This is the most obvious and probably was the earliest use to which picture-writing was applied. The contrivance of drawing the representations of objects, to fix in the memory either the objects themselves or the concepts, facts, or other matters connected with them, is practiced early by human individuals and is found among peoples the most ancient historically or in the horizons of culture. After the adoption of the characters for purely mnemonic purposes, those at first intended to be iconographic often became converted into ideographic, emblematic, or symbolic designs, and perhaps in time so greatly conventionalized that the images of the things designed could no longer be perceived by the imagination alone.
It is believed, however, that this form and use of picturing were preceded by the use of material objects which afterwards were reproduced graphically in paintings, cuttings, and carvings. In the present paper many examples appear of objects known to have been so used, the graphic representations of which, made with the same purpose, are explained by knowledge of the fact. Other instances are mentioned as connected with the evolution of pictographs, and they possibly may interpret some forms of the latter which are not yet understood.
This chapter is divided into (1) knotted cords and objects tied; (2) notched or marked sticks; (3) wampum; (4) order of songs; (5) traditions; (6) treaties; (7) appointment; (8) numeration; (9) accounting.
SECTION 1.
KNOTTED CORDS AND OBJECTS TIED.
Dr. Hoffman reports a device among the Indians formerly inhabiting the mountain valleys north of Los Angeles, California, who brought or sent to the settlements blankets, skins, and robes for sale. The man trusted to transport and sell those articles was provided with a number of strings made of some flexible vegetable fiber, one string for each class of goods, which were attached to his belt. Every one confiding an article to the agent fixed the price, and when he disposed of it a single knot was tied to the proper cord for each real received, or a double knot for each peso. Thus any particular string indicated the kind of goods sold, as well as the whole sum realized for them, which was distributed according to the account among the former owners of the goods.
Mr. George Turner (a) says that among the South Sea Islanders tying a number of knots in a piece of cord was a common way of noting and remembering things in the absence of a written language.
A peculiar and ingenious mode of expressing thoughts without pronouncing or writing them in language is still met with among the Indian shepherds in the Peruvian Cordilleras, though it is practiced merely in the accounts of the flocks. This system consists of a peculiar intertwining of various strings into a net-like braidwork, and the diverse modes of tying these strings form the record, the knots and loops signifying definite ideas and their combination the connection of these ideas. This system of mnemonic device, which was practiced by the ancient Peruvians, was called quipu, and, though a similar knot-writing is found in China, Tartary, eastern Asia, on many islands of the Pacific, and even in some parts of Africa, yet in Peru, at the time of the Incas, it was so elaborately developed as to permit its employment for official statistics of the government. Of course, as this writing gave no picture of a word and did not suggest sounds, but, like the notched stick, merely recalled ideas already existing, the writing could be understood by those only who possessed the key to it; but it is noteworthy that when the Jesuit missions began their work in Peru they were able to use the quipus for the purpose of making the Indians learn Latin prayers by heart.
A more detailed account of the ancient quipu is extracted from Dr. von Tschudi’s Travels in Peru (a) with condensation as follows:
This method consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots on strings, so as to render them auxiliaries to the memory. The instrument was composed of one thick head or top string, to which, at certain distances, thinner ones were fastened. The top string was much thicker than these pendent strings and consisted of two doubly twisted threads, over which two single threads were wound. The branches, or pendent strings, were fastened to the top ones by a single loop; the knots were made in the pendent strings and were either single or manifold. The length of the strings was various. The transverse or top string often measures several yards, and sometimes only a foot; the branches are seldom more than 2 feet long, and in general they are much shorter.
The strings were often of different colors, each having its own particular signification. The color for soldiers was red; for gold, yellow; for silver, white; for corn, green, etc. The quipu was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables; each single knot representing ten; each double knot stood for one hundred; each triple knot for one thousand, etc.; two single knots standing together made twenty; and two double knots, two hundred.
In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their army. On one string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on another the spearmen; on a third, those who carried clubs, etc. In the same manner the military reports were prepared. In every town some expert men were appointed to tie the knots of the quipu and to explain them. These men were called quipucamayocuna (literally, officers of the knots.) The appointed officers required great dexterity in unriddling the meaning of the knots. It, however, seldom happened that they had to read a quipu without some verbal commentary. Something was always required to be added if the quipu came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to the numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, etc. This method of calculation is still practiced by the shepherds of Puna. On the first branch or string they usually place the number of the bulls; on the second, that of the cows, the latter being classed into those which were milked and those which were not milked; on the next string were numbered the calves according to their ages and sizes. Then came the sheep, in several subdivisions. Next followed the number of foxes killed, the quantity of salt consumed, and, finally, the cattle that had been slaughtered. Other quipus showed the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, wool, etc. Each list was distinguished by a particular color or by some peculiarity in the twisting of the string.
Other accounts tell that the descendants of the Quiches still use the quipu, perhaps as modified by themselves, for numeration. They pierce beans and hang them by different colored strings, each of which represents one of the column places used in decimal arithmetic. A green string signifies 1,000; a red one, 100; a yellow, 10, and a white refers to the 9 smaller digits. Thus if 7 beans are on a green, 2 on a red, 8 on a yellow, and 6 on a white string, and the whole tied together, the bundle expresses the number 7,286.
Before the time of their acquaintance with the quipus, the Peruvians used in the same way pebbles or maize-beans of various colors. The same practice was known in Europe in the prehistoric period. The habit of many persons in civilized countries to tie a knot in the handkerchief to recall an idea or fact to mind is a familiar example to show how naturally the action would suggest itself for the purpose, and perhaps indicates the inheritance of the practice.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI
PERUVIAN QUIPU AND BIRCH BARK DRAWING.
Dr. Andree (b) gives an illustration of a quipu (here reproduced as part of Pl. XVI), which he represents as taken from Perez, and states that the drawing was made soon after the exhuming of the object from an ancient Peruvian grave.
Capt. Bourke (a) gives descriptions and illustrations of varieties of the izze-kloth or medicine cord of the Apache. A condensed extract of his remarks is as follows:
These cords, in their perfection, are decorated with beads and shells strung along at intervals, with pieces of the sacred green chalchihuitl, which has had such a mysterious ascendancy over the minds of the American Indians—Aztec, Peruvian, Quiche, as well as the more savage tribes like the Apache and Navajo; with petrified wood, rock crystal, eagle down, claws of the hawk or eaglet, claws of the bear, rattle of the rattlesnake, buckskin bags of hoddentin, circles of buckskin in which are inclosed pieces of twigs and branches of trees which have been struck by lightning, small fragments of the abalone shell from the Pacific coast, and much other sacred paraphernalia of a similar kind.
That the use of these cords was reserved for the most sacred and important occasions I soon learned. They were not to be seen on occasions of no moment, but the dances for war, medicine, and summoning the spirits at once brought them out, and every medicine man of any consequence would appear with one hanging from his right shoulder over his left hip.
These cords will protect a man while on the warpath, and many of the Apache believe firmly that a bullet will have no effect upon the warrior wearing one of them. This is not their only virtue by any means; the wearer can tell who has stolen ponies or other property from him or from his friends, can help the crops, and cure the sick. If the circle attached to one of these cords is placed upon the head it will at once relieve any ache, while the cross attached to another prevents the wearer from going astray, no matter where he may be; in other words, it has some connection with cross-trails and the four cardinal points, to which the Apache pay the strictest attention.
I was at first inclined to associate these cords with the quipus of the Peruvians and also with the wampum of the aborigines of the Atlantic coast, and investigation only confirms this first suspicion.
The praying beads of the Buddhists and of many Oriental peoples, who have used them from high antiquity, are closely allied to the quipu. They are more familiar now in the shape of the rosaries of Roman Catholics. In the absence of manufactured articles, arranged on wires, the necessary materials were easily procured. Berries, nuts, pease, or beans strung in any manner answered the purpose. The abacus of the Chinese and Greeks was connected in origin with the same device.
E. F. im Thurn (d) says of the Nikari-Karu Indians of Guiana:
At last, after four days’ stay, we got off. The two or three people from Euwari-manakuroo who came with us gave their wives knotted strings of quippus, each knot representing one of the days they expected to be away, and the whole string thus forming a calendar to be used by the wives until the return of their husbands.
That the general idea or invention for mnemonic purposes appearing in the quipu was actually used pictorially is indicated in the illustrations of the sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guatemala given by Dr. S. Habel (b). Upon these he remarks:
It has been frequently affirmed that the aborigines of America had nowhere arisen high enough in civilization to have characters for writing and numeral signs, but the sculptures of Santa Lucia exhibit signs which indicate a kind of cipher-writing higher in form than mere hieroglyphics. From the mouth of most of the human beings, living or dead, emanates a staff, variously bent, to the sides of which nodes are attached. These nodes are of different sizes and shapes, and variously distributed on the sides of the staff, either singly or in twos and threes, the last named either separated or in shape of a trefoil. This manner of writing not only indicates that the person is speaking or praying, but also indicates the very words, the contents of the speech or prayer. It is quite certain that each staff, as bent and ornamented, stood for a well-known petition, which the priest could read as easily as those acquainted with a cipher dispatch can know its purport. Further, one may be allowed to conjecture that the various curves of the staves served the purpose of strength and rhythm, just as the poet chooses his various meters for the same purpose.
The following notices of the ancient mnemonic use of knotted cords and of its survival in various parts of the world are extracted from the essay of Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (d):
The Yang tung, south of Khoten, and consequently north of Tibet, who first communicated with China in A.D. 641, had no written characters. They only cut notches in sticks and tied knots in strings for records.
The Bratyki and Buriats of Siberia are credited with the use of knotted cords.
The Japanese are also reputed to have employed knots on strings or bind-weeds for records.
The Li of Hainan, being unacquainted with writing, use knotted cords or notched sticks in place of bonds or agreements.
In the first half of the present century cord records were still generally used in the Indian archipelago and Polynesia proper. The tax-gatherers in the island of Hawaii by this means kept accounts of all the articles collected by them from the inhabitants. A rope 400 fathoms long was used as a revenue book. It was divided into numerous portions corresponding to the various districts of the island; the portions were under the care of the tax-gatherers, who, with the aid of loops, knots, and tufts of different shapes, colors, and sizes, were enabled to keep an accurate account of the hogs, pigs, and pieces of sandal wood, etc., at which each person was taxed.
In Timor island, according to the Chinese records in 1618, the people had no writing. When they wanted to record something they did it with flat stones, and a thousand stones were represented by a string.
Knotted cords were originally used in Tibet, but we have no information about their system of using them. The bare statement comes from the Chinese annals.
The following statement regarding the same use by the Chinese is made by Ernest Faber (a). He says: “In the highest antiquity, government was carried on successfully by the use of knotted cords to preserve the memory of things. In subsequent ages, the sages substituted for these written characters. By means of these the doings of all the officers could be regulated and the affairs of all the people accurately examined.”
SECTION 2.
NOTCHED OR MARKED STICKS.
The use of notches for mere numeration was frequent, but there are also instances of their special significance.
The Dakotas, Hidatsa, and Shoshoni have been observed to note the number of days during which they journeyed from one place to another by cutting lines or notches upon a stick.
The coup sticks carried by Dakota warriors often bear a number of small notches, which refer to the number of the victims hit with the stick after they had been wounded or killed.
The young men and boys of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota, frequently carry a stick, upon which they cut a notch for every bird killed during a single expedition.
In Seaver’s (a) life of Mary Jemison it is set forth that the war chief in each tribe of Iroquois keeps a war-post, in order to commemorate great events and preserve the chronology of them. This post is a peeled stick of timber 10 or 12 feet high, and is erected in the village. For a campaign they make, or rather the chief makes, a perpendicular red mark about 3 inches long and half an inch wide. On the opposite side from this, for a scalp taken, they make a red cross, thus Greek cross On another side, for a prisoner taken alive, they make a red cross in this manner saltire with dot with a head or dot, and by placing these significant signs in so conspicuous a situation they are enabled to ascertain with great certainty the time and circumstances of past events.
It is suggested that the device first mentioned represents the scalp severed and lifted from the head, and that the second refers to the manner in which the prisoners were secured at night, pegged and tied in the style called spread-eagle.
Rev. Richard Taylor (a) notes that the Maori had neither the quipus nor wampum, but only a board shaped like a saw, which was called “he rakau wakapa-paranga,” or genealogical board. It was, in fact, a tally, having a notch for each name, and a blank space to denote where the male line failed and was succeeded by that of the female; youths were taught their genealogies by repeating the names of each ancestor to whom the notches referred.
It is supposed that the use by bakers of notched sticks or tallies, as they are called, still exists in some civilized regions, and there is an interesting history connected with the same wooden tallies, which until lately were used in the accounts of the exchequer of Great Britain. They also appear more recently and in a different use as the Khe-mou circulated by Tartar chiefs to designate the number of men and horses required to be furnished by each camp.
SECTION 3.
WAMPUM.
Fig. 163.—Wampum strings.
Prof. Robert E. C. Stearns (a) says that wampum consisted of beads of two principal colors having a cylindrical form, a quarter of an inch, more or less, in length, the diameter or thickness being usually about half the length. The color of the wampum determined its value. The term wampum, wampon, or wampom, and wampum-peege was apparently applied to these beads when strung or otherwise connected, fastened, or woven together. The illustration given by him is now reproduced as Fig. 163.
In the Jesuit Relations, 1656, p. 3, the first present of an Iroquois chief to Jesuit missionaries at a council is described. This was a great figure of the sun, made of 6,000 beads of wampum, which explained to them that the darkness shall not influence them in the councils and the sun shall enlighten them even in the depth of night.
Among the Iroquoian and Algonquian tribes wampum belts were generally used to record treaties. Mr. John Long (a) describes one of them:
The wampum belts given to Sir William Johnson, of immortal Indian memory, were in several rows, black on each side and white in the middle; the white being placed in the center was to express peace and that the path between them was fair and open. In the center of the belt was a figure of a diamond made of white wampum, which the Indians call the council fire.
In the Jesuit Relations, 1642, p. 53, it is said that among the northern Algonquins a present to deliver a prisoner consisted of three strings of wampum to break the three bonds by which he was supposed to be tied, one around the legs, one around the arms, and the third around the middle.
In the same Relations, 1653, p. 19, is a good example of messages attached to separate presents of wampum, etc. This was at a council in 1653 at the Huron town, 2 leagues from Quebec:
The first was given to dry the tears which are usually shed at the news of brave warriors massacred in combat.
The second served as an agreeable drink, as an antidote to whatever bitterness might remain in the heart of the French on account of the death of their people.
The third was to furnish a piece of bark or a covering for the dead, lest the sight of them should renew the old strife.
The fourth was to inter them and to tread well the earth upon their graves, in order that nothing should ever come forth from their tombs which could grieve their friends and cause the spirit of revenge to arise in their minds.
The fifth was to serve as a wrapping to pack up the arms which were henceforth not to be touched.
The sixth was to cleanse the river, soiled with so much blood.
The last, to exhort the Hurons to agree to what Onontio, the great captain of the French, should decide upon touching the peace.
As a rule there was no intrinsic significance in a wampum belt, or collar, as the French sometimes called it. It was not understood except by the memory of those to whom and by whom it was delivered. This is well expressed in a dialogue reported by Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (a) in 1703:
[Council of Hurons at Fort Ponchartrain, June 3, 1703.]
Quarante-Sols. I come on my way to tell you what I propose to do at Montreal. Here is a collar which has been sent to us by the Iroquois, and which the Ottawas have brought to us; we do not know what it signifies.
M. de Lamothe. How have you received this collar without knowing the purpose for which it was sent you?
Quarante-Sols. It has already been long since we received it. I was not there, and our old men have forgotten what it said.
M. de Lamothe. Your old men are not regarded as children to have such a short memory.
Quarante-Sols. We do not accept this collar; but we are going to take it to Sonnontouan [the Seneca town] to find out what it means; because it is a serious matter not to respond to a collar; it is the custom among us. The Ottawas can tell you what it is, because our people have forgotten it.
M. de Lamothe. The Ottawas will reply that having received it you should remember it, but since this collar is dumb and has lost its speech I am obliged to be silent myself.
In the Diary of the Siege of Detroit (a) it is narrated that after receiving a belt of wampum from the commanding officer the Pottawatomi chief called it the officer’s “mouth,” and said that those to whom it was sent would believe it when “they saw his mouth.”
But wampum designs, besides being mere credentials, and thus like the Australian message sticks, and also mnemonic, became, to some extent, conventional. The predominance of white beads indicated peace, and purple or violet meant war.
On the authority of Sir Daniel Wilson (a) a string of black wampum sent round the settlement is still among the Indians of the Six Nations the notice of the death of a chief.
The Iroquois belts had an arrangement of wampum to signify the lakes, rivers, mountains, valleys, portages, and falls along the path of trail between them and the Algonkins, who were parties to their treaty in 1653.
On the authority of a manuscript letter from St. Ange to D’Abbadie, September 9, 1764, quoted by Parkman (a), Pontiac’s great wampum belt was 6 feet long, 4 inches wide, and was wrought from end to end with the symbols of tribes and villages, 47 in number, which were leagued with him.
In addition to becoming conventional the designs in wampum, perhaps from expertness in their workmanship, exhibited ideographs in their later development, of which the following description, taken from Rev. Peter Jones’s (a), “History of the Ojebway Indians” is an instance:
Johnson then explained the emblems contained in the wampum belt brought by Yellowhead, which, he said, they acknowledged to be the acts of their fathers. Firstly, the council fire at the Sault Ste. Marie has no emblem, because then the council was held. Secondly, the council fire at Mamtoulni has the emblem of a beautiful white fish; this signifies purity, or a clean white heart—that all our hearts ought to be white toward each other. Thirdly, the emblem of a beaver, placed at an island on Penetanguishew bay, denotes wisdom—that all the acts of our fathers were done in wisdom. Fourthly, the emblem of a white deer, placed at Lake Simcoe, signified superiority; the dish and ladles at the same place indicated abundance of game and food. Fifthly, the eagle perched on a tall pine tree at the Credit denotes watching, and swiftness in conveying messages. The eagle was to watch all the council fires between the Six Nations and the Ojebways, and being far-sighted, he might, in the event of anything happening, communicate the tidings to the distant tribes. Sixthly, the sun was hung up in the center of the belt to show that their acts were done in the face of the sun, by whom they swore that they would forever after observe the treaties made between the two parties.
In the same work, p. 119, is a description of a wampum belt that recorded the first treaty between the Ojibwa and the Six Nations of the Iroquois confederacy. It has the figure of a dish or bowl at its middle to represent that the Ojibwa and the Six Nations were all to eat out of the same dish, meaning, ideographically, that all the game in the region should be for their common use.
Fig. 164.—Penn wampum belt.
Mr. W. H. Holmes (c) gives an illustration of the well-known Penn wampum belt, reproduced here as Fig. 164, with remarks condensed as follows:
It is believed to be the original belt delivered by the Leni-Lenape sachems to William Penn at the celebrated treaty under the elm tree at Schackamaxon in 1682. Up to the year 1857 this belt remained in the keeping of the Penn family. In March, 1857, it was presented to the Pennsylvania Historical Society by Granville John Penn, a great-grandson of William Penn. Mr. Penn, in his speech on this occasion, states that there can be no doubt that this is the identical belt used at the treaty, and presents his views in the following language:
“In the first place, its dimensions are greater than of those used on more ordinary occasions, of which we have one still in our possession—this belt being composed of 18 strings of wampum, which is a proof that it was the record of some very important negotiation. In the next place, in the center of the belt, which is of white wampum, are delineated in dark-colored beads, in a rude, but graphic style, two figures—that of an Indian grasping with the hand of friendship the hand of a man evidently intended to be represented in the European costume wearing a hat, which can only be interpreted as having reference to the treaty of peace and friendship which was then concluded between William Penn and the Indians, and recorded by them in their own simple but descriptive mode of expressing their meaning by the employment of hieroglyphics.”
SECTION 4.
ORDER OF SONGS.
The Indian songs or, more accurately, chants, with which pictography is connected, have been preserved in their integrity by the use of pictured characters. They are in general connected with religious ceremonies, and are chiefly used in the initiation of neophytes to secret religious orders. Some of them, however, are used in social meetings or ceremonies of cult societies, though the distinction between social or any other general associations and those to be classified as religious is not easily defined. Religion was the real life of the tribes, permeating all their activities and institutions.
The words of these songs are invariable, even to the extent that by their use for generations many of them have become archaic and form no part of the colloquial language. Indeed, they are not always understood by the best of the shaman songsters, which fact recalls the oriental memorization of the Veda ritual through generations by the priests, who thus, without intent, preserved a language. The sounds were memorized, although the characters designating or, more correctly, recalling them, were not representations of sound, but of idea.
Practically, the words—or sounds, understood or not, which passed for words—as well as the notes, were memorized by the singers, and their memory, or that of the shaman, who acted as leader or conductor or precentor, was assisted by the charts. Exoteric interpretation of any ideographic and not merely conventional or purely arbitrary characters in the chart, which may be compared for indistinctness with the translated libretto of operas, may suggest the general subject-matter, perhaps the general course, of the chant, but can not indicate the exact words, or, indeed, any words, of the language chanted.
A simple mode of explaining the amount of symbolism necessarily contained in the charts of the order of songs is by likening them to the illustrated songs and ballads lately published in popular magazines, where every stanza has at least one appropriate illustration. Let it be supposed that the text was obliterated forever, indeed, the art of reading lost, the illustrations remaining, as also the memory to some persons of the words of the ballad. The illustrations, kept in their original order, would always supply the order of the stanzas and also the particular subject-matter of each particular stanza, and that subject-matter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the rolls of birchbark supply to the initiated Ojibwa. Schoolcraft pretended that there is intrinsic symbolism in the characters employed, which might imply that the words of the chants were rather interpretations of those characters than that the latter were reminders of the words. But only after the vocables of the actual songs and chants have been learned can the mnemonic characters be clearly understood. Doubtless the more ideographic and the less arbitrary the characters the more readily can they be learned and retained in the memory, and during the long period of the practical use of the mnemonic devices many exhibiting ideography and symbolism have been invented or selected.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVII
ORDER OF SONGS—OJIBWA.
The ceremonial songs represented pictorially in Pl. XVII, A, B, C, and D, were obtained from Ojibwa shamans at White Earth, Minnesota, by Dr. Hoffman, and pertain to the ceremony of initiating new members into the Mide' wiwin or Grand Medicine Society. The language, now omitted, differs to some extent from that now spoken. The songs and ritual are transmitted from generation to generation, and although an Indian who now receives admission into the society may compose his own songs for use in connection with his profession, he will not adopt the modern Ojibwa words, but employs the archaic whenever practicable. To change the ancient forms would cause loss of power in the charms which such songs are alleged to possess.
The translation of the songs was given by the Ojibwa singers, while the remarks in smaller type further elucidate the meaning of the phrases, as afterwards explained by the shaman.
The characters were all drawn upon birch bark, as is usual with the “medicine songs” of the Ojibwa, and the words suggested by the incisions were chanted. The incompleteness of some of the phrases was accounted for by the shaman by the fact that they are gradually being forgotten. The ceremonies are now of infrequent occurrence, which tends to substantiate this assertion.
One song, as presented on a single piece of birch bark, really consists of as many songs as there are mnemonic characters. Each phrase, corresponding to a character, is repeated a number of times; the greater the number of repetitions the greater will be the power of inspiration in the singer. One song or phrase may, therefore, extend over a period of from two to ten or more minutes.
The song covers much more time when dancing accompanies it, as is the case with the first one presented below. The dancing generally commences after a pause, designated by a single vertical bar.
The following characters are taken from A, Pl. XVII, and are here reproduced separately to facilitate explanation:
The earth, spirit that I am, I take medicine out of the earth.
The upper figure represents the arm reaching down toward the earth, searching for hidden remedies.
(Because of) a spirit that I am, my son.
The headless human figure emerging from the circle is a mysterious being, representing the power possessed by the speaker. He addresses a younger and less experienced Mide' or shaman.
Bar or rest.
The vertical line denotes a slight pause in the song, after which the chant is renewed, accompanied by dancing.
They have pity on me, that is why they call us to the Grand Medicine.
The inner circle represents the speaker’s heart; the outer circle, the gathering place for shamans, while the short lines indicate the directions from which the shamans come together.
I want to see you, medicine man.
The figure of a head is represented with lines running downward (and forward) from the eyes, donating sight. The speaker is looking for the shaman, spoken to, to make his appearance within the sacred structure where the Mide' ceremonies are to take place.
My body is a spirit.
The character is intended to represent the body of a bear, with a line across the body, signifying one of the most powerful of the sacred Man'idos or spirits, of the Mide' wiwin or “Grand Medicine Society.”
You would [know] it, it being a spirit.
The figure of a head is shown with lines extending both upward and downward from the ears, denoting a knowledge of things in realm of the Man'idos above, and of the secrets of the earth beneath.
As I am dressed, I am.
The otter is emerging from the sacred Mide' inclosure; the otter typifies the sacred Man'ido who received instruction for the people from Mi'nabo'zho, the intermediary between the “Great Spirit” and the ÂnÎshinÂbeg.
That is what ails me, I fear my Mide' brothers.
The arm reaching into a circle denotes the power of obtaining mysterious influence from KÍtschi Man'ido, but the relation between the pictograph and the phrase is obscure; unless the speaker fears such power as possessed by others.
The following is the order of another Mide' song. The general style of the original resembles the specific class of songs which are used when digging medicines, i.e., plants or roots. The song is shown in Pl. XVII, B as the character appears on the bark.
As I arise from [slumber].
The speaker is shown as emerging from a double circle, his sleeping place.
What have I unearthed?
The speaker has discovered a bear Man'ido, as shown by the two hands grasping that animal by the back.
Down is the bear.
The bear is said to have his legs cut off, by the outline of the Mide' structure, signifying he has become helpless because he is under the influence of the shamans.
Big, I am big.
The speaker is great in his own estimation; his power of obtaining gifts from superior beings is shown by the arm reaching for an object received from above; he has furthermore overcome the bear Man'ido and can employ it to advantage.
You encourage me.
Two arms are shown extended toward a circle containing spots of mi'gis, or sacred shells. The arms represent the assistance of friends of the speaker encouraging him with their assistance.
I can alight in the medicine pole.
The eagle or thunder-bird is perched upon the medicine pole erected near the shamans’ sacred structure. The speaker professes to have the power of flight equal to the thunder-bird, that he may transport himself to any desired locality.
The following is another example of a pictured Mide' song, and is represented in Pl. XVII, C.
I know you are a spirit.
The figure is represented as having waving lines extending from the eyes downward toward the earth, and indicating search for secrets hidden beneath the surface of the earth. The hands extending upward indicate the person claims supernatural powers by which he is recognized as “equal to a spirit.”
I lied to my son.
The signification of the phrase could not be explained by the informant, especially its relation to the character, which is an arm, reaching beyond the sky for power from Ki'tshi Man'ido. The waving line upon the arm denotes mysterious power.
Spirit I am, the wolf.
The speaker terms himself a wolf spirit, possessing peculiar power. The animal as drawn has a line across the body signifying its spirit character.
At last I become a spirit.
The circle denotes the spot occupied by the speaker; his hands extended are directed toward the source of his powers.
I give you the mi'gis.
The upper character represents the arm reaching down giving a sacred shell, the mi'gis, the sacred emblem of the “Grand Medicine Society.” The “giving of the mi'gis” signifies its “being shot” into the body of a new member of the society to give him life and the power of communing with spirits, or Man'idos.
You are speaking to me.
An arm is extended toward a circle containing a smaller one, the latter representing the spot occupied by Mide' friends.
The characters next explained are taken from the last line, D, of the series given in Pl. XVII. The speaker appears to have great faith in his own powers as a Mide'.
Spirit I am, I enter.
The otter, which Man'ido, the speaker, professes to represent, is entering the sacred structure of Mide' lodge.
Mide' friends, do you hear me?
The circles denote the locality where the Mide' are supposed to be congregated. The waving lines signify hearing, when, as in this case, attached to the ears.
The first time I heard you.
The speaker asserts that he heard the voices of the Man'idos when he went through his first initiation into the society. He is still represented as the otter.
The spirit, he does hear (?)
The interpretation is vague, but could not be otherwise explained. The lines from the ears denote hearing.
They, the Mide' friends, have paid enough.
The arm in the attitude of giving, to Ki'tshi Man'ido, signifies that the Mide' have made presents of sufficient value to be enabled to possess the secrets, which they received in return.
They have pity on me, the chief Mide'.
The arms of Ki'tshi Man'ido are extended to the Mide' lodge, giving assistance as besought.
The song mnemonically represented in Pl. XVIII A (reproduced from Pl. X A. of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. of Ethn.) is sung by the Ojibwa preceptor who has been instructing the candidate for initiation. It praises the preceptor’s efforts and the character of the knowledge he has imparted. Its delivery is made to extend over as much time as possible.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVIII
MNEMONIC SONGS—OJIBWA.
The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas'sige, and are a copy of an old birchbark scroll, which has for many years been in his possession, and which was a transcript of one in the possession of his father BaiÉdzik, one of the leading Mide' at Mille Lacs, Minnesota.
My arm is almost pulled out with digging medicine. It is full of medicine.
The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously designated “medicine.”
Almost crying because the medicine is lost.
The lines extending downward from the eye signify weeping; the circle beneath the figure, the place where the “medicine” is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some information has been forgotten through death of those who possessed it.
Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for.
Refers to that which is yet to be taught.
Yes, I see there is plenty of it.
The Mide' has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run to various medicines which he perceives or knows of.
When I come out the sky becomes clear.
When the otter-skin Mide' sack is produced the sky becomes clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed.
The spirit has given me power to see.
The Mide' sits on a mountain the better to commune with the good Man'ido.
I brought the medicine to bring life.
The Mide' Man'ido, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the plants—by causing the rains to fall—returns to the sky. The short line represents part of the circular line usually employed to designate the imaginary vault of the sky.
I too, see how much there is.
His power elevates the Mide' to the rank of a Man'ido, from whose position he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.
I am going to the medicine lodge.
The vertical, left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the Mide'wigÂn.
I take life from the sky.
The Mide' is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from Ki'tshi Man'ido' the means of prolonging life. The circle at the top denotes the sacred migis or shell.
Let us talk to one another.
The circles denote the places of the speaker (Mide') and the hearer (Ki'tshi Man'ido), the short lines signifying magic influences, the Mide' occupying the left hand and smaller seat.
The spirit is in my body, my friend.
The mi'gis, given by Ki'tshi Man'ido, is in contact with the Mide'’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.
In the order of song, Pl. XVIII, B, reproduced from Pl. IX, C, of the Seventh Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the preceptor appears to feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and therefore tells him that the Mide' Man'ido announces to him the assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of the fulfillment of his highest desires:
I hear the spirit speaking to us.
The Mide'-singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns and pointer upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.
I am going into the medicine lodge.
The Mide'wigÂn is shown with a line through it, to signify that the preceptor is going through it in imagination, as in the initiation.
I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.
The disks indicate the sacred objects sought for, which are successively obtained by the speaker, who represents the officiating shaman.
I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.
The Mide', as the personator of MakwÁ Man'ido, is empowered to offer this privilege to the candidate.
I am flying into my lodge.
Represents the thunder-bird, a deity flying into the arch of the sky, the abode of spirits or Man'idos. The short lines cutting the curve are spirit lines.
The spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.
The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that the sacred objects fall in scattered places.
I have the medicine in my heart.
The singer’s heart is filled with knowledge relating to sacred objects from the earth.
The song depicted in Pl. XVIII C, was drawn by “Little Frenchman,” an Ojibwa Mide' of the first degree, who reproduced it from a bark record belonging to his preceptor. “Little Frenchman” had not yet received instruction in these characters, and consequently could not sing the songs, but from his familiarity with mnemonic delineations of the order of the Grand Medicine of ideas he was able to give an outline of the signification of the figures and the phraseology which they suggested to his mind. In the following description the first line pertaining to a character is the objective description, the second being the explanation.
It is furthermore to be remarked that in this chart and the one following the interpretation of characters begins at the right hand instead of the left, contrary to rule. The song is reproduced from. Pl. XXII, A, of the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology:
From the place where I sit.
A man, seated and talking or singing.
The big tree in the middle of the earth.
Tree; inclosure represents the world as visible from a given spot of observation—horizon.
I will float down the fast running stream.
Stream of water; the spots indicate progress of traveler, and may be rude indications of canoes or equally rude foot tracks, the usual pictograph for traveling.
The place that is feared I inhabit; the swift running stream.
A spirit surrounded by a line indicating the shore.
Rest; dancing begins with next character.
I, observing, follow your example.
Man listening to water monster (spirit).
You are my body; you see anybody; you see my nails are worn off in grasping the stone (from which medicine is taken).
Bear, with claws, scratching; depression shown by line under claws, where scratching has been done.
You (i.e., the spirits who are there), to whom I am speaking.
I am floating down smoothly.
Spirit otter, swimming; outer lines are river banks.
I have finished my drum.
Spirit holding drum; sound ascending.
My body is like unto you.
This is the mi'gis shell—the special symbol of the Mide' wiwin.
Hear me, thou, who art talking to me.
Listening, and wanting others (spirits) to hear.
See what I am taking.
Spirit (Mide') taking “medicine root.”
See me whose head is out of the water.
Otters, two spirits, the left-hand one being the “speaker.”
The Mide' song, Pl. XVIII, D, was also copied by “Little Frenchman” upon birchbark, from one in the possession of his preceptor, but upon which he had not yet received careful instruction; hence the incompleteness of some of his interpretations. It is reproduced from Pl. XXII, B, of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology.
I am sitting down with my pipe.
Man sitting, holding a pipe. He has been called upon to “make medicine.” The short lines beneath the body represent that he is seated. He holds a filled pipe which he is not yet smoking.
I, me the spirit, the spirit of the owl.
Owl, held by Mide'; arm above bird. This character appears upon the Grand Medicine chart from Red Lake, as passing from the mide' lodge to the ghost lodge.
It stands, that which I am going after.
Tree; showing tracks made by bear spirit. The speaker terms himself equal with this spirit and represents himself seeking remedies.
I, who fly.
Medicine bag, flying. The figure is that of the thunder bird (eagle) whose skin was used for a bag. The trees beneath show the bird to have ascended beyond their tops.
Kibinan is what I use—the magic arrow.
I am coming to the earth.
Otter spirit. Circle denotes the surrounding sky in which is the spirit. The earth is shown by the horizontal line above which is the Indian hut. The speaker likens himself to the otter spirit who first received the rites of the Mide' initiation.
I am feeling for it.
Man (spirit) seeking for hidden medicine. The circle represents a hole in the earth.
I am talking to it.
Medicine bag made of an owl skin is held by shaman; latter is talking to the magic elements contained therein.
They are sitting in a circle (“around in a row”).
Mide' lodge; Mide' sitting around. The crosses represent the persons present.
You who are newly hung, and you who have reached half, and you who are now full.
Full moon, one half, and quarter moon.
I am going for my dish.
Footprints leading to dish (ghost society dish). The circular objects here each denotes a “feast,” usually represented by a “dish.”
I go through the medicine lodge.
Grand medicine lodge; tracks leading through it. The speaker, after having prepared a feast, is entitled to enter for initiation.
Let us commune with one another.
Two men conversing; two Mide'.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIX
MNEMONIC SONGS—OJIBWA.
The mnemonic order of song, Pl. XIX a, is another example from Red Lake, prepared by the Ojibwa last mentioned:
“Carved images.”
Carved images. These represent the speaker to say that he prepares fetishes for hunting, love, etc.
I am holding my grand medicine sack.
Man holding “medicine bag.”
“Wants a woman.” [No interpretation was ventured by “Little Frenchman.”]
Hear me, great spirit.
Lines from the ears, to denote hearing.
I am about to climb.
Medicine tree at grand lodge. The marks on either side are bear tracks, the footprints of the bear spirit—the speaker representing him.
I am entering the grand medicine lodge.
The Mide'wigÂn, showing footprints of the bear Man'ido which are simulated by the boastful shaman.
I am making my tracks on the road.
I am resting at my home.
Human figure, with “voice” issuing—singing.
Pl. XIX b is a similar song, also made by “Little Frenchman,” and relates to magic remedies and his powers of incantation:
The stars.
Stars, preceded by a mark of rest or beginning. It may be noticed that one star has eight and the other six rays, showing that their number is not significant.
The wolf that runs.
Wolf; the banded tail distinguishes it from the otter.
See me what I have; what I have (goods given in the mide' wigwÂn).
See what I am about to do.
I, who make a noise.
A frog, croaking, shown by “voice” lines.
My white hair.
Head with hair. The signification of white hair is great age, though there is no way to ascertain this without oral statement by the singer.
Hear me, you, to whom I am talking.
Mi'gis, spoken to by man, lines showing hearing. The sacred emblem of the Mide'wiwin is implored for aid in carrying out a desired scheme.
I stoop as I walk.
An old man. Age is denoted by the act of walking with a staff.
I stand by the tree.
Standing near medicine tree. The speaker knows of valued remedies which he desires to dispose of for payment.
I am raising a rock.
Man with stone for Mide' lodge. Carrying stone to Mide' lodge, against which to place a patient.
I am holding my pail.
Vessel of medicine; arm reaching down to it.
My arrow point is of iron, and about to kill a male bear.
Bear, above arrow. Bow—lower character.
I am about to speak to the sky.
Speaking to the “sky.” Power of communing with the Great Spirit, Ki'tshi Man'ido'.
I am about to depart; I will liken myself to a bear.
I am walking on the hard sand beach.
Body of water, and lynx. The ellipse denotes a lake.
Another song of a similar character, reproduced from birchbark on Pl. XIX c, is explained below. It was also made by “Little Frenchman,” and relates to the searching for and preparation of objects used in sorcery.
It is fiery, that which I give you.
Vessel, with flames on top. Contains strong water wi-bin', a magical decoction.
It is growing, the tree.
Mide'wigÂn, with trees growing around it at four corners.
I cover the earth with my length.
Snakes; guardians of the first degree.
The bear is contained within me.
Bear spirit within the man—i.e., the speaker. This indicates that he possesses the power of the Bear Man'ido, one of the most powerful of the guardians of the Mide' society.
He has Man'ido (spirit) in his mouth.
Possessing the power of curing by “sucking” bad spirits from patient’s body. This is the practice of the lower shamans, known as Jes'sakkid'.
The hawk genus et sp.
Ki-ni-en', the hawk from which “medicine” is obtained.
I, who am about to talk.
Head of man; lines from mouth denote speech.
The interpretation now again proceeds from right to left.
I am about to walk.
Bear spirit, talking. The lines upon the back indicate his spirit character.
I am crawling away.
Mi'gis shell. The sacred emblem of the Mide' society.
From this, I wish to be able to walk.
Taking “medicine” trail (behind man). The speaker is addressing a Man'ido which he holds.
I am being called to go there.
Sacred lodges, with spirits within.
I am going.
Footprints, leading toward a wigwam.
The Ojibwa chart, used in the “Song for the Metai, or for Medicine Hunting,” is taken from Tanner’s (a) Narrative and reproduced in Fig. 165. It should be noted that the Metai of Tanner’s interpretation, which follows, is the same as the Mide' in the foregoing interpretations:
Fig. 165.—Song for Medicine Hunting.
a. Now I hear it, my friends of the Metai, who are sitting about me.
This and the three following are sung by the principal chief of the Metai, to the beat of his bwoin ah-keek, or drum. The line from the sides of the head of the figure indicate hearing.
b. Who makes this river flow? The Spirit, he makes this river flow.
The second figure is intended to represent a river, and a beaver swimming down it.
c. Look at me well, my friends; examine me, and let us understand that we are all companions.
This translation is by no means literal. The words express the boastful claims of a man who sets himself up for the best and most skillful in the fraternity.
d. Who maketh to walk about, the social people? A bird maketh to walk about the social people.
By the bird the medicine man means himself; he says that his voice has called the people together. Weej-huh nish-a-nauba, or weeja-nish-a-nau-ba seems to have the first syllable from the verb which means to accompany. The two lines drawn across, between this figure and the next, indicate that here the dancing is to commence.
e. I fly about and if anywhere I see an animal, I can shoot him.
This figure of a bird (probably an eagle or hawk) seems intended to indicate the wakefulness of the senses and the activity required to insure success in hunting. The figure of the moose which immediately follows, reminding the singer of the cunning and extreme shyness of that animal, the most difficult of all to kill.
f. I shoot your heart; I hit your heart, oh, animal—your heart—I hit your heart.
This apostrophe is mere boasting and is sung with much gesticulation and grimace.
g. I make myself look like fire.
This is a medicine man disguised in the skin of a bear. The small parallelogram under the bear signifies fire, and the shamans, by some composition of gunpowder, or other means, contrive to give the appearance of fire to the mouth and eyes of the bear skin, in which they go about the village late at night, bent on deeds of mischief, oftentimes of blood. We learn how mischievous are these superstitions when we are informed that they are the principal men of the Metai, who thus wander about the villages in the disguise of a bear, to wreak their hatred on a sleeping rival or their malice on an unsuspecting adversary. But the customs of the Indians require of anyone who may see a medicine man on one of these excursions to take his life immediately, and whoever does so is accounted guiltless.
h. I am able to call water from above, from beneath, and from around.
Here the medicine man boasts of his power over the elements, and his ability to do injury or benefit. The segment of a circle with dots in it represents water and the two short lines touching the head of the figure indicate that he can draw it to him.
i. I cause to look like the dead, a man I did.
I cause to look like the dead, a woman I did.
I cause to look like the dead, a child I did.
The lines drawn across the face of this figure indicate poverty, distress, and sickness; the person is supposed to have suffered from the displeasure of the medicine man. Such is the religion of the Indians. Its boast is to put into the hands of the devout supernatural means by which he may wreak vengeance on his enemies whether weak or powerful, whether they be found among the foes of his tribe or the people of his own village. This Metai, so much valued and revered by them, seems to be only the instrument in the hands of the crafty for keeping in subjection the weak and the credulous, which may readily be supposed to be the greater part of the people.
k. I am such, I am such, my friends; any animal, any animal, my friends, I hit him right, my friends.
This boast of certain success in hunting is another method by which he hopes to elevate himself in the estimation of his hearers. Having told them he has the power to put them all to death, he goes on to speak of his infallible success in hunting, which will always enable him to be a valuable friend to such as are careful to secure his good will.
The following chart for the “Song for beaver hunting and the Metai,” is taken from the same author, loc. cit., and reproduced in Fig. 166, with interpretations as follows:
Fig. 166.—Song for beaver hunting.
a. I sit down in the lodge of the Metai, the lodge of the Spirit.
This figure is intended to represent the area of the Metai-we-gaun, or medicine lodge, which is called also the lodge of the Man'ido, and two men have taken their seats in it. The matter of the song seems to be merely introductory.
b. Two days must you sit fast, my friend; four days must you sit fast, my friend.
The two perpendicular lines on the breast of this figure are read ne-o-gone (two days), but are understood to mean two years; so of the four lines drawn obliquely across the legs, these are four years. The heart must be given to this business for two years, and the constrained attitude of the legs indicates the rigid attention and serious consideration which the subject requires.
c. Throw off, woman, thy garments, throw off.
The power of their medicines and the incantations of the Metai are not confined in their effect to animals of the chase, to the lives and health of men; they control also the minds of all and overcome the modesty as well as the antipathies of women. The Indians firmly believe that many a woman who has been unsuccessfully solicited by a man is not only by the power of the Metai made to yield, but even in a state of madness to tear off her garments and pursue after the man she before despised. These charms have greater power than those in the times of superstition among the English, ascribed to the fairies, and they need not, like the plant used by Puck, be applied to the person of the unfortunate being who is to be transformed; they operate at a distance through the medium of the Miz-zin-ne-neens.
d. Who makes the people walk about? It is I that calls you.
This is in praise of the virtue of hospitality, that man being most esteemed among them who most frequently calls his neighbors to his feast.
e. Anything I can shoot with it (this medicine) even a dog, I can kill with it.
f. I shoot thy heart, man, thy heart.
He means, perhaps, a buck moose by the word e-nah-ne-wah, or man.
g. I can kill a white loon, I can kill.
The white loon (rara avis nigroque similimo cygno) is certainly a rare and most difficult bird to kill; so we may infer that this boaster can kill anything, which is the amount of the meaning intended in that part of his song recorded by the five last figures. Success in hunting they look upon as a virtue of a higher character, if we may judge from this song, than the patience under suffering or the rakishness among women, or even the hospitality recommended in the former part.
h. My friends——
There seems to be an attempt to delineate a man sitting with his hands raised to address his friends; but the remainder of his speech is not remembered. This is sufficient to show that the meaning of the characters in this kind of picture writing is not well settled and requires a traditional interpretation to render it intelligible.
i. I open my wolf skin and the death struggle must follow.
This is a wolf skin used as a medicine bag and he boasts that whenever he opens it something must die in consequence.
Tanner’s Narrative (b) says of musical notation drawn on bark by Ojibwas:
Many of these songs are noted down by a method probably peculiar to the Indians, on birch bark, or small flat pieces of wood: the ideas being conveyed by emblematic figures, somewhat like those * * * used in communicating ordinary information.
Rev. P. J. De Smet (a) gives an account of the mnemonic order of songs among the Kickapoo and Pottawatomi. He describes a stick 1½ inches broad and 8 or 10 long, upon which are arbitrary characters which they follow with the finger in singing the prayers, etc. There are five classes of these characters. The first represents the heart, the second heart and flesh (chair), the third life, the fourth their names, and the fifth their families.
A. W. Howitt (b) says:
The makers of the Australian songs, or of the combined songs and dances are the poets or bards of the tribe and are held in great esteem. Their names are known to the neighboring peoples, and their songs are carried from tribe to tribe until the very meaning of the words is lost as well as the original source of the song.
Such an instance is a song which was accompanied by a carved stick painted red, which was held by the chief singer. This traveled down the Murray river from some unknown source. The same song, accompanied by such a stick, also came into Gippsland many years ago from Melbourne and may even have been the above mentioned one on its return.
SECTION 5.
TRADITIONS.
Even since the Columbian discovery some tribes have employed devices yet ruder than the rudest pictorial attempt as markers for the memory. An account of one of these is given in E. Winslow’s Relation (A.D. 1624), Col. Mass. Hist. Soc., 2d series, IX, 1822, p. 99, as follows:
Instead of records and chronicles they take this course: Where any remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place or by some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground about a foot deep and as much over, which, when others passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which, being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men as occasion serveth therewith. And lest such holes should be filled or grown over by any accident, as men pass by they will often renew the same, by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh in memory. So that as a man traveleth, if he can understand his guide, his journey will be the less tedious by reason of the many historical discourses which will be related unto him.
In connection with this section students may usefully consult Dr. Brinton’s (f) LenÂpÉ and their Legends.
As an example of a chart used in the exact repetition of traditions, Fig. 167 is presented with the following explanation by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey:
The chart accompanies a tradition chanted by members of a secret society of the Osage tribe. It was drawn by an Osage, Red Corn.
The tree at the top represents the tree of life. By this flows a river. The tree and the river are described later in the degrees. When a woman is initiated she is required by the head of her gens to take four sips of water (symbolizing the river), then he rubs cedar on the palms of his hands, with which he rubs her from head to foot. If she belongs to a gens on the left side of a tribal circle, her chief begins on the left side of her head, making three passes, and pronouncing the sacred name three times. Then he repeats the process from her forehead down; then on the right side of her head; then at the back of her head; four times three times, or twelve passes in all.
Beneath the river are the following objects: The Watse ?u?a, male slaying animal (?), or morning star, which is a red star. 2. Six stars called the “Elm rod” by the white people in the Indian territory. 3. The evening star. 4. The little star. Beneath these are the moon, seven stars, and sun. Under the seven stars are the peace pipe and war hatchet; the latter is close to the sun, and the former and the moon are on the same side of the chart. Four parallel lines extending across the chart, represent four heavens or upper worlds through which the ancestors of the Tsi?u people passed before they came to this earth. The lowest heaven rests on an oak tree; the ends of the others appear to be supported by pillars or ladders. The tradition begins below the lowest heaven, on the left side of the chart, under the peace pipe. Each space on the pillar corresponds with a line of the chant; and each stanza (at the opening of the tradition) contains four lines. The first stanza precedes the arrival of the first heaven, pointing to a time when the children of the “former end” of the race were without human bodies as well as human souls. The bird hovering over the arch denotes an advance in the condition of the people; then they had human souls in the bodies of birds. Then followed the progress from the fourth to the first heaven, followed by the descent to earth. The ascent to four heavens and the descent to three, makes up the number seven.
When they alighted, it was on a beautiful day when the earth was covered with luxuriant vegetation. From that time the paths of the Osages separated; some marched on the right, being the war gentes, while those on the left were peace gentes, including the Tsi?u, whose chart this is.
Then the Tsi?u met the black bear, called in the tradition KÁxe-wÁhÜ-san' (Crow-bone-white), in the distance. He offered to become their messenger, so they sent him to the different stars for aid. According to the chart he went to them in the following order: Morning star, sun, moon, seven stars, evening star, little star.
Then the black bear went to the Wa?iÑ?a-?Ü?se, a female red bird sitting on her nest. This grandmother granted his request. She gave them human bodies, making them out of her own body.
The earth lodge at the end of the chart denotes the village of the HaÑ?a uta¢an?si, who were a very warlike people. Buffalo skulls were on the tops of the lodges, and the bones of the animals on which they subsisted whitened on the ground. The very air was rendered offensive by the decaying bodies and offal.
The whole of the chart was used mnemonically. Parts of it, such as the four heavens and ladders, were tattooed on the throat and chest of the old men belonging to the order.
The tradition relating to Minabo'zho and the sacred objects received from KÍtshi Man'ido is illustrated in Fig. 168, which, represents a copy (one-third original size) of the record preserved at White Earth. This record is read from left to right and is, briefly, as follows:
a represents Minabo'zho, who says of the adjoining characters representing the members of the MidÉwin: “They are the ones, they are the ones who put into my heart the life.” Minabo'zho holds in his left hand the sacred medicine bag.
b and c represent the drummers; at the sound of the drum everybody rises and becomes inspired, because the Great Spirit is then present in the lodge.
d denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of the MidÉwin. This figure holds a snake-skin “medicine bag” in her left hand.
e represents the tortoise, the good spirit, who was the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the rite.
f the bear, also a benevolent spirit, but not held in so great veneration as the tortoise. His tracks are visible in the lodge.
g the sacred medicine bag, Bin-ji-gÚ-sÂn, which contains life and can be used by the Mide' to prolong the life of a sick person.
h represents a dog given by the spirits to Minabo'zho as a companion.
Fig. 169 gives copies, one-third actual size, of two records in possession of different Mide' at Red lake. The characters are almost identical, and one record appears to have been copied from the other. The lower figure, however, contains an additional character. The following is an incomplete interpretation of the characters, the letters applying equally to both:
a, Esh'gibo'ga, the great uncle of the Unish'-in-ab'-aig, the receiver of the MidÉwin.
b, the drum and drumsticks.
c, a bar or rest, observed while chanting the words pertaining to the records.
d, the bin'-ji-gu'-sÂn, or sacred medicine bag. It consists of an otter skin, and is the mi'gis, or sacred symbol of the mide'wigÂn' or grand medicine lodge.
e, a Mide' shaman, the one who holds the mi'gis while chanting the Mide' song in the grand medicine lodge, f. He is inspired, as indicated by the line extending from the heart to the mouth.
f, representation of the grand medicine lodge. This character, with slight addition, is usually employed by the southern division of the Ojibwa to denote the lodge of a jessakki'd, and is ordinarily termed a “jugglery.”
g, a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the mide'wigÂn', shown in the preceding character.
h, a pause or rest in the chant.
i, the sacred snake-skin bag, having the power of giving life through its skin. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head and the back of the snake.
j represents a woman.
k, another illustration of the mi'gis, represented by the sacred otter.
l denotes a woman who is inspired, as shown by the line extending from the heart to the mouth in the lower chart, and simply showing the heart in the upper. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with magic plants.
m represents a Mide' shaman, but no explanation was obtained of the special character delineated.
In Fig. 170 is presented a variant of the characters shown in a of Fig. 169. The fact that this denotes the power to cure by the use of plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate form than the delineation of the bow and arrow, as well as being more in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.
Fig. 171, two-thirds real size, is a reproduction, introduced here for comparison and explanation, of a record illustrating the alleged power of a Mide'.
Fig. 171.—Mide' practicing incantation.
a, the author, is the Mide', who was called upon to take a man’s life at a distant camp. The line extending from the Mide' to i, explained below, signifies that his power extended to at least that distance.
b, an assistant Mide'.
c, d, e, and f represent the four degrees of the MidÉwin, of which both shamans are members. The degrees are also indicated by the vertical lines above each lodge character.
g is the drum used in the ceremony.
h is an outline of the victim. A human figure is drawn upon a piece of birchbark, over which the incantations are made, and, to insure the death of the subject, a small spot of red paint is rubbed upon the breast and a sharp instrument thrust into it.
i, the outer line represents a lake, while the inner one is an island, upon which the victim resides.
The ceremony indicated in the above description actually occurred at White Earth during the autumn of 1884, and, by a coincidence, the Indian “conjured” died the following spring of pneumonia resulting from cold contracted during the winter. This was considered as the result of the Mide'’s power, and naturally secured for him many new adherents and believers.
Fig. 172.—Jessakki'd curing a woman.
Fig. 172 represents a jessakki'd, named Ne-wik'-ki, curing a sick woman by sucking the demon through a bone tube. It is introduced here for comparison, though equally appropriate to Chap. XIV, sec. 3. The left-hand character represents the Mide' holding a rattle in his hand. Around his head is an additional circle, denoting quantity (literally, more than an ordinary amount of knowledge), the short line projecting to the right therefrom indicating the tube used. The right-hand character is the patient operated upon.
The juggling trick of removing disease by sucking it through tubes is performed by the Mide' after fasting and is accompanied with many ceremonies.
THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.
Sikas'sigÉ, one of the officiating priests of the Mide' society of the Ojibwa at White Earth, Minnesota, gives the following explanation of Fig. 173, which is a reduced copy of a pictorial representation of a tradition explaining the origin of the Indians:
Fig. 173.—Origin of the Indians.
In the beginning, Ki'tshi Man'ido—Dzhe Man'ido, a—made the Mide' Man'idos. He first created two men, b and c, and two women, d and e, but they had no power of thought or reason. Then Dzhe Man'ido made them reasoning beings. He then took them in his hands so that they should multiply; he paired them, and from this sprung the Indians. Then, when there were people, he placed them upon the earth; but he soon observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and that unless he provided them with the sacred medicine they would soon become extinct.
Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man'ido and the earth were four lesser spirits, f, g, h, and i, with whom Dzhe Man'ido decided to commune, and to impart the mysteries by which the Indians could be benefited; so he first spoke to a spirit at f, and told him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information to g, and he in turn to h, who also communed with i. Then they all met in council and determined to call in the four wind gods at j, k, l, and m. After consulting as to what would be best for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to ask Dzhe Man'ido to communicate the mystery of the sacred medicine to the people.
Dzhe Man'ido then went to the Sun Spirit (o) and asked him to go to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by the council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the earth and lived with a woman (p) who had a little boy of her own.
This family went away in the autumn to hunt, and during the winter this woman’s son died. The parents were so much distressed that they decided to return to the village and bury the body there; so they made preparations to return, and as they traveled along they would each evening erect several poles upon which the body was placed to prevent the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was thus hanging upon the poles the adopted child—who was the Sun Spirit—would play about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father he pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said he could bring his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents expressed great surprise and desired to know how that could be accomplished.
The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he said, “Get the women to make a wig'iwam of bark (q), put the dead boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig'iwam.” On the next morning, when this had been done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated themselves around the corpse.
After they had all been sitting quietly for some time they saw, through the doorway, the approach of a bear (r), which gradually came toward the wig'iwam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead body, and said hu', hu', hu', hu', when he passed around it toward the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so the body began quivering, which increased as the bear continued, until he had passed around four times, when the body came to life and stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in the distant right-hand corner of the wig'iwam, and addressed to him the following words:
Nos " Ka-wi'-na " ni'-shi-nÂ'-bi " wis'-si " a-ya'wi-an' " man'-i-do " nin-gi'-sis.
My father " is not " an Indian " not " you are " a spirit " son.
Be-mai'-a-mi'-nik " ni'-dzhi " man'-i-do " mi'-a-zhi'-gwa " tshi-gi'-a-we-an'.
Insomuch " my fellow " spirit " now " as you are.
Nos " a-zhi'-gwa " a-se'-ma " tshi-a'-to-yek'. " Â'-mi-kun'-dem " mi-e'-ta
My father " now " tobacco " you shall put. " He speaks of " only
a-wi-dink' " dzhi-gosh'-kwi-tot' " wen'-dzhi-bi-mÂ'-di-zid'-o-ma' " a-ga'-wa
once " to be able to do it " why he shall live here " now
bi-mÂ'-di-zid'-mi-o-ma'; " ni'-dzhi " man'-i-do " mi'-a-zhi'-gwa " tshi-gi'-we-an'.
that he scarcely lives; " my fellow " spirit " now I shall go " home.
The little bear boy (r) was the one who did this. He then remained among the Indians (s) and taught them the mysteries of the Grand Medicine (t), and after he had finished he told his adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled, that he was to return to his kindred spirits, the Indians would have no need to fear sickness, as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would assist them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they would feel his influence.
This is called Kwi'-wi-sens' wed-di'-shi-tshi' ge'-wi-nip'—“Little boy, his work.”
From subsequent information it was learned that the line (w) denotes the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course of initiation into the Mide'wiwin, three others must be taken before a candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are denominated, are typified by four distinct gifts of goods, which must be remitted to the Mide' priests before the ceremony can take place.
The characters s and t are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the tradition (q and r) to signify that the candidate must personate the Makwa' Man'ido—bear spirit—when entering the Mide'wiwin (t); t is the Mide' Man'ido, as Ki'tshi Man'ido is termed by the Mide' priests. The device of horns, attached to the head, is a common symbol of superior power, found in connection with the figures of human and divine forms in many Mide' songs and other mnemonic records; v represents the earth’s surface, similar to that designated as w. w, x, y, and z represent the four degrees of the grand medicine.
SECTION 6.
TREATIES.
Fig. 174 is copy of a birchbark record which was made to commemorate a treaty of peace between the Ojibwa and Assinaboin Indians. The drawing on bark was made by an Ojibwa chief at White Earth, Minnesota.
The figure on the left, holding a flag, represents the Ojibwa chief, while that on the right denotes the chief acting on the part of the Assinaboins. The latter holds in his left hand the pipe which was used in the preliminaries, and smoke is seen issuing from the mouth of the Assinaboin. He also holds in his right hand the drum used as an accompaniment to the songs.
The Ojibwa holds a flag used as an emblem of peace.
A considerable number of pictographic records of treaties are presented in different parts of the present work (see under the headings of Wampum, Chap. ix, Sec. 3; Notices, Chap. xi; History, Chap. xvi; Winter Counts, Chap. x, Sec. 2).
SECTION 7.
APPOINTMENT.
Le Page Du Pratz (b) says in describing the council of conspiracy which resulted in the Natchez war of 1729:
An aged councillor advised that after all the nations had been informed of the necessity of taking this violent action, each one should receive a bundle of sticks, all containing an equal number, and which were to mark the number of days to pass before that on which they were all to strike at once; that in order to guard against any mistake it would be necessary to take care to extract one stick every day and to break it and throw it away; a man of wisdom should be charged with this duty. All the old men approved of his advice and it was adopted.
PÈre Nicholas Perrot (a) says:
Celui qui, chez les Hurons, prenait la parole en cette circonstance, recevait un petit faisceau de pailles d’pied de long qui luy servoient comme de jetons, pour supputer les nombres et pour ayder la mÉmoire des assistans, les distribuant en divers lots, suyvant la diversitÉ des choses. Dans l’AmÉrique du Sud, les Galibis de la riviÈre d’Amacourou et de l’OrÉnoque usaient du mÊme procÉdÉ mnÉmotechnique, mais perfectionnÉ. Le capitaine [Galibis] et moy, Écrit le P. la Pierre (Voyage en terre-ferme et À la coste de Paria, p. 15 du Ms. orig.), eusmes un grand discours ... luy ayant demandÉ ce qu’il alloit faire À Barime, il me respondit qu’il alloit avertir tous les capitaines des aultres riviÈres, du jour qu’il en faudroit sortir pour aller donner l’attaque À leurs ennemis. Et, pour me faire comprendre la faÇon dont il s’y prenoit il me montra vingt petites buches liÉes ensemble qui se plient À la faÇon d’un rouleau. Les six premiÈres estoient d’une couleur particuliÈre; elles signifioent que, les six premiers jours, il falloit prÉparer du magnot [manioc] pour faire vivres. Les quatre suivantes estoient d’une aultre couleur pour marque qu’il falloit avertir les hommes. Les six d’aultre couleur et ainsi du reste, marquant par leur petites buches, faites en faÇon de paille, l’ordre que chaque capitaine doit faire observer À ses gens pour estre prest tous en mesme temps. La sortie devroit se faire dans vingt jours; car il n’y avoit que cest [vingt] petites buches.
Im Thurn (e) tells of the Indians of Guiana as follows:
When a paiwari feast is to be held, invitations are sent to the people of all neighboring settlements inhabited by Indians of the same tribe as the givers of the feast. The latter prepare a number of strings, each of which is knotted as many times as there are days before the feast day. One of these strings is kept by the headman of the settlement where the feast is to be held; the others are distributed, one to the headman of each of the settlements from which guests are expected. Every day one of the knots, on each of the strings, is untied, and when the last has been untied guests and hosts know that the feast day has come.
Sometimes, instead of knots on a string, notches on a piece of wood are used. This system of knot-tying, the quippoo system of the Peruvians, which occurs in nearly identical form in all parts of the world, is not only used as in the above instance for calendar-keeping, but also to record items of any sort; for instance, if one Indian owes another a certain number of balls of cotton or other articles, debtor and creditor each has a corresponding string or stick, with knots or notches to the number of the owed article, and one or more of these is oblitered each time a payment is made until the debt is wiped out.
Darius (Herodot. IV, 98) did something of the kind when he took a thong and, tying sixty knots in it, gave it to the Ionian chiefs, that they might untie a knot every day and go back to their own land if he had not returned when all the knots were undone.
Champlain (a) describes a mode of preparation for battle among the Canadian Algonquins which partook of the nature of a military drill as well as of an appointment of rank and order. It is in its essentials mnemonic. He describes it as follows:
Les chefs prennent des bÂtons de la longueur d’un pied autant en nombre qu’ils sont et signalent par d’autres un peu plus grands, leurs chefs; puis vont dans le bois et esplanadent une place de cinq ou six pieds en quarrÉ oÙ le chef comme Sergent Major, met par ordre tous ces bÂtons comme bon luy semble; puis appelle tous ses compagnons, qui viennent tous armez, et leur monstre le rang et ordre qu’ils deuvont tenir lors qu’ils se battront avec leurs ennemis.
The author adds detail with regard to alignment, breaking ranks, and resumption of array.
SECTION 8.
NUMERATION.
D. W. Eakins, in Schoolcraft I, p. 273, describes the mnemonic numeration marks of the Muskoki thus:
Each perpendicular stroke stood for one, and each additional stroke marked an additional number. The ages of deceased persons or number of scalps taken by them, or war-parties which they have headed, are recorded on their grave-posts by this system of strokes. The sign of the cross represents ten. The dot and comma never stood as a sign for a day, or a moon, or a month, or a year. The chronological marks that were and are in present use are a small number of sticks made generally of cane. Another plan sometimes in use was to make small holes in a board, in which a peg was inserted to keep the days of the week.
Capt. Bourke (b) gives the following account of an attempt at compromise between the aboriginal method of numbering days, weeks, and months, and that of the civilized intruders to whose system the Indians found it necessary to conform.
The Apache scouts kept records of the time of their absence on campaign. There were several methods in vogue, the best being that of colored beads which were strung on a string, six white ones to represent the days of the week, and one black, or other color, to stand for Sundays. This method gave rise to some confusion, because the Indians had been told that there were four weeks, or Sundays (“Domingos”), in each “Luna,” or moon, and yet they soon found that their own method of determining time by the appearance of the crescent moon was much the more satisfactory. Among the ZuÑi I have seen little tally sticks with the marks for the days and months incised on the narrow edges, and among the Apache another method of indicating the flight of time by marking on a piece of paper along a horizontal line a number of circles or of straight lines across the horizontal datum line to represent the full days which had passed, a heavy straight line for each Sunday, and a small crescent for the beginning of each month.
It is not necessary to discuss the obvious method of repeating strokes, dots, knots, human heads or forms, weapons, and totemic designs, to designate the number of persons or articles referred to in the pictographs where they appear.
SECTION 9.
ACCOUNTING.
The Abnaki, in especial the Passamaquoddy division of the tribe in Maine, during late years have been engaged in civilized industries in which they have found it necessary to keep accounts. These are interesting as exhibiting the aboriginal use of ideographic devices which are only partially supplemented by the imitation of the symbols peculiar to European civilization. Several of these devices were procured by the present writer in 1888, and are illustrated and explained as follows:
A deer hunter brings 3 deerskins, for which he is allowed $2 each, making $6; 30 pounds of venison, at 10 cents per pound, making $3. In payment thereof he purchases 3 pounds of powder, at 40 cents per pound; 5 pounds of pork, at 10 cents per pound; and 2 gallons of molasses, at 50 cents per gallon. The debit foots $3.30, according to the Indian account, but it seems on calculation to be 30 cents in excess, an overcharge, showing the advance in civilization of the Passamaquoddy trader.
The following explanation will serve to make intelligible the characters employed, which are reproduced in Fig. 175. The hunter is shown as the first character in line a, and that he is a deer-hunter is furthermore indicated by his having a skin-stretcher upon his back, as well as the figure of a deer at which he is shooting. The three skins referred to are shown stretched upon frames in line b, the total number being also indicated by the three vertical strokes, between which and the drying frames are two circles, each with a line across it, to denote dollars, the total sum of $6 being the last group of dollar marks on line b.
The 30 pounds of venison are represented in line c, the three crosses signifying 30, the T-shaped character designating a balance scale, synonymous with pound, while the venison is indicated by the drawing of the hind quarter or ham. The price is given by uniting the X, or numeral, and the T, or pound mark, making a total of $3 as completing the line c.
The line d refers to the purchase of 3 pounds of powder, as expressed by the three strokes, the T, or scale for pound, and the powder horn, the price of which is four Xs or 40 cents per pound, or T; and 3 pounds of powder, the next three vertical strokes succeeded by a number of spots to indicate grains of powder, which is noted as being 10 cents per pound, indicated by the cross and T, respectively. The next item, shown on line e, charges for 5 pounds of pork, the latter being indicated by the outline of a pig, the price being indicated by the X or 10, and T, scale or pound; then two short lines preceding one small oblong square or quart measure, indicates that 2 quarts of molasses, shown by the black spot, cost 5 crosses, or 50 cents per measure, the sum of the whole of the purchase being indicated by three rings with stems and three crosses, equivalent to $3.30.
Another Indian, whose occupation was to furnish basket wood, brought some to the trader for which he received credit to the amount of $1.15, taking in exchange therefor pork sufficient to equal the above amount.
In Fig. 176 the Indian is shown with a bundle of basket wood, the value of which is given in the next characters, consisting of a ring with a line across to denote $1, a cross to represent 10 cents, and the five short vertical lines for an additional 5 cents, making a total of $1.15. The pork received from the trader is indicated by the outline of a pig, while the crossed lines to the right denotes that the “account” is canceled.
Another customer, as shown in Fig. 177, was an old woman, the descendent of an ancient name—one known before the coming of white people. She was therefore called the “Owl,” and is represented in the “account” given below. She had bought on credit 1 plug of smoking tobacco, designated by one vertical stroke for the quantity and an oblong square figure corresponding to the shape of the package, which was to be used for smoking, as indicated by the spiral lines to denote smoke. She had also purchased 2 quarts of kerosene oil, the quantity designated by the two strokes preceding the small squares to represent quart measures, and the liquid is indicated by the rude outline of a kerosene lamp. This is followed by two crosses, representing 20 cents, as the value of the amount of her purchases. This account was settled by giving one basket, as shown in the device nearly beneath the owl, half of which is marked with crossed lines, connected by a line of dots or dashes with the cancellation mark at the extreme right of the record.
Another Passamaquoddy Indian, unable to read or write, carries on business and keeps his books according to a method of his own invention. One account is reproduced in Fig. 178. It is with a very slim Indian, as will be observed from the drawing, who carries on “trucking” and owns a horse, that animal being represented in outline and connected by lines with its owner. For services he was paid $5.45, which sum is shown in the lower line of characters by five dollar-marks—i.e., rings with strokes across them—4 crosses or numerals signifying 10 cents each, and five short vertical lines for 5 cents. The date is shown in the upper line of characters, the 4 short lines in front of the horse signifying 4, the oval figure next, to the right and intended for a circle, denoting the moon—i.e., the fourth moon, or April—while the 10 short strokes signify the tenth day of the month—i.e., he was paid $5.45 in full for services to April 10.
Another account was with a young woman noted as very slim, and is shown in Fig. 179. The girl brought a basket to the store, for which she was allowed 20 cents. She received credit for 10 cents on account of a plug of tobacco bought some time previously.
In the illustration the decidedly slim form of the girl is portrayed, her hands holding out the basket which she had made. The unattached cross signifies 10 cents, which she probably received in cash, while the other cross is connected by a dotted line with the piece of plug tobacco for which she had owed 10 cents. The attachment of the plug to the unpaid dime is amusingly ideographic.
Another Indian, descended from the prehistoric Indians, was called “Lox,” the evil or tricksy deity, appearing as an animal having a long body and tail and short legs, which is probably a wolverine, under which form Lox is generally depicted by the Passamaquoddy. His account with the trader is given in Fig. 180, and shows that he brought 1 dozen ax handles, for which he received $1.50.
Beneath the figure of Lox are 2 axes, the 12 short lines denoting the number of handles delivered, while the dotted line to the right connects them with the amount received, which is designated by 1 one dollar mark and 5 crosses or dime marks.
Dr. Hoffman found in Los Angeles, California, a number of notched sticks, which had been invented and used by the Indians at the Mission of San Gabriel. They had chief herders, who had under their charge overseers of the several classes of laborers, herders, etc. The chief herder was supplied with a stick of hard wood, measuring about 1 inch in breadth and thickness and from 20 to 24 inches long. The corners were beveled at the handle. The general form of the stick is given in the upper character of Fig. 181, with the exception that the illustration is intentionally shortened so as to show both ends.
Fig. 181.—Notched sticks.
Upon each of the beveled surfaces on the handle are marks to indicate the kind of horned cattle referred to. The cross indicates that the corner of the stick upon which it is incised relates to heifers, each notch designating one head, the long transverse cut denoting ten, with an additional three cuts signifying that the herder has in charge thirteen heifers. Upon the next beveled edge appears an arrow-pointed mark, to denote in like manner which edge of the stick is to be notched for indicating the oxen. Upon the third beveled surface is one transverse cut for the record of the number of bulls in the herd, while upon the fourth bevel of the handle are two notches to note the number of cows.
The stick is notched at the end opposite the handle to signify that it refers only to horned cattle. That used to designate horses is sharpened from two sides only, so that the end is wedge-shaped, or exactly the reverse of the one first mentioned. The marks upon the handle would be the same, however, with this exception—that one cut would mean a stallion, two cuts a mare, the cross a gelding, and the arrow-shaped figure a colt. Sticks were also marked to denote the several kinds of stock and to record those which had been branded.
Another class of sticks were also used by the overseers, copies of which were likewise preserved by the laborers and herders, to keep an account of the number of days on which labor was performed, and to record the sums of money received by the workman.
The lower character of Fig. 181 represents a stick, upon the beveled edge of the handle of which is a cross to denote work. The short notches upon the corner of the stick denote days, each seventh day or week being designated by a cut extending across the stick.
Upon the opposite side of the handle is a circle or a circle with a cross within it to denote the number of reals paid, each real being indicated upon the edge of the stick by a notch, while each ten reals or peso is noted by making the cut all the way across that face of the stick.
Mr. Dall (a) says that the Innuit frequently keep accounts by tying knots in a string or notching a stick. Capt. Bourke (c) reports:
In the Mexican state of Sonora I was shown, some twenty years ago, a piece of buckskin, upon which certain Opata or Yaqui Indians—I forget exactly which tribe, but it matters very little, as they are both industrious and honest—had kept account of the days of their labor. There was a horizontal datum line as before, with complete circles to indicate full days and half circles to indicate half days, a long heavy black line for Sundays and holidays, and a crescent moon for each new month. These accounts had to be drawn up by the overseer or superintendent of the rancho at which the Indians were employed before the latter left for home each night.
Terrien de Lacouperie (e) says of the Sonthals of Bengal:
Their accounts are either notches on a stick, like those formerly used by the rustics for keeping scores at cricket matches in country villages in England, or knots on a piece of grass string, or a number of bits of straw tied together. I well remember my astonishment while trying my first case between a grasping Mahajun and a Sonthal when I ordered them to produce their accounts. * * * The Sonthal produced from his back hair, where it had been kept, I suppose, for ornament, a dirty bit of knotted grass string and threw it on the table, requesting the court to count that, as it had got too long for him. Each knot represented a rupee, a longer space between two knots represented the lapse of a year.
Many modes of accounting in a pictorial manner are noted in Europe and America among people classed as civilized. Some of these are very curious, but want of space prevents their recital here. A valuable description of the survival of the system in Brittany is given by M. Armand Landrin (a), translated and condensed as follows:
In the department of Finisterre the farmers, in keeping accounts, made bags of their old socks and coat sleeves, of different colors, each color representing one of the divisions of farm outlay or receipt, as cows, butter, milk, and corn. Each amount received was placed in coin in the appropriate bag. When any coins were taken out the same number of small stones or of peas or beans was put in to replace the coins. Other farmers substituted for the bags small sticks of different length and thickness in which they made cuts representing the receipts.
In the accounts with the laborers and farm hands the women were designated by the triangle, intended to represent the Breton head dress Á grandes barbes. The kind of work performed was expressed by the tool connected with it, e.g., a horseshoe denoted the blacksmith, a scythe the mower, an ax the carpenter, a saddle the harness-maker, and a tub the cooper. The bill of a veterinary surgeon was rendered by drawing the figures of the several animals treated united in one group by a line.
Until quite recently the important accounts of the British exchequer were kept by wooden tallies, and some bakers in the United States yet persevere in keeping their accounts with their customers by duplicate tallies, one of which is rendered as a bill and is verified by the other.
