It is seldom possible to distinguish by pictographs, or indeed to decide from oral accounts obtained from Indians, whether those purporting to be historical have a genuine basis or are merely traditions connected with myths. This chapter may therefore be correlated with Chapter IX, section 5, which has special relation to traditions as mnemonically pictured. The notes now following are considered to refer to actual events or to explain the devices used in the record of such events.
The account by Dr. Brinton (c) of the Walum-Olum or bark record of the Lenni-LenapÉ, as also some of Schoolcraft’s pictographic illustrations, may with some propriety be regarded as historic, but are so well known that their specific citation is needless.
The American Indians have not produced detailed historic pictures, such as appear on the Column of Trajan, and the Bayeux tapestry, with such excellence in art as to be self-interpreting. Neither do they equal in this respect the Egyptian and Assyrian sculptures, which portray the ordering of battle, the engineering work of sieges, the plan of camps, and the tactical moves of chieftains. Those sculptures also depict the whole civil and domestic lives of the peoples of the several nations. In some of these particulars the Mexicans approached these graphic details, as is shown below, but, as a rule, in the three divisions of America, history was noted and preserved by ideographic methods supplementing the incompleteness of artistic skill.
With regard to the advance gained by the Mexicans reference is made, with regret that copious quotation is impossible, to the essay of Henry Phillips, jr. (a), and to the monumental work of EugÈne Boban, before cited. It will be noticed by students that ideography and its attendant conventionalism continually appear in the pictographic histories mentioned. The original authors had not advanced very far in art, but they had not lost the thought-language, which preceded art.
The subject is here divided into: (1) Record of expedition; (2) Record of battle; (3) Record of migration; (4) Record of sociologic events.
SECTION 1.
RECORD OF EXPEDITION.
The following account from Lafitau (a) explains the device for prisoner, under the heading of marked sticks, in Chapter IX, section 2, supra:
The most grievous time for them is at night; for every evening they are extended on their backs almost naked, with no other bed than the earth, in which four stakes are driven for each prisoner; to these their arms and legs are attached, spread apart in the form of a St. Andrew’s cross. To a fifth stake a halter is tied, which holds the prisoner by the neck and is wound around it three or four times. Finally, he is bound around the middle of the body by another halter or girdle, the two ends of which are taken by the person in charge of the captive and placed under his head while he sleeps, so that he will be awakened if the prisoner makes any movement to escape.
With the same object of explaining pictographic devices, the following is extracted from James’s Long (h):
Returning war parties of the Omaha peel off a portion of the bark from a tree, and on the trunk thus denuded and rendered conspicuous, they delineate hieroglyphics with vermilion or charcoal, indicative of the success or misfortune of the party, in their proceedings against the enemy. These hieroglyphics are rudely drawn, but are sufficiently significant to convey the requisite intelligence [t]o another division of the party, that may succeed them. On this rude chart the combatants are generally represented by small straight lines, each surmounted by a head-like termination, and are readily distinguishable from each other; the arms and legs are also represented when necessary to record the performance of some particular act or to exhibit a wound. Wounds are indicated by the representation of the dropping of blood from the part; an arrow wound, by adding a line for the arrow, from which the Indian is able to estimate with some accuracy its direction, and the depth to which it entered. The killed are represented by prostrate lines; equestrians are also particularized, and if wounded or killed they are seen to spout blood or to be in the act of falling from their horses. Prisoners are denoted by their being led, and the number of captured horses is made known by the number of lunules representing their track. The number of guns taken may be ascertained by bent lines, on the angle of which is something like the prominences of the lock. Women are portrayed with short petticoats and prominent breasts, and unmarried females by the short queues at the ears.
In Margry (e) there is an account of La Salle’s finding in 1683 on the bark of a tree a record of the party of Tonty’s pilot. The picture was that of a man with the costumes and general appearance of the pilot who had deserted, another man tied as a captive, and four scalps. This corresponded with the facts afterwards learned. The pilot had been left free, another man kept alive, and four killed, thus accounting for the lost party of six. The record had been made by the captors.
The figures in the following group, taken from several of the Winter Counts of the Dakotas, picture a number of important expeditions, all of which are independently known. Some of them are narrated in the official documents of the United States.
Fig. 776. The Oglalas, BrulÉs, Minneconjous, San Arcs, and Cheyennes united in an expedition against the Crows. They surprised and captured a village of thirty lodges, killed all the men and took the women and children prisoners. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1801-’02.
The three tipis stand for thirty; the spots in the original are red for blood.
Fig. 777. The Oglalas and Minneconjous took the war-path against the Crows and stole three hundred horses. The Crows followed them and killed eight of the party. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1863-’64. Eight scalped heads are portrayed.
Fig. 778. The Dakotas assaulted and took a Crow village of a hundred lodges. They killed many and took many prisoners. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1820-’21.
Fig. 779. The Oglalas helped Gen. Mackenzie to whip the Cheyennes. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1876-’77. The head of the Indian on which is the ornamented war bonnet represents the man who was the first to enter the Cheyenne village, which is figured by the tipis in a circle. The hatted, i.e., white man holding up three fingers is Gen. Mackenzie, who, as was explained by the interpreter, is placed upon the head of the Dakota to indicate that the Dakotas backed or assisted him, but it may mean that he commanded or was at the head of the party. The other white man is Gen. Crook, or Three Stars, as indicated by the three stars above him, and as he is called in another record. This designation might be suggested from the uniform, but it is not accurate. Gen. Crook’s rank as major-general of volunteers, or as brevet major-general in the Army, did not entitle him to more than two stars on his shoulder straps. It is possible that one of the stars in this figure belongs to Gen. Mackenzie.
Fig. 780. The Dakotas joined the whites in an expedition up the Missouri river against the Rees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1823-’24.
White-Cow-Killer calls it “Old-corn-plenty-winter.”
The union line between the Indian and the white soldier shows that on this occasion they were allies.
Fig. 781. United States troops fought Ree Indians. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1823-’24.
This and the preceding figure are signs of a specially interesting expedition, a condensed account of which follows taken from the annual report of J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, November 29, 1823:
Gen. William H. Ashley, a licensed trader, was treacherously attacked by the Arickaras at their village on the west bank of the Missouri river, about midway between the present Fort Sully and Fort Rice. Twenty-three of the trading party were killed and wounded, and the remainder retreated in boats and sent appeals for succor to the commanding officer at Fort Atkinson, the present site of Council Bluffs. This officer was Col. H. Leavenworth, Sixth United States Infantry, who marched June 22, with 220 men of that regiment, 80 men of trading companies, and two 6-pound cannon, a 5½-inch brass howitzer, and some small swivels, nearly 700 miles through a country filled with hostile or unreliable Indians, to the Ree villages, which he reached on the 9th of August. The Dakotas were at war with the Arickara or Rees, and 700 to 800 of their warriors had joined the United States forces on the way; of these Dakotas 500 are mentioned as Yanktons, but the tribes of the remainder are not designated. The Rees were in two villages, the lower one containing seventy-one dirt lodges and the upper seventy, both being inclosed with palisades and a ditch and the greater part of the lodges having a ditch around the bottom on the inside. The enemy, having knowledge of the expedition, had fortified and made every preparation for resistance. Their force consisted of over 700 warriors, most of whom were armed with rifles procured from British traders. On the 9th of August the Dakotas commenced the attack and were driven back until the regular troops advanced, but nothing decisive resulted until the artillery was employed on the 10th, when a large number of the Rees, including their chief, Gray Eyes, were killed, and early in the afternoon the survivors begged for peace. They were much terrified and humbled by the effect of the cannon, which, though small, answered the purpose. During the main engagement the Dakotas occupied themselves in gathering and carrying off all the corn to be found.
See also the record of Lean-Wolf’s expedition in Fig. 452.
SECTION 2.
RECORD OF BATTLE.
Lafitau (b) gives the following account, translated with condensation, of the records of expedition, battle, etc., made by the Iroquois and northeastern Algonquins:
The designs which the Indians have tattooed on their faces and bodies are employed as hieroglyphics, writing, and records. When an Indian returns from war and wishes to make his victory known to the neighboring nations through whose country he passes, when he has chosen a hunting ground and wishes it to be known that he has selected it for himself and that it would be an affront to him for others to establish themselves there, he supplies the lack of an alphabet by those characteristic symbols which distinguish him personally; he paints on a piece of bark, which is raised on a pole by a place of passage [trail], or he cuts away some pieces from a tree trunk with his hatchet, and, after having made a smooth surface, traces his portrait and adds other characters, which give all the information that he desires to convey.
When I say that he draws his portrait, it will be understood that he is not skillful enough to delineate all the features of his face in such a manner that it would be recognized. They have, indeed, no other way of painting than that monogrammatic or linear painting, which consists of little more than the mere outlines of the shadow of the body rather than of the body itself—a picture so imperfect that it was often necessary to add below the name of the object which was intended to be represented in order to make it known.
The Indian then, to represent his portrait, draws a simple outline in the form of a head, adding scarcely any marks to indicate the eyes, nose, ears, or other features of the face. In place of these he draws the designs which are tattoed upon his own face, as well as those upon his breast, and which are peculiar to him and render him recognizable not only to those who have seen him, but even to all who, knowing him only by reputation, are acquainted with his hieroglyphic symbol, as formerly in Europe an individual was distinguished by his device and as we to-day know a family by its armorial bearings. About his head he paints the object which expresses his name; the Indian, for example, called the Sun paints a sun; at the right he traces the animals which are the symbols of the nation and family to which he belongs. That of the nation is above the one representing the family, and the beak or muzzle of the former is so placed that it corresponds to the place of his right ear, as if this symbolic figure of his nation represented its spirit, which inspires him. If this Indian is returning from war, he represents beneath his portrait the number of warriors composing the party which he leads, and beneath the warriors the number of prisoners made and those whom he has killed by his own hand. At the left side are indicated his expeditions and the prisoners or scalps taken by those of his party. The warriors are represented with their weapons or simply by lines; the prisoners by the stick decorated with feathers and by the chichikoue or tortoise-shell rattle, which are the marks of their slavery; the scalps or the dead by the figures of men, women, or children without heads. The number of expeditions is designated by mats. He distinguishes those which he has accompanied from those which he has commanded by adding strings [of wampum] to the latter. If the Indian goes as an ambassador of peace all the symbols are of a pacific nature. He is represented below his portrait with the calumet in his hand; at the left is seen an enlarged figure of the calumet, the symbolic figure of the nation with which he goes to treat, and the number of those who accompany him on the embassy.
The same author, on page 194 of the same volume, explains how the mat or mattress came to mean war:
The Iroquois and the Hurons call war n’ondoutagette and gaskenrhagette. The final verb gagetton, which is found in the composition of these two words, and which signifies to bear or to carry, shows, verily, that heretofore something was borne to it [i.e., to war], which was a symbol of it [i.e., of war] to such a degree that it [war] had assumed its [the symbol’s] designation. The term ondouta signifies the down [the wool-like substance] which is taken from the ear [cat-tails] of marsh reeds, and it also denotes the entire plant, which they use in making the mattresses [nattes] upon which they lie; so that it appears that they applied this term to war because every warrior in this kind of expeditions carried with him his own mattress; in fact, the mattress is still to-day the symbol employed in their hieroglyphic picture-writing to denote the number of their campaigns.
Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, in Science, April 1, 1892, has gone deeper into the etymology of the words quoted, but coincides generally with Father Lafitau in the explanation that they were denotive of the custom of the Iroquoian warrior to carry his mattress when on the warpath.
Figs. 782 and 783 are reproductions of Lafitau’s (c) illustrations, which were explained as follows by him:
Fig. 782.—Record of battle.
Fig. 782 shows that the Indian called Two-Feathers, a b, of the Crane nation c, and the Buffalo family d, accompanied by fifteen warriors h, has made one prisoner f, and taken three scalps g, on his sixth expedition k, and on the fourth, when he commanded it, i.
Fig. 783.—Record of battle.
Fig. 783 relates that the Indian named Two-Arrows a, of the nation of the Deer c, and the Wolf family d, has gone as an ambassador bearing the calumet of peace to the Bear nation e, accompanied by thirty persons h. In both figures the Indian is not only represented by his “hieroglyph,” but he is also pictured at full length in the first with his arms, and in the second holding the calumet and the rattle.
Fig. 784.—Battle of 1797. Ojibwa.
A historical record relating to a fight between the Ojibwa and the Dakota ninety-one years ago is given in Fig. 784. The following narrative was given by the draftsman of the record, an Ojibwa:
Ninety-one winters ago (A.D. 1797) twenty-five Ojibwa were encamped on a small lake, o, called Zi'zabe'gamik, just west of Mille Lacs, Minnesota. The chief’s lodge, a, was erected a short distance from the lake, m, where the Indians had been hunting, and as he felt unsafe on account of the hostile Sioux he directed some of his warriors to reconnoiter south of the lower lake, where they soon discovered a body of three hundred of their enemies. The chief of the reconnoitering party, b, sent back word for the women and children to be removed to a place of safety, but three of the old women refused to go. Their lodges are represented in c, d, and e. Five Ojibwa escaped through the brush, in a northwest direction (indicated in f).
The Sioux surrounded the lake and the fight took place on the ice. Twenty of the Ojibwa were killed, the last to die being the chief of the party, who, from appearances, was beaten to death with a tomahawk; g represents three bearskins; h, i, and j, respectively, deer, grouse, and turtle, the kinds of game hunted there during the several seasons. The canoe k indicates the manner of hunting along the shore and the stream connecting the lakes, l, m, and o.
The Ojibwa frequently spent part of a season at the middle lake, m, and at another time had been engaged in a skirmish with the Sioux farther north, on the small lake indicated at o. The Ojibwa had been scattered about, but when the attack was made by the Sioux the former rapidly came to the rescue both by boat, p, and on foot, q, so that the enemy was gradually driven off. In the first mentioned battle 70 Sioux were killed, their bodies being subsequently buried in the lake by cutting holes through the ice. The openings are shown at r, the lines representing bodies ready to be cast down into the water.
Baron Lahontan (b) says:
When a Party of (Algonkin) Savages have routed their enemies in any Place whatsoever, the Conquerors take care to pull the Bark off the Trees for the height of five or six Foot in all Places where they stop in returning to their own Country; and in honour of their Victory paint certain images with Coal pounded and beat up with Fat and Oyl. These Pictures continue upon the peel’d Tree for ten or twelve Years, as if they were Grav’d, without being defac’d by the Rain.
The same author, on page 86, et seq., of the same volume, gives an illustration, with descriptive explanation, of a pictographic record supposed to be made by the Canadian Algonquins. The explanation is useful as indicating the principles of pictography adopted by the North American Indians for a record of that character, but it is not deemed proper to reproduce the illustration here. It has often been copied, but it is misleading in its artistic details. It is obviously drawn by a European artist as his own interpretation of a verbal description of the record.
The more valuable parts of the explanation are condensed as follows, the quaint literation of the early translation being retained:
The Arms of France, with an Ax above. Now the Ax is a Symbol of War among the Savages as the Calumet is the Bond of Peace: So that this imports that the French have taken up the Ax, or have made a Warlike Expedition with as many tens of Men as there are Marks or Points Round the Figure. These marks are eighteen in number and so they signifie an Hundred and eighty Warriors.
A Mountain that represents the City of Monreal and the Fowl upon the Wing at the top signifies Departure. The Moon upon the Back of the Stag signifies the first Quarter of the July Moon which is call’d the Stag-Moon.
A Canow, importing that they have travel’d by Water as many Days as you see Huts in the Figure, i.e., 21 Days [the huts undoubtedly mean stopping places for night shelters].
A foot, importing that after their Voyage by Water they march’d on Foot as many Days as there are Huts design’d; that is, seven Days Journeys for Warriors, each Days Journey being as much as five common French Leagues, or five of those which are reckon’d to be twenty in a Degree.
A Hand and three Huts, which signifie that they are got within three Days Journey of the Iroquese Tsonnontouans [Senecas], whose Arms are a Hut with two trees leaning downwards, as you see them drawn. The Sun imports that they were just to the Eastward of the Village.
Twelve marks, signifying so many times ten Men like those last mentioned. The Hut with two Trees being the Arms of the Tsonnontouans, shows that they were of that Nation; and the Man in a lying posture speaks that they were surpris’d.
In this row there appears a Club and eleven Heads, importing that they had kill’d eleven Tsonnontouans, and the five men standing upright upon the five Marks signifie that they took as many times ten prisoners of War.
Nine Heads in an Arch [i.e., Bow] the meaning of which is, that nine of the Aggressors or of the Victorious side were kill’d; and the twelve Marks underneath signifie that as many were Wounded.
Arrows flying in the air, some to one side and some to the other, importing a vigorous Defence on both sides.
The arrows all point one way, which speaks the worsted Party either flying or fighting upon a Retreat in disorder.
The meaning of the whole is: A hundred and eighty French soldiers set out from Montreal in the first quarter of the month of July and sailed twenty-one days; after which they marched 35 leagues over land and surprised 120 Senecas on the east side of their village, 11 of whom were killed and 50 taken prisoners; the French sustaining the loss of 9 killed and 12 wounded, after a very obstinate engagement.
Fig. 785 is a reproduction of a drawing by a Winnebago Indian of the battle of Hard river, fought against a large force of Sioux by Gen. Sully’s command, with which was a company of Winnebagos.
Fig. 785.—Battle of Hard river, Winnebago.
a. Gen. Sully’s camp, on the left bank of Hard river, from which camp the company of Winnebagos were sent across the river.
b. The Winnebagos skirmishing with a party of hostile Sioux. Two Winnebagos, having gone ahead of the main party, came first upon about thirty Sioux, who immediately gave chase. The two Winnebagos are represented endeavoring to escape arrows from pursuing Sioux flying about them, and the blood from the horse of one of them flowing over the ground. The rest of the Winnebagos are coming to rescue their companions.
c. Gen. Sully’s entire force, after crossing Hard river, were assailed by a number of Sioux. Gen. Sully’s forces formed in hollow square to repulse the Sioux, who with loud yells went galloping about them, trying to stampede horses or throw his men into confusion.
d. The camp of the Sioux, the women and children escaping over the hills. One squaw was left in the camp and with her papoose is seen. One of the Sioux previously wounded was found dead and was scalped, a representation of which operation the artist has given.
Fig. 786.—Battle between Ojibwa and Sioux.
Fig. 786 is a copy of a birch-bark record made and also explained by the leader of the expedition referred to.
In 1858 a war party of Mille Lacs Ojibwa Indians, a, under the leadership of ShahÂsh'king, b, went to attack ShÁkopi’s camp, c, of Sioux at St. Peter’s river, d. ShÁkopi is represented at e. The Ojibwa lost one man, f, at the St. Peter’s river, while the Ojibwa killed five Sioux, but succeeded in securing only one arm of an Indian, g.
The line h is the trail followed between Mille Lacs, a, and ShÁkopi’s camp, c. The spots at c designate the location of lodges, while the vertical line with short ones extending from it, i, signifies the prairie with trees growing near camp.
Fig. 787.—Megaque’s last battle.
Fig. 787 is the pictorial story of Megaque’s last battle, drawn on birch bark by the Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, with his interpreted description.
In the old times there was a certain Indian chief and hunter. He was so cruel and brave in time of war and his success in conquering his enemies and taking so many scalps was so great that he was called Megaque, or the Scalping Man. In hunting seasons he always went to his hunting grounds with his warriors to defend and guard their hunting grounds from the trespassing of other hunters. He was well known by other Indians for his bravery and his cruelty to his prisoners. He conquered so many other warriors and tortured them that he was hated, and they tried to capture him alive. Some of the warriors from other tribes gathered an army and marched to his hunting grounds when they knew that he could not escape from their hands. When they come near where he is they send messengers to him and notify him of the approaching army; he is out hunting when they reach his camp, but they make marks on a piece of birch bark, a figure of an Indian warrior with tomahawk in one hand and spear in the other, similar to that seen in g, which is put up in a village of wigwams, i. When Megaque returned from his hunt and found someone had visited him during his absence, he also found the pieces of bark which read to mean a band of warriors. He has no time. He was so brave and proud he did not try to escape. In a day or two the band of warriors had reached him. After fighting, when he killed many as usual, he was finally captured and taken to the enemy’s country to be tortured. He can stand all the usual tortures bravely and sing his usual war songs while he is tormented. Finally he was killed.
The following is the explanation of the details: a, Megaque; b, his braves; c, the course by which the enemy comes; d, e, f, Megaque’s rivers and lakes; g, the enemy; h, their warriors; i, their village; j, river boundary line.
The figures now following are those notices of battle pictured in the several Winter Counts which have been selected as being of more than ordinary interest either from the importance and notoriety of the events or from their mode of delineation:
Fig. 788.—The Oglalas killed three lodges of Omahas. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1785-’86. The Omaha is prostrate and scalped.
Fig. 789.—The Omahas made an assault on a Dakota village. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1802-’03. Bullets are flying back and forth. The single rider represents the whole of the troop. He is partially covered by the shield and the horse’s neck, behind which he hangs in a manner common among the Indian horsemen. The ornamented shield with its device of a displayed eagle, and the lance with eagle feather for a pennon, recalls the equipments of chivalry.
Fig. 790.—The Dakotas and Pawnees fought on the ice on the North Platte river. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The Dakotas were on the north side (the right-hand side in the figure), the Pawnees on the south side (the left in the figure). Horsemen and footmen on the left are opposed to footmen on the right. Both sides have guns and bows, as shown by the bullet-marks and the arrows. Blood-stains are on the ice.
Fig. 791.—The Dakotas fought the Pawnees across the ice on the North Platte. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The man on the left is a Pawnee. This is a variant of the preceding figure, far less graphically expressed.
Fig. 792.—The Dakotas fought with the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1834-’35. The stripes on the arm are for Cheyenne, as before explained.
Fig. 793.—White-Bull and thirty other Oglalas were killed by the Crows and Shoshoni. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1845-’46.
Fig. 794.—Mato-wayuhi, Conquering-Bear, was killed by white soldiers, and thirty white soldiers were killed by the Dakotas, 9 miles below Fort Laramie. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. The thirty black dots in three lines stand for the soldiers, and a red stain at the end of the line, starting from the pictured discharge of a gun, means killed. The head covered with a fatigue cap further shows the soldiers were white. Indian soldiers are usually represented in a circle or semicircle. The gesture-sign for white soldier means “all in line,” and is made by placing the nearly closed hands, with palms forward and thumbs near together, in front of the body and then separating them laterally about 2 feet.
Fig. 795.—The Dakotas killed one hundred white men at Fort Phil. Kearny. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1866-’67. The hats and the cap-covered head represent the whites; the red spots, the killed; the circle of characters around them, rifle or arrow shots; the black strokes, Dakota footmen; and the hoof-prints, Dakota horsemen. The Phil. Kearny massacre occurred December 21, 1866, and eighty-two whites were killed, including officers, citizens, and enlisted men. Capt. W. J. Fetterman was in command of the party.
THE BATTLE OF THE LITTLE BIGHORN.
Dr. Charles E. McChesney, acting assistant surgeon, U.S. Army, has communicated a most valuable and unique account, both in carefully noted gesture-signs and in pictographs, of the battle, now much discussed, which was fought in Montana on June 25, 1876, and is popularly but foolishly styled “Custer’s massacre.” If the intended surprise, with the object of killing as many Indians as possible, had been successful instead of being a disastrous defeat, any surviving Indians might with some propriety have spoken of “Custer’s massacre.” The account now presented in one of its forms, was given by Red-Horse, a Sioux chief and a prominent actor in the battle. The form which gives the relation in gesture-signs and shows the syntax of the sign-language perhaps better than any published narrative, will be inserted in a work now in preparation by the present writer to be issued by the Bureau of Ethnology. The narrative, closely translated into simple English, is given below. Accompanying the record of signs are forty-one sheets of manila paper, besides one map of the battle ground, all drawn by Red-Horse, which average 24 by 26 inches, most of them being colored. These may either be considered as illustrations of the signs or the signs may be considered as descriptive of the pictographs. It is impossible to reproduce now this mass of drawing on any scale which would not be too minute for appreciation. It has been decided to present, with necessary reduction from the above-mentioned dimensions, the map and nine of the typical sheets in Pls. XXXIX to XLVIII. Indeed, without considering the space required, there would be small advantage in reproducing all of the sheets, as they are made objectionable by monotonous repetitions.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIX
MAP OF LITTLE BIG HORN BATTLE FIELD.
Here follows the story of Red-Horse. Pl. XXXIX is the map of the Little-Bighorn battlefield and adjacent territory, embracing part of Montana and the Dakotas, drawn at Cheyenne River agency, South Dakota, in 1881. The map as now presented is reduced to one-sixteenth from the original, which is drawn in colors on a sheet of manila paper. The letters were not on the original and are inserted only for reference from the descriptive text, as follows:
a, Wind River mountains, called by the Sioux “the Enemies’ mountains.”
b, Bighorn mountains.
c, Missouri river.
d, Yellowstone river.
e, Bighorn river.
f, Little Bighorn river, called by the Sioux Greasy Grass creek and Grass Greasy creek.
g, Indian camp.
h, battlefield.
i, Dry creek.
j, Rosebud river.
k, Tongue river.
l, Powder river.
m, Little Missouri river.
n, Cheyenne river, called by the Sioux Good river. The North and South Forks are drawn but not lettered.
o, Bear butte.
p, Black hills.
q, Cheyenne agency.
r, Moreau or Owl creek.
s, Thin butte.
t, Rainy butte.
u, White butte.
v, Grand or Ree river.
w, Ree village.
x, White Earth river.
y, Fort Buford.
Five springs ago I, with many Sioux Indians, took down and packed up our tipis and moved from Cheyenne river to the Rosebud river, where we camped a few days; then took down and packed up our lodges and moved to the Little Bighorn river and pitched our lodges with the large camp of Sioux.
The Sioux were camped on the Little Bighorn river as follows: The lodges of the Uncpapas were pitched highest up the river under a bluff. The Santee lodges were pitched next. The Oglala’s lodges were pitched next. The BrulÉ lodges were pitched next. The Minneconjou lodges were pitched next. The Sans Arcs’ lodges were pitched next. The Blackfeet lodges were pitched next. The Cheyenne lodges were pitched next. A few Arikara Indians were among the Sioux (being without lodges of their own). Two-Kettles, among the other Sioux (without lodges). [Pl. XL shows the Indian camp.]
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XL
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIAN CAMP.
I was a Sioux chief in the council lodge. My lodge was pitched in the center of the camp. The day of the attack I and four women were a short distance from the camp digging wild turnips. Suddenly one of the women attracted my attention to a cloud of dust rising a short distance from camp. I soon saw that the soldiers were charging the camp. [Pl. XLI shows the soldiers charging the Indian camp.] To the camp I and the women ran. When I arrived a person told me to hurry to the council lodge. The soldiers charged so quickly we could not talk (council). We came out of the council lodge and talked in all directions. The Sioux mount horses, take guns, and go fight the soldiers. Women and children mount horses and go, meaning to get out of the way.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLI
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SOLDIERS CHARGING INDIAN CAMP.
Among the soldiers was an officer who rode a horse with four white feet. [From Dr. McChesney’s memoranda this officer was Capt. French, Seventh Cavalry.] The Sioux have for a long time fought many brave men of different people, but the Sioux say this officer was the bravest man they had ever fought. I don’t know whether this was Gen. Custer or not. Many of the Sioux men that I hear talking tell me it was. I saw this officer in the fight many times, but did not see his body. It has been told me that he was killed by a Santee Indian, who took his horse. This officer wore a large-brimmed hat and a deerskin coat. This officer saved the lives of many soldiers by turning his horse and covering the retreat. Sioux say this officer was the bravest man they ever fought. I saw two officers looking alike, both having long yellowish hair.
Before the attack the Sioux were camped on the Rosebud river. Sioux moved down a river running into the Little Bighorn river, crossed the Little Bighorn river, and camped on its west bank.
This day [day of attack] a Sioux man started to go to Red Cloud agency, but when he had gone a short distance from camp he saw a cloud of dust rising and turned back and said he thought a herd of buffalo was coming near the village.
The day was hot. In a short time the soldiers charged the camp. [This was Maj. Reno’s battalion of the Seventh Cavalry.] The soldiers came on the trail made by the Sioux camp in moving, and crossed the Little Bighorn river above where the Sioux crossed, and attacked the lodges of the Uncpapas, farthest up the river. The women and children ran down the Little Bighorn river a short distance into a ravine. The soldiers set fire to the lodges. All the Sioux now charged the soldiers [Pl. XLII] and drove them in confusion across the Little Bighorn river, which was very rapid, and several soldiers were drowned in it. On a hill the soldiers stopped and the Sioux surrounded them. A Sioux man came and said that a different party of soldiers had all the women and children prisoners. Like a whirlwind the word went around, and the Sioux all heard it and left the soldiers on the hill and went quickly to save the women and children.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SIOUX CHARGING SOLDIERS.
From the hill that the soldiers were on to the place where the different soldiers [by this term Red-Horse always means the battalion immediately commanded by General Custer, his mode of distinction being that they were a different body from that first encountered] were seen was level ground with the exception of a creek. Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill [i.e., Reno’s battalion] would charge them in rear, but when they did not the Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill were out of cartridges. As soon as we had killed all the different soldiers [Pl. XLIII shows the fighting with Custer’s battalion] the Sioux all went back to kill the soldiers on the hill. All the Sioux watched around the hill on which were the soldiers until a Sioux man came and said many walking soldiers were coming near. The coming of the walking soldiers was the saving of the soldiers on the hill. Sioux can not fight the walking soldiers [infantry], being afraid of them, so the Sioux hurriedly left.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SIOUX FIGHTING CUSTER’S BATTALION.
The soldiers charged the Sioux camp about noon. The soldiers were divided, one party charging right into the camp. After driving these soldiers across the river, the Sioux charged the different soldiers [i.e., Custer’s] below, and drove them in confusion; these soldiers became foolish, many throwing away their guns and raising their hands, saying, “Sioux, pity us; take us prisoners.” The Sioux did not take a single soldier prisoner, but killed all of them; none were left alive for even a few minutes. These different soldiers discharged their guns but little. I took a gun and two belts off two dead soldiers; out of one belt two cartridges were gone, out of the other five.
The Sioux took the guns and cartridges off the dead soldiers and went to the hill on which the soldiers were, surrounded and fought them with the guns and cartridges of the dead soldiers. Had the soldiers not divided I think they would have killed many Sioux. The different soldiers [i.e., Custer’s battalion] that the Sioux killed made five brave stands. Once the Sioux charged right in the midst of the different soldiers and scattered them all, fighting among the soldiers hand to hand.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIV
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. THE DEAD SIOUX.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLV
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. The Dead Sioux.
One band of soldiers was in rear of the Sioux. When this band of soldiers charged, the Sioux fell back, and the Sioux and the soldiers stood facing each other. Then all the Sioux became brave and charged the soldiers. The Sioux went but a short distance before they separated and surrounded the soldiers. I could see the officers riding in front of the soldiers and hear them shouting. Now the Sioux had many killed. [Pls. XLIV and XLV show the dead Sioux.] The soldiers killed 136 and wounded 160 Sioux. The Sioux killed all these different soldiers in the ravine. [Pl. XLVI shows the dead cavalry of Custer’s battalion.]
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Custer’s Dead Cavalry.
The soldiers charged the Sioux camp farthest up the river. A short time after the different soldiers charged the village below. While the different soldiers and Sioux were fighting together the Sioux chief said, “Sioux men, go watch the soldiers on the hill and prevent their joining the different soldiers.” The Sioux men took the clothing off the dead and dressed themselves in it. Among the soldiers were white men who were not soldiers. The Sioux dressed in the soldiers’ and white men’s clothing fought the soldiers on the hill.
The banks of the Little Bighorn river were high, and the Sioux killed many of the soldiers while crossing. The soldiers on the hill dug up the ground [i.e., made earthworks], and the soldiers and Sioux fought at long range, sometimes the Sioux charging close up. The fight continued at long range until a Sioux man saw the walking soldiers coming. When the walking soldiers came near the Sioux became afraid and ran away. [Pls. XLVII and XLVIII show the Indians leaving the battle ground.]
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIANS LEAVING BATTLE GROUND.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVIII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Indians Leaving Battle Ground.
SECTION 3.
RECORD OF MIGRATION.
Fig. 796.—Record of Ojibwa migration.
Fig. 796 is a pictorial account of the migrations of the Ojibwa, being a reduced copy of a drawing made by Sika'ssige'. The account, especially in its commencement, follows the rule of all ancient history in being mixed with religion and myth. The otter was the messenger of Mi'nabo'zho and led the Âni'shinabe'g, who were the old or original people, the ancestors of the Ojibwa, and also of some other tribes which they knew, from an island, which was the imagined center of the world as bounded by the visible horizon, to the last seats of the tribe before interference by Europeans. The details of the figure were thus explained by the draftsman:
a. The circle signifies the earth’s surface, bounded by the horizon, as before described, and the dot in the center is the imagined island or original home of the human race. b. A line separating the history of the Mide'wiwin, that is, the strictly religious tradition from that of the actual migration as follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, which fact is referred to by the spot c, he disappeared beneath the surface of the water and went toward the west, in which direction the Âni'shinabÉg followed him, and located at Ottawa island, d. Here they erected the Mide'wigÂn and lived for many years. Then the Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and it a short time reappeared at A'wiat'ang (e), when the Mide'wiwin was again erected and the sacred rites conducted in accordance with the teachings of Mi'nabo'zho. Afterwards an interrupted migration was continued, the several resting places being given below in their proper order, and at each of them the rites of the Mide'wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to locate at was Mi'shenama'kinagung—Mackinaw (f); then Ne'mikung (g); Kiwe'winang' (h); BÂ'wating—Sault Ste. Marie (i); Tshiwi'towi' (j); Nega'wadje'u—Sand mountain (k), northern shore of Lake Superior; Mi'nisa'wik [Mi'nisa'bikkang]—Island of Rocks (l); Kawa'sitshiuwongk'—Foaming rapids (m); Mush'kisi'wi [Mash'kisi'bi]—Bad river (n); Sha'gawÂ'mikongk—“Long sand bar beneath the surface” (o); Wikwe'dÂnwong'gan—Sandy bay (p); NeÂ'shiwikongk'—Cliff point (q); Neta-wa-ya-sink—Little point of sand bar (r); Ân'nibis—Little elm tree (s); Wikup'bin-minsh—Little island basswood (t); Makubin'-minsh—Bear island (u); Shage'skike'-dawan'ga (v); Ne'wigwas'sikongk—The place where bark is peeled (w); Ta'pakwe'-ikak [Sa'apakwe'shkwa'okongk]—The place where lodge-bark is obtained (x); Ne'uwesak'kudeze'bi [Ne'wisak'udesi'bi]—Point dead wood timber river (y); Anibi'kanzi'bi [modern name Ashkiba'gisi'bi] rendered by different authorities both as Fish Spawn river, and “Green Leaf river” (z).
This locality is described as being at Sandy lake, Minnesota, where the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Mide'wigÂn was finally established. The Ojibwa say that they have dispersed in bands from La Pointe, as well as from Sandy lake, over various portions of Minnesota and into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the ceremonies of the Mide'wiwin.
Reference may be made to a highly interesting record of migration in Kingsborough, Codex Boturini, being a facsimile of an original Mexican hieroglyphic painting from the collection of Boturini, in twenty-three plates.
SECTION 4.
RECORD OF NOTABLE EVENTS.
In this group are presented some figures from the Dakota Winter Counts, which record events of tribal or intertribal importance not included under other heads.
Fig. 797.—Origin of BrulÉ Dakota.
Fig 797.—The-people-were-burnt winter. Battiste Good’s Winter Count 1762-’63. He explains the origin of the title “BrulÉ” Dakota as follows:
Some of the Dakotas were living east of their present country, when a prairie fire destroyed their entire village. Many of their children and a man and his wife, who were on foot some distance away from the village, were burned to death. Many of their horses were also burned to death. All the people that could get to a long lake which was near by saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of these were badly burned about the thighs and legs, and this circumstance gave rise to the name, si-can-gu, translated properly in to English as Burnt Thigh and by the French abbreviated as BrulÉ, by which latter name they have since been generally known.
Fig. 798.—The Oglalas engaged in a drunken brawl, which resulted in a division of the tribe, the Kiyuksas (Cut-Offs) separating from the others. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1841-’42.
Fig. 799.—First coming of traders.
Fig. 799.—Nine white men came to trade with the Dakotas. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1800-’01.
The hatted head stands for a white man and also indicates that the eight dots over it are for white men. According to this count the first whites came in 1794-’95, and the party now depicted succeeded them and were the first traders.
Fig. 800.—First coming of traders.
Fig. 800.—The Good-White-Man came. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1800-’01.
He was the first white man to trade and live with that division of the Dakotas of which Cloud-Shield’s chart gives the early records.
Fig. 801.—First coming of traders.
Fig. 801.—A trader brought the Dakotas their first guns. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1801-’02.
Fig. 802.—First coming of traders.
Fig. 802.—The Dakotas saw wagons for the first time. Red-Lake, a white trader, brought his goods in them. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1830-’31.
The earliest traders came by the river, in boats.
Fig. 803.—Some Crows came to the Dakota camp and scalped a boy. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1862-’63.
This is represented also in the next figure.
Fig. 804.—Boy scalped alive.
Fig. 804.—The Crows scalped an Oglala boy alive. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1862-’63.
This unusually cruel outrage renewed the violence of warfare between Dakota and Absaroka.
Fig. 805.—All of Standing Bull’s horses were killed. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1832-’33.
Hoof-prints, blood-stains, and arrows are shown under the horse. It may be remarked with regard to the name-device for Standing-Bull, that the quadruped can stand on two legs, but cannot run or even walk with that limitation, so that the exhibition of two legs only may properly signify standing, though for convenience the fore legs are depicted.
Fig. 806.—Annuities received.
Fig. 806.—They received their first annuities at the mouth of Horse creek. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1851-’52.
A one-point blanket is depicted and denotes dry goods. It is surrounded by a circle of marks which represent the people.
Fig. 807.—Annuities received.
Fig. 807.—Many goods were issued to the Dakotas at Fort Laramie. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1851-’52.
The goods were the first they received from the United States Government. The blanket which is represented stands for the whole issue.
White-Cow-Killer calls it “Large-issue-of-goods-on-the-Platte-river-winter.”
This is a more conventionalized form of the preceding figure.
Fig. 808.—Annuities received.
Fig. 808.—The Dakotas received annuities at Raw-Hide Butte. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1856-’57.
The house and the blanket represent the agency and the goods.
Fig. 809.—Mexican blankets bought.
Fig. 809.—The Dakotas bought Mexican blankets of John Richard, who bought many wagon-loads of the Mexicans. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1858-’59.
Fig. 810.—Wagon Captured.
Fig. 810.—They captured a train of wagons near Tongue river. The men who were with it got away. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1867-’68.
The blanket protruding from the front of the wagon represents the goods found in the wagons.
Fig. 811.—The Oglalas killed the Indian agent’s (Seville’s) clerk inside the stockade of the Red Cloud agency at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1873-’74.
Fig. 812.—Flag staff cut down.
Fig. 812.—The Oglalas at the Red Cloud agency, near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, cut to pieces the flagstaff which had been cut and hauled by order of their agent, but which they would not allow him to erect, as they did not wish to have a flag flying over their agency. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1874-’75.
This was in 1874. The flag which the agent intended to hoist was lately at the Pine ridge agency, Dakota.
Fig. 813.—Horses taken by United States government. The Flame’s Winter Count, 1876-’77.
This figure refers to the action of the military authorities of the United States toward the Indian tribes which had been connected with or suspected of favoring the outbreak which resulted in the defeat of the force under Gen. Custer. A body of troops swept the reservations on the Missouri river and took away all the ponies of the tribes, thereby depriving them of their means of transportation for hostile purposes. The hatted man with a star above his head is the brigadier-general in command of the United States forces. The hoof prints without marks of horseshoes indicate the Indian ponies as usual. The black blurs among them probably refer to the considerable number of the ponies that fell and died before they reached Bismark and other points of sale to which they were driven. It was promised that the amount realized from the sale of the drove should be returned to the owners, but the latter received little.
