and Arrows, with which they can shoot Birds flying. Their Bows are about 7 Foot long, and of a tough pliant Wood unknown to us, with Strings of Silk Grass; their Arrows about 4 Foot and a half, made of Cane, and pointed with Fish Bones that they shape for the purpose. Most of their Knives and other cutting Instruments are made of Sharks Teeth. I saw 2 or 3 large Pearl in their Necklaces and Bracelets, and the Spaniards told me they had Store of them from the inner part of the Gulph of California, where they have Missionaries planted among them. Our Men told me they saw heavy shining Stones ashore, which look’d as if they came from some Mineral, but they did not inform me of this till we were at Sea, otherwise I would have brought some of ’em to have try’d what Mettal could be extracted out of ’em. The Spaniards likewise inform’d me, that the Country in general within on the main Land of Mexico, is pleasant and fruitful, and abounds with Cattle and Provisions of all sorts. The Natives grew very familiar with us, and came frequently aboard to view our Ships, which they mightily admir’d. We saw no Boats or Canoes among them, nor any other Sailing Craft, but Bark-Logs, which they steer’d with Paddles at each End. We gave one of the Natives a Shirt, but he soon tore it in pieces, and gave it to the rest of his Company to put the Seeds in which they us’d for Bread. We saw no Utensils for Cookery about them, nor
The Entrance into the Harbour may be known by four high Rocks, which look like the Needles at the Isle of Wight, as you come from the Westward; the two Westermost in form of Sugar-loves. The innermost has an Arch like a Bridge, through which the Sea makes its way. You must leave the outermost Rock about a Cable’s Length on the Larboard side, and steer into the deepest part of the Bay, being all bold, where you may anchor from 10 Fathom to 20 or 25 Fathom Water. Here you ride land-lockt from E. by N. back to the S. E. by S. yet it is but an ordinary Road, if the Wind should come strong out of the Sea, which it never did while we lay there.
Mexico describ’d
I Shall next give a brief Account of Mexico from the best Information and Authors. This Country lies betwixt Lat. 8. and 50 or 55 North, but it is little known or inhabited by the Spaniards to the Northward of 35. ’Tis divided into Old and New, and the former is also called New Spain, The Country in general includes all the West Side of Northern America, as far as ’tis known. ’Tis divided into the Audiences, or Jurisdictions of St. Domingo, Mexico properly so call’d, Guadalajara or New Gallicia, and Guatimala; and these again are subdivided into several Provinces, with which I shall not trouble the Reader, since that is the Business of a Geographer, and not of a Sailor. That part of it call’d New Spain is the best and most famous Part of all North America, and the Name is sometimes extended by the Spaniards to the whole.
The Air in general is mild, temperate and healthful, and the Soil so fertile, that in some places it produces 100 for
I shall not swell my Book with the fabulous Accounts of the Origin of the antient Mexicans, which are shocking to common Sense, nor pretend to give the Reader the History of their Kings, because ’tis not my Business; besides ’twould puzzle the ablest Critick to distinguish betwixt Truth and Falshood in those pretended Histories, preserv’d by fanciful Hieroglyphicks, which will bear what Sense any Author pleases to impose upon them. Therefore I shall only say in general, that the Spanish Authors who write of those Countrys say the Kings of Mexico were very potent, that they had 25 or 30 petty Kings their Tributaries, that their ordinary Guards did usually consist of 2 or 3000 Men, and that on occasion they could raise 2 or 300000; that their Palaces were magnificent,
The Natives of Mexico, properly so call’d, are the most civiliz’d, industrious and ingenious; they are noted for admirable Colours in their Paintings, tho’ their Figures are not proportionable; they draw ’em with the Feathers of their Cincons, a small Bird, which they say lives only upon Dew. They make use of certain Characters instead of the Letters of the Alphabet, by which they have preserv’d some Fragments of their History. The Spanish Governour of Mexico, our Author says, with much difficulty got it out of the Hands of the Natives, with an Explanation in their own Language, and had it translated into Spanish. The Ship in which ’twas sent to the Emperor Charles V. being taken by a French Ship, the Manuscript fell into the Hands of Andrew Thevet at Paris, from whose Heirs our Hackluyt, being then Almoner to the English Ambassador, purchas’d it. Sir Walter Raleigh got it translated into English, and the Learned Sir Henry Spelman prevail’d with Purchas to get the Figures engraven. They represent Princes and others in several Postures, and bring down their History from the Year 1324. to the Beginning or Middle of the 16th Century, or thereabouts. This History is divided into 3 Parts; the first contains little but an Account of the Names and Conquests of their Princes, with a Summary of their Vices and Virtues,
Four Days after a Child was born, the Midwife carried it to the Yard of the House, laid it upon Rushes, and after washing it, desir’d 3 Boys, who were there at a sort of Feast, to name it how they pleas’d. If it was a Boy, she put into its Hand the Tools belonging to its Father’s Imployment; and if a Soldier, his Arms. If ’twas a Girl, she put a Distaff or other Utensils of Women by it. If the Boy was design’d for the Church, they carried it to a Temple with Presents, when of a sufficient Age, and left it with the High Priest to be educated; and if design’d for War, they carried him to an Officer to teach him the Use of Arms. The Parents corrected them by Blows, or pricking them with Needles made of the Maguey Tree: The Father prick’d the Boys, if unlucky, all over their Body, and the Mother prick’d her Daughters only in the Fists. When Boys were pretty well grown, they ty’d ’em Hand and Foot, and laid ’em in muddy Water naked a whole Day, and then their Mothers took ’em out and clean’d ’em at Night. When a Maid was to be married, the Marriage-maker carried her on his Back to the Bridegroom’s House, 4 Women bearing Torches before her; the Bridegroom’s Friends receiv’d her in the Yard or Court, carried her to a Room, and set her down by him on a Mat, and ty’d the Skirts of their Garments together, offer’d Incense to their Idols, and had 4 old Men and Women to be Witnesses; after a Feast the Witnesses exhorted ’em to live well together, and so the Ceremony concluded.
The Priests train’d up their Novices in sweeping the Temples, carrying Branches, &c. to adorn them, to make Seats of Cane, to bring Needles or Thorns of Maguey to draw Blood for Sacrifices, and Shrubs to keep a perpetual Fire; and if they fail’d in their Duty, return’d to their Parents, or were catch’d with Women, they prick’d ’em with those Needles. One of the chief Priests went by Night to a Mountain, where he did Penance, carried Fire and Perfume to sacrifice to the Devil, and was always attended by a Novice; others of the Priests play’d on Musical Instruments
Those who train’d the Youth to War, punish’d their Scholars by throwing burning Coals on their Heads, pricking them with Sticks of Pine sharpen’d at one End, or by burning off their Hair. Their Kings rewarded the Soldiers according to the Number of Prisoners they took, with Military Habits of several Colours, or Posts in the Army, till they came to the highest. Their Chief Priests were also Men of Arms, and capable of all Military Preferments.
Their capital Punishments were Strangling or Stoning to Death. If a Caicque or petty Prince rebell’d, all his Subjects shar’d in his Punishment, except they found some Method to appease the King. They punish’d Drunkenness in young Men by Death, but allow’d it in old Men and old Women of 70. Highway-men and Adulterers they ston’d to Death. They had Assemblies for publick Affairs, wherein the Great Master of the Emperor or King’s Houshold exhorted the Youth to avoid Idleness, Gaming, Drunkenness, and other Vices.
This is the Sum of what that Hieroglyphical History says of the antient Mexicans.
As to the present Natives, most of ’em are subject to the Spaniards; but in some of the Mountains and Northern Parts they are not reduc’d; so that they frequently attack the Spaniards, when they meet with a favourable Opportunity.
In that call’d New Mexico some of the Natives are very barbarous, and much given to Arms, the Men wear nothing but Skins, and the Women scarce any other Covering than their Hair; they live for the most part on raw Flesh, and go together in Troops, changing their Habitation as the Season requires, or for the Conveniency of Pasturage. Their Oxen and Cows are large, with small Horns, their Hair almost like Wooll, long before, and short behind, with a Bunch on their Backs, great Beards like Goats, and their Fore Legs short; they are of an ugly Aspect, but very strong; they are the principal Riches of the Natives, their Flesh serves them for Diet, their Skins for Clothes and Coverings to their Huts, they make Thred of their Hair, Bow-strings of their Nerves, Utensils of their Bones, Trumpets of
I think it proper here to say something of the peopling of it. There are many Opinions about the peopling of America, but the most reasonable to me is, that it was peopled from Tartary by way of the North Pole, where they suppose it to join with some part of Asia. This I think very probable, because the Spaniards, who come yearly hither from Manila or Luconia, one of the Philipine Islands in the East Indies, are forced to keep in a high Latitude for the Benefit of Westerly Winds, and have often sounded, finding Ground in Lat. 42. N. in several Places of the Ocean betwixt the East Indies and America, which makes me conclude that there must be more Land, tho’ none of ’em, as I have heard of, ever saw any Continent till they fall in with California, in about 38 or 39°. N. Lat. I have often admir’d that no considerable Discoveries have yet been made in South Latitude from America to the East Indies: I never heard the South Ocean has been run over by above three or four Navigators, who varied little in their Runs from their Course, and by consequence could not discover much. I give this Hint to encourage our South Sea Company, or others, to go upon some Discovery that way, where for ought we know they may find a better Country than any yet discover’d, there being a vast Surface of the Sea from the Equinox to the South Pole, of at least 2000 Leagues in Longitude that has hitherto been little regarded, tho it be agreeable to Reason, that there must be a Body of Land about the South Pole, to counterpoise those vast Countries about the North Pole. This I suppose to be the Reason why our antient Geographers mention’d a Terra Australis Incognita, tho’ very little of it has been seen by any body. The Land near the North Pole in the South Sea, from California to Japan, is wholly unknown, altho’ the old Maps describe the Streights of Anian, and a large Continent, it is but imaginary; for
Gemelli
Their best Product is Gold and Silver, Pearl, Emeralds, and other precious Stones: He saw the Silver Mines of Pachma, 11 Leagues from the City of Mexico: One of ’em he says is 225 English Yards deep, the other 195: He adds, that in the Space of 6 Leagues there are about 1000 Mines, some laid aside, others still in use. There are many thousands of People imploy’d to dig ’em, from some the Metal and the Water is brought up by Engines, and from others the Metal is brought up on Mens Backs to the great Danger of their Lives, besides Numbers that are lost by the falling in of the Earth, and pestilential Damps: They go down to them by notch’d Poles, which being wet and slippery, the poor Indian Slaves many times fall, and break their Necks. Our Author says he was in danger of doing the like, when he went to see them. He adds, the Workmen inform’d him, that from one of the Veins, where near 1000 Men work’d per diem, they had in 10 Years Dug 40 Millions of Silver, that 2 Millions had been laid out in Timber-work to support it, and that it became so dangerous, as the Owner stop’d it up. I refer to him for the Manner of separating the Metal from the Oar. Every Discoverer of a Mine must pay the 5th of the Product to the King, who allows him only 60 Spanish Yards round from the Mouth, or all on one side, if he pleases. Gemelli says there’s 2 Millions of Marks, of 8 Ounces each, entred at Mexico in a Year from those Mines, besides what is stole, and 700000 Marks of it are coin’d annually into Pieces of Eight there, for which the King has a Ryal per Mark. There being Gold mix’d with the Silver, they make use of Aqua Fortis to separate them. The Officers of the Mint have very profitable Places, but I can’t insist upon their Sallaries.
’Tis needless to be particular in describing the Birds and Beasts of this Country; they having been so often done by others, I shall only say, they have enough for Provisions, Mexico Described.
Mexico is the Capital City of this vast rich Country, and lies in N. Lat. 19. 40. in the Middle of a Valley, which is 14 Spanish Leagues long, and 7 broad, encompass’d by a Ridge of Mountains. The City is surrounded by a Lake, and is square, with long, wide, and well pav’d Streets, cross one another. ’Tis 2 Leagues round, and the Diameter half a League. There are 5 Causeys or Banks through the Lake into the City, which vies with the best in Italy for noble Structures and beautiful Women, who prefer Europeans to their own Country-men; this occasions irreconcilable Prejudices betwixt them, so that an European can scarce pass the Streets without being insulted. The Inhabitants are about 100000, the major part Blacks, and Mulatto’s, because of the vast Number of Slaves carried thither. Europeans seldom marry there, because finding no way to get real Estates, they generally become Clergymen, which takes up most of those that come from Old Spain. There are 22 Nunneries and 29 Friaries of several Orders within the City, and all richer than they ought to be, says Gemelli. The Cathedral is exceeding rich, maintains 10 Canons, 5 dignify’d Priests, 6 Demi-Canons, 6 half Demi-Canons, 1 Chief Sacristain, 4 Curates, 12 Royal Chaplains, and 8 others chosen by the Chapter, besides many others nam’d by the King. The Revenue of the Cathedral is 300000 Pieces of Eight per Annum. The Climate here is uncertain, as through all the Country, being for most part both cold and hot at the same time, viz. cold in the Shade, and hot in the Sun, but is never excessive either way; yet the Inhabitants complain of the Cold in the Mornings, and of the Heat from March till July; from thence to September the Rains cool the Air, and from that time till March the Rains are but small. The Indians reckon those Nights cold, but the Europeans like the Climate well enough. Their Water is very cool. The neighbouring Country produces 3 Harvests per Ann. one in June, the 2d in October, and the 3d uncertain, as the Weather proves. Maiz or Indian Corn is their chief Grain, the earliest being sow’d in March, the latest in May. It yields a wonderful Increase, and other Provisions being plentiful, one may live well here for half a Piece of Eight per Day, and all the Year round there’s Fruit and Flowers in the Market. There’s no Brass Money here,
The present Habit generally wore by the Natives of this Country is a short Doublet and wide Breeches, a Cloak of several Colours on their Shoulders, which they cross under the Right Arm, and tye on the Left Shoulder by the 2 Ends in a great Knot: Some wear Sandals, the rest go bare footed and bare-legg’d, and all wear their Hair long, which they will by no means part with. The Women wear a fine white Cotton Cloth, and under it a thing like a Sack; they wear another upon their Backs, with which they cover their Heads when abroad or in Church. The Natives adorn their narrow Coats with Figures of Beasts, Birds and Feathers. Both Sexes are of a dark Colour, but endeavour to make themselves fair with pounded Herbs. They daub their Heads with thin Clay, to refresh them, and make their Hair black. The Mestizzo, Mullatto, and black Women, are most in Number, but not being allow’d to wear Veils, or the Spanish Habit, and despising the Indian Garb, they wear a thing like a Petticoat a-cross their Shoulders, or on their Heads, which makes ’em look like so many Devils. The Blacks and Mullattoes are very insolent, and so much increas’d, that if it ben’t prevented, they may at one time or other endanger the Country. The Indians of most Parts of Mexico are nothing so industrious as formerly, and the Spaniards say they are cowardly, cruel, Thieves, Cheats, and so beastly, that they use Women in common, without regard to the nearest Relations, lie on the bare Ground, and are nasty in their Way of living, which perhaps may proceed from the Slavery they are kept under, being worse treated than those
in the Mines. He adds that there’s scarce one fair dealing Man to be found among 100 Mullattoes.
Acapulco lies in Lat. 17. bating some few Minutes, he says it is rather like a poor Village of Fishermen, than fit to be the chief Mart of the South Sea, and Port for China. The Houses are mean, built of Wood, Mud and Straw, it is cover’d by high Mountains on the East side, and very subject to Distempers from November till the End of May, during which time they have no Rain, or very little. ’Tis as hot here in January, as in our Dog-days; they are much pester’d with Gnats and Earthquakes. He observes that it never rains in New Spain in a Morning. This Town is dirty, and ill furnish’d with Provisions, so that a Man can scarce live for a Piece of Eight per Day. Most of the Inhabitants are Blacks and Mullattoes, for the Spanish Merchants are gone as soon as their Business is over at the Fair, for Goods brought hither from China and Peru. It has nothing good but the Harbour, which is surrounded with High Mountains, and the Ships are moar’d to Trees that grow on the Shore. It has two Mouths, the small one at N.W. and the great at S.E. The Mouth is defended by 42 Brass Cannon. The Castellan, who is chief Magistrate during the Fair, has 20000 Pieces of 8, from the Duties paid in the Harbour, and the Comptroller and other Officers as much; the Curate has 14000 per Ann. tho’ the King allows him but 180, but he exacts terribly on Baptisms and Burials, so that he will scarce bury a rich Merchant under 1000. The Trade of this Place being for many Millions, every one, in his Profession gets a great deal in a short time; for a Black will scarce work for less than a Piece of 8 per diem, All the Dependance of the Inhabitants is on the Port, which also maintains the Hospitals, Monasteries and Missionaries.
During the Fair, this Town resembles a populous City, because of the great Concourse of Merchants from Peru and Mexico; then the miserable Huts, in which there was nothing before but a few nasty Mullattoes, are fill’d with gay Spaniards, and rich Merchants, and the very Porters do generally earn 3 Pieces of 8 per Diem, by loading and unloading of Goods, &c. but when this Trade is over, the Porters make a sort of a Funeral, carry one of their Number about upon a Bier, and pretend to bewail his Death, because their Harvest for Gain is then at an End, till the next Year.
I shall not here say any thing further of the Seaports of Mexico, because the Reader will find them in the Appendix,
I think it proper to observe here, because it belongs to the Subject, that when we arrived at the Texel in Holland, there were two Spanish Ships there, bound for Cadiz, and on board of one of ’em a Sailor, who told us he was aboard the large Spanish Ship from Manila, when she arriv’d at Acapulco, very much disabled by the Engagement she had with us off of California; that ’twas the Gunner who made them engage us so resolutely at first, and forced them to continue the Fight by keeping in the Powder-Room himself, and having taken the Sacrament to blow up the Ship in case we had boarded and over-power’d her. I was the more apt to believe this Man had seen the Ship, and this Story might be true, because he related almost every Passage of the Fight, as I have given it before in my Journal.
I shall also take Notice here that Capt. Stradling, who was taken Prisoner in America, when his Ship stranded, and came off Prisoner in a French Ship, some Months after we left the South Seas, inform’d me, that the Corregidore of Guiaquil sent an Express to Lima, upon the first Notice of our being in those Parts, that they then apprehended us to be part of a Squadron of Men of War, and therefore lay still until they had certain Advice of our Strength, and in about 3 Weeks after we took the Town, they fitted out 3 Spanish Men of War, which was all their South Sea Strength, against us; the biggest carried not above 32 Guns, but they were join’d by 2 French Ships, one of 50, and the
Capt. Stradling told me they ran their Ship on an Island, and afterwards surrendered Prisoners to the Spaniards, to save their Lives, she being ready to sink; so that the Report I formerly mention’d, that part of their Crew was drown’d in the Ship, proves a Mistake.
In Mexico, the Prisoners who are employ’d in cutting Logwood, have no way to escape the Cruelty of the Spaniards, but to turn Papists, and be baptized after their Manner; then they have the Liberty to chuse a Godfather, who is generally a Man of Note, and they serve him as Liverymen, &c. One Boyse, who fled to us at Guiaquil, was baptized thus by an Abbot, in the Cathedral of Mexico, had Salt put in his Mouth, and Oil poured upon his Head, and small parcells of Cotton, which rub’d it off, were distributed as precious Relicks among the Penitents, because taken off the Head of a converted Heretick, as they call them. The native Spaniards enjoy all the Posts in the Church and Monasteries, and admit no Indians, nor any mix’d Breed, to those Preferments; which they think a necessary Piece of
The Mullattoes and Indians, on light Occasions, are put into the Workhouses, and kept there, till they pay their Debts or Tribute; but no Spaniards, except for the worst of Crimes: There are many Englishmen, who were taken cutting Logwood in the Bay of Campeche, in several of these Workhouses, kept at hard Labour, and will end their Days in
There’s abundance of Sheep in this Country, which yield excellent Wool, of which, I am inform’d, the English Prisoners have taught them to make Cloth, worth about 15s. a Yard in England, which there yields 8 Pieces of 8; They have also taught them to make Bays and other coarse Woollen.
At Chopa in Mexico, about Lat. 12. N. there’s a great River which sinks into the Earth at once, runs under the Mountains, and rises bigger about 15 Leagues from the Place where it sunk. ’Tis twice as large as the Thames. This River afterwards joins that of Tabasco, and falls into the North Sea, as most of the great Rivers of this vast Continent do, he told me, about this Place. There are high Mountains, with Plains on the Top, where the Air is very temperate, and all our European Fruits grow; whereas at the Bottom of these Mountains they have none but the Fruits of hot Climates, tho’ ’tis not above 5 Leagues asunder.
There are also Woods of Pines, &c. on those Mountains, among which there are Flocks of harmonious Birds, which sing together in an agreeable Consort, that resembles a fine Organ, so that Strangers are amaz’d to hear such Musick strike up of a sudden in the Woods. There’s also a strange Creature in those Woods, call’d by the Spaniards an Ounce, much of the Form and Size of a Woolf-dog; but it has Talons, and the Head is more like that of a Tyger: It kills Men and Beasts, which makes travelling through the Woods dangerous; ’tis said to eat nothing but the Heart of its Prey.
I had many more Relations from this Man, who had been 7 Years a Prisoner in this Country; but they being too tedious, I shall add nothing more concerning Mexico, but that the Worm is larger, and eats the Bottoms of the Ships more on its Sea-Coasts, than any other Place where we were. All the Coast from Guiaquil in Peru to the Northward, as far as the Latitude of 20 in Mexico, ’tis reckon’d unhealthful, but the contrary from Guiaquil to the Southward.
Peru Described.
I Shall not trouble the Reader with the History of its Conquest by the Spaniards, nor the fabulous Stories of its Incas or Princes, the Curious may find them in the Spanish Writers, and for the Natives, they are much the same as those I have described in other Parts.
PERU, properly so called, is about 1000 Leagues long, but the Breadth various, from 100 to 300 Leagues. The best known Part of it lies on the South Sea, and is divided into the 3 Audiences of Quito in the North, Lima in the Middle, and La Plata in the South. The Air of Quito is temperate enough, tho’ under the Line; the Soil is fruitful, abounds with Cattle and Corn, and they have Mines of Gold, Silver, Quick-silver and Copper; they have also Emeralds and Medicinal Drugs. The Audience of Lima is most noted, because of its Capital of the same Name, being the Residence of the Viceroy of Peru. This Country abounds with Mines of Gold, Silver, Quicksilver, Vermilion, and Salt. The Audience of La Plata I have already described in my Account of that River. I shall only add, that tho’ the Silver Mines of Potosi be much decay’d, yet some say the King of Spain has annually about 2 Millions of Crowns per Annum for his Fifth; and that those of La Plata and Porco, in the same Province, which were, upon discovery of the Mines of Potosi, less used, may probably be open’d again to advantage; now Goods are sold so cheap by the continual Supplies from France, that the Indians, who were imploy’d in the Manufactures, must again work at the Mines, their own coarse Goods being brought thither cheaper than they can make ’em.
The Spanish Writers in general say, that for 500 Leagues in Length, from Tumbez to Chili, it never thunders, lightens nor rains, which agrees with the Informations that I had from our Prisoners, viz. that from Cape Blanco in S. Lat. 4. to Coquimbo, Lat. 30. it never rains, but the Want of this is supply’d by great Dews, so that they have as good Corn and Fruit, particularly Wheat, about Truxillo, as any in Europe. In the Vallies near the Sea the Climate is hot, but temper’d with Breezes from the Ocean and Mountains. In the Hilly part, far into the Country, ’tis Winter, and very rainy, when ’tis Summer in the Plains, though in the
They have their Cordage, Cotton, Cloth, Pitch and Tar from Chili and Rio Lezo in Mexico, and tho’ the Country abounds with Provision, ’tis always dear near the Mines, because there Husbandry is neglected. The Cordage they use is made of coarse Silk Grass, which is very tough, draws small when strain’d, but grows twice as big when slack’d.
Capt. Stradling told me he travel’d the great Road from Quito towards Cusco, in his way to Lima, which has Piles of Stone on each side for some hundreds of Miles. When he and his Men were brought Prisoners to Lima, the Spaniards put them in a close Dungeon, used them very barbarously, and threaten’d to send them to the Mines, because he attempted his Escape, and sail’d in a Canoe from Lima towards Panama, near 400 Leagues, intending to cross the Isthmus, and to get to Jamaica by some of our trading Sloops, but was taken and brought back to Lima. Before he came thence he saw several of the Spaniards, who had been our Prisoners, and said, they all own’d we had treated them very civilly, which has in part taken off the bad Impression they had conceiv’d of the English in those Parts; for not being used to War, they account all alike that come to cruize, because of the unheard of Cruelties and Debaucheries which were committed about 25 Years ago by the Buccaneers in those Parts, which their Priests did improve to give them an ill Idea of all those they think fit to call Hereticks, not considering that most of those Disorders were committed by French Buccaneers of their own Religion.
Having said so much of Peru in several Parts of my Journal, I need not enlarge upon it here; the Spaniards extend it from Panama to Coquimbo, which is about 800 Leagues, but the Breadth various. The Gold Mines are most of ’em in the North Parts, betwixt Panama and the Equinox.
Before the French traded hither round Cape Horne, there was a considerable Commerce from Panama to all the Ports of the South Sea, as I noted before; but now they have supplied the Country so much with European Goods, and so cheap, that this Trade is in a manner sunk; so that from hence forward there will be little sent over Land from Panama to the North Sea, but the King’s Revenue. The Spaniards have a great many Ships and small Vessels belonging
The Spanish Settlements in this Country, as well as in Mexico and Chili, are not so full of Indians as formerly; for many of ’em are gone to remote Parts, and live in Colonies by themselves, to avoid the Slavery and Taxes impos’d on them by the Spaniards, for they were oblig’d to pay from 8 to 14 Dollars per Ann. per Head to the King, which had it been duly collected and faithfully paid, would have amounted to the greatest Poll Tax in the World; but ’tis now lessen’d by the removal of so many Natives as abovemention’d, and the Impoverishment of the rest, who are sensible enough of their Oppression, but are so dispirited, that they can do nothing to assert their Liberty, and they are besides kept under by the Artifices of the Priests.
The Spaniards here are very profuse in their Clothing and Equipage, and affect to wear the most costly things that can be purchas’d; so that those who trade hither with such Commodities as they want, may be sure to have the greatest Share of their Wealth.
Chili describ’d.
I come next to the Kingdom of Chili, which lies nearest to those who shall think fit to attempt a Trade from England into the South Sea. Father Ovalle, a Native of this Country, and Procurator for it at Rome, agrees with our Maps, that it lies farthest South of any part of America on that call’d the South or Pacifick Sea. He bounds it with Peru on the North, the Straits of Magellan on the South, Paraguay, Tucuman, and Patagonia on the East, and the
The first European who took possession of it was Don Diego d’Almagro, a Spaniard, in 1535. He is said to march hither from Peru by Order of the King of Spain, with a Body of Spanish Troops and 15000 Indians and Blacks commanded by some Indian Princes, who had submitted to the Spaniards. I shall not trouble the Reader with the particular History of the Spanish Conquests till they reduced this Country, which they may find at large in Ovalle, Herrera, and others; but shall only say in general, that it was not totally in subjection to the Spaniards till the Year 1640, when the Inhabitants submitted to the Crown of Spain, on Condition that they should not be given in Property as Slaves. The Spaniards, who sufficiently experienc’d the Valour of this People, treat them with more Civility than they do the rest of the Americans, on purpose to keep them in Obedience, and for the most part they have submitted to the Church of Rome.
The Sansons say that Chili, in the Language of the Country, signifies Cold, which is so excessive in the Mountains call’d Sierra Nevada, a part of the Cordillera, that it freezes Men and Cattle to Death, and keeps their Corps from Putrefaction; so that Almagro lost a great many of his Men and Horses as he past those Mountains. But the Vallies toward the Sea are very healthful, the Climate temperate, and the Soil excellent and fruitful, tho’ with some difference, according as it lies nearer or further from the Equator; but the Coasts are subject to strong Gales of Wind.
The Country is divided into 3 Quarters, and those 3 into 13 Jurisdictions. The Quarter of Chili proper extends from the River Copiapo to that of Maule, and is hotter than Spain. The 2d Quarter call’d Imperial, reaches from the River Maule to that of Gallegos, and much resembles the Climate of Spain. The Proximity of the Mountains on one side, and of the Sea on the other, makes it colder than otherwise it
I come now to give a brief View of what Ovalle, a Native, says to it in general.
He tells us, that in Chili, properly so call’d, viz. the Country betwixt the Mountains and the Sea, the Soil and Climate exceed those of any part of Europe in Goodness, by the Confession of the Europeans themselves: He says it is like the best part of Europe in every thing, except the Opposition of the Seasons, it being Spring and Summer in the one, when it is Autumn and Winter in the other; but in the Vallies the Heat and Cold are not so excessive as in Europe, especially from Lat. 36, or thereabouts to Lat. 45, so that neither the Heat of the Day nor the Cold of the Night can be complain’d of, from whence it is that the Inhabitants make no difference between the Summer and Winter in their Bedding and Clothes. He adds, that they are not troubled here with Lightning, and seldom hear Thunder, except at a great distance. They have no Storms of Hail in the Spring, and seldom above 2 or 3 rainy Days together in the Winter, after which the Sky is serene without the least Cloud. The North Winds bring the Clouds and Rain, and the South Winds speedily make all clear. They have no poysonous or ravenous Creatures, except a small sort of Lions, which sometimes prey on their Flocks, but always fly from Men; nor are these Lions numerous, there being only a few of them in the Woods and Desarts. He observes as a peculiar Property of the Air of Chili, that no Bugs will live in it, tho’ they swarm in Cuio on the other side of the Mountains. From the whole he infers, that there is no Country in America so agreeable to European Constitutions as Chili, and Air and Provisions are so like their own, but rather better.
The Spring begins about the Middle of our August, and lasts till the Middle of November; then the Summer holds to the Middle of February, the Autumn continues to the Middle of May, and the Winter from thence to the Middle of August. During this Season the Trees are depriv’d of their Leaves, and the Ground is cover’d with white Frosts,
He comes next to give an Account of the Chain of Mountains, named Cordillera, from his own Observation, and what he has read in Authors: He says they run from N. to S. from the Province of Quito to the Straits of Magellan, which is above a Thousand Leagues, and accounts them the highest Mountains in the World; they are generally 40 Leagues broad, and intermix’d with Abundance of habitable Valleys: These Mountains form 2 Ridges, the lowermost is cover’d with Woods and Groves, but the higher barren, because of the excessive Cold and Snow on them. The most remarkable Animals in these Mountains are, 1. that Species of Hogs which have their Navels on their Backs, call’d Pecarys, these go in great Herds, with each their Leader, and till he be kill’d, ’tis not safe for Hunters to attack them, but when
Those Mountains of the Cordillera are passable only in Summer, or in the Beginning of the Winter. There are frightful Precipices, and deep Rivers, at the sides of the narrow Passes, which frequently occasions the Loss of Mules and Travellers. The Streams run with such Violence, and so far below the Roads, that to look at them turns ones Head. The Ascents and Descents are so steep, that they are difficult to pass on Foot, but the Irksomeness of the Way is alleviated by the beautiful Cascades which the Water naturally forms as it falls from the Rocks and Mountains; and in some of the Valleys the Water springs up to a great Height, like Fountains made by Art, amongst odoriferous Plants and Flowers, which make an Agreeable Prospect. All these Streams and Springs are so very cool, that a Man can’t drink above 2 or 3 Sips at once, nor hold his Hand in them above a Minute. In some Places there are hot Springs, good against many Distempers, and leave a green Tincture in the Channels thro’ which they run. One of those Rivers, call’d Mendoca, has a natural Bridge of Rock over it, from the Vault of which there hangs several Pieces of Stone, resembling Salt, which congeal like Icecles, as the Water drops from the Rock, and are form’d into several Shapes and Colours. This Bridge is broad enough for 3 or 4 Carts to pass a-breast. There’s another Bridge near this, call’d the Yncas, laid over by Art, betwixt 2 Rocks, as some say, but our Author thinks it is the Work of Nature: It is so very high from the River, that he could not hear the Stream, which runs with great Rapidity, and though it be a large River, it appear’d like a Brook when he look’d down from the Bridge, which he could not do without being struck with Horror.
He comes next to describe the particular Rivers which run from these Mountains; but I shall only mention the chief of them; and tho’ most of them don’t run above 30 Leagues, yet some of them, towards their Mouths, are navigable by Ships of the greatest Burthen. The first is that which rises in the Confines of Peru, about S. Lat. 25.
Ovalle gives an Account of many remarkable Fountains, both hot and cold, good against most Distempers; but I shall not insist on them. He says, they have many Sea Lakes or Bays, which bring great Profit to the Owners, because their Fisheries are more certain than those of the Sea; and furnish most part of the Lenten Fair to the Inhabitants, and in the hot Season abundance of Salt.
He adds, that in the Valley of Lampa, near St. Jago, there’s an Herb, about a Foot high, resembling Sweet Basil. In Summer it is cover’d with Grains of Salt, like Pearl, which is more savoury, and has a finer Flavour than any other Salt. Our Author comes next to treat of the Fertility of the Coast, which, he says, among other Fish produces Shell-Fish in greater Quantities, larger than any where else, and 1. Oisters, valuable both for their Meat and Pearls. 2. Choros, a fine Sort of Shell-fish, which also breed Pearl. 3. Manegues, which have 2 round Shells, the inside of which resembles Mother of Pearl. In short, he says, the Sea throws up Shell-fish, in such Quantities, upon some Parts of the Coast, that Ships may be loaded with them, and their Shells are of such Variety of Colours and Shapes, that our European Virtusos might from hence have a curious Collection, whereas the Indians only burn them for Chalk. There are other Sorts of Fish on these Coasts, some of which they call Sea-Stars, others Suns and Moons, because they resemble those Planets, as they are usually painted, which are common elsewhere, but not so large as here. These Fish reduc’d into Powder, and drank in Wine, are an infallible Remedy against Drunkenness, and frequently us’d for that end, because it creates an Abhorrence of Wine in those who drink it, says our Author. He adds, that great Quantities of Amber are found on this Coast, particularly, the grey sort, which is the best. They have all other sorts of Fish, common to us in Europe, besides others, peculiar to themselves.
He comes next to their Birds, and besides those which are common in Europe, there are 1. Flamencos, bigger than Turkeys, their Feathers of a white and scarlet Colour, of which the Natives make Ornaments, and their Legs are so long that they walk thro’ Lakes and Ponds. 2. The Child Bird, so call’d, because they look like a swadled Child, with its Arms at Liberty: They are very good Meat.
Ovalle comes next to treat of their Beasts. He says, they had no Cows, Horses, Sheep, Hogs, House-Cats, nor common Dogs of any sort, Goats, Asses, or Rabbits, till they were brought hither by the Spaniards, but now all these are increas’d to a wonderful Degree by the Richness of their Country and Pasture, so that one Cow frequently yields 150 lb Weight of Tallow. Herrera says, that when the Spaniards came first hither, a Horse was commonly sold for 1000 Crowns, but now they are so plenty that they send them yearly to Peru. The most remarkable Animals, which are not common with us, are, 1. Their Sheep, mention’d before, shap’d like Camels, tho’ not so large: The Natives us’d them for Ploughing and Carriage, before they had European Cattle: Their upper Lips are slit, with which they spit at those who vex them, and wherever their Spittle falls, it causes a Scab. They govern’d them by a kind of Bridle put thro’ their Ears, and they would kneel like Camels, to take on their Burden. 2. Wild Goats, which very much resemble those Sheep, but are all of a red clear Colour, so very swift that they out-run Horses, and are never to be tamed. They feed in great Herds, and are hunted by Dogs, which easily catch the young ones, that are excellent Meat. The Flesh of the old ones, dried and smoaked, is reckon’d the best of its kind. These Creatures, especially the oldest, have Bezoar Stones, in a Bag under their Belly. Our Author says, he brought one of those Stones to Italy, which weigh’d 32 Ounces, and was as perfect an Oval as if it had been form’d by a Turner; he gave the Indian who found it 70 Pieces of 8 for it.
Their most remarkable Trees, besides what are common to Europe, are 1. The Cinnamon Tree, so call’d, because the Bark resembles Cinnamon, in such Plenty, that they cover their Houses with them: They keep their Leaves all the Year, and resemble the Italian Lawrel Royal. 2. The Guyac Tree grows in the Cordillera, is as hard and heavy as Iron: The Decoction is good against many Diseases. 3. The Sandal Tree, that is very odoriferous, a Preservative against infectious Distempers, and therefore us’d by the Priests when they visit the Sick. 4. The Maguey, whose Leaves are admirable against Burnings; the Fruit is like Myrtle-Berries, and of an excellent Relish. 5. The Quelu, of whose Fruit they make a very sweet Drink. 7. Iluigan, the Spaniards call it Molde, ’tis of the Shape and Colour of Pepper: It grows on a small Tree, and makes an agreeable Liquor, coveted by those of Quality. 8. The Myrtilla which grows on the Mountains, from Lat. 37. and upwards: Herrera says, its Fruit is a common Good to the Natives, not unlike a Grape, and of this they make a Wine that exceeds all other Liquors. ’Tis of a bright gold Colour, will bear more Water than any other Wine, chears the Heart, and never offends the Stomach, but increases Appetite. The Vinegar made of it exceeds all other sorts. Our Author adds, that their Cypress, Cedar and Oak Trees are extraordinary good.
He comes next to the Islands of Chili. The first are those of Juan Fernandez, already describ’d. The second are the Islands of Chiloe, which lie about Lat. 43, and form an Archipelago of 40 Islands. He says the Nature of the Climate is such, that it rains almost all the Year, so that only Maiz or such other Grain can ripen here, as need little Sun. The chief Diet of the Inhabitants is the Root Papas, which is larger here than any where else. They have excellent Shell-fish, very good Poultry and Hogs, some Beeves and Sheep. The Capital of this Country is the City of Castra, which lies in the chief Island, and is garrison’d by the Spaniards. Here they have great Store of Honey and Wax, and some Gold Mines on the Coast. Their chief Manufacture is Clothing for the Indians, and they have vast Woods of Cedar Trees of a prodigious size, with the Planks of which they drive a great Trade to Chili and Peru. 3. The Islands of Chonos, in Lat. 45. but of little Use, because of the excessive Rains which drown the Soil. 4. The Fine Island, which lies almost in the same Latitude with Val
Our Author comes next to Guio, the third Quarter of Chili, which lies on the other side of the Cordillera, towards the East. ’Tis divided into several Provinces, and quite differs in Temperature from Chili. The Summer is excessive hot, and the Inhabitants so annoy’d with Bugs and Muskettos, that they lie abroad in their Gardens and Yards. They have almost perpetual Thunders and Lightnings, and are mightily infested with poisonous Insects: These are the bad Qualities of the Country, to compensate which, the Soil, in many places, if possible, exceeds that of Chili in Fruitfulness; the Crops are richer, the Fruits larger, and of a better Taste, because of the greater Heats. They have Store of Corn, Wine, Flesh, and all the Fruits, Roots, and Herbs of Europe, with large Plantations of Olives and Almonds. The Cold is not so sharp in Winter as that of Chili, and the Air much clearer, so that the Season is then very temperate: they have great Quantities of large excellent Trouts, and other River Fish. Their peculiar Fruits are, 1. Algaroba, of which they make a Bread so sweet, that Strangers can’t eat it. They supply Tucuman and Paraguay with Figs, Pomgranates, Apples, dry’d Peaches and Grapes, and excellent Wine and Oil. Ovalle says, That in his time there were rich Mines of Gold and Silver discover’d here, which were reckon’d to be better than those of Potosi, and that in short it had all Necessaries for Life in as great abundance as any other Country, and in general is very
Jan. 10. I now go on with my Journal, being on our Departure from California, and returning to Great Britain. I shall not trouble the Reader with every Day’s particular Transactions in this long and tedious Passage, but only take notice of such Occurrences as are worth remark, and to satisfy the Curious, shall subjoin a particular Table of each Day’s Run, with the Latitude, Longtitude and Variation betwixt Cape St. Lucas on California, and Guam, one of the Ladrones Islands. We resolved to keep an exact Account of the Distance and Variation not being certainly known to us from any former Voyagers.
Jan. 11. We weigh’d from Port Segura last Night, but were becalm’d under the Shore till the 12th in the Afternoon, when there sprung up a Breeze, which soon run us out of sight of the Land. We took our Departure from Cape St. Lucas, which bore N. by E. at 12 a Clock, distant about 15 Leagues. We were forc’d to go away with little or no Refreshment, having but 3 or 4 Fowls, and a very slender Stock of Liquor, which we got out of the Batchelor. Several of our Men were in a weak Condition, besides my self, Mr. Vanbrugh, and the rest that were wounded. We were forc’d to allow but 1 Pound and half of Flower, and 1 small Piece of Meat to 5 in a Mess, with 3 Pints of Water a Man for 24 Hours, for Drink and Dressing their Victuals. We struck down 10 of our Guns into the Hold, to ease the Ship; for being out of the way of Enemies, they are altogether useless betwixt this and the East Indies. On the 16th the Batchelor made a Signal to give us some Bread, they having found a good Quantity of Bread and Sweet-meats aboard her, but little of Flesh-kind: We had 1000 Weight of Bread for our Share, the Dutchess as much, and the Marquiss 500 Weight; in lieu of which we sent back to the Prize 2 Casks of Flower, one of English Beef, and one of Pork, they having but 45 Days Provision aboard in Flesh. This Morning Thomas Conner, a Boy, fell overboard, but the Launch being a-stern, we cut her Moarings, and took him up just as he was tired with Swimming, and ready to sink.
On the 26th in the Morning the Water was very much discolour’d, at which being surprized, we immediately sounded, but found no Ground. We spoke with the Dutchess, and agreed to go away W.S.W. till we got into the Lat. of 13°,
On the 28th the Steward missing some Pieces of Pork, we immediately search’d, and found the Thieves, one of ’em had been guilty before, and forgiven, on promise of Amendment, but was punish’d now, lest Forbearance should encourage the rest to follow this bad Practice; Provisions being so short, and our Run so long, may prove of ill consequence. I order’d ’em to the Main Jeers, and every Man of the Watch to give ’em a Blow with a Cat of Nine-tails, and their Messmates being privy to the Theft, were put in Irons.
Feb. 1. We buried one Boyce, betwixt 40 and 50 Years of Age, whom we brought from Guiaquil, where and in other Parts of New Spain he had been a Prisoner above 7 Years, since he was taken in the Bay of Campeachy.
On the 5th a Negro we named Deptford died, who being very much addicted to stealing of Provisions, his Room was more acceptable than his Company at this time. On the 6th we spoke with the Dutchess; I was for augmenting the Mens Allowance in Meat, since we had such a favourable Gale, which was like to continue; but Capt. Courtney objected against it, alledging that if we miss’d Guam, we should all be starved; so we deferr’d it a Week longer. We have had very bad luck in fishing hitherto, having took only one Albicore since we came from Cape St. Lucas.
On the 11th I agreed with Capt. Courtney to continue a W. by S. Course till we get clear of the Rocks call’d the Bartholomews, which are laid down in 13° and a half; but the Distance of them being variously computed, makes us the more cautious, and keep a constant good Look-out. On the 13th the Spanish Pilot we took in the Batchelor died; we kept him, thinking he might be of use to us, if he recover’d of his Wounds; but he was shot in the Throat with a Musket-ball, which lodg’d so deep, the Doctors could not come at it. On the 14th we agreed with Capt. Courtney to give half a Pound of Flower or Bread more to a Mess. That same Day, in Commemoration of the ancient Custom in England of chusing Valentines, I drew up a List of the fair Ladies in Bristol, that were any ways related to or concern’d in the Ships, and sent for my Officers into the Cabbin, where
On the 18th we threw a Negro overboard, who died of a Consumption and Want together. Our Men began to be very much out of order, and what adds to their Weakness is our continual Pumping, nor can we pretend to make any further Addition to their Allowance.
On the 25th Tho. Williams, a Welch Taylor, died; he was shot in the Leg at engaging the 2d Manila Ship, and being of a weak Constitution, fell into a Dysentery, which kill’d him. On the 26th we caught a Couple of fine Dolphins, which were very acceptable to us, having had but very indifferent Luck of Fish in this long Passage.
On March the 3d we buried a Negro call’d Augustine, who died of the Scurvy and Dropsy. We agree to give 6 Negroes the same Allowance as five of our own Men, which will but just keep those that are in health alive.
On the 10th we made Land, being the Island Serpana, which bore N.W. distant about 8 Leagues. The Dutchess made another Island to the Westward, which bore W. by S. distant about 10 Leagues; the latter they took to be the Island Guam, so we clapt upon a Wind, and stood for it.
March 11. This Morning we had sight of both Islands, the Northermost bearing N.N.W. distant about 7 Leagues, and the Body of the Westermost W.S.W. 5 Leagues. The Spaniards say there is a great Shoal between these Islands, but nearest to Serpana. We ran along the Shore, being satisfied it was the Island of Guam, from whence there came several flying Prows to look at the Ships; they run by us very swift, but none would venture aboard. At Noon the Westermost part of the Island bore West, and at the same time we made a small low Island joining to Guam, with a Shoal between it and Guam; the Island appear’d green and
S I R,
WE being Servants to Her Majesty of Great Britain, and stopping at these Islands in our Way to the East Indies, will not molest the Settlement, provided you deal friendly by us. We will pay for whatever Provisions and Refreshments you have to spare, in such manner as best agrees with your Conveniency, either in Money, or any Necessaries you want. But if after this civil Request you deny us, and do not act like a Man of Honour, you may immediately expect such Military Treatment, as we are with ease able to give you. This we thought fit to confirm under our Hands, recommending to you our Friendship and kind Treatment,
Your Friends and humble Servants,
To the Honourable Governour of the Island of Guam, March 23. 1709 | W. Rogers. S. Courtney. E. Cooke. |
March 11. In the Morning we and the Dutchess mann’d our Pinnace, and sent her ashore with a Flag of Truce, where they were entertained curteously by the Natives, who promis’d to supply us with such Provisions as they could spare, provided the Governour would give ’em leave. About Noon our Linguist return’d, and brought with him 3 Spanish Gentlemen from the Governour, who in answer to our Letter sent another, expressing all Readiness imaginable to accommodate us with what the Island afforded, and that he had sent those Gentlemen to treat with us. I immediately sent for Capt. Dover, Courtney, and Cooke, &c. being not able to stir out of the Ship, and desir’d they would come and consult with me how to act.
March 13. This Morning we had 4 Bullocks, 1 for each Ship, with some Limes, Oranges, and Cocoa Nuts. Our Misunderstandings at California have been very much augmented since by our Want of Provisions, one Ship’s Company being jealous the other had most and best; but now being arriv’d at a Place of Plenty, we are all indifferently well reconciled, and an Entertainment was provided aboard the Batchelor for the Spanish Gentlemen, where most of our Officers appointed to meet. I being not able to move my self, was hoisted in a Chair out of the Ship, and also out of the Boat into the Batchelor; there we had a good Entertainment, and agreed, that on Thursday next a Representative for each Ship should wait upon the Governour, and make him a handsome Present for his Civility and Readiness to supply us.
March 15. This Morning we had another Entertainment aboard the Marquiss, where I likewise went in the same manner as before.
March 16. This Morning our Pinnace went with several of our Officers to accept of the Governour’s Invitation ashore, who received them with all imaginable Friendship and Respect, having near 200 Men drawn up in Arms at their Landing, and the Officers and Clergy of the Island to conduct them to the Governour’s House, which was a very
March 17. This Day we got our Dividend, being about 60 Hogs, 99 Fowls, 24 Baskets of Indian Corn, and 14 Bags of Rice, 44 Baskets of Yams, and 800 Cocoa Nuts.
March 18. There was an Entertainment aboard us to day, where we had most of our Officers, and 4 Spanish Gentlemen from the Governour. I made ’em as welcome as Time and Place would afford, diverting ’em with Musick, and our Sailors Dancing till Night, when we parted very friendly. We got some more Bullocks on board, being small lean Cattle, but what we gladly accepted of; each Ship had 14 in all.
March 20. This Morning each Ship had 2 Cows and Calves more, being the last we are like to get. We had a Meeting on board the Marquiss, where ’twas agreed to make a handsome Present to the Governour’s Deputy, who had the Fatigue to get our Provisions together, wherein he us’d all possible dispatch. We gave him and the rest of the Gentlemen what they esteem’d double the Value of what we received of them, which they certify’d under their Hands, and that we had been very civil to them. We also gave them the like Certificate, sign’d by all our Officers, to shew to any English that might have occasion to recruit there, and parted very friendly. Having finish’d that Affair, it was agreed, that we should steer from hence a West and by South Course to go clear of some Islands that lie in our way, and then thought it proper to steer directly for the South East part of Mindanao, and from thence the clearest Way to Ternate. It was also agreed, that our Ship being very leaky, I should deliver to Capt. Courtney one Chest of Plate and Money, to be put on board the Dutchess.
March 21. At Break of Day we hoisted our Colours, and fired a Gun for our Consorts to unmoar. In the meantime, with the Consent of the other Officers I put an old Spaniard ashore, call’d Ant. Gomes Figuero, whom we took in the 1st Bark in the South Seas, and design’d to carry him
I shall here give a Description of the Isle of Guam.
The Island of Guam Describ’d
THis Island is about 40 Leagues round; the Anchoring Place is on the W. Side, and about the Middle there’s a large Cove, with several Houses built after the Spanish Mode, with Accommodations for the Officers and Crew of the Acapulco Ship, the Settlement being made here on purpose for that Ship to recruit at, in her Way to Manila. There are about 300 Spaniards on this and the Neighbouring Islands; most of the Natives are their Converts. They told us they have 8 Fathers, 6 of whom teach School, besides performing their Offices as Clergymen. They have also Schools taught by Mullattoes and Indians, who have learn’d the Language, so that most of the Natives understand Spanish. The Spaniards inform me, that there’s a Range of Islands from hence to Japan. Among which there are several abound with Gold, and they were now building a small Vessel to discover them, in order to get a Trade.
The Island of Guam it self abounds with Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, Musk and Water Melons, which were brought hither by the Spaniards. The Orange Trees thrive very well here. The Island is full of Hills and Dales, and Streams of good Water. They have Plenty of Cattle, but small, poor, and generally white. The Indico Plant grows wild in such Abundance, that were they industrious, and had Coppers to boil it up, they might have great Quantities of that Commodity; but being so remote and out of the Way of Trade, they make no Use of it, nor do they improve any thing but what contributes to their present Subsistance; and having that, they are easie. Money is of so little Use, and so scarce among them, that they could not raise 1000 Dollars in the whole Island to purchase Commodities from
Their Bread Fruit I thought the most remarkable Thing on the Island. I saw some of it which was as large as Oranges, and much resembled them. They tell me, that when ripe they are three Times as large, and grow in many other Places near the Equinox in the East Indies. The Leaves are almost as large as those of Figs, something like them, but of a brown Colour. The Tree is large, and they have such Plenty of this Fruit in the Season, that they fatten their Hogs with them. The Fruit has no Stone, and by the Account they gave, the Inside resembles a dry Potato or Yam, with which they likewise abound.
The Wind blows constantly a S. E. Trade here, except during the Westerly Monsoons, which last from the Middle of June to the Middle of August.
The Governour lives on the N. side of the Island, where there’s a small Village, and a Convent, being the chief Habitation of the Spaniards. They marry with the Natives, and had not above four Spanish Women on the Island. The Indians are tall and strong, of a dark olive Colour, go all naked, except a Clout about their Posteriors, and the Women have little Petticoats. The Men are dextrous at flinging of Stones, which they make of Clay, of an oval Form, burning them, till as hard as Marble, and are so good Marks-men, that the Spaniards say, they seldom miss hitting any Mark, and throw it with such a Force, as to kill a Man at a considerable Distance. I heard of no other Weapons that they used, but a Stick or Lance made of the heaviest Wood in the Island.
The Governour presented us with one of their flying Prows, which I shall describe here because of the Odness of it. The Spaniards told me ’twould run 20 Leagues per Hour, which I think too large; but by what I saw, I verily believe, they may run 20 Miles or more in the Time, for when they
As soon as the Boat return’d from landing Senior Figuro, we put under Sail, having a fine Breeze of Wind at E.N.E. We had generally fair Weather here in the Day Time, and Showers commonly in the Night, but very sultry. The Wind always off Shoar betwixt the E. and N.E. Our Decks are filled with Cattle and Provender.
According to Promise, I have here inserted my Run from California to Guam.
A Table of each Days Run between Cape St. Lucas in California, and the Island of Guam.
1709/10 January | Course. | Dist. | Lat. by Reck. & Observat. | Long. W. from London. | Diff. Lon. from Cape S. Lucas. | Variation Easterly. | |
N. | W. | W. | |||||
12 | E | S. 22 30 W. | 45 | 22 16 | 114 09 | 00 09 | 03 00 |
13 | F | S. 28 00 W. | 66 | 21 18 | 114 42 | 00 42 | 02 50 |
14 | G | S. 33 45 W. | 54 | 20 24 | 115 15 | 01 15 | 02 50 |
15 | A | S. 33 45 W. | 52 | 19 25 | 115 45 | 01 45 | 02 50 |
16 | B | S. 33 45 W. | 68 | 18 56 | 116 24 | 02 24 | 02 45 |
17 | C | S. 33 45 W. | 72 | 18 00 | 117 06 | 03 06 | 02 45 |
18 | D | S. 35 10 W. | 41 | 17 11 | 117 30 | 03 30 | 02 15 |
19 | E | S. 33 45 W. | 62 | 16 32 | 118 05 | 04 05 | 02 00 |
20 | F | S. 43 40 W. | 68 | 15 44 | 118 54 | 04 54 | 01 50 |
21 | G | S. 68 00 W. | 83 | 15 00 | 120 15 | 06 15 | 01 30 |
22 | A | W. 06 48 S. | 94 | 14 49 | 122 05 | 08 05 | 01 10 |
23 | B | W. 05 20 S. | 152 | 14 36 | 124 25 | 10 25 | 00 50 |
24 | C | W. 04 00 S. | 142 | 14 24 | 126 45 | 12 45 | 00 40 |
25 | D | W. 04 10 S. | 151 | 13 14 | 129 05 | 15 05 | 00 45 |
26 | E | W. 05 25 S. | 147 | 13 50 | 131 23 | 17 25 | 00 50 |
27 | F | W. 18 50 S. | 97 | 13 29 | 132 58 | 18 58 | 01 00 |
28 | G | W. | 88 | 13 29 | 134 41 | 20 41 | 01 10 |
29 | A | W. 03 00 S. | 122 | 13 22 | 136 48 | 22 48 | 01 15 |
30 | B | W. 04 00 N. | 146 | 13 27 | 139 21 | 25 21 | 01 25 |
31 | C | W. 04 00 N. | 160 | 13 32 | 142 07 | 28 07 | 01 30 |
Feb. 1 | D | W. | 143 | 13 32 | 144 37 | 30 37 | 01 40 |
2 | E | W. 04 00 N. | 168 | 13 36 | 147 32 | 33 32 | 01 50 |
3 | F | W. 06 00 S. | 160 | 13 26 | 150 18 | 36 18 | 02 00 |
4 | G | W. | 156 | 13 26 | 153 02 | 39 02 | 02 10 |
5 | A | W. | 130 | 13 26 | 155 19 | 41 19 | 02 25 |
6 | B | W. | 137 | 13 26 | 157 43 | 43 43 | 02 30 |
7 | C | W. 02 00 S. | 161 | 13 25 | 160 31 | 46 31 | 02 50 |
8 | D | W. 08 00 N. | 144 | 13 41 | 163 00 | 49 00 | 03 00 |
9 | E | W. | 130 | 13 41 | 165 18 | 51 18 | 03 20 |
10 | F | W. 01 00 N. | 124 | 13 44 | 167 26 | 53 26 | 03 30 |
11 | G | W. 03 00 S. | 146 | 13 36 | 169 56 | 55 56 | 03 45 |
12 | A | W. 01 00 S. | 146 | 13 33 | 172 27 | 58 27 | 04 00 |
13 | B | W. 01 00 N. | 148 | 13 36 | 175 00 | 61 00 | 04 30 |
14 | C | W. 02 00 S. | 136 | 13 32 | 177 21 | 63 21 | 05 20 |
15 | D | W. 04 00 N. | 125 | 13 40 | 179 28 | 65 28 | 06 30 |
16 | E | W. 04 00 N. | 112 | 13 47 | 181 24 | 67 24 | 07 00 |
17 | F | W. 04 00 N. | 114 | 13 54 | 183 22 | 69 22 | 07 30 |
18 | G | W. 01 00 S. | 130 | 13 52 | 185 37 | 71 37 | 09 00 |
19 | A | W. 07 00 S. | 122 | 13 40 | 187 42 | 73 42 | 10 15 |
20 | B | W. 07 00 S. | 124 | 13 28 | 189 49 | 75 49 | 11 00 |
21 | C | W. 04 00 S. | 98 | 13 21 | 191 30 | 77 30 | 11 30 |
22 | D | W. 05 00 S. | 113 | 13 12 | 193 25 | 79 25 | 12 00 |
23 | E | W. 04 00 S. | 70 | 13 07 | 194 37 | 80 37 | 11 50 |
24 | F | W. 01 30 N. | 72 | 13 10 | 195 51 | 81 51 | 11 00 |
25 | G | W. 04 00 S. | 118 | 13 03 | 197 51 | 83 51 | 10 00 |
26 | A | W. 01 30 S. | 70 | 13 00 | 199 03 | 85 03 | 9 50 |
27 | B | W. 02 00 S. | 71 | 12 57 | 200 16 | 86 16 | 9 30 |
28 | C | W. 02 00 S. | 120 | 12 54 | 202 20 | 88 20 | 9 00 |
Mar. 1 | D | W. 02 00 N. | 108 | 12 58 | 204 12 | 90 12 | 8 40 |
2 | E | W. 03 00 N. | 110 | 13 04 | 206 06 | 92 06 | 8 20 |
3 | F | W. 01 00 N. | 84 | 13 05 | 207 33 | 93 33 | 8 00 |
4 | G | W. | 88 | 13 05 | 209 04 | 95 94 | 7 50 |
5 | A | W. 02 00 S. | 106 | 13 02 | 211 54 | 96 54 | 7 30 |
6 | B | W. 02 48 N. | 105 | 13 07 | 212 42 | 98 42 | 7 10 |
7 | C | W. | 82 | 13 07 | 214 07 | 100 07 | 7 00 |
8 | D | W. 03 00 S. | 78 | 13 03 | 215 28 | 101 28 | 6 50 |
9 | E | W. 03 00 N. | 100 | 13 08 | 217 11 | 103 11 | 6 30 |
10 | F | W. 06 00 N. | 74 | 13 16 | 218 27 | 104 27 | 5 40 |
At 3 a Clock in the Afternoon the Island of Guam bore W. by S. distant 10 Leagues.
1710 March 22. At 6 last Night, the Body of the Island Guam bore E. N. E. Dist. 8 Leagues, from whence we took our Departure, designing for Ternate, one of the Melucca Islands belonging to the Dutch, and distant from Guam, about 400 Leagues. We had a fresh Gale of Wind at N. E. and N. E. by E. with fair Weather, but very sultry. Lat. 12. 45. Var. 5. 30. E.
April 11. Nothing remarkable has occurr’d worth noting, but that we have generally had a strong Current setting to the Northward. At Two Yesterday Afternoon we made Land, bearing S. E. distant about 5 Leagues, being a low flat Island, all green, and full of Trees. Lat. 2. 54. N. This Island is not laid down in any Sea Chart; our Ship continues very leaky.
April 14. Yesterday in the Afternoon we saw Land, bearing W. S. W. 12 Leagues, being very high. The Current has set to the Northward this 24 Hours very strong. Lat. 1. 54.
April 15. Yesterday in the Afternoon we made other Land, which bore W. N. W. distant about 10 Leagues, and suppos’d it to be the N. E. Part of Celebes. We saw 3 Water-Spouts; one of which had like to have broke on the Marquiss, but the Dutchess by firing two Shot, broke it before it reach’d her. We saw a very large Tree a-float, with a Multitude of Fish about it; and 2 large Islands, the Southermost bearing S. W. distant about 8 Leagues, and the Northermost W. N. W. 7 Leagues, both being the same Land we saw Yesterday; and the latter we now suppose to be the S. E. Part of Moratay [Mortai] and the other the N. Part of Gilolo. At Noon the Southermost Land bore S. W. by S. 10 Leagues, and the Westermost 5 Leagues. N. Lat. 02. 13.
April 17. We having a Westerly Gale, and the Current setting against us, we gained little Ground in turning to get about Moratay. We had indifferent fair Weather all Night and Morning, but standing pretty much to the Southward, lost Sight of the Land, a strong Current setting to the Northward.
April 23. We had very stormy Weather for most Part since the 17th, the Marquiss and we suffer’d both in our Rigging. So that we begin to despair of getting to Windward of this Island Moratay, to reach Ternate, which is now near us; but we are obliged to keep Company with the Marquiss and Batchelor, who sail but very indifferent upon a Wind; and it’s the hardest upon our Ship’s Company, who are
April 29. We got 292 Lib. Weight of Bread from the Batchelor Yesterday Afternoon, in Exchange for Meat we sent ’em, which with what we had before, will last us about 20 Days, and not much longer. We begin to be very much disheartned, because Captain Dampier, who has been twice here, tells us, that if we can’t get Ternate, or find the Island Tyla [Tulur], we can reach no Port or Place to recruit at, and that it will be impossible to get Provisions for us on the Coast of New Guinea, should we be forc’d to go thither; upon which I sent my Opinion aboard of our Consorts, and desir’d they would call a Committee, and agree how to proceed next; which they did as follows.
At a Committee held on Board the Batchelor Frigat, April 29, 1710.
IT is agreed to make the best of our Way to the Island of Tula, where we are in Expectation of supplying our selves with Wood, Water and Provisions, to cruize 10 or 12 Days for this Island, being uncertain of its Scituation; and in Case the Wind should present sooner, that we can fetch Ternate, then to make the best of our Way for it; but if the Wind should not present for Ternate, nor the Island Tula, then, if we see Occasion, to make the best of our Way to some Port in Mindanao. And for all Opportunities in going about and carrying a Light, we leave it to Captain Courtney in the Dutchess.
May 2. We shaped our Course for Ternate a second Time, being in all Probability to the Westward of Gillolo, having made by our Reckoning 3 Degrees of Longitude to the Westward of Moratay.
May 3. About 8 this Morning we made Land, which we took to be some of the Islands lying off the N. East Part of Celebes. It bore W. S. W. of us, distant about 15 Leagues.
May 7. Fair Weather till 4 this Morning, when there came up a violent Shower, with great Flashes of Lightning. At Break of Day we saw Land trending from S. E. by S. to S. S. W. which at first appear’d like 5 Islands, but after it clear’d up, we plainly perceiv’d it was one continued Land;
May 9. Yesterday in the Afternoon all the Officers met aboard us to consult about the Land, and what Course to take; but being divided in Opinions, we defer’d coming to a Resolution, till such Time as we were better satisfy’d. We try’d the Current at 4 a Clock, when it set N. N. W. after the Rate of 20 Miles in 24 Hours. We made no other Land all Day than that we first saw, so stood on and off all Night, expecting a Gale to run in with it in the Morning, but having Calms for the most Part, and a Current setting against us, we still lost Ground, and made another round high Hummock about Noon, which bore S. E. by E. distant 8 Leagues; the Southermost Land bearing at the same Time S. by E. 7 Leagues, and the Westermost W. by S. 8 Leagues.
May 10. I sent the Pinnace aboard the Marquiss with 12 Hogsheads and a Barrel of Water, their Stock being almost spent, and in their Way order’d ’em to speak with the Batchelor and Dutchess, to be satisfy’d what Allowance of Pady (being Rice in the Husk) their Men were at; because ours had a Notion they had more than we, I having order’d ’em but a Pound and a Quarter for 5 Men, whereas before they had two Pound. Upon Enquiry I found the Ship’s Companies far’d all alike; but to make ’em easie, agreed with Capt. Courtney and the rest to make it 2 Pound again; at which Allowance we have not above 12 Days at most, being all the Bread Kind we have in the Ship.
May 12. We were satisfied that the many Islands and Land that we saw for these several Days was the Straights of New Guinea; we spoke with the Dutchess, who had been near that Land where we perceived the greatest Opening, and they told us the Reason of their keeping in with the Shore was with a Design to have anchored, but meeting with irregular Soundings, did not think fit to adventure it. They sent their Boat ashore to the Eastermost small Island, to see what they could meet with. We stood within a Mile and half of the Shore, when the Water began to discolour. We sounded and had 30 Fathom Water, and presently after but 6; so we went about, and stood off till the
May 13. We kept turning to Windward this 24 Hours, betwixt the Southermost long Track of Land we made first of all, and the Islands to the Eastward of it, where we expected to find the Passage betwixt Gillolo and New Guinea.
May 15. We being jealous of each other, who had the most Provisions, we this Day met aboard the Batchelor, and carried an Account with us of what each Ship had left, and on making a strict Rummage there, we found more Rice than we expected; so that with the shortest Allowance we may subsist at Sea above 3 Weeks longer. Each Ship’s Proportion of the Provisions we had left being weigh’d, we then return’d to our Ships in a better state than we expected.
May 18. We have passed several Islands, and are now in sight of what we account the Point or Cape of New Guinea, and the South End of Gillolo, which appears about 8 Leagues asunder, with some Islands near each side; we have commonly little Wind, and very verable. This being the Time that the S. East Monsoon begins, which made the Weather and Wind very uncertain. Lat. 2. S.
May 20. The Dutchess generally kept a-head in the Night, with her Pinnace a-head of her, because the Currents are so very uncertain, and being in an unknown Track, we cannot be too careful in the Night. We are still in sight of the High Lands of New Guinea, and several Islands to the Northward, which we find laid down in no Draught, so we noted them as we past by. This Way into India would not be half so dangerous as it is imagined, were it well known. While we had any Breeze of Wind, in the Day we towed our Prize. We made another long high Island trending from S. by E. to W.S.W. distant about 12 Leagues, and crowded along Shore to make what it was, judging it to be the Island Ceram. We likewise made another Island to the Northward, which bore N. by W. distant about 7 Leagues. S. Lat. 03.
May 21. Being close under it, I sent the Pinnace aboard the Dutchess yesterday Afternoon to know what they made
May 22. Had an ugly Gale of Wind, which drove us clear off the Island we took to be Ceram. Since the 18th that we past the Streights of New Guinea, we have had a Westerly Current, but before the Current generally set to the Eastward. We have now dark gloomy Weather, with a strong Gale of Wind at S. E. and S. E. by E. runs us out of sight of all the Land. Our Ship is still very leaky, and we begin to be in the utmost want of all manner of Refreshments and Necessaries, and doubtful where to harbour or refit, the Land being unknown to us for want of good Drafts, or an experienc’d Pilot. Lat. 3. 40. S. Long. 237. 21. W. from London.
May 24. We were in expectation of making Land this Morning, being in the Latitude of the Island Bouro, which is about 20 Leagues to the S.W. of Ceram, and near the same Distance in a parallel with Amboyna; the latter of which we design’d to have touch’d at, had the Wind been favourable; but the S. E. Monsoon being now set in, we are almost out of hopes of fetching it, and still doubtful what Islands we pass’d by last, not agreeing whether it was Ceram or Bouro. We found by our Observation at Noon, that we were in the Latitude of the Southermost part of Bouro, and the Reason of our not seeing of it we impute to the Current’s setting us to the Westward of it. S. Lat. 04. 30. Long. 237. 29. West from Lond.
May 25. I spared the Dutchess a But of Water, they having little or none but what they catch when it rains. We came to a Resolution to spend no more Time in search of Bouro, nor to wait for a Wind to carry us to Amboyna, but to make the best of our way for the Straights of Bouton, where if we arrived safe, we might get Provisions enough to carry us to Batavia; pursuant to which Agreement we hall’d away S.W. by S. for ’em, having a fresh Gale of Wind at East; but by 2 in the Morning we fell in with a parcel of Islands to the Eastward of Bouton, and had infallibly been ashore upon one of ’em, had not the Weather cleared up at once. We made a Shift, and wore the Ships, then stood off N. E. from the Land till Day-break, when we saw it trenting from S. by E. to S. W. by S. about 6 Leagues distant, which made like a fine large Bay, but as we stood in perceived an Opening, and that there were 2 Islands, with 3 lying
May 26. We could get no Anchor Ground all Yesterday Afternoon, tho’ we run our Boltsprit almost ashore, and having the Current setting against us, made it a tiresome Piece of work to fetch within the reach of the Houses. At last some of the Inhabitants came off in a Canoe to our Boats, as they were sounding a-head; they brought ’em aboard, and by Signs we understood there was plenty of Provisions ashore. So I sent the Pinnace and Yawl to see what they could meet with. In the mean time came several Canoes full of Malayans, with Cocoa Nuts, Pumpkins, Indian Corn, Fowls, &c. to truck with our People. Ashore they had Sheep and Black Cattle in plenty. The Officers I sent were admitted into the Presence of their King and Nobles, who were all bare-foot, and most naked, save a Clout about their Posteriors; they seem’d to be very courteous, and ready to supply us with what we wanted. We lay by and drove till Morning (having little Wind) that we might be nearer the other Ships, and resolve what to do. We found no Anchor-ground, but too near the Shore, and the Current setting strong to the S. W. and driving us out; which together with our having no Anchor-ground, if the Wind should take us out of the Sea, made us desist to attempt any farther here. We agreed to stand over for the Land to the Westward of us, the Northermost part of which bore W. N. W. distant 9 Leagues, and the Westermost W. by S. 10 Leagues. The Inhabitants call’d the Eastermost of these Islands Vanseat, the other next to it Capota, and the Westermost Cambaver. S. Lat. 05. 13. Long. 238. 11. W.
May 27. We stood from these Islands to the Westward, and ran along Shore as near as we durst, to weather the Westermost Point of Land, where we expected to find a Harbour, but as we near’d it, found a long Tract of High Land, trending to the Southward, as far as S.W. by S.
We agreed in Opinion that ’twas the Island Bouton, but that we had over-shot the Straights. We made Sail to see if we could discover any Land further to the Southward; but finding none, we jogg’d on, keeping the Wind as near as possible, because of the Current, which sets strong to the S.W. By 2 a Clock in the Morning we were hors’d near a small Island, that bore S. S. W. of us about 2 Leagues; but having clear Weather, we stood from it till Day-break, there being no other Land near it that we saw, except that we came from, which we had open’d 5 Points farther to the Westward. I was unwilling to act any farther without the Consent of the Committee; so the major part of us met aboard the Dutchess, where we agreed to stand back and make the Land plain, so as to be fully satisfied what it was, and withal to find a Recruit of Water and Wood before we proceed any farther, being in want of every thing. S. Lat. 05. 50. Long. W. from London, 238. 38.
May 28. According to Agreement we stood back, and having a fresh Breeze of Wind at East, came up with the Land, which trended from N. E. by E. to N. We stood away with the Northermost, and by 6 a Clock brought it to bear E. by N. distant about 2 Leagues, having open’d Land farther to the Northward, which made like a Bay, and trimming to the Westward as far as W. N. W. distant about 10 Leagues. We made little or no Sail all Night, because the Batchelor and Marquiss were a-stern, and we were not willing to run too far in with the Land in the Night. In the Morning ’twas calm, and being clear Weather, we made all the Land very plain from W. S. W. to the E. S. E. making high double Land, with Islands under it. Most of it look’d as if it was inhabited, being pretty thick of Wood, and promised fair for other Refreshments, but we could find no Anchor-ground hitherto.
May 29. A Breeze sprung up, and we ran farther in, keeping nearest the Southern Shore, where we open’d a sandy Spit, off which we could perceive blue Water like Shold-ground running a-cross the Bay near half a League. A little to the Westward of this we got Ground in betwixt 30 and 40 Fathom Water, with good gradual Soundings, where we let go our Anchor. The Dutchess and the rest standing over to the other side of the Bay, could meet with no Ground, so they came back, and anchored by us. S. Lat. 05. 41. Long. 238. 34. W. from London. A little before this, our Boat we had sent returned from the Shore, having
The King of Bouton has several Galleys built after a peculiar Form, and other small Imbarkations, on which, they say, he can imbark eight Thousand Men on any Expedition; our People that were upon the Island tell me, all their Towns are built on Precipices, and hard to get at, and that the Chief City was built on the Top of a Hill, to which there was only one Passage very steep. We found a watering Place from a Spring out of the Rocks, but difficult to fill out of, because of its Ebbing and Flowing here, almost 3 Fathom, which dries the Rock near the Shoar.
May 30. This Morning a Messenger came from the King, with a Letter from our Officers that went to wait upon him, who were receiv’d very courteously, and promis’d
June 1. We supply’d our selves indifferent well with Wood and Water, and our Pinnace return’d from the Town, with a mysterious Account of their Proceedings, and presently after Captain Dampier came with a small Quantity of Provisions, as a Present to the Commanders, having left our other two Officers to dispatch away what they could agree for.
June 2. This Morning there came 3 or 4 of the better Sort from the Town, with a Portuguese Linguist that belong’d to Batavia, under Pretence of looking upon Goods, and carrying Samples of ’em to their King, but by their Trifling, we are afraid we shall get nothing of ’em at last. We made much of the Portuguese, and gave him a small Present, hoping he would influence the People to dispatch our Business. We sent the Dutchess Pinnace with a Letter to our Officers, to hurry away as fast as possible with what Provisions they had got, and to agree if they could with the Portuguese Linguist for a Pilot, if they should give him 10 or 20 Dollars or more for a Present.
June 3 and 4. Our Ships have done Watering and Wooding, and the Country People have brought off much Provisions: so we conclude we are pretty well supplied for a Fortnight or Three Weeks; which, with what we had before, may carry us to Batavia, without any further Recruit from the Town; so that if we had our Boat and Men, it would be much more for our Interest to be gone, than to lie here, and spend time to no Purpose. An Officer aboard our Ship, and other Officers and Men aboard Capt. Courtney, began to be mutinous, and form a Conspiracy against us; but we prevented it, by chastising their Leaders, whom we
June 5. The Dutchess’s Pinnace return’d with Mr. Connely, who acquainted us with the dilatory Proceedings of the King of Bouton, who having got a Quantity of Provisions together, would have oblig’d us to take it at an extravagant Price, and detain’d Mr. Vanbrugh, till such time as the Money was paid. In the Morning, there came some of his Nobility, with about 4 Last of Rice, which (for Dispatch-sake) we immediately agreed for, and a Cask of Rack, and after we had entertain’d ’em as well as Time and Place would afford, we sent ’em off in our Pinnance. This Morning, the Portugueze Linguist came with some Provisions of his own, to sell, without any News from our People, which made us suspect they had some ill Design upon us, therefore we design’d to keep him till the Boat return’d, but he got out of the Ship, before we were aware, (he being jealous by his cold Reception, that we were uneasy) and rowed away as fast as possible. I sent the Yawl after him, which overtaking his Canoe, the Men all jumpt over board, but the Dutchess’s Pinnace took ’em up, and our Boat brought the Portugueze Linguist aboard us, where seeing he was likely to be confin’d, he sent the Boat with the Men up to the Town, to desire our People might be dismiss’d as soon as possible.
June 7. This Morning our Pinnace return’d with Mr. Vanbrugh, and all our Men, having parted very friendly with his Majesty, but could not get a Pilot for Money; however we resolv’d to stay no longer, and to trust wholly to Almighty Providence for our future Preservation. We dismiss’d the Portugueze Linguist, and began to unmoor our Ships.
We weigh’d on the 8th, about 4 in the Afternoon, and by six a Clock the Westermost Land in sight bore W. N. W. 9 Leagues, and the Southermost S.W. by S. distant 5 Leagues.
Bouton Describ’d.
THE Island of Bouton is in Lat. 05. 20. S. and near about 30 Leagues long; the King, they say, can raise fifty Thousand Men, and has all the adjacent Islands under him; they boast of not valuing the Dutch, but I am satisfied, their Poverty is their greatest Security; they speak the Malayan Language, which is universal amongst all the
June 9. In the Morning we made Land, from S. W. to N. W. by W. distant about 8 Leagues, which we took to be the Islands of Zalayer [Salayer], S. Lat. 5. 45. Long. W from Lond. 240°. 21´´. We likewise saw a Sail to Windward of us, and taking it to be a Dutch Vessel, we hall’d nearer the Wind, till 8 a Clock, then the Dutchess and we made Sail at once, to speak with her, but the Wind abating soon after, and she making the best of her Way from us, we mann’d our Pinnace, and sent it after her. We made 3 Islands to the Northward of Zalayer, and the Looming of other Land to the Westward of all, which we took to be the Southermost part of Celebes.
June 10. Our Pinnaces came up with this small Vessel, who told them they were bound for Macassar, a Dutch Factory on the South Part of Celebes: The Pinnace took the Master of her aboard, (being a Malayan) who promis’d to pilot us not only through the Streights of Zalayer, but to Batavia, if we would keep it secret, for fear of the Dutch. He sent his Vessel to lie in the narrow Passage, between the Islands, till such Time as our Ships came up. About 4 a Clock we enter’d the Streight, and came betwixt the Islands that are next to Zalayer. And another little one to the Northward of that being the middlemost of the three; where we found a good Passage, 3 Leagues over, all deep Water, steering through N. W. by W. to give the Larboard Islands a good Birth; then we made the Southermost Part of Celebes.
June 11. The Pilot promis’d to carry us thro’ the Channel the great Dutch Ships generally went for Batavia, and by that Means avoid the Shoals call’d the Brill and Bunker Ground; the Brill has very uneven Soundings, and in many Places but 3 Fathom Water and less, so we hall’d away to the Northward,
June 13. We made Land a second time, which bore S. W. by W. distant 6 Leagues.
June 14. We ran by the Island Madura, which is about 40 Leagues long, lying East and West, on the N. Side of Java, the Land we made in the Morning, being the N. E. part of it, which agreeing with the Pilot’s Knowledge made us the more certain.
June 15. In the Morning we fell in with the Coast of Java, near the high Land of Japara, which bore W. by S. distant about 5 Leagues. We had Soundings betwixt 10 and 20 Fathom good easy Ground, and saw abundance of Fishing-boats, but all kept at a Distance. We got our Guns out of the Hold, and scal’d them, in order to be in a Readiness
June 16. We made a small high Hummock to the Westward of the high Land we set yesterday Noon, which, at 6 a Clock bore W. by S. distant 5 Leagues. We hall’d off N. W. by W. and W. N. W. and in the Morning made the Islands of Caraman Java [Crimon Java], which bore N. E. by N. distant 3 Leagues, as also a ragged Island to the Eastward of it, bearing E. N. E. 5 Leagues, and 5 small Keys to the Westward, which are all call’d Caraman Java [Crimon Java]. We had Soundings most part of this 24 Hours, betwixt 20 and 30 Fathom ouzy Ground. Lat. 6. 7. S. Long. 250. 14. W. from London.
June 17. We made the high Land of Cheribon, which bore S. W. In the Morning we saw a great Ship right a head, and being very eager to hear News, I sent our Pinnace aboard to know what she was. She prov’d a Dutch Ship, about 600 Tuns, and 50 Guns, belonging to Batavia, and was plying to some of the Dutch Factories for Timber. They told us of Prince George’s Death, which we heard of in the South Seas, but gave no Credit to it then; That the Wars continued in Europe; and that we had good Success in Flanders, and but little else where. They likewise told us, that ’twas about 30 Dutch Leagues from hence to Batavia; but no Danger. We borrowed a large Draft, which was very useful to us, and left ’em at Anchor. Towards Noon we made the Land, being very low, but had gradual Soundings, by which we was satisfied in the Night how to sail by the Sand.
June 20. In the Afternoon we saw the Ships in the Road of Batavia, betwixt 30 and 40 Sail, great and small, and got happily to Anchor just after Sun set, betwixt 6 and 7 Fathom Water, at the long desired Port of Batavia. Lat. 6. 10 S. Long. 252. 51. W. from London. By our Reckoning here, we alter’d our Account of Time, having, as customary, lost almost one Day in running West so far round the Globe.
June 22. We waited on his Excellency the Governour-General, whom we acquainted with the Necessity we lay
June 30. I am still very weak and thin, but I hope to get Time and Leisure to recover my Health. During these 10 Days, I was not able to go much on board, and whenever I went, found, that till then I was a Stranger to the Humours of our Ship’s Company. Some of them were hugging each other, others blessing themselves that they were come to such a glorious Place for Punch, where they could have Arack for 8 Pence per Gallon, and Sugar for 1 Peny a Pound; others quarrelling who should make the next Bowl, for now the Labour was worth more than the Liquor, whereas a few Weeks past, a Bowl of Punch to them was worth half the Voyage. 8 Days ago the Doctor cut a large Musket Shot out of my Mouth, which had been there near 6 Months, ever since I was first wounded; we reckon’d it a Piece of my Jaw-bone, the upper and lower Jaw being much broken, and almost closed together, so that the Doctor had much ado to come at the Shot, to get it out. I had also several Pieces of my Foot and Heel-bone taken out, but God be thanked, am now in a fair way to have the Use of my Foot, and to recover my Health. The Hole the Shot made in my Face is now scarce discernable. I propos’d the calling of a Committee to regulate our Affairs, wherein we agreed as follows.
At a Committee, held on board the Batchelor Frigat, June 30. 1710. in the Road of Batavia.
IT is agreed to pack and repack all Goods that appear damag’d, and to let other Bails, that are not, nor have not been apparently damag’d, to be only new cover’d with Wax cloth, or Tarpawlins, if necessary, in every Ship, and that Mr. Vanbrugh and Mr. Goodall be at every Place, and the rest of the Agents be accountable to ’em, and they to leave a Duplicate of the whole with the other two, and be always ready to give an Account to a general Committee.
2dly, That Capt. Courtney do provide the Ships with all manner of Necessaries, as fast an wanting; and as soon as Captain Rogers is in Health, that he assist in it, and that every one give a List to ’em of what they want from time to time; that Mr. Charles Pope do continue a-shore, and send off Provisions
3dly, That a suitable Quantity of Rack and Sugar be sent aboard each Ship, to give a Quart a Mess to the Ships Companies, but whilst on the careen, the Allowance may be enlarg’d as the commanding Officers think convenient.
4thly, If any thing not included is necessary to the Dispatch and Out-set of our Ships, considering the Trouble and Loss of Time, to meet in a whole Committee, we to prevent dilatory Proceedings, unanimously leave such things to Capt. Thomas Dover, Capt. Woodes Rogers, Capt. Stephen Courtney, and Capt. Edward Cooke, who are to agree on a Time and Place to meet, and have the same Power in this Affair as a whole Committee. That if any thing required such Dispatch that the four cannot be present at a time, then any three of them together, agreeing and signing what they have done for the Satisfaction of the rest shall be sufficient; but otherwise we desire them to act in conjunction.
5thly, We agree to continue Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh Agent of the Duke. Mr. James Goodall Agent of the Dutchess, to make Mr. John Viger Agent of the Batchelor, and Mr. Joseph Parker Agent of the Marquiss, to keep a strict Account of what they can in each Ship, and to preserve and take Care of the general Interest, to the utmost of their Power.
6thly, We likewise agree to divide the Plunder on board the Batchelor, and in order thereto, we appoint Capt. William Dampier, and Mr. Thomas Glendall, to be Judges what ought to be divided as Plunder, who are to govern themselves as near as possible by our Resolutions, in a Committee of the 9th of July, 1709. And in order to dispatch Matters quietly without loss of time, we appoint Mr. John Ballett, Mr. Lancelot Appleby, Mr. Alexander Selkirk, and Mr. Joseph Smith, to act for the Officers, in apprising and dividing the said Plunder, and we allow the Sailors to agree on a Man from each Ship, who is to act in conjunction with them, and in the whole to promote the general Good with the utmost Sincerity and Dispatch. We also appoint Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh, and Mr. James Goodall to be in the Place when the Plunder is open’d or divided, and to receive what belongs to the Cargo.
7thly, It’s farther resolved for our general Safety that all
8thly, It is also agreed, That a Reward of 100 Rix-Dollars shall be given to the Pilot we made use of from the Streights of Zelaya to this Port.
9thly, It is further agreed, That the Marquiss shall go first upon the careen; and then to be next followed by the Duke; the Dutchess to be the last.
10thly, We have consider’d the Charge and Method of our Out-sett, and do agree, in order to promote Dispatch, that 10000 Pieces of 8 be deliver’d to Capts. Dover, Rogers, Courtney, and Cooke, to morrow being the 1st of July, 1710.
Sign’d by the Majority of our Council.
The Committee did likewise resolve on a Supply of Money to the Officers, as follows.
At a Committee held in Batavia Road, July 1. 1710.
WE have resolved to supply these Officers of the Duke, Dutchess, Marquiss, and Batchelor, with the following Sums, to provide themselves with Necessaries in our long Passage to Europe.
Pieces of Eight. | |
To Captain Thomas Dover | 2000 |
Captain Rogers, and Captain Courtney, for their present Expences | 400 |
Captain Cook | 800 |
Mr. Fry and Mr. Stretton | 1000 |
Captain Dampier | 200 |
Mr. Pope | 350 |
Mr. Glendall, and Mr. Connely | 700 |
Mr. Vanbrugh | 250 |
Mr. Tho. Bridge, and Mr. Milbourne | 100 |
Mr. Knowlman, and Mr. Selkirk | 80 |
To the Three Doctors of the Duke, Dutchess, and Marquiss | 90 |
To the Doctor of the Batchelor | 20 |
To Mr. Goodall, and Mr. Appleby | 80 |
Total | 6070 |
All these Sums we order’d Mr. Vanbrugh and Mr. Goodall to discharge out of the Money on Board the Duke or Dutchess, as either Commanders shall think convenient, whenever the above-mentioned Officers shall demand it, and the Receipts to Mr. Vanbrugh and Mr. Goodall, so far as is here order’d, shall be sufficient. Witness our Hands, July 1, 1710.
Signed by the
Majority of
our Council.
July 2. From the 22d of the last Month we lay leaky and in a very ordinary Condition, not knowing when and how the General would please to order us Assistance, according to our present Necessities, which were then laid open to him; and this Day, to shew that we could sufficiently vindicate and justifie all our Proceedings like honest Men, we gave in an Abstract of our Voyage, from the Day we set sail out of King Road, to the Day we arrived in Batavia, which they desir’d to see, before they would assist us; so we gave it ’em as short as possible.
July 7. To Day our Men finished appraising and dividing the Plunder-Cloth in the Batchelor; which being tolerable good, amounts to about 400 l. Sterling.
July 8. This Day, after a great many dilatory Answers, we were at last permitted to make Preparations for careening at Horn Island, which is about 2 or 3 Leagues to the Northward of the Road, (but were by no Means suffer’d to go to the Island Unrest, where all the Dutch Ships are clean’d) being only allow’d 8 or 10 Malayan Caulkers and small Vessels to put our Goods in. The Marquiss began to careen aboard her; but the Carpenters having view’d her betwixt Wind and Water, finding her very bad, and that she had but a single Bottom, eat to a Honey-comb by the Worms, they judg’d her altogether unfit to go to Europe; whereupon I desir’d the Committee to meet and agree to dispose of her, as follows.
IT is agreed, that having now discharged the Marquiss of her Cargoe brought from the South Sea, and finding great Part thereof perish’d thro’ the Weakness of the Ship, and Damage of the Worms, which had eaten thro’ her Bends, and good Part of her Bottom like a perfect Honey-Comb; we have consider’d our present Condition, with the great Charge and Lost of Time to
Sign’d by the Officers of the Committee.
July 20. The Marquiss being condemned to Sale, we had the Caulkers aboard us to make all Manner of Dispatch for careening. Our Ship being very leaky, we thought it high Time to wait on the Governour with the following Representation, which we got put into Dutch, but could not get the Sabandar to introduce us, as the Custom is here, therefore we went our selves, and gave Presents to the Dutch Guards to let us in to see the General; after an Hours waiting we were admitted, and deliver’d him a Copy of our Commissions, and were promis’d Assistance, but find it’s no more than what he can’t have a Pretence to deny us.
Our Memorial was as follows.
To His Excellency the Governour-General and Council of the Dutch East-India Company.
ABout four Weeks ago we arriv’d here, and waited upon your Excellency, acquainting you with our Circumstances, which according to your Order we delivered the same Day in Writing to your Sabandar, and have daily waited upon him for your Resolution thereupon. He has since visited our several Ships, and we question not but all Things appear’d to him agreeable to our Representation.
We have lain some time ready with leaky Ships to go to the Place appointed us to careen at, only waiting for a careening Vessel to heave down by. Which we humbly crave you will be pleas’d to order us.
Delays are very prejudicial to our Ships, that have been long without the Benefit of a Friend’s Port. Which we earnestly request, you’ll please to consider.
We have deferr’d troubling you, in daily Hopes of an Order for our Assistance by the proper Officer, till we can no longer account for our Loss of Time, without a direct Application.
We hope for a Continuance of the common Benefits and Refreshments, and on our Parts shall persevere to behave our selves with all due Regard and Respect to the Government and Customs of this City.
Batavia, July 20. 1710.
Woodes Rogers.
Steph. Courtney.
The Governour immediately order’d us a Vessel to careen, and we took our Leaves.
July 23. We went over to Horn Island, having a Pilot to direct us, and a Sampan
We continued refitting our Ships, and re-packing our Goods, with a great deal of difficulty, till the 13th of September, during which time nothing remarkable happen’d, but that, after I had refitted as well as I could on Horn Island, I return’d to the Road of Batavia. Many of our Men fell ill of Fevers and Fluxes, occasion’d, as I was inform’d, by their drinking the Water upon the Island. We buried here John Bridge our Master, as also the Gunner of the Dutchess, with another of her Crew, and one belonging to the Batchelor. The Season being so far spent, and the Wind blowing fresh on Horn Island, I could not go again thither to careen my Ship, tho’ she needed it much; therefore we try’d to get an Order to careen at Unrest, where the Dutch careen their own, as we might have done ours, in a few Days, and with little Trouble. I wrote from hence on the 21st of August to my Owners by the Nathanael, an English E. India Ship bound directly for England, to let them know of our safe Arrival here with our Effects, and that we hoped to be with them in a very short time.
On the 15th we called a Committee, and came to the following Resolutions.
Batavia, Sept. 15. 1710.
AT a Committee held then, it it agreed to divide the Money received for a Quantity of Plate sold amongst the several Ships Company, being what had been adjudged Plunder. Also that we should make out a Request, and deliver it the first Opportunity to the General, to the following Purpose, viz. to gain Leave, if possible, to careen the Duke at Unrest, &c. Also for Leave to set up the Marquiss for Sale here, and for a Supply of 10 Hogsheads of Dutch Beef and Pork, with a Permission to buy and carry aboard some Rack and Sugar for the 3 Ships Stores for our Company, &c.
It is also agreed to allow the following Particulars for the use of the Officers in the Great Cabbin of each Ship, viz.
To each Ship as followeth.
- Two Firkins of Butter.
- Two Gallons of Sweet Oil.
- 400 Cask of Bread or Rusk.
- 100 Pound Weight of Flower.
- 400 Pound Weight of Tamarinds.
- Half a Leaguer
[150] of Spelman’s Neep, or the best sort of - Arrack.
[151] - 3 Cheeses.
- The Third part of a Leaguer of Cape Wine.
- 3 Peckel of fine Sugar.
- Also 60 Dollars of Spanish Money to buy small Necessaries.
Signed,
Tho. Dover, Pres. | William Dampier, |
Woodes Rogers, | Cha. Pope, |
Steph. Courtney, | William Stretton, |
Edw. Cooke, | John Connely. |
Rummaging to day in the Powder room, we found a Leak 3 or 4 Foot under Water, which we did our best to stop.
All English Ships are allowed by the Government here half a Leaguer of Arrack a Man for the Ships Use, and ’tis counted as part of the Provisions, but our Boats are not suffer’d to bring the least thing off Shore, without being first severely searched. This, tho’ we pay more, will likewise hinder all manner of Traffick with any one here. Our chief
Officers have also prevented it aboard, and narrowly watch our Crews; so that I doubt they’ll want several Necessaries that this Place affords. This we do to avoid giving the India Company in England any Pretence to clamour against us at home, on account of our trading here without their Permission. We requested the Governour to have Liberty to sell the Marquiss by Inventory to the highest Bidder at a publick Sale; but the Sabandar, or chief Custom-house Officer for Foreigners, told us it was the Governour and Council’s Resolution to publish at the Sale, that if any Dutch Freeman should purchase the Ship, they must either rip her up or burn her. This we thought another great Hardship, that we could not get Dutch Carpenters at Liberty to careen and refit her at Unrest, nor get Freedom of Sale; so we drew up a Request, and got it put in Dutch, resolving to wait on the General, to set forth the Hardships we were under; and likewise requested to careen the Duke at Unrest, where we might have Dutch Carpenters, that being the only fit Place; now the Weather and Wind was changeable, and we could not do it at any other Island: But when Capt. Courtney and I came to the Castle, to wait on the General, the Guards told us, They had Orders, that no Englishman should be admitted without the Sabandar, and that they durst carry no Paper or Message from us to the Governour-General. We waited till past the middle of the Day, and then address’d our selves to one of the Rads of India, who us’d to listen to the English, when any was impos’d on: He treated us very handsomly, with our Linguists, Mr. Vanbrugh and Mr. Swart, at his House, and said, He believed we had not Justice done us; but the Sabandar being the General’s near Relation, he should make Enemies, if he appear’d in our Affair, and could advise us no better than to try what we could do again with the Sabandar, who we knew was inflexible; so we were forced to be silent and let this drop, that we might dispatch for the Cape of Good Hope, as fast as possible; the best Season for our Passage being now at hand.
July 30. The Plunder-Money was shar’d on the 24th Instant, which amounted to 26 Shillings a-share, being what was adjudg’d as Plunder, when at the Island Gorgona, to which I refer.
Octob. 7. This Week we made all Preparation for sailing, having got most of our Stores aboard, and discharged the Marquiss, which was so leaky that we sold her to Capt.
Octob. 12. At Day-break this Morning, we, our Consort and Prize, weigh’d out of the Road, taking the first of the Land Breeze: About Noon came too again, in 11 Fathom Water, about a Mile to the Northward of Horn Island. We had several English Gentlemen a-board our Ships, who favour’d us with their Company out of the Road, there being several that arriv’d during our Stay here.
English Ships that arriv’d and sail’d hence during our Stay.
Frederick, Capt. Phrip, arriv’d June 23. sail’d July 29. from Bencouli, bound to ditto.
Rochester, Capt. Stains, arriv’d July 6. sail’d the 21st, from England, bound to China.
Nathanael, Capt. Neagers, arriv’d July 27. sail’d Aug. 27. from Bencouli, bound to England.
Stringer, Capt. Pike, arriv’d Aug. 30. from England, bound to China. We left her there, she having lost her Passage for China.
Oley, Capt. Opie, arriv’d Sept. 9. from England, left there behind us.
Here follows,
A Description of Batavia.
Altho’ this Place is well known, and has been so frequently describ’d, yet being such a noble Settlement, and a Proof of the Industry of the Dutch in these Parts; I can’t omit giving the following Account of it. The Town lies on the N. W. side of the Island of Java, Lat. 5°. 50´´. S. The Time we were here it was not very healthy. The East and West Winds blow all the Year along the Shore, besides the ordinary Land and Sea Winds, which qualifie the Air, and makes it pleasant, otherwise it would be excessive hot. Their Summer begins in May, with continual Breezes from the East, and a very clear Sky till the latter End of October, or Beginning of November, when the Winter begins with hard
Octob. 12. We, according to Order from our Owners to keep our Ships full mann’d, if the War continued till our Return, ship’t here seventeen Men, most of them Dutch; the Dutchess and Batchelor near the same Number, so that we are all well mann’d; and tho’ we look’d upon our Hardships to be over, several ran from us here that came out of England with us, being stragling Fellows that can’t leave their old Trade of Deserting, tho’ now they have a good Sum due to each of them, so that their Shares are by Contract due to those that continu’d.
Octob. 17. We got to the watering Place on the Main, within Princes Island to Java Head. The Chief of our Business here, was to get Water and Wood for our Passage to the Cape of Good Hope, which we compleated in 4 Days Time: But in the Interim a Misfortune befel us, which occasion’d our Stay longer on Account of a Boat lent us by Capt. Pike, Commander of the Stringer Gally, who followed us hither from Batavia, after a Servant of his who was brought away by Captain Dover in the Batchelor.
Octob. 23. The Boat was missing, but came back with all the Men safe, and we return’d her to Captain Pike, who had his Servant, and took his Leave of us.
We held the following Council just before we came to sail.
In a Committee on Board the Duke, Octob. 23. 1710. at Java Head.
IT is agreed, that we make the best of our Way from hence to the Cape of Good Hope; and if through Misfortune any Ship should loose or part Company, either by bad Weather or otherwise, they are to go to the Cape of Good Hope, and if they don’t find the other Ships, to stay there 20 Days: But if within that Time the missing Ship or Ships don’t appear, then to make their utmost Dispatch for the Island St. Hellena; and if not there, to proceed thence according to the Owners Orders for Great Britain.
Signed by the Majority of our Council.
Octob. 24. At 4 in the Afternoon Java Head bore N. E. by E. distant 10 or 12 Leagues, which being the last Sight we had of it, from that we took our Departure.
Octob. 25. A fresh Gale of Wind at S. E. with fair Weather, but an ugly swelling Sea. This Morning in Stowing our best Anchor, Joseph Long, a Sailor, fell over Board, and being no Swimmer, before we could get the Boat out to his Assistance, was lost.
Nothing remarkable happen’d till the 27th of December, but that my Ship prov’d so leaky, that on the 31st of October she had near 3 Foot Water in the Hold, and our Pumps being choak’d, we were in such Danger, that we made Signals, and fir’d Guns for our Consorts to come to our Relief, but had just suck’d her as the Dutchess came up. The 10th of October, she sprung a new Leak, which we could not fully stop, tho’ we us’d all our Endeavours, and at the same time I had been for the most Part confin’d to my Cabbin by Illness, ever since I left Batavia. The 28th of December, Mr. James Wase our chief Surgeon died, and we buried him decently next Day, with our Naval Ceremonies as usual, being a very honest useful Man, a good Surgeon, and bred up at Leyden, in the Study of Physick as well as Surgery. We made Land the 15th of December, came in with the Shoar the 18th, and had Soundings in 60 and 70 Fathom, the Ground grey Grett, with small Stones and Shells; had a strong Southerly Current, S. Lat. 34. 2. Lon. W. from London 334. 34.
The 27th of December, we came up with Cape Falso, betwixt which and the Cape of Good Hope, there’s a deep
The 28th We had very hard Flaws of Wind off the High Land, till we came within Sight of the Lions Head and Rump, two Hills over the Cape Toun. This Day we arriv’d in the Harbour of the Cape, saluted the Dutch Fort with 9 Guns, and were answer’d by 7. We anchor’d in 6 Fathom Water, about a Mile off Shoar, and found only one English Ship, call’d the Donegal, Capt. Cliff Commander, homeward bound from Mocha, and 2 Middleburgers outward bound for Batavia in the Harbour, besides the Guard-Ship, and 2 or 3 Galliots.
The 29th. We moor’d our Ship, and got down our Yards and Topmasts to guard against the hard Flaws of Wind off the Table-Land, which frequently blow very fresh betwixt E. S. E. and S. E. We sent 16 sick Men a-shoar. We spent till the 18th of January, 1710-11. in watering and re-fiting, and then held the following Committee.
On the 18th the Committee met a-shoar, and agreed as follows.
THE Three Ships wanting several Necessaries and Provisions, we agree, that Captain Rogers and Captain Courtney do bring 100 Weight of Plate a-shoar from either Duke or Dutchess, and 60 Ounces of unwrought Gold, with all the coined Gold or Silver that is in both Ships. We likewise empower them, in Conjunction with Captains Dover and Cook, to purchase what Necessaries are wanting for the Whole, and to sell what Goods are fit to be dispos’d of here, if not too much to our Disadvantage, rather than exchange more Gold or Silver. We also desir’d they would agree for a Cable and Anchor, now wanting for the Duke, in Place of her Sheet Anchor and Cable, lately put aboard the Batchelor for her Security.
Tho. Dover, Pres. | Robert Fry, |
Woodes Rogers, | John Connely, |
Steph. Courtney, | Lan. Appleby. |
Wm. Dampier, |
On the 1st of February, I offer’d some Proposals in Writing to Captains Dover and Courtney, with the rest of the Committee, wherein I told them ’twas my Opinion we should loose too much Time to stay for the Dutch Fleet, in order to have
Gentlemen,
THis is to acquaint you of our safe Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, December, 29, 1710. with our Prize the Acapulco Ship, call’d Nuestra SeÑora de’l Incarnation y Disengano, commanded by Monsieur John Pechberty, and now call’d by us the Batchelor Frigat, mounted with 20 Great Guns, and 20 Brass Pattereroes, and mann’d with 116 Men, a firm Ship, and each of our Ships are mann’d with 120 Men each, in Company with 3 English East-India Ships, and do expect 3 Sail more every Day. The Dutch Ships from Batavia (which are 12 Sail of stout Ships) are expected here every Hour, and six Sail more from Ceilon, which Fleet we are resolved in Council to accompany to Holland, except we have an Account of Peace, or
Your most humble and most obedient Servants,
Tho. Dover, Pres. | William Stretton, |
Woodes Rogers, | Charles Pope, |
Steph. Courtney, | Tho. Glendall, |
Edward Cook, | John Connely, |
Wm. Dampier, | John Ballett. |
Robert Fry, |
We being now likely to spend so much Time here, and the Duke having been very leaky all the way betwixt Batavia and this Place, and considering the long Passage we had to England, I moved to the Council that we might go to Sardinia Bay to careen. ’Twas debated some time before betwixt me and Capt. Courtney pro and con; and to be farther satisfy’d, on the 13th Capts. Cook, Fry and Stretton were appointed to come aboard, and we had a Survey of Carpenters concerning the Leak. After some Rummage, they agreed ’twould be very dangerous to attempt any thing within-board, and no other way but Careening would do, which Capt. Dover and the Majority would not consent to; so that we are forc’d to lie in as bad a condition as ever, only now and then mitigate the Leak with a Bonnet,
Feb. 26. Having been very weak, and kept my Chamber for several Days, but now something better, I sent for most of my Officers ashore, that I might be thoroughly satisfied what was wanting aboard, in order to go home with the Dutch Fleet; and being too weak, and made uncapable of assisting to get any thing, I deliver’d in the said Account to Capts. Dover, Courtney and Cooke, with the rest of the Committee,
On the 27th we made a Rummage for Bale Goods to dispose of ashore, having Leave of the Governour, and provided a Store-house, where Capt. Courtney, with the Owners Agent took their turns weekly during the Sale of them.
Nothing remarkable happen’d till the 3d of April, but that on the 13th of March 4 Dutch Ships came in from Ceylon, 3 of them having lost their Main Masts, and being otherwise much damaged by a violent Storm they met with in Lat. 18. S.
I took in more Water and Provisions, sent more Goods ashore to the Storehouse, and disposed of 12 Negroes.
On the 28th of March a Portuguese Ship from Brasile came in with advice, that 5 Stout French Ships attempted Rio Janiero, but were repuls’d, and had a great Number of Men kill’d, and 400 taken Prisoners by the Portuguese.
April 3. Being in a readiness to sail, the Flag came off Shore, was saluted first by the Dutch, and then by all the English Ships; but a contrary Wind prevented our sailing. Most of the Goods sold at the Cape were taken out of the Duke, being in much worse Package than those aboard the Dutchess and Batchelor; so that most of our Bales that could be come at, have been open’d, and we find abundance of Damage, our Ship having been so long leaky, that we have not a tight Place in the Ship fit to secure dry Goods.
April 5. At Day-break this Morning the Flag hoisted a blue Ensign, loos’d his Fore-top-sail, and fired a Gun as a Signal to unmoor: As we were heaving in our Cable, it rubb’d against the Oakham, which had got into the Leak, and occasion’d the Ship to be as leaky again as ever, she having been indifferent tight for some time, and we were in hopes it would have continu’d. About Noon I came aboard very thin, and in no better Health than I was when I went first ashore at our Arrival here. Presently after I went aboard the Flag, there being a Signal made for all the English Commanders. We had before received our Orders, which were very particular, and as obligatory to be punctually observed. About 4 in the Afternoon the Flag, Vice and Rear Admirals weigh’d, with part of the Fleet, and fell down to Robins or Penguin Island, where they lay for the rest of the Ships.
April 6. In the Afternoon we all weigh’d from Penguin Island, 16 Dutch and 9 English Ships, having a fresh Breeze at S. S. E.
We buried ashore here, George Russel, a Foremast-man, Dec. 30. 1710. John Glasson, dº. 5 Jan. Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh, Owners Agent, 3 Feb. Mr. Lancelot Appleby, 2d Mate, 21 dºo. and four deserted.
Here follows a List of the Ships that arrived during our Stay at the Cape; all those homeward bound are now in company with us, except Capt. Opie in the Olie, and a Dane that sailed in February, designed home before us.
The Ships that arriv’d at the Cape while we were there.
Donnegall, Capt. Cliff, found here, from Mocha bound to England.
A Dutch Ship, arriv’d Jan. 6, from Batavia, and bound thither.
Loyal Bliss, Capt. Rob. Hudson, arriv’d Jan. 10. from Bengall, bound to England.
A Dane, arriv’d Jan. 15. from Trincombar, bound to Denmark.
A Dutch Ship, arriv’d Jan. 16. from Zealand, bound for Batavia.
Blenheim, Capt. Parrot, Jan. 22. arriv’d from Mocha, bound to England.
Oley, Capt. Opie, arrived Jan. 25. from Batavia, bound for England.
A Dutch Ship, arrived Feb. 4. from Holland, bound to Batavia.
The Batavia Fleet, 11 Ships, arrived Feb. 22. bound to Holland.
The Ceilon Fleet, 4 Ships, arrived March 7. bound for Holland.
Loyal Cook, Capt. Clark, arrived March 12. from China, bound for England.
Carleton, Capt. Litton, arrived March 17. from Batavia, bound for England.
King William, Capt. Winter, arrived March 26. from Bengall, bound to England.