  This has been the most apparent, and probably the most ancient, purpose for which pictographs have been made. It commenced by the use of material objects which afterwards were reproduced graphically in paintings, etchings, and carvings. In the present paper many examples appear of objects known to have been so used, the graphic representations of which, made with the same purpose, are explained by knowledge of the fact. Other instances are mentioned as connected with the evolution of pictographs, and possibly to interpret some of the latter which are not yet understood. The quipu of the Peruvians is one of the most instructive devices for the general aid of memory, and as applicable to a variety of subjects, also having value for comparison with and reference to all other objects of this character. A good account of the quipu, quoted from Travels in Peru, during the years 1838-1842, * * by Dr. J. J. von Tschudi [Wiley and Putnam’s Library, Vols. XCIII-XCIV.], New York, 1847, Pt. II, pp. 344, 345, is as follows: THE QUIPU OF THE PERUVIANS.The ancient Peruvians had no manuscript characters for single sounds; but they had a method by which they composed words and incorporated ideas. This method consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots on strings, so as to render them auxiliaries to the memory. The instrument consisting of these strings and knots was called the Quipu. It was composed of one thick head or top string, to which, at certain distances, thinner ones were fastened. The top string was much thicker than these pendent strings, and consisted of two doubly twisted threads, over which two single threads were wound. The branches, if I may apply the term to these pendent strings, were fastened to the top ones by a single loop; the knots were made in the pendent strings, and were either single or manifold. The length of the strings used in making the quipu were various. The transverse or top string often measures several yards, and sometimes only a foot long; the branches are seldom more than two feet long, and in general they are much shorter. The strings were often of different colors; each having its own particular signification. The color for soldiers was red; for gold, yellow; for silver, white; for corn, green, &c. This writing by knots was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables; each single knot representing ten; each double knot stood for one hundred; each triple knot for one thousand, &c.; two single knots standing together made twenty; and two double knots, two hundred. This method of calculation is still practiced by the shepherds of the Puna. They explained it to me, and I could, with very little trouble, construe their quipus. On the first branch or string they usually place the numbers of the bulls; on the second, In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their army. On one string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on another, the spearmen; on a third, those who carried clubs, &c. In the same manner the military reports were prepared. In every town some expert men were appointed to tie the knots of the quipu, and to explain them. These men were called quipucamayocuna (literally, officers of the knots). Imperfect as was this method, yet in the flourishing period of the Inca government the appointed officers had acquired great dexterity in unriddling the meaning of the knots. It, however, seldom happened that they had to read a quipu without some verbal commentary. Something was always required to be added if the quipu came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to the numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, &c. Through long-continued practice, the officers who had charge of the quipus became so perfect in their duties that they could with facility communicate the laws and ordinances, and all the most important events of the kingdom, by their knots. All attempts made in modern times to decipher Peruvian quipus have proved unsatisfactory in their results. The principal obstacle to deciphering those found in graves consists in the want of the oral communication requisite for pointing out the subjects to which they refer. Such communication was necessary, even in former times, to the most learned quipucamayocuna. Most of the quipus here alluded to seems to be accounts of the population of particular towns or provinces, tax-lists, and information relating to the property of the deceased. Some Indians in the southern provinces of Peru are understood to possess a perfect knowledge of some of the ancient quipus, from information transmitted to them from their ancestors. But they keep that knowledge profoundly secret, particularly from the whites. That the general idea or invention for mnemonic purposes appearing in the quipus, was used pictorially is indicated in the illustrations given by Dr. S. Habel in The Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalwhuapa in Guatemala, etc., Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, [No. 269], 1878, Vol. XXII, page 85. Upon these he remarks: It has been frequently affirmed that the aborigines of America had nowhere arisen high enough in civilization to have characters for writing and numeral signs; but the sculptures of Santa Lucia exhibit signs which indicate a kind of cipher writing, higher in form than mere hieroglyphics. From the mouth of most of the human beings, living or dead, emanates a staff variously bent, to the sides of which nodes are attached. These nodes are of different sizes and shapes, and variously distributed on the sides of the staff, either singly or in twos and threes,—the last named either separated or in shape of a trefoil. This manner of writing not only indicates that the person is speaking, or praying, but also indicates the very words, the contents of the speech or prayer. It is quite certain that each staff, as bent and ornamented, stood for a well-known petition which the priest could read as easily as those acquainted with a cipher dispatch can know its purport. Further, one may be allowed to conjecture that the various curves of the staves served the purpose of strength and rhythm, just as the poet chooses his various meters for the same purpose. In connection with the quipu, Dr. Hoffman reports a corresponding device among the Indians formerly inhabiting the mountain valleys north of Los Angeles, California, who frequently came to the settle NOTCHED STICKS.The use of these mnemonically was very frequent. A few instances only of this obvious expedient need be given. The Dakotas formerly residing at Grand River Agency, the Hidatsa, and the Shoshoni from Idaho were observed to note the number of days during which they journeyed from one place to another, by cutting lines or notches upon a stick of wood. The coup sticks carried by Dakota warriors are often found bearing a number of small notches, which refer to the number of individuals the owners may have hit after they had been shot or wounded. The young men and boys of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota, frequently carry a stick, upon which they cut a notch for every bird killed during a single expedition. Dr. Hoffman states that he found in the collection of the Hon. A. F. Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, a number of notched sticks, which had been invented and used by the Indians at the Mission of San Gabriel. The history of them is as follows: Immediately after the establishment of the mission the Franciscan father appointed major domos, who had under their charge corporals or overseers of the several classes of laborers, herders, etc. The chief herder was supplied with a stick of hard wood, measuring about one inch in thickness each way, and from twenty to twenty-four inches long. The corners were beveled at the handle. Upon each of these facets were marks to indicate the kinds of cattle herded, thus: one cut or notch, a bull; two cuts, a cow; one cross, a heifer; and a >-shaped character, an ox. Similar characters were also used for horses, respectively, for stallion, mare, colt, and gelding. Where only cattle were owned no difference was made in the upper end of the stick; but when both kinds of animals were owned near the same localities, or by the same settler, the stick referring to cattle was notched v-shaped at the head end, and reversed or pointed to denote horses. Sticks were also marked to denote the several kinds of stock, and to record those which had been branded. In all of these sticks numbers Labor sticks were also used by the Indians. On one side was a circle intersected with cross lines to denote money, and on the opposite side, which was reserved for time, either nothing or some character, according to the fancy of the owner. Short notches on the money side indicated reals, long cuts pesos. On the opposite side short cuts indicated days, and long cuts weeks. For further reference to this subject, see ReliquiÆ AquitanicÆ; etc., by Edouard Lartet and Henry Christy, * * London, 1875, p. 183 et seq. ORDER OF SONGS.Many instances have been published in regard to the use of mnemonic characters to preserve the remembrance of songs. The words of these are invariable as well as the notes to which they are chanted. Both words and notes must have been previously memorized by the singers. Ideographic characters might give the general interpretation, but would not suggest the exact words. Schoolcraft, I, 361, remarks: Sounds are no further preserved by these mnemonic signs, than is incident, more or less, to all pure figurative or representative pictures. The simple figure of a quadruped, a man, or a bird, recalls the name of a quadruped, a man or a bird. * * We may thus recall something of the living language from the oblivion of the past, by the pictorial method. Mnemonic symbols are thus at the threshold of the hieroglyphic. One of the best examples of this mnemonic device is one of the Ojibwas, found in Schoolcraft, op. cit., I, page 362 et seq., and called by him Songs of the Meda. His illustration is reproduced as Plate IV, and his explanation, much condensed, is as follows: No. 1. A medicine lodge filled with the presence of the Great Spirit, who, it is affirmed, came down with wings to instruct the Indians in these ceremonies. The meda, or priest, sings, “The Great Spirit’s lodge—you have heard of it. I will enter it.” While this is sung, and repeated, the priest shakes his shi-shi-gwun, and each member of the society holds up one hand in a beseeching manner. All stand, without dancing. The drum is not struck during this introductory chant. No. 2. A candidate for admission crowned with feathers, and holding, suspended to his arm, an otter-skin pouch, with the wind represented as gushing out of one end. He sings, repeating after the priest, all dancing, with the accompaniment of the drum and rattle: * * “I have always loved that that I seek. I go into the new green leaf lodge.” No. 3 marks a pause, during which the victuals prepared for the feast are introduced. No. 4. A man holding a dish in his hand, and decorated with magic feathers on his wrists, indicating his character as master of the feast. All sing, “I shall give you a share, my friend.” No. 5. A lodge apart from that in which the meda-men are assembled, having a vapor-bath within it. The elder men go into this lodge, and during the time of their taking the bath, or immediately preceding it, tell each other certain secrets relative to the arts they employ in the MedÁ-win. The six heavy marks at the top of the lodge indicate the steam escaping from the bath. There are three orders of men in this society, called 1. meda; 2. sangemau; and 3. ogemau. And it is in these secret exchanges of arts, or rather the communication of unknown secrets from the higher to the lower orders, that they are exalted from one to another degree. The priest sings, “I go into the bath—I blow my brother strong.” No. 6. The arm of the priest, or master of ceremonies, who conducts the candidate, represented in connection with the next figure. No. 7. The goods, or presents given, as a fee of admission, by the novitiate. “I wish to wear this, my father, my friend.” No. 8. A meda-tree. The recurved projection from the trunk denotes the root that supplies the medicine. “What! my life, my single tree!—we dance around you.” No. 9. A stuffed crane-skin, employed as a medicine-bag. By shaking this in the dance, plovers and other small birds are made, by a sleight-of-hand trickery, to jump out of it. These, the novitiates are taught, spring from the bag by the strong power of the operator. This is one of the prime acts of the dance. “I wish them to appear—that that has grown—I wish them to appear.” No. 10. An arrow in the supposed circle of the sky. Represents a charmed arrow, which, by the power of the meda of the person owning it, is capable of penetrating the entire circle of the sky, and accomplishing the object for which it is shot out of the bow. “What are you saying, you mee dÁ man? This—this is the meda bone.” No. 11. The Ka Kaik, a species of small hawk, swift of wing, and capable of flying high into the sky. The skin of this bird is worn round the necks of warriors going into battle. “My kite’s skin is fluttering.” No. 12. The sky, or celestial hemisphere, with the symbol of the Great Spirit looking over it. A Manito’s arm is raised up from the earth in a supplicating posture. Birds of good omen are believed to be in the sky. “All round the circle of the sky I hear the Spirit’s voice.” No. 13. The next figure denotes a pause in the ceremonies. No. 14. A meda-tree. The idea represented is a tree animated by magic or spiritual power. “The Wabeno tree—it dances.” No. 15. A stick used to beat the Ta-wa-e-gun or drum. “How rings aloud the drum-stick’s sound.” No. 16. Half of the celestial hemisphere—an Indian walking upon it. The idea symbolized is the sun pursuing his diurnal course till noon. “I walk upon half the sky.” No. 17. The Great Spirit filling all space with his beams, and enlightening the world by the halo of his head. He is here depicted as the god of thunder and lightning. “I sound all around the sky, that they can hear me.” No. 18. The Ta-wa-e-gun, or single-headed drum. “You shall hear the sound of my Ta-wa-e-gun.” No. 19. The Ta-wa-e-gonse, or tambourine, ornamented with feathers, and a wing, indicative of its being prepared for a sacred use. “Do you understand my drum?” No. 20. A raven. The skin and feathers of this bird are worn as head ornaments. “I sing the raven that has brave feathers.” No. 21. A crow, the wings and head of which are worn as a head-dress. “I am the crow—I am the crow—his skin is my body.” No. 22. A medicine lodge. A leader or master of the Meda society, standing with his drum stick raised, and holding in his hands the clouds and the celestial hemisphere. “I wish to go into your lodge—I go into your lodge.” In connection with this topic reference may be made to the LenÂpÉ and their Legends: with the complete text and symbols of The Walam Olum, by Daniel G. Brinton, A. M., M. D., Phila., 1885. 8vo. pp. 262, with numerous illustrations. TRADITIONS.Fig. 38—Osage chart. As an example of a chart used to assist in the exact repetition of traditions, Figure 38 is presented with the following explanation by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey: “The chart accompanies a tradition chanted by members of a secret society of the Osage tribe. It was drawn by an Osage, Ha[p]a [c]Ü[t][s]e, Red Corn, who was adopted in childhood by a white man named Matthews; hence he is also known as Wm. P. Matthews, or “Bill Nix.” He is one of the tribal lawyers. He obtained his version of the tradition from a member of his gens, Sa[p]eki¢e. Another version of the same tradition was obtained by him from PahÜ-ska, White Hair, the chief of the Bald Eagle sub-gens of the Tsi[c]u gens. [K]ahi[k]e wa[t]ayiÑ[k]e, Saucy Chief, gave me other parts of the tradition, which Ha[p]a [c]Ü[t][s]e had forgotten. He also chanted a few lines of the tradition of the Wa[c]a[c]e gens. WayÜts`a[k]a[c]i, of the Black Bear gens, told me a little of his tradition; and I obtained part of the Wa[c]a[c]e tradition from Hu¢ak¢in, Good Voice, The tree at the top represents the tree of life. By this flows a river. The tree and the river are described later in the degrees. When a woman is initiated she is required by the head of her gens to take four sips of water (symbolizing the river), then he rubs cedar on the palms of his hands, with which he rubs her from head to foot. If she belongs to a gens on the left side of the tribal circle, her chief begins on the left side of her head, making three passes, and pronouncing the sacred name of Deity three times. Then he repeats the process from her forehead down; then on the right side of her head; then at the back of her head; four times three times, or twelve passes in all. Beneath the river are the following objects: The Watse [t]u[k]a, male slaying animal(?), or morning star, which is a red star. 2. Six stars called the “Elm rod” by the white people in the Indian Territory. 3. The evening star. 4. The little star. Beneath these are the moon, seven stars, and sun. Under the seven stars are the peace pipe and war hatchet, the latter is close to the sun, and the former and the moon are on the same side of the chart. Four parallel lines extending across the chart, represent four heavens or upper worlds through which the ancestors of the Tsi[c]u people passed before they came to this earth. The lowest heaven rests on an oak tree: the ends of the others appear to be supported by pillars or ladders. The tradition, according to Sa[p]eki¢e, begins below the lowest heaven, on the left side of the chart, under the peace pipe. Each space on the pillar corresponds with a line of the chant; and each stanza (at the opening of the tradition) contains four lines. The first stanza precedes the arrival of the first heaven, pointing to a time when the children of the “former end” of the race were without human bodies as well as human souls. The bird hovering over the arch denotes an advance in the condition of the people; then they had human souls in the bodies of birds. Then followed the progress from the fourth to the first heaven, followed by the descent to earth. The ascent to four heavens and the descent to three, makes up the number seven. The tree on which the Tsi[c]u was called pÜ-sÜ-hÜ, jack oak, or a sort of a red oak. When they alighted, it was on a beautiful day when the earth was covered with luxuriant vegetation. From that time the paths of the Osages separated; some marched on the right, being the war gentes, while those on the left were peace gentes, including the Tsi[c]u, whose chart this is. Then the Tsi[c]u met the black bear, called KÁxe-wÁhÜ-san´ in the tradition. KÁxe-wÁhÜ-san´, Crow-bone-white in the distance. He offered to become their messenger, so they sent him to the different stars for aid. According to the chart he went to them in the following order: Morning star, sun, moon, seven stars, evening star, little star; but, according to the chant related, they were as follows: Watse [t]u[k]a (morning star); Watse min[k]a (female animal that slays another star); Han-pa[t]an-Wakan[t]a The earth lodge at the end of the chart denotes the village of the HaÑ[k]a uta¢an[t][s]i, who were a very warlike people. Buffalo skulls were on the tops of the lodges, and the bones of the animals on which they subsisted, whitened on the ground. The very air was rendered offensive by the decaying bodies and offal. The HaÑ[k]a uta¢an[t][s]i made a treaty of peace with the Wa[c]ace and Tsi[c]u gentes, and from the union of the three resulted the present nation of the Osages. The Bald Eagle account of the tradition begins very abruptly. The stars were approached thus: Han[p]a[t]an-Wakan[t]a (sun), Watse [t]u[k]a (morning star), Wa[p]aha (Great Dipper), Tapa (Pleiades), Mikak’e-han-[p]a[t]an (Day Star). This version gives what is wanting in the other, the meeting of other gentes, HaÑka [c]iÑ[k]a, Wa[c]a[c]e, HaÑ[k]a-uta¢an[t][s]i, etc., and the decisions of the chief of the HaÑ[k]a-uta¢an[t][s]i. The people on the war side had similar adventures, but the accurate account has not yet been obtained. The whole of the chart was used mnemonically. Parts of it, such as the four heavens and ladders, were tattooed on the throat and chest of the old men belonging to the order.” TREATIES.The most familiar example of the recording of treaties is the employment of wampum belts for that purpose. An authority on the subject says: “The wampum belts given to Sir William Johnson, of immortal Indian memory, were in several rows, black on each side, and white in the middle; the white being placed in the center was to express peace, and that the path between them was fair and open. In the center of the More minute statements regarding wampum is made superfluous after its full discussion by Mr. W. H. Holmes in his work, “Art in Shell of the ancient Americans,” in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pages 253 et seq. One of his illustrations specially in point for the present purpose is here reproduced in Plate V. His remarks upon it are as follows: The remarkable belt shown has an extremely interesting, although a somewhat incomplete, history attached to it. It is believed to be the original belt delivered by the Leni-Lenape sachems to William Penn at the celebrated treaty under the elm tree at Shackamaxon in 1682. Although there is no documentary evidence to show that this identical belt was delivered on that occasion, it is conceded on all hands that it came into the possession of the great founder of Pennsylvania at some one of his treaties with the tribes that occupied the province ceded to him. Up to the year 1857 this belt remained in the keeping of the Penn family. In March, 1857, it was presented to the Pennsylvania Historical Society by Granville John Penn, a great-grandson of William Penn. Mr. Penn, in his speech on this occasion, states that there can be no doubt that this is the identical belt used at the treaty, and presents his views in the following language: “In the first place, its dimensions are greater than of those used on more ordinary occasions, of which we have one still in our possession—this belt being composed of eighteen strings of wampum, which is a proof that it was the record of some very important negotiation. In the next place, in the center of the belt, which is of white wampum, are delineated in dark-colored beads, in a rude but graphic style, two figures—that of an Indian grasping with the hand of friendship the hand of a man evidently intended to be represented in the European costume, wearing a hat; which can only be interpreted as having reference to the treaty of peace and friendship which was then concluded between William Penn and the Indians, and recorded by them in their own simple but descriptive mode of expressing their meaning, by the employment of hieroglyphics. Then the fact of its having been preserved in the family of the founder from that period to the present time, having descended through three generations, gives an authenticity to the document which leaves no doubt of its genuineness; and as the chain and medal which were presented by the parliament to his father the admiral, for his naval services, have descended among the family archives unaccompanied by any written document, but is recorded on the journals of the House of Commons, equal authenticity may be claimed for the wampum belt confirmatory of the treaty made by his son with the Indians; which event is recorded on the page of history, though, like the older relic, it has been unaccompanied in its descent by any document in writing.” WAR.Material objects were often employed in challenge to and declaration of war, some of which may assist in the interpretation of pictographs. A few instances are mentioned: Arrows, to which long hairs are attached, were stuck up along the Challenging by heralds obtained. Thus the Shumeias challenged the Ponios [in central California] by placing three little sticks, notched in the middle and at both ends, on a mound, which marked the boundary between the two tribes. If the Ponios accept, they tie a string round the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and place, and the battle comes off as appointed. See Bancroft, Native Races, I, p. 379. A few notices of the foreign use of material objects in connection with this branch of the subject may be given. It appears in the Bible: Ezek., XXXVII, 16-20, and Numbers, XVII, 2. Lieutenant-Colonel Woodthorp says (Jour. Anth. Inst. Gr. Brit., Vol. XLI, 1882, p. 211): “On the road to Niao we saw on the ground a curious mud figure of a man in slight relief presenting a gong in the direction of Senna; this was supposed to show that the Fiao men were willing to come to terms with Senna, then at war with Niao. Another mode of evincing a desire to turn away the wrath of an approaching enemy, and induce him to open negotiations, is to tie up in his path a couple of goats, sometimes also a gong, with the universal symbol of peace, a palm leaf planted in the ground hard by.” The Maori had neither the quipus nor wampum, but only a board shaped like a saw, which was called he rakau wakapa-paranga, or genealogical board; it was in fact a tally, having a notch for each name, and a blank space to denote where the male line failed and was succeeded by that of the female; youths were taught their genealogies by repeating the names of each to which the notches referred. See Te Ika a Maui.—Rev. Richard Taylor, London, 1870, p. 379. TIME.Dr. William H. Corbusier, assistant surgeon, U.S. Army, gives the following information: Fig. 39.—Device denoting succession of time. Dakota. The Dakotas make use of the circle as the symbol of a cycle of time; a small one for a year and a large one for a longer period of time, as a life-time, one old man. Also a round of lodges, or a cycle of 70 years, as in Battiste Good’s Winter Count. The continuance of time is sometimes indicated by a line extending in a direction from right to left across the page, when on paper, and the annual circles are suspended from the line at regular intervals by short lines, as in Figure 39, and the ideo Fig. 40.—Device denoting succession of time. Dakota. The large amount of space taken up by the Dakota Winter Counts, now following, renders it impracticable to devote more to the graphic devices regarding time. While these Winter Counts are properly under the present head, their value is not limited to it, as they suggest, if they do not explain, points relating to many other divisions of the present paper. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS.The existence among the Dakota Indians of continuous designations of years, in the form of charts corresponding in part with the orderly arrangement of divisions of time termed calendars, was first made public by the present writer in a paper entitled “A Calendar of the Dakota Nation,” which was issued in April, 1877, in Bulletin III, No. 1, of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey. Later consideration of the actual use of such charts by the Indians has induced the change of their title to that adopted by themselves, viz., Winter Counts, in the original, wanÍyetu wÓwapi. The lithographed chart published with that paper, substantially the same as Plate VI, now presented, was ascertained to be the Winter Count used by or at least known to a large portion of the Dakota people, extending over the seventy-one years commencing with the winter of A. D. 1800-’01. The copy from which the lithograph was taken, is traced on a strip of cotton cloth, in size one yard square, which the characters almost entirely fill, and was made by Lieut. H. T. Reed, First United States Infantry, an accomplished officer of the present writer’s former company and regiment, in two colors, black and red, used in the original, of which it is a fac simile. The general design of the chart and the meaning of most of its characters were ascertained by Lieutenant Reed, at Fort Sully, Dakota, and afterwards at Fort Rice, Dakota, in November, 1876, by the present writer; while further investigation of records and authorities at Washington elicited additional details used in the publication mentioned and many more since its issue. After exhibition of the copy to a number of military and civil officers connected with the Departments of War and of the Interior, it appeared that those who, from service on expeditions and surveys or from special study of American ethnology, were most familiar with It is believed that, in the pictographs of all of these peoples discovered before the chart mentioned, the obvious intention was either historical or biographical, or more generally was to chronicle occurrences as such, and that there was not an apparent design to portray events selected without exclusive reference to their intrinsic interest or importance, but because they severally occurred within regular successive intervals of time, and to arrange them in an orderly form, specially convenient for use as a calendar and valuable for no other purpose. The copy made by Lieutenant Reed was traced over a duplicate of the original, which latter was drawn on a buffalo robe by Lone-Dog, an aged Indian, belonging to the Yanktonai tribe of the Dakotas, who in the autumn of 1876 was near Fort Peck, Montana, and was reported to be still in his possession. His Dakota name is given him by correspondents who knew him, as in the ordinary English literation, Shunka-ishnala, the words respectively corresponding very nearly with the vocables in Riggs’s lexicon for dog-lone. Others have, however, identified him as Chi-no-sa, translated as “a lone wanderer,” and asserted that he was at the time mentioned with the hostile Dakotas under Sitting Bull. There appear to have been several Dakotas of the present generation known to the whites as Lone-Dog. Plate VI is a representation of the chart as it would appear on the buffalo robe, but it is photographed from the copy on linen cloth, not directly from the robe. The duplicate from which the copy was immediately taken was in the possession of Basil ClÉment, a half-breed interpreter, living at Little Bend, near Fort Sully, Dakota, who professed to have obtained information concerning the chart from personal inquiries of many Indians, and whose dictated translation of them, reduced to writing in his own words, forms the basis of that given in the present paper. The genuineness of the document was verified by separate examination, through another interpreter, of the most intelligent Indians accessible at Fort Rice, and at a considerable distance from ClÉment, who could have had no recent communication with those so examined. One of the latter, named Good-Wood, a Blackfoot Dakota and an enlisted scout attached to the garrison at Fort Rice, immediately recognized the copy now in possession of the writer as “the same thing Lone-Dog had,” and also All the investigations that could be made elicited the following account, which, whether accurate or not, the Indians examined certainly believed: Probably with the counsel of the old men and authorities of his tribe, Lone-Dog ever since his youth has been in the habit of deciding upon some event or circumstance which should distinguish each year as it passed, and when such decision was made he marked what was considered to be its appropriate symbol or device upon a buffalo robe kept for the purpose. The robe was at convenient times exhibited to other Indians of the nation, who were thus taught the meaning and use of the signs as designating the several years, in order that at the death of the recorder the knowledge might not be lost. A similar motive as to the preservation of the record led to its duplication in 1870 or 1871, so that ClÉment obtained it in a form ending at that time. It was also reported by several Indians that other copies of the chart in its various past stages of formation had been known to exist among the several tribes, being probably kept for reference, Lone-Dog and his robe being so frequently inaccessible. Although Lone-Dog was described as a very old Indian, it was not supposed that he was of sufficient age in the year 1800 to enter upon the duty as explained. Either there was a predecessor from whom he received the earlier records or obtained copies of them, or, his work being first undertaken when he had reached manhood, he gathered the traditions from his elders and worked back so far as he could do so accurately, the object either then or before being to establish some system of chronology for the use of the tribe, or more probably in the first instance for the use of his particular band. Present knowledge of the Winter Count systems renders it improbable that Lone-Dog was their inventor or originator. They were evidently started, at the latest, before the present generation, and have been kept up by a number of independent recorders. The idea was one specially appropriate to the Indian genius, yet the peculiar mode of record was an invention, and is not probably a very old invention, as it has not, so far as known, spread beyond a definite district or been extensively adopted. If an invention of that character had been of great antiquity it would probably have spread by inter-tribal channels beyond the bands or tribes of the Dakotas, where alone the copies of such charts have been found and are understood. Yet the known ex A query is naturally suggested, whether intercourse with missionaries and other whites did not first give the Dakotas some idea of dates and awaken a sense of want in that direction. The fact that Lone-Dog’s winter count, the only one known at the time of its first publication, begins at a date nearly coinciding with the first year of the present century by our computation, awakened a suspicion that it might be due to civilized intercourse, and was not a mere coincidence. If the influence of missionaries or traders started any plan of chronology, it is remarkable that they did not suggest one in some manner resembling the system so long and widely used, and the only one they knew, of counting in numbers from an era, such as the birth of Christ, the Hegira, the Ab Urbe ConditÂ, the First Olympiad, and the like. But the chart shows nothing of this nature. The earliest character (the one in the center or beginning of the spiral) merely represents the killing of a small number of Dakotas by their enemies, an event of frequent occurrence, and neither so important nor interesting as many others of the seventy-one shown in the chart, more than one of which, indeed, might well have been selected as a notable fixed point before and after which simple arithmetical notation could have been used to mark the years. Instead of any plan that civilized advisers would naturally have introduced, the one actually adopted—to individualize each year by a specific recorded symbol, or totem, according to the decision of a competent person, or by common consent acted upon by a person charged with or undertaking the duty whereby confusion was prevented—should not suffer denial of its originality merely because it was ingenious, and showed more of scientific method than has often been attributed to the northern tribes of America. The ideographic record, being preserved and understood by many, could be used and referred to with sufficient ease and accuracy for ordinary purposes. Definite signs for the first appearance of the small-pox and for the first capture of wild horses may be dates as satisfactory to the Dakotas as the corresponding expressions A. D. 1802 and 1813 to the Christian world, and far more certain than much of the chronological tables of Regiomontanus and Archbishop Usher in terms of A. M. and B. C. The careful arrangement of distinctly separate characters in an outward spiral starting from a central point is a clever expedient to dispense with the use of numbers for noting the years, yet allowing every date to be determined by counting backward or forward from any other that might be known; and it seems unlikely that any such device, so different from that common among the white visitors, should have been prompted by them. The whole conception seems one strongly characteristic of the Indians, who in other instances have shown such expert Copies of the paper publishing and explaining Lone-Dog’s record were widely circulated by the present writer among Army officers, Indian agents, missionaries, and other persons favorably situated, in hopes of obtaining other examples and further information. The result was a gratifying verification of all the important statements and suggestions in the publication, with the correction of some errors of detail and the supply of much additional material. The following copies of the chart, substantially the same as that of Lone-Dog, are now, or have been, in the possession of the present writer: 1. A chart made and kept by Bo-Í-de, The-Flame (otherwise translated The-Blaze), who, in 1877, lived at Peoria Bottom, 18 miles south of Fort Sully, Dakota. He was a Dakota and had generally dwelt with the Sans Arcs, though it was reported that he was by birth one of the Two Kettles. The interpretation was obtained (it is understood originally at the instance of Lieutenant Maus, First United States Infantry) directly from The-Flame by Alex. Laravey, official interpreter at Fort Sully, in the month of April, 1877. The fac-simile copy in the writer’s possession, also made by Lieutenant Reed, is on a cotton cloth about a yard square and in black and red—thus far similar to his copy of Lone-Dog’s chart, but the arrangement is wholly different. The character for the first year mentioned appears in the lower left-hand corner, and the record proceeds toward the right to the extremity of the cloth, then crossing toward the left and again toward the right at the edge of the cloth—and so throughout in the style called boustrophedon; and ending in the upper left-hand corner. The general effect is that of seven straight lines of figures, but those lines are distinctly connected at their extremities with others above and below, so that the continuous figure is serpentine. It thus answers the same purpose of orderly arrangement, allowing constant additions, like the more circular spiral of Lone-Dog. This record is for the years 1786-’7 to 1876-’7, thus commencing earlier and ending later than that of Lone-Dog. 2. The-Swan’s chart was kindly furnished to the writer by Dr. Charles Rau, of the Smithsonian Institution. It was sent to him in 1872 by Dr. John R. Patrick, of Belleville, Saint Clair County, Illinois, who received it from Dr. Washington West, of Belleville, Illinois, who became an acting assistant surgeon, U.S. Army, November 2, 1868, and was assigned to duty at Cheyenne Agency, Dakota, established by General Harney, as one of a number of agencies to become useful as rendezvous for Dakotas to keep them from disturbing the line of the Union Pacific Railroad. He remained there from November, 1868, to May, 1870. The characters are arranged in a spiral similar to those in Lone-Dog’s chart, but more oblong in form. The course of the spiral is from left to right, not from right to left. The interpretation of this chart was made at Cheyenne Agency in 1868 for Dr. Washington West by Jean Premeau, interpreter at that agency. A useful note is given in connection with the interpretation, that in it all the names are names given by the Minneconjous, and not the names the parties bear themselves, e. g., in the interpretation for the year 1829-’30, (see Plate XVIII, and page 114,) Bad Arrow Indian is a translation of the Dakota name for a band of Blackfeet. The owner and explainer of this copy of the chart was a Minneconjou, and therefore his rendering of names might differ from that of another person equally familiar with the chart. 3. Another chart examined was kindly loaned to the writer by Brevet Maj. Joseph Bush, captain Twenty-second United States Infantry. It was procured by him in 1870 at the Cheyenne Agency, from James C. Robb, formerly Indian trader, and afterwards post trader. This copy is one yard by three-fourths of a yard, spiral, beginning in the center from right to left. The figures are substantially the same size as those in Lone-Dog’s chart, with which it coincides in time, except that it ends at 1869-’70. The interpretation differs from that accompanying the latter in a few particulars. 4. The chart of Mato Sapa, Black-Bear. He was a Minneconjou warrior, residing in 1868 and 1869 on the Cheyenne Agency Reservation, on the Missouri River, near Fort Sully, Dakota, near the mouth of the Cheyenne River. In order to please Lieut. O. D. Ladley, Twenty-second United States Infantry, who was in charge of the reservation, he drew or copied on a piece of cotton cloth what he called, through the interpreter, the History of the Minneconjous, and also gave through the same interpreter the key or translation to the figures. Lieutenant Ladley loaned them to an ex-army friend in Washington, who brought them to the notice of the present writer. This copy is on a smaller scale than that of Lone-Dog, being a flat and elongated spiral, 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 6 inches. The spiral reads from right to left. This chart, which begins as does that of Lone-Dog, ends with the years 1868-’69. The present writer has had conversation and correspondence concerning other copies and other translated interpretations of what may be called for convenience and with some right, on account of priority in publication, the Lone-Dog system of winter counts. But it also was discovered that there were other systems in which the same pictographic method was adopted by the Dakotas. An account of the most important of these, viz.: the charts of Baptiste or Battiste Good, American-Horse, Cloud-Shield, and White-cow-killer has been communicated by Dr. William H. Corbusier, assistant surgeon, United States Army, and is presented infra, page 127, under the title of The Corbusier Winter Counts. The study of all the charts, with their several interpretations, renders plain some points remaining in doubt while the Lone-Dog chart was the only example known. In the first place, it became clear that there was no fixed or uniform mode of exhibiting the order of continuity of the year-characters. They were arranged spirally or lineally, or in serpentine curves, by boustrophedon or direct, starting backward from the last year shown, or proceeding uniformly forward from the first year selected or remembered. Any mode that would accomplish the object of continuity with the means of regular addition seemed to be equally acceptable. So a theory advanced that there was some symbolism in the right to left circling of Lone-Dog’s chart was aborted, especially when an obvious reproduction of that very chart was made by an Indian with the spiral reversed. It was also obvious that when copies were made, some of them probably from memory, there was no attempt at Chinese accuracy. It was enough to give the graphic or ideographic character, and frequently the character is better defined on one of the charts than on the others for the corresponding year. One interpretation or rather one translation of the interpretation would often throw light on the others. It also appeared that while different events were selected by the recorders of the different systems, there was sometimes a selection of the same event for the same year and sometimes for the next, such as would be natural in the progress of a famine or epidemic, or as an event gradually became known over a vast territory. To exhibit these points more clearly, the characters on the charts of The-Flame, Lone-Dog, and The-Swan have been placed together on Plates VII-XXXIII, and their interpretations, separately obtained and translated, have also been collated, commencing on page 100. Where any information was supplied by the charts of Mato Sapa or of Major Bush and their interpretation, or by other authorities, it is given in connection with the appropriate year. Reference is also made to some coincidences or explanatory manner noticed in the Corbusier system. With regard to the Lone-Dog system, with which the present writer is more familiar, and upon which he has examined a large number of Indians during the last eight years, an attempt was made to ascertain whether the occurrences selected and represented were those peculiar to the clan or tribe of the recorder or were either of general concern or of notoriety throughout the Dakota tribes. This would tend to determine whether the undertaking was of a merely individual nature, limited by personal knowledge or special interests, or whether the scope was general. All inquiries led to the latter supposition. The persons examined were of different tribes, and far apart from each other, yet all knew what the document was, i. e., that “some one thing was put down for each year;” that it was the work of Lone-Dog, and that he was the only one who “could do it,” or perhaps was authority for it. The internal evidence is to the same effect. All the symbols indicate what was done, experienced, or observed by the nation at large or by its tribes without distinction—not by that of which Lone-Dog is a member, no special feat of the Yanktonais, indeed, being mentioned—and the chiefs whose deaths or deeds are noted appear to have belonged indifferently to the several tribes, whose villages were generally at great distance each from the other and from that of the recorder. It is, however, true that the Minneconjous were more familiar than other of the Dakotas with the interpretation of the characters on Lone-Dog’s chart, and that a considerable proportion of the events selected relate to that division of the confederacy. In considering the extent to which Lone-Dog’s chart is understood and used among his people, it may be mentioned that the writer has never shown it to an intelligent Dakota of full years who has not known what it was for, and many of them knew a large part of the years portrayed. When there was less knowledge, there was the amount that may be likened to that of an uneducated person or child who is examined about a map of the United States, which had been shown to him before, with some explanation only partially apprehended or remembered. He would tell that it was a map of the United States; would probably be able to point out with some accuracy the State or city where he lived; perhaps the capital of the country; probably the names of the States of peculiar position or shape, such as Maine, Delaware, or Florida. So the Indian examined would often point out in Lone-Dog’s chart the year in which he was born or that in which his father died, or in which there was some occurrence that had strongly impressed him, but which had no relation whatever to the character for the year in question. It had been pointed out to him before, and he had remembered it, though not the remainder of the chart. With the interpretations of the several charts given below some explanations are furnished, but it may be useful to set forth in advance a few facts relating to the nomenclature and divisions of the tribes frequently mentioned. In the literature on the subject the great linguistic The word “Dakota” is translated in Riggs’s Dictionary of that language as “leagued, or allied.” Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, the distinguished ethnographer and glossologist, gives the meaning to be more precisely “associated as comrades,” the root being found in other dialects of the same group of languages for instance, in the Minitari, where dÁki is the name for the clan or band, and dakÓe means friend or comrade. In the Sioux (Dakota) dialect, cota, or coda means friend, and Dakota may, literally translated, signify “our friends.” The title Sioux, which is indignantly repudiated by the nation, is either the last syllable or the two last syllables, according to pronunciation, of “Nadowesioux,” which is the French plural of the Algonkin name for the Dakotas, “Nadowessi,” “enemy,” though the English word is not so strong as the Indian, “hated foe” being nearer. The Chippeways called an Iroquois “Nadowi,” which is also their name for rattlesnake (or, as others translate, adder); in the plural, Nadowek. A Sioux they called Nadowessi, which is the same word with a contemptuous or diminutive termination; plural, Nadowessiwak or Nadawessyak. The French gave the name their own form of the plural, and the voyageurs and trappers cut it down to “Sioux.” The more important of existing tribes and organized bands into which the nation is now divided are given below, being the dislocated remains of the “Seven Great Council Fires,” not only famed in tradition, but known to early white pioneers: Yankton and Yanktonai or IhaÑktonwan, both derived from a root meaning “at the end,” alluding to the former locality of their villages. Sihasapa, or Blackfeet. Ohenonpa, or Two Kettles. Itaziptco, Without Bow. The French translation, Sans Arc, is, however, more commonly used. Minneconjou, translated Those who plant by the water, the physical features of their old home. Sitcangu, Burnt Hip or BrulÉ. Santee, subdivided into Wahpeton, Men among Leaves, i. e., forests, and Sisseton, Men of Prairie Marsh. Two other bands, now practically extinct, formerly belonged to the Santee, or, as it is more correctly spelled, Isanti tribe, from the root Issan, knife. Their former territory furnished the material for stone knives, from the manufacture of which they were called the “knife people.” Ogallalla, Ogalala, or Oglala. The meaning and derivation of this name, as well as the one next mentioned (Uncpapa), have been the subjects of much controversy. Uncpapa, Unkpapa, or Hunkpapa, the most warlike and probably the most powerful of all the bands, though not the largest. Hale, Gallatin, and Riggs designate a “Titon tribe” as located west of the Missouri, and as much the largest division of the Dakotas, the latter authority subdividing into the Sichangu, Itazipcho, Sihasapa, Minneconjou, Ohenonpa, Ogallalla, and Huncpapa, seven of the tribes specified above, which he calls bands. The fact probably is that “Titon” (from the word tintan, meaning, “at or on land without trees, or prairie”) was the name of a tribe, but it is now only an expression for all those tribes whose ranges are on the prairie, and that it has become a territorial and accidental, not a tribular distinction. One of the Dakotas at Fort Rice spoke to the writer of the “hostiles” as “Titons,” with obviously the same idea of locality, “away on the prairie;” it being well known that they were a conglomeration from several tribes. It is proper here to remark that throughout the charts the totem of the clan of the person indicated is not generally given, though it is often used in other kinds of records, but instead, a pictorial representation of his name, which their selection of proper names rendered practicable. The clans are divisions relating to consanguinity, and neither coincide with the political tribal organizations nor are limited by them. The number of the clans, or distinctive totemic groups, of the Dakota is less than that of their organized bands, if not of their tribes, and considerably less than that of the totems appearing on the charts. Although it has been contended that the clan-totem alone was used by Indians, there are many other specimens of picture-writings among the Dakota where the name-totem appears, notably the set of fifty-five drawings in the library of the Army Medical Museum narrating the deeds of Sitting-Bull. A pictured message lately sent by a Dakota at Fort Rice to another at a distant agency, and making the same use of name-signs, came to the writer’s notice. Captain Carver, who spent a considerable time with these Indians (called by him Nadowessies) in 1766-’77, explains that “besides the name of the animal by which every nation or tribe [clan] With reference to the Winter Counts, it is well known that the Dakotas count their years by winters (which is quite natural, that season in their high levels and latitudes practically lasting more than six months), and say a man is so many snows old, or that so many snow seasons have passed since an occurrence. They have no division of time into weeks, and their months are absolutely lunar, only twelve, however, being designated, which receive their names upon the recurrence of some prominent, physical phenomenon. For example, the period partly embraced by February is intended to be the “raccoon moon”; March, the “sore-eye moon”; and April, that “in which the geese lay eggs.” As the appearance of raccoons after hibernation, the causes inducing inflamed eyes, and oviposition by geese vary with the meteorological character of each year, and as the twelve lunations reckoned do not bring back the point in the season when counting commenced, there is often dispute in the Dakota tipis toward the end of winter as to the correct current date. In careful examination of the several Counts it does not appear to be clear whether the event portrayed occurred in the winter months or was selected in the months immediately before or in those immediately after the winter. No regularity or accuracy is noticed in these particulars. The next following pages give the translated interpretation of the above-mentioned charts of The-Flame, designated as No. I; of Lone-Dog, designated as No. II; and of The-Swan as No. III; and are explanations of Plates VII to XXXIII. As The-Flame’s count began before the other two and ended later than those, Plates VII, VIII, and XXXIII are confined to that count, the others showing the three in connection. The red color frequently mentioned appears in the corresponding figures in Plate VI of Lone-Dog’s chart as reproduced, but black takes its place in the series of plates now under consideration. Mention of the charts of Mato Sapa and of Major Bush is made where there seems to be any additional information or suggestion in them. When those charts are not mentioned they agree with that of Lone-Dog. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VII 1786-’87. 1787-’88. 1788-’89. 1789-’90. 1790-’91. 1791-’92. 1792-’93. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1786-’87.—No. I represents an Uncpapa chief who wore an “iron” shield over his head. It is stated that he was a great warrior, killed by the Rees. This word is abbreviated from the word Arikaree, a corrupt form of Arikara. This year in the Anno Domini style is ascertained by counting back from several well-known historical events corresponding with those on the charts. Battiste Good’s count for the same year says: “Iron-hand-band-went-on-war-path winter,” and adds, “They formerly carried burdens on their backs hung from a band passed across their forehead. This man had a band of iron which is shown on his head.” 1787-’88.—No. I. A clown, well known to the Indians; a mischief-maker. A Minneconjou. The interpreter could not learn how he was connected with this year. His accoutrements are fantastic. The character is explained by Battiste Good’s winter count for the same year as follows: “Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter.” A certain man was heyoka, that is, in a peculiar frame of mind, and went about the village bedecked with feathers singing to himself, and, while so, joined a war party. On sighting the enemy the party fled, and called to him to turn back also, but as he was heyoka, he construed everything that was said to him as meaning the very opposite, and, therefore, instead of turning back he went forward and was killed. The interpreter remarked if they had only had sense enough to tell him to go on, he would then have run away, but the idiots talked to him just as if he had been an ordinary mortal, and, of course, were responsible for his death. The figure by Battiste Good strongly resembles that in this chart, giving indications of fantastic dress with the bow. The independent explanations of this figure and of some on the next page referring to dates so remote have been of interest to the present writer. 1788-’89.—No. I. Very severe winter and much suffering among the Indians. Crows were frozen to death, which is a rare occurrence. Hence the figure of the crow. Battiste Good says: “Many-crows-died winter.” Cloud Shield says: The winter was so cold that many crows froze to death. White-Cow-Killer calls the preceding year, 1787-’88, “Many-black-crows-died winter.” For the year 1789-’90, American-Horse says: “The cold was so intense that crows froze in the air and dropped dead near the lodges.” This is an instance of where three sets of accounts refer to the same severe cold, apparently to three successive years; it may really not have been three successive years, but that all charts referred to the same season, the fractions of years not being regarded, as above explained. 1789-’90.—No. I. Two Mandans killed by Minneconjous. The peculiar arrangement of the hair distinguishes the tribe. The Mandans were in the last century one of the most numerous and civilized tribes of the Siouan stock. Lewis and Clarke, in 1804, say that the Mandans settled forty years before, i. e., 1764, in nine villages, 80 miles below their then site (north of Knife River), seven villages on the west, and two on the east side of the Missouri. Two villages, being destroyed by the small-pox and the Dakotas, united and moved up opposite to the Arickaras, who probably occupied the same site as exhibited in the counts for the year 1823-’24. Battiste Good says: “Killed-two-Gros-Ventres-on-the ice winter.” 1790-’91.—No. I. The first United States flag in the country brought by United States troops. So said the interpreter. No special occasion or expedition is noted. Battiste Good says: “Carried-flag-about-with-them winter,” and explains; they went to all the surrounding tribes with the flag, but for what purpose is unknown. White-Cow-Killer says: “All-the-Indians-see-the-flag winter.” 1791-’92.—No. I. A Mandan and a Dakota met in the middle of the Missouri; each swimming half way across, they shook hands, and made peace. Mulligan, post interpreter at Fort Buford, says that this was at Fort Berthold, and is an historic fact; also that the same Mandan, long afterwards, killed the same Dakota. Cloud-Shield says: The Sioux and Omahas made peace. 1792-’93.—No. I. Dakotas and Rees meet in camp together, and are at peace. The two styles of dwellings, viz., the tipi of the Dakotas, and the earth lodge of the Arickaras, are apparently depicted. Battiste Good says: “Camp-near-the-Gros-Ventres winter,” and adds: “They were engaged in a constant warfare during this time.” The Gros Ventres’ dirt-lodge, with the entry in front, is depicted in Battiste Good’s figure, and on its roof is the head of a Gros Ventre. See Cloud-Shields’s explanations of his figure for this year, page 133. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VIII 1793-’94. 1794-’95. 1795-’96. 1796-’97. 1797-’98. 1798-’99. 1799-1800. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1793-’94.—No. I. Thin-Face, a noted Dakota chief, was killed by Rees. Battiste Good says: “Killed-a-long-haired-man-at-Raw-Hide-Butte winter,” adding that the Dakotas attacked a village of fifty-eight lodges, of a tribe [called by a correspondent the Cheyennes], and killed every soul in it. After the fight they found the body of a man whose hair was done up with deer-hide in large rolls, and on cutting them open, found it was all real hair, very thick, and as long as a lodge-pole. (Mem.: Catlin tells of a Crow called Long-Hair, whose hair, by actual measurement, was 10 feet 7 inches long.) The fight was at Raw-Hide Butte, now so-called by the whites, which they named Buffalo-Hide Butte because they found so many buffalo hides in the lodges. According to Cloud-Shield, Long-Hair was killed in 1786-’87; and, White-Cow-Killer says: “Little-Face-kill winter.” Battiste Good says in his count for the succeeding year, 1794-’95, “Killed-little-face-Pawnee winter.” The Pawnee’s face was long, flat, and narrow like a man’s hand, but he had the body of a large man. 1794-’95—No. I. A Mandan chief killed a noted Dakota chief with remarkably long hair, and took his scalp. White-Cow-Killer says: “Long-Hair-killed winter.” 1795-’96—No. I. While surrounded by the enemy (Mandans) a Blackfeet Dakota Indian goes at the risk of his life for water for the party. The interpreter states that this was near the present Cheyenne Agency, Dakota Territory. In the original character there is a bloody wound at the shoulder showing that the heroic Indian was wounded. He is shown bearing a water vessel. Battiste Good gives a figure for this year recognizably the same as that in The-Flame’s chart, but with a different explanation. He calls it “The Rees-stood-the-frozen-man-up-with-the-buffalo stomach-in-his-hand winter,” and adds: “The body of a Dakota who had been killed in an encounter with the Rees, and had been left behind, froze. The Rees dragged it into their village, propped it up with a stick, and hung a buffalo stomach filled with ice in one hand to make sport of it. The buffalo stomach was in common use at that time as a water-jug.” White-Cow-Killer calls it “Water-stomach-killed winter.” 1796-’97—No. I. A Mandan chief, “The-Man-with the-Hat,” becomes noted as a warrior. The character is precisely the same as that often given for white man. Some error in the interpretation is suggested in the absence of knowledge whether there actually was a Mandan chief so named, in which case the pictograph would be consistent. Battiste Good says: “Wears-the-war-bonnet-died winter,” adding: He did not die this winter, but received a wound in the abdomen from which the arrow head could not be extracted, but he died of the belly-ache years after. White-Cow-Killer says: “War-Bonnet-killed winter.” The translated expression, “killed,” has been noticed to refer often to a fatal wound, though the death did not take place immediately. 1797-’98.—No. I. A Ree woman is killed by a Dakota while gathering “pomme-blanche,” a root used for food. Pomme-blanche, or Navet de prairie, is a white root somewhat similar in appearance to a white turnip, botanically Psoralea esculenta (Nuttal), sometimes P. argophylla. It is a favorite food of the Indians, eaten boiled down to a sort of mush or hominy. A forked stick is used in gathering these roots. It will be noticed that this simple statement about the death of the Arikara woman is changed by other recorders or interpreters into one of a mythical character. Battiste Good says: “Took-the-god-woman-captive winter,” adding: a Dakota war party captured a woman of a tribe unknown, who, in order to gain their respect, cried out, “I am a ‘Waukan-Tanka’ woman,” meaning that she feared or belonged to God, the Great Spirit, whereupon they let her go unharmed. A note is added: This is the origin of their name for God [Wakan-TaÑka], the Great Holy, or Supernatural One, they having never heard of a Supreme Being, but had offered their prayers to the sun, earth, and many other objects, believing they were endowed with spirits. White-Cow-Killer says: “Caught-a-medicine-god-woman winter.” 1798-’99.—No. I. Blackfeet Dakotas kill three Rees. 1799-1800.—No. I. Uncpapas kill two Rees. The figure over the heads of the two Rees is a bow, showing the mode of death. The hair of the Arickaras in this and the preceding character is represented in the same manner. 1800-’01.—No. I. Thirty-one Dakotas killed by Crows. No. II. Thirty Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians. The device consists of thirty parallel black lines in three columns, the outer lines being united. In this chart, such black lines always signify the death of Dakotas killed by their enemies. The Absaroka or Crow tribe, although classed by ethnographers as belonging to the Siouan family, has nearly always been at war with the Dakotas proper since the whites have had any knowledge of either. The official tables of 1875 give the number of Crows then living as 4,200. They are tall, well-made, bold, and noted for the extraordinary length of their hair. No. III. Thirty Dakotas killed by the Gros Ventres Indians between Forts Berthold and Union, Dakota. Mato Sapa’s record has nine inside strokes in three rows, the interpretation being that thirty Dakotas were killed by Gros Ventres between Forts Berthold and Union, Dakota. Major Bush says the same, adding that it was near the present site of Fort Buford. 1801-’02.—No. I. Many died of small-pox. No. II. The small-pox broke out in the nation. The device is the head and body of a man covered with red blotches. No. III. All the Dakotas had the small-pox very bad; fatal. Battiste Good’s record says: “Small-pox-used-them-up-again winter.” White-Cow-Killer says: “All-sick winter.” Major Bush adds “very badly” to “small-pox broke out.” 1802-’03.—No. I. First shod horses seen by Indians. No. II. A Dakota stole horses with shoes on, i. e., stole them either directly from the whites or from some other Indians who had before obtained them from whites, as the Indians never shoe their horses. The device is a horseshoe. No. III. Blackfeet Dakotas stole some American horses having shoes on. Horseshoes seen for the first time. Mato Sapa says: Blackfeet Dakota stole American horses with shoes on, then first seen by them. Major Bush agrees with Mato Sapa. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Brought-in-horseshoes winter.” Battiste Good says: “Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-iron shoes-on winter.” 1803-’04.—No. I. A Blackfeet steals many curly horses from the Assinaboines. No. II. They stole some “curly horses” from the Crows. Some of these horses are still seen on the plains, the hair growing in closely-curling tufts, resembling in texture the negro’s woolly pile. The device is a horse with black marks for the tufts. The Crows are known to have been early in the possession of horses. No. III. Uncpapa Dakotas stole five woolly horses from the Ree Indians. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-woolly-horses winter.” Mato Sapa says: Uncpapa stole from the Rees five horses having curly hair. Major Bush same as last, using “woolly” instead of “curly.” Battiste Good says: “Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-their-hair-rough-and-curly winter.” 1804-’05.—No. I. Calumet dance. Tall-Mandan born. No. II. The Dakotas had a calumet dance and then went to war. The device is a long pipe-stem, ornamented with feathers and streamers. The feathers are white, with black tips, evidently the tail feathers of the adult golden eagle (Aquila chrysaËtos), highly prized by all Indians. The streamers anciently were colored strips of skin or flexible bark; now gayly colored strips of cloth are used. The word calumet is a corruption of the French chalumeau, and the pipe among all the Mississippi tribes was a symbol of peace. Captain Carver, in his Three Years’ Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America, Philadelphia, 1796, which travels began in 1766, after puzzling over the etymology of the word calumet (that honest “captain of Provincial troops” obviously not understanding French), reports it as “about 4 feet long, bowl of red marble, stem of a light wood curiously painted with hieroglyphics in various colors and adorned with feathers. Every nation has a different method of decorating these pipes and can tell at once to what band it belongs. It is used as an introduction to all treaties, also as a flag of truce is among Europeans.” The event commemorated in the figure was probably a council of some of the various tribes of the nation for settlement of all internal difficulties, so as to act unitedly against the common enemy. J. C. Beltrami, who visited the Dakotas not long after this date, describes them in his Pilgrimage, London, 1828, as divided into independent tribes, managing their separate affairs No. III. Danced calumet dance before going to war. Battiste Good says: “Sung-over-each-other-while-on-the-war-path winter.” He adds: “The war party while out made a large pipe and sang each other’s praises.” A memorandum is also added that the pipe here seems to indicate peace made with some other tribe assisting in the war. But see pages 118 and 139. 1805-’06.—No. I. Eight Dakotas killed by Crows. No. II. The Crows killed eight Dakotas. Again the short parallel black lines, this time eight in number, united by a long stroke. The interpreter, Fielder, says that this character with black strokes is only used for grave marks. No. III. Eight Minneconjou Dakotas killed by Crow Indians at the mouth of Powder River. Battiste Good says: “They-came-and-killed-eight winter.” The enemy killed eight Dakotas. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Eight-Dakotas-killed winter.” Mato Sapa says: Eight Minneconjous killed by Crows at mouth of Powder River. Major Bush same as last. 1806-’07.—No. I. Many eagles caught. This is done by digging a hole and baiting the eagles to the hole in which the Indian is concealed, who then catches the eagle. No. II. A Dakota killed an Arikara as he was about to shoot an eagle. The sign gives the head and shoulders of a man with a red spot of blood on his neck, an arm being extended, with a line drawn to a golden eagle. The Arickaras, a branch of the Pawnee (Pani) family, were at the date given a powerful body, divided into ten large bands. They migrated in recent times from southeast to northwest along the Missouri River. No. III. A Ree Indian hunting eagles from a hole in the ground killed by the Two Kettle Dakotas. Battiste Good says: “Killed-them-while-hunting-eagles winter.” Some Dakota eagle-hunters were killed by enemies. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Killed-while-hunting-eagles winter.” Mato Sapa says: A Ree hunting eagles from a hole in the ground was killed by Two Kettles. Major Bush says the same without the words “hole in the ground.” There is no doubt that the drawing represents an Indian in the act of catching an eagle by the legs, as the Arickaras were accustomed to catch eagles in their earth-traps. They rarely or never shot war eagles. The enemies probably shot the Arikara in his trap just as he put his hand up to grasp the bird. 1807-’08.—No. I. Red-Shirt killed by Rees. No. II. Red-Coat, a chief, was killed. The figure shows the red coat pierced by two arrows, with blood dropping from the wounds. No. III. Uncpapa Dakota, named Red-Shirt, killed by Ree Indians. Battiste Good says: “Came-and-killed-man-with-red-shirt-on winter.” White-Cow-Killer calls it “Red-shirt-killed winter.” Mato Sapa says: Red-shirt, an Uncpapa Dakota, was killed by Rees. Major Bush same as last. 1808-’09.—No. I. Broken-Leg (Dakota) killed by Rees. No. II. The Dakota who had killed the Ree shown in this record for 1806-’07 was himself killed by the Rees. He is represented running, and shot with two arrows; blood dripping. These two figures, taken in connection, afford a good illustration of the method pursued in the chart, which was not intended to be a continuous history, or even to record the most important event of each year, but to exhibit some one of special peculiarity. War then raging between the Dakotas and several tribes, probably many on both sides were killed in each of the years; but there was some incident about the one Ree who was shot as in fancied security he was bringing down an eagle, and whose death was avenged by his brethren the second year afterward. Hence the selection of those occurrences. It would, indeed, have been impossible to have graphically distinguished the many battles, treaties, horse-stealings, big hunts, etc., so most of them were omitted and other events of greater individuality and better adapted for portrayal were taken for the calendar, the criterion being not that they were of national moment, but that they were of general notoriety, or perhaps of special interest to the recorders. No. III. A Blackfeet Dakota, named Broken-Leg, killed by Ree Indians. Mato Sapa says: Broken-Leg, a Blackfeet Dakota, was killed by Rees. Major Bush same as last. 1809-’10.—No. I. Little-Beaver, a white trapper, is burnt to death by accident in his house on the White River. He was liked by Indians. No. II. A chief, Little-Beaver, set fire to a trading store, and was killed. The character is simply his name-totem. The other interpretations say that he was a white man, but he probably had gained a new name among the Indians. No. III. White French trader, called Little-Beaver, was blown up by powder on the Little Missouri River. Battiste Good says: “Little-Beaver’s-house-burned winter.” Little-Beaver was an English trader, and his trading house was a log one. White-Cow-Killer says: Little-Beaver’s house was burned. 1810-’11.—No. I. Black-Rock, a Minneconjou chief, killed. See page 135. No. II. Black-Stone made medicine. The “medicine men” have no connection with therapeutics, feel no pulses, and administer no drugs, or, if sometimes they direct the internal or external use of some secret preparation, it is as a part of superstitious ceremonies, and with main reli The device in the chart is the man-figure, with the head of an albino buffalo held over his own. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Little-Tail, first made “medicine” with white buffalo cow-skin. Mato Sapa says: A Minneconjou, named Little-Tail, first made medicine with white buffalo cow-skin. Major Bush same as last. American-Horse gives for the preceding year, 1809-’10: Black-Rock was killed by the Crows. 1811-’12.—No. I. Twenty-seven Mandans surrounded and killed by Dakotas. No. II. The Dakotas fought a battle with the Gros Ventres, and killed a great many. Device, a circle inclosing three round objects with flat bases, resembling heads severed from trunks, which latter the copy shows too minute in this device for suggestion of what they probably represent; but they appear more distinct in the record for 1864-’65 as the heads of enemies slain in battle. In the sign-language of the plains, the Dakotas are always denoted by drawing a hand across the throat, signifying that they cut the throats of their enemies. The Dakotas count by the fingers, as is common to most peoples, but with a peculiarity of their own. When they have gone over the fingers and thumbs of both hands, one finger is temporarily turned down for one ten. At the end of the next ten another finger is turned, and so on to a hundred. Opawinge [Opawinxe], one hundred, is derived from pawinga [pawinxa], to go around in circles, to make gyrations, and contains the idea that the round of all the fingers has again been made for their respective tens. So the circle is never used for less than one hundred, but sometimes signifies an indefinite number greater than a hundred. The circle, in this instance, therefore, was at first believed to express the killing in battle of many enemies. But the other interpretations remove all symbolic character, leaving the circle simply as the rude drawing of a dirt lodge, being an instance in which the present writer, by no means devoted to symbolism, had supposed a legitimate symbol to be indicated, which supposition full information on the subject did not support. There are two wholly distinct tribes called by the Canadians Gros Ventres. One, known also as Hidatsa and Minnetari, is classed in the Siouan family, and numbered, in 1804, according to Lewis and Clarke, 2,500 souls. The other “Big Bellies,” properly called Atsina, are the northern division of the Arapahos, an Algonkin tribe, from which they separated in the early part of this century, and, wandering eastward, met the Dakotas, by whom they were driven off to the north. It is probable that this is the conflict recorded, though the Dakotas have also often been at feud with their linguistic cousins, the Minnetari. No. III. Twenty of the Gros Ventres killed by Dakotas in a dirt lodge. They were chased into a deserted Ree dirt lodge and killed there. Mato Sapa says: Twenty Gros Ventres were killed by the Dakotas in a dirt lodge. In this record there is a circle with only one head. Major Bush’s interpretation is the same as the last. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIII 1812-’13. 1813-’14. 1814-’15. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1812-’13.—No. I. Many wild horses caught. No. II. The wild horses were first run and caught by the Dakotas. The device is a lasso. The date is of value, as showing when the herds of prairie horses, descended from those animals introduced by the Spaniards in Mexico, or those deposited by them on the shores of Texas and at other points, had multiplied so as to extend into the far northern regions. The Dakotas undoubtedly learned the use of the horse and perhaps also that of the lasso from southern tribes, with whom they were in contact; and it is noteworthy that notwithstanding the tenacity with which they generally adhere to ancient customs, in only two generations since they became familiar with the horse they have been so revolutionized in their habits as to be utterly helpless, both in war and the chase, when deprived of that animal. No. III. Dakotas first used lariat (sic) for catching wild horses. Battiste Good says for the preceding year, 1811-’12: “First-hunted-horses winter.” He adds: “The Dakotas caught wild horses in the sand-hills with braided lariats.” American-Horse also, for 1811-’12, says: They caught many wild horses south of the Platte River. White-Cow-Killer calls 1811-’12 “Catching-wild-horses winter.” Major Bush says: Dakotas first made use of lariat in catching wild horses. 1813-’14—No. I. Many Indians died of cold (consumption). No. II. The whooping-cough was very prevalent and fatal. The sign is ludicrously suggestive of a blast of air coughed out by the man-figure. No. III. Dakotas had whooping-cough, very fatal. The interruption in the cough is curiously designed. An attempt at the same thing is made in Chart 1, and a less marked attempt appears in No. II. 1814-’15—No. I. Hunchback, a BrulÉ, killed by Utes. No. II. A Dakota killed an Arapaho in his lodge. The device repre The Arapahos long dwelt near the head-waters of the Arkansas and Platte Rivers, and in 1822 numbered by report 10,000. No. III. A Wetapahata (a stranger Indian, whose nationality was not identified by the interpreter) Indian killed by a BrulÉ Dakota, while on a visit to the Dakota. Mato Sapa says: a Wetopahata Indian was killed by a BrulÉ Sioux while on a visit to the Dakotas. Major Bush says the same, but spells the word Watahpahata. Riggs gives WÍ-ta-pa-ha, the Kiowas, and Ma-qpÍ-ya-to, the Arapahos, in the Dakota Dictionary. 1815-’16.—No. I. Large dirt lodge made by Sans Arcs. The figure at the top of the lodge is a bow. No. II. The Sans Arcs made the first attempt at a dirt lodge. This was at Peoria Bottom, Dakota Territory. Crow-Feather was their chief, which fact, in the absence of the other charts, seemed to explain the fairly-drawn feather of that bird protruding from the lodge top, but the figure must now be admitted to be a badly drawn bow, in allusion to the tribe Sans Arc, without, however, any sign of negation. As the interpreter explained the figure to be a crow feather, and as Crow-Feather actually was the chief, Lone-Dog’s chart with its interpretation may be independently correct. No. III. Sans Arc Dakotas built dirt lodges at Peoria Bottom. A dirt lodge is considered a permanent habitation. The mark on top of the lodge is evidently a strung bow, not a feather. Battiste Good says: “The-Sans-Arcs-made-large-house winter.” White-Cow-Killer calls it: “Made-a-house winter.” Major Bush’s copy also shows a clearly drawn figure of a bow, strung. 1816-’17.—No. I. Buffalo very plenty. No. II. “Buffalo belly was plenty.” The device rudely portrays a side or perhaps hide of buffalo. No. III. Dakotas had unusual quantities of buffalo. 1817-’18.—No. I. Trading store built at Fort Pierre. No. II. La Framboise, a Canadian, built a trading store with dry timber. The dryness is shown by the dead tree. La Framboise was an old trader among the Dakotas. He once established himself in the Minnesota Valley. His name is mentioned by various travelers. No. III. Trading post built on the Missouri River 10 miles above Fort Thompson. Battiste Good says: “ChozÉ-built-a-house-of-dead-logs winter.” Mato Sapa says: A trading house was built on the Missouri River 10 miles above Fort Thompson. Major Bush says the same as last, but that it was built by Louis La Conte. 1818-’19.—No. I. Many Indians died of cholera [sic]. No. II. The measles broke out and many died. The device in the copy is the same as that for 1801-’02, relating to the small-pox, except a very slight difference in the red blotches; and though Lone-Dog’s artistic skill might not have been sufficient to distinctly vary the appearance of the two patients, both diseases being eruptive, still it is one of the few serious defects in the chart that the sign for the two years is so nearly identical that, separated from the continuous record, there would be confusion between them. Treating the document as a mere aide-de-mÉmoire, no inconvenience would arise, it probably being well known that the small-pox epidemic preceded that of the measles; but such care is generally taken to make some, however minute, distinction between the characters, that possibly the figures on Lone-Dog’s robe show a more marked difference between the spots indicating the two eruptions than is reproduced in the copy. It is also to be noticed that the Indian diagnosis makes little distinction between small-pox and measles, so that no important pictographic variation could be expected. The head of this figure is clearly distinguished from that in 1801-’02. No. III. All the Dakotas had measles, very fatal. Battiste Good says: “Small-pox-used-them-up-again winter.” They at this time lived on the Little White River, about 20 miles above the Rosebud Agency. The character in Battiste Good’s chart is presented here in Figure 41, as a variant from those in the plates. Fig. 41.—Measles or small-pox. Cloud-Shield says: Many died of the small-pox. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Little-small-pox winter.” In Mato Sapa’s drawing the head of the figure is distinguished from that of 1801-’02. 1819-’20.—No. I. Another trading store built. No. II. Another trading store was built; this time by Louis La Conte, at Fort Pierre, Dakota. His timber, as one of the Indians consulted specially mentioned, was rotten. No. III. Trading post built on the Missouri River above Farm Island (near Fort Pierre). Battiste Good says: “ChozÉ-built-a-house-of-rotten-wood winter.” White-Cow-Killer calls it: “Made-a-house-of-old-wood winter.” 1820-’21.—No. I. Large dirt lodge made by Two-Arrow. The projection at the top extends downward from the left, giving the impression of red and black cloth streamers. No. II. The trader, La Conte, gave Two-Arrow a war-dress for his bravery. So translated an interpreter, and the sign shows the two arrows as the warrior’s totem; likewise the gable of a house, which brings in the trader; also a long strip of black tipped with red streaming from the roof, which possibly may be the piece of parti-colored material out of which the dress was fashioned. This strip is not intended for sparks and smoke, as at first sight suggested, as the red would in that case be nearest the roof, instead of farthest from it. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Two-Arrows, built himself a dirt medicine-lodge. This the interpreter calls, rather inaccurately, a headquarters for dispensing medicines, charms, and nostrums to the different bands of Dakotas. The black and red lines above the roof are not united and do not touch the roof. White-Cow-Killer calls it: “Two-Arrows-made-a-war-bonnet winter.” Battiste Good says: They made bands of strips of blankets in the winter. Major Bush says: A Minneconjou, named Two-Arrow, made medicine in a dirt-lodge. It will be observed that the interpreters vary in the details. 1821-’22.—No. I. Large ball of fire with hissing noise (aËrolite). No. II. The character represents the falling to earth of a very brilliant meteor, and though no such appearance is on record, there were in 1821 few educated observers near the Upper Mississippi and Missouri who would take the trouble to notify scientific societies of the phenomenon. No. III. Dakota Indians saw an immense meteor passing from southeast to northwest which exploded with great noise (in Dakota Territory). Red-Cloud said he was born in that year. Battiste Good says: “Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter.” His device is shown in Figure 42, showing the meteor, its pathway, and the clouds from which it came. Fig. 42—Meteor. White-Cow-Killer calls it “One-star-made-a-great-noise winter.” See also Cloud-Shield’s count, page 136. 1822-’23.—No. I. Trading store built at Little Missouri, near Fort Pierre. No. II.—Another trading house was built, which was by a white man called Big-Leggings, and was at the mouth of the Little Missouri or Bad River. The drawing is distinguishable from that for 1819-’20. No. III. Trading post built at the mouth of Little Missouri River. 1823-’24—No. I. Whites and Dakotas fight Rees. No. II. White soldiers made their first appearance in the region. So said the interpreter, ClÉment, but from the unanimous interpretation of others the event portrayed is the attack of the United States forces, accompanied by Dakotas, upon the Arikara villages, the historic account of which is as follows, abstracted from the annual report of J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, November 29, 1823: General William H. Ashley, lieutenant-governor of the State of Missouri, a licensed trader, was treacherously attacked by the Arickara Indians at their village on the west bank of the Missouri River, about midway between the present Fort Sully and Fort Rice, on June 2, 1823. Twenty-three of the trading party were killed and wounded, and the remainder retreated in boats a considerable distance down the river, The device is believed to represent an Arickara palisaded village and attacking soldiers. Not only the remarkable character and triumphant result of this expedition, but the connection that the Dakotas themselves had with it, made it a natural subject for the year’s totem. All the winter counts refer to this expedition. No. III. United States troops fought Ree Indians. Battiste Good says: “General-——-first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-him-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees winter,” also “Much-corn winter.” For his character see Figure 69, page 166. The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both whites and Indians fought the Rees. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Old-corn-plenty winter.” Mato Sapa’s chart gives the human figure with a military cap, beard, and goatee. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVII 1824-’25. 1825-’26. 1826-’27. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1824-’25.—No. I. All the horses of Little-Swan’s father are killed by Indians through spite. No. II. Swan, chief of the Two Kettle tribe, had all of his horses killed. Device, a horse pierced by a lance, blood flowing from the wound. No. III. Swan, a Minneconjou Indian, had twenty horses killed by a jealous Indian. Mato Sapa says: Swan, a Minneconjou chief, lost twenty horses killed by a jealous Indian. Major Bush says the same. 1825-’26.—No. I. River overflows the Indian camp; several drowned. The-Flame, the recorder of this count, born. In the original drawing the five objects above the line are obviously human heads. No. II. There was a remarkable flood in the Missouri River, and a number of Indians were drowned. With some exercise of fancy, the symbol may suggest heads appearing above a line of water, or it may simply be the severed heads, several times used, to denote Indians other than Dakotas, with the uniting black line of death. No. III. Thirty lodges of Dakota Indians drowned by a sudden rise of the Missouri River about Swan Lake Creek, which is in Horsehead Bottom, 15 miles below Fort Rice. The five heads are more clearly drawn than in No. II. Battiste Good says: “Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter;” adding: The river bottom on a bend of the Missouri River where they were encamped was suddenly submerged, when the ice broke and many women and children, were drowned. This device is presented in Figure 43. Fig. 43.—River freshet. All the winter counts refer to this flood. 1826-’27.—No. I. All of the Indians who ate of a buffalo killed on a hunt died of it, a peculiar substance issuing from the mouth. No. II. “An Indian died of the dropsy.” So Basil ClÉment was understood, but it is not clear why this circumstance should have been noted, unless the appearance of the disease was so unusual in 1826 as to excite remark. Baron de La Hontan, a good authority concerning the Northwestern Indians before they had been greatly affected by intercourse with whites, although showing a tendency to imitate another baron—Munchausen—as to his personal adventures, in his Nouveaux Voyages dans l’AmÉrique Septentrionale specially mentions dropsy as one of the diseases unknown to them. Carver also states that this malady was extremely rare. Whether or not the dropsy was very uncommon, the swelling in this special case might have been so enormous No. III. Dakota war party killed a buffalo; having eaten of it they all died. Battiste Good says: “Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter,” and adds: “Six Dakotas, on the war-path, had nearly perished with hunger, when they found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which the wolves had been feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the stomach, their abdomens swelled and gas poured from the mouth, and they died of a whistle, or from eating a whistle.” The sound of gas escaping from, the mouth is illustrated in his figure which see in Figure 146, page 221. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Long-whistle-sick winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVIII 1827-’28. 1828-’29. 1829-’30. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1827-’28.—No. I. A Minneconjou is stabbed by a Gros Ventre, and his arm shrivels up. No. II. Dead-Arm was stabbed with a knife or dirk by a Mandan. The illustration is quite graphic, showing the long-handled dirk in the bloody wound and the withered arm. Though the Mandans are also of the great Siouan family, the Dakotas have pursued them with special hatred. In 1823, their number, much diminished by wars, still exceeded 2,500. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota wounded with a large knife by a Gros Ventre. The large knife was a sword, and the Indian who was wounded was named, afterwards, Lame-Shoulder. This is an instance of a change of name after a remarkable event in life. 1828-’29.—No. I. Chardran, a white man, builds a house at forks of Cheyenne River. This name should probably be spelled Chadron, with whom Catlin hunted in 1832, in the region mentioned. No. II. A white man named Shardran, who lately (as reported in 1877) was still living in the same neighborhood, built a dirt lodge. The hatted head appears under the roof. III. Trading post opened in a dirt lodge on the Missouri a little below the mouth of the Little Missouri River. 1829-’30.—No. I. A Dakota found dead in a canoe. No. II. Bad-Spike killed another Indian with an arrow. No. III. A Yanktonai Dakota killed by Bad-Arrow Indians. The Bad-Arrow Indians is a translation of the Dakota name for a certain band of Blackfeet Indians. Mato Sapa says: a Yanktonai was killed by the Bad-Arrow Indians. Major Bush says the same as Mato Sapa. 1830-’31.—No. I. Mandans kill twenty Crows at Bear Butte. No. II. Bloody battle with the Crows, of whom it is said twenty-three No. III. Twenty Crow and one Cheyenne Indians killed by Dakotas at Bear Butte. Mato Sapa says: One Cheyenne and twenty Crows were killed by Dakotas at Bear Butte. Major Bush says the same as Mato Sapa. 1831-’32.—No. I. Two white men killed by a white man at Medicine Creek, below Fort Sully. No. II. Le Beau, a white man, killed another named Kermel. Another copy reads Kennel. Le Beau was still alive at Little Bend, 30 miles above Fort Sully, in 1877. No. III. Trader named Le Beau killed one of his employÉs on Big Cheyenne River, below Cherry Creek. 1832-’33.—No. I. Lone-Horn’s father broke his leg. No. II. Lone-Horn had his leg “killed,” as the interpretation gave it. The single horn is on the figure, and a leg is drawn up as if fractured or distorted, though not unlike the leg in the character for 1808-’09, where running is depicted. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, Lone-Horn’s father, had his leg broken while running buffalo. Mato Sapa and Major Bush also say Lone-Horn’s father. Battiste Good says: “Stiff-leg-With-war-bonnet-on-died winter.” He was killed in an engagement with the Pawnees on the Platte River. White-Cow-Killer calls it “One-Horn’s-leg-broken winter.” In Catlin’s “North American Indians,” New York, 1844, Vol. I, page 211, the author, writing from the mouth of Teton River, Upper Missouri, site of Fort Pierre, described Ha-won-je-tah, The One-Horn, head chief of all the bands of the Dakotas, which were about twenty. He was a bold, middle-aged man of medium stature, noble countenance, and figure almost equalling an Apollo. His portrait was painted by Catlin in 1832. He took the name of One-Horn, or One-Shell, from a simple small shell that was hanging on his neck, which descended to him from his father, and which he valued more than anything else which he possessed, and he kept that name in preference to many others more honorable which he had a right to have taken, from his many exploits. On page 221, the same author states, that after being the accidental cause of the death of his only son, Lone-Horn became at times partially insane. One day he mounted his war-horse, vowing to kill the first living thing he should meet, and rode to the prairies. The horse came back in two hours afterwards, with two arrows in him covered with blood. His tracks were followed back, and the chief was found mangled and gored by a buffalo bull, the carcass of which was stretched beside him. He had driven away the horse with his arrows and killed the bull with his knife. Another account in the catalogue of Catlin’s cartoons gives the portrait of The One-Horn as number 354, with the statement that having killed his only son accidentally, he became deranged, wandered into the prairies, and got himself killed by an infuriated buffalo bull’s horns. This was at the mouth of Little Missouri River, in 1834. 1833-’34.—No. I. Many stars fell (meteors). The character shows six black stars above the concavity of the moon. No. II. “The stars fell,” as the Indians all agreed. This was the great meteoric shower observed all over the United States on the night of November 12th of that year. In this chart the moon is black and the stars are red. No. III. Dakotas witnessed magnificent meteoric-showers; much terrified. Battiste Good calls it “Storm-of-stars winter,” and gives as the device a tipi, with stars falling around it. This is presented in Figure 44. The tipi is colored yellow in the original, and so represented in the figure according to the heraldic scheme. Fig. 44.—Meteoric shower. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-stars winter.” All the winter counts refer to this meteoric display. See page 138. 1834-’35.—No. I. A Ree killed by a Dakota. No. II. The chief, Medicine-Hide, was killed. The device shows the body as bloody, but not the war bonnet, by which it is distinguished from the character for 1830-’31. No. III. An Uncpapa Dakota Medicine-man killed by the Ree Indians. Mato Sapa says: An Uncpapa medicine-man was killed by Rees. There is no red on the figure. 1835-’36.—No. I. Lame-Deer killed by a Dakota. The Dakota had only one arrow. He pulled it out and shot Lame-Deer many times. No. II. Lame-Deer shot a Crow Indian with an arrow; drew it out and shot him again with the same arrow. The hand is drawing the arrow from the first wound. This is another instance of the principle on which events were selected. Many fights occurred of greater moment, but with no incident precisely like this. No. III. Minneconjou chief named Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboine three times with the same arrow. He kept so close to his enemy that he never let the arrow slip away from the bow, but pulled it out and shot it in again. Mato Sapa says a Minneconjou named Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboine three times running with the same arrow. Lame-Deer was a distinguished chief among the hostiles in 1876. His camp of five hundred and ten lodges was surprised and destroyed 1836-’37.—No. I. Father-of-the-Mandans died. No. II. Band’s-Father, chief of the Two Kettles, died. The device is nearly the same as that for 1816-’17, denoting plenty of buffalo belly; and the question might be raised, what the buffalo belly had to do with the demise of the lamented chieftain, unless he suffered from a fatal indigestion after eating too much of that delicacy. Interpreter Fielder, however, throws light on the subject by saying that this character was used to designate the year when The-Breast, father of The-Band, a Minneconjou, died. The-Band himself died in 1875, on Powder River. His name was O-ye-a-pee. The character was therefore the buffalo breast, a name-totem. No. III. Two Kettle, Dakota, named The-Breast, died. Mato Sapa says: A Two Kettle, named The-Breast, died. Major Bush same as Mato Sapa. 1837-’38.—No. I. Many elk and deer killed. The figure does not show the split hoof. No. II. Commemorates a remarkably successful hunt, in which it is said one hundred elk were killed. The drawing of the elk is good enough to distinguish it from the other quadrupeds in this chart. No. III. The Dakotas killed one hundred elk at the Black Hills. Mato Sapa says: The Dakotas killed one hundred elk at the Black Hills. His figure does not show the split hoof. 1838-’39.—No. I. Indians built a lodge on White Wood Creek, in the Black Hills, and wintered there. No. II. A dirt lodge was built for Iron-Horn. The other dirt lodge (1815-’16) has a mark of ownership, which this has not. Perhaps it was not so easy to draw an iron horn as a crow feather, and the distinction was accomplished by omission. A chief of the Minneconjous is mentioned in General Harney’s report in 1856, under the name of The-One-Iron-Horn. No. III. A Minneconjou chief, named Iron-Horn, built dirt lodge (medicine lodge) on Moreau River (same as Owl River). This Minneconjou chief, Iron-Horn, died a few years ago and was buried near Fort Sully. He was father-in-law of Dupuis, a French Canadian. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII 1839-’40. 1840-’41. 1841-’42. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1839-’40.—No. I. Dakotas killed twenty lodges of Arapahos. No. II. The Dakotas killed an entire village of Snake Indians. The character is the ordinary tipi pierced by arrows. The Snakes, or Shoshoni, were a numerous and wide-spread people, inhabiting Southeastern Oregon, Idaho, Western Montana, and portions of Utah and Nevada, extending into Arizona and California. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named The-Hard (with band), killed seven lodges of the Blue Cloud Indians. The Blue Clouds are the Arapahos, so styled by the Dakotas, original MaqpÍyato. Mato Sapa says: A Minneconjou Dakota named The-Hard killed seven lodges of the Blue Cloud Indians. Major Bush same as Mato Sapa. 1840-’41.—No. I. Red-Arm, a Cheyenne, and Lone-Horn, a Dakota, make peace. No. II. The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyennes, a well-known tribe belonging to the Algonkin family. The symbol of peace is the common one of the approaching palms of two persons. The different coloration of the two arms distinguishes them from the approximation of the palms of one person. No. III. Dakotas made peace with Cheyenne Indians. 1841-’42.—No. I. Feather-in-the-Ear steals horses from the Crows. No. II. Feather-in-the-Ear stole thirty spotted ponies. The spots are shown red, distinguishing them from those of the curly horse in the character for 1803-’04. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Feather-in-his-Ear, stole nineteen spotted horses from the Crow Indians. Mato Sapa says: A Minneconjou named Feather-in-the-Ear stole nineteen spotted horses from the Crows. Major Bush, says the same, except that he gives the number as nine instead of nineteen. A successful theft of horses, demanding skill, patience, and daring, is generally considered by the plains Indians to be of equal merit with the taking of scalps. Indeed, the successful horse-thief is more popular than a mere warrior on account of the riches gained by the tribe, wealth until lately being generally estimated in ponies as the unit of value. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIII 1842-’43. 1842-’44. 1844-’45. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1842-’43.—No. I. A Minneconjou chief tries to make war. The tip of the feather is black. No red in it. No. II. One-Feather raised a large war party against the Crows. This chief is designated by his long solitary red eagle feather, and holds a pipe with black stem and red bowl, alluding to the usual ceremonies before starting on the war path. For further information on this subject see page 139. The Red-War-Eagle-Feather was at this time a chief of the Sans Arcs. No. III. Feather-in-the-Ear made a feast, to which he invited all the young Dakota braves, wanting them to go with him. A memorandum is added that he failed to persuade them. See Corbusier Winter Counts for same year, page 141. Mato Sapa says: The same man (referring to last year), Feather-in-the-Ear, made a feast inviting all Dakota young men to go to war. Major Bush says same as Mato Sapa. 1843-’44.—No. I. Buffalo is scarce; an Indian makes medicine and brings them to the suffering. No. II. The Sans Arcs made medicine to bring the buffalo. The medicine tent is denoted by a buffalo’s head drawn on it. No. III. No buffalo; Indians made medicine to the Great Spirit by painting a buffalo’s head on lodge; plenty came. Mato Sapa says: Dakotas were starving; made medicine to Great Spirit by painting buffalo head on their lodges; plenty came. Major Bush substantially same as Mato Sapa. 1844-’45.—No. I. Mandans wintered in Black Hills. No. II. The Minneconjous built a pine fort. Device: A pine tree connected with a tipi. No. III. Unusually heavy snow; had to build corrals for ponies. Major Bush says: Heavy snow, in which many of their ponies perished. Probably the Indians went into the woods and erected their tipis there as protection from the snow, thus accounting for the figure of the tree. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV 1845-’46. 1846-’47. 1847-’48. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1845-’46—No. I. Dakotas have much feasting at Ash Point, 20 miles above Fort Sully. No. II. Plenty of buffalo meat, which is represented as hung upon poles and trees to dry. No. III. Immense quantities of buffalo meat. 1846-’47.—No. I. Broken-Leg dies. No. II. Broken-Leg died. Rev. Dr. Williamson says he knew him. He was a BrulÉ. There is enough difference between this device and those for 1808-’09 and 1832-’33 to distinguish each. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Leg died. Battiste Good calls this: “The-Teal-broke-his-leg winter.” The arm in his character, given in Figure 45, is lengthened so as nearly to touch the broken leg, which is shown distorted, instead of indicating the injury by the mere distortion of the leg itself as in the charts on Plate XXIV. The bird over the head and connected by a line with it, probably represents the teal as a name-totem. He was perhaps called Broken-Leg after the injury, or perhaps the other interpreters did not remember his name, only the circumstance. Fig. 45.—The-Teal-broke-his-leg. Mato Sapa says: A Minneconjou named Broken-Leg died. The Corbusier records for 1847-’48 refer to a number of accidents by which legs were broken. See page 142. 1847-’48—No. I. Mandans kill two Minneconjous. No. II. Two-Man was killed. His totem is drawn—two small man-figures side by side. No. III. Two Minneconjou Dakotas killed by the Assiniboine Indians. Major Bush says: the wife of an Assiniboine chief named Big-Thunder had twins. 1848-’49.—No. I. Humpback, a Minneconjou, killed. No. II. Humpback was killed. An ornamented lance pierces the distorted back. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Back was killed by the Crow Indians at Black Hills. Major Bush says: A Minneconjou, Broken-Back, was killed by Crows. 1849-’50.—No. I. Crows steal all the Dakotas’ horses. No. II. The Crows stole a large drove of horses (it is said eight hundred) from the BrulÉs. The circle may denote multitude, at least one hundred, but probably is a simple design for a camp or corral from which a number of horse-tracks are departing. No. III. Crow Indians stole two hundred horses from the Minneconjou Dakotas near Black Hills. Interpreter A. Lavary says: BrulÉs were at the headwaters of White River, about 75 miles from Fort Laramie, Wyoming. The Dakotas surprised the Crows in 1849, killed ten, and took one prisoner, because he was a man dressed in woman’s clothes, and next winter the Crows stole six hundred horses from the BrulÉs. See page 142. 1850-’51.—No. I. Cow with old woman in her belly. Cloven hoof not shown. No. II. The character is a distinct drawing of a buffalo containing a human figure. ClÉment translated that “a buffalo cow was killed in that year, and an old woman found in her belly”; also that all the Indians believed this. Good-Wood, examined through another interpreter, could or would give no explanation, except that it was “about their religion.” At first the writer suspected that the medicine men had manufactured some pretended portent out of a foetus taken from a real cow, but the Dakotas have long believed in the appearance from time to time of a monstrous animal that swallows human beings. This superstition was perhaps suggested by the bones of mastodons, often found in the territory of those Indians; and the buffalo being the largest living animal known to them, its name was given to the legendary monster, in which nomenclature they were not wholly wrong, as the horns of the fossil Bison latifrons are 10 feet in length. The medicine men, perhaps, announced, in 1850, that a squaw who had disappeared was swallowed by the mammoth, which was then on its periodical visit, and must be propitiated. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, having killed a buffalo cow, found an old woman inside of her. Memorandum from interpreter: A small party of Dakotas, two or three young men, returning unsuccessful from a buffalo hunt, told this story, and it is implicitly believed by the Dakotas. Major Bush suggests that perhaps some old squaw left to die sought the carcass of a buffalo for shelter and then died. He has known that to occur. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI 1851-’52. 1852-’53. 1853-’54. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1851-’52.—No. I. Peace made with the Crows. No. II. Peace with the Crows. Two Indians, with differing arrangement of hair, showing two tribes, are exchanging pipes for a peace-smoke. No. III. Dakotas made peace with the Crow Indians. It was, as usual, broken immediately. The treaty of Fort Laramie was in 1851. 1852-’53.—No. I. A Crow chief, Flat-Head, comes into the tipi of a Dakota chief, where a council was assembled, and forces them to smoke the pipe of peace. This was a daring act, for he was in danger of immediate death if he failed. No. II. The Nez PercÉs came to Lone-Horn’s lodge at midnight. The device shows an Indian touching with a pipe a tipi, the top of which is black or opaque, signifying night. The Nez PercÉs are so styled by a blunder of the early travelers, as they never have been known to pierce their noses, although others of their family, the Sahaptin, do so. The tribe was large, dwelling chiefly in Idaho. No. III. An enemy came into Lone-Horn’s lodge during a medicine feast and was not killed. (The enemy numbered about fourteen and had lost their way in a snow-storm.) The pipe is not in the man’s hand, and the head only is drawn with the pipe between it and the tipi. Mato Sapa says: Several strange Indians came into the Dakota camp, were saved from being killed by running into Lone-Horn’s lodge. Major Bush says: An enemy came into Lone-Horn’s lodge during a feast and was not killed. Touch-the-Clouds, a Minneconjou, son of Lone-Horn, on being shown Chart No. II by the present writer, designated this character as being particularly known to him from the fact of its being his father’s lodge. He remembers all about it from talk in his family, and said it was the Nez PercÉs who came. 1853-’54.—No. I. Spanish blankets introduced by traders. The blanket is represented without the human figure. No. II. Spanish blankets were first brought to the country. A fair drawing of one of those striped blankets, held out by a white trader. No. III. Dakotas first saw the Spanish blankets. See Corbusier records for 1851-’52, page 142. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII 1854-’55. 1855-’56. 1856-’57. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1854-’55.—No. I. Brave-Bear killed by Blackfeet. No. II. Brave-Bear was killed. It does not appear certain whether he had already invested in the new style of blanket or whether the extended arms are ornamented with pendent stripes. The latter is more probable. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota named Brave-Bear was killed by the Upper Blackfeet. [Satsika?] See Corbusier winter-counts for the same year, page 143. 1855-’56.—No. I. General Harney (Putin ska) makes a treaty. No. II. General Harney made peace with a number of the tribes or Executive document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, Senate, contains the “minutes of a council held at Fort Pierre, Nebraska, on the 1st day of March, 1856, by Brevet Brig.-Gen. William S. Harney, U.S. Army, commanding the Sioux expedition, with the delegations from nine of the bands of the Sioux, viz., the Two-Kettle band, Lower Yankton, Oncpapas, Blackfeet Sioux, Minneconjous, Sans Arcs, Yanctonnais (two bands), BrulÉs of the Platte.” No. III. Dakotas made peace with General Harney (called by them Putinska, white beard or moustache) at Fort Pierre, Dakota. 1856-’57.—No. I. Four-Horns, a great warrior. No. II. Four-Horn was made a calumet or medicine-man. This was probably the result of an important political struggle, as there is much rivalry and electioneering for the office, which, with its triple character of doctor, priest, and magician, is one of far greater power than the chieftainship. A man with four horns holds out the same kind of ornamented pipe-stem shown in the character for 1804-’05, it being his badge of office. Four-Horn was one of the subchiefs of the Uncpapas, and was introduced to General Harney at the council of 1856 by Bear-Rib, head chief of that tribe. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Red-Fish’s-Son, danced calumet dance. Mato Sapa says the same as last. Major Bush says, “A Minneconjou, Red-Fish’s-Son, The-Ass, danced the Four-Horn calumet.” Interpreter ClÉment, in the spring of 1874, said that Four-Horn and Sitting-Bull were the same person, the name Sitting-Bull being given him after he was made a calumet man. No other authority tells this. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVIII 1857-’58. 1858-’59. 1859-’60. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1857-’58.—No. I. White-Robe kills a Crow woman. There is but one arrow and one blood spot in the character. No. II. The Dakotas killed a Crow squaw. The stripes on the blanket are shown horizontally, Brave-Bear’s, 1854-’55, and Swan’s, 1866-’67, being vertical. She is pierced by four arrows, and the peace made with the Crows in 1851-’52 seems to have been short lived. No. III. A party of Crow Indians, while on a visit to the Dakotas, had one of their number killed by a young Dakota. The figure has blood from the four arrows running down each side of the body. Mato-Sapa says: A Crow was killed by a Dakota while on a visit to the latter. Major Bush says substantially the same as Mato Sapa. 1858-’59.—No. I. Lone-Horn makes medicine. “At such times Indians sacrifice ponies, etc., and fast.” In this character the buffalo-head is black. No. II. Lone-Horn, whose solitary horn appears, made buffalo medicine, probably on account of the scarcity of that animal. Again the No. III. A Minneconjou chief, named Lone-Horn, made medicine with white buffalo-cow skin. Lone-Horn, chief of Minneconjous, died in 1874, in his camp on the Big Cheyenne. 1859-’60.—No. I. Big-Crow killed. No. II. Big-Crow, a Dakota chief, was killed by the Crows. The crow, transfixed by an arrow, is drawn so as to give quite the appearance of an heraldic crest. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Big-Crow, was killed by the Crow Indians. He had received his name from killing a Crow Indian of unusual size. Mato Sapa says: Big-Crow, a Minneconjou, was killed by Crows. Major Bush says same as Mato Sapa. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIX 1860-’61. 1861-’62. 1862-’63. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1860-’61.—No. I. The-Elk-who-shows himself-when-he-walks makes medicine. No. II. Device, the head and neck of an elk, like that part of the animal in 1837-’38, with a line extending from its mouth, at the extremity of which is the albino buffalo-head. “The elk made you understand his voice while he was walking.” The interpreter persisted in this oracular rendering, probably not being able to fully catch the Indian explanation from want of thorough knowledge of the language. The ignorance of professed interpreters, who easily get beyond their philological depth, but are ashamed to acknowledge it, has occasioned many official blunders. This device and its interpretation were unintelligible to the writer until examination of General Harney’s report above referred to showed the name of a prominent chief of the Minneconjous, set forth as “The-Elk-that-Hollows-Walking.” It then became probable that the device simply meant that the aforesaid chief made buffalo medicine, which conjecture, published in 1877, the other records subsequently discovered verified. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota, named Red-Fish’s-Son, made medicine with white buffalo-cow skin. Mato Sapa’s record agrees with No. III. Major Bush says the same, adding, after the words “Red-Fish’s-Son,” “The-Ass.” Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that The-Elk-that-Hollows-Walking, then chief of the Minneconjous, was then at Spotted-Tail’s camp. His father was Red-Fish. He was the elder brother of Lone-Horn. His name is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, translated The Elk’s-Voice-Walking, compounded of He-ha-ka, elk, and Omani, walk—this according to Lavary’s literation. The correct literation of the Dakota word meaning elk is heqaka; voice ho; and to walk, walking, mani. Their compound would be Heqaka ho mani, the translation being the same as above given. 1861-’62.—No. I. Buffalo very plenty. No. II. Buffalo were so plenty that their tracks came close to the tipis. The cloven hoof-mark is cleverly distinguished from the tracks of horses in the character for 1849-’50. No. III. Dakotas had unusual abundance of buffalo. 1862-’63.—No. I. Red-Plume kills an enemy. No. II. Red-Feather, a Minneconjou, was killed. His feather is shown entirely red, while the “one-feather” in 1842-’43 has a black tip. No. III. A Minneconjou Dakota killed an Assiniboine named Red-Feather. Mato Sapa says: Minneconjous kill an Assiniboine named Red-Feather. Major Bush agrees with Mato Sapa. It is to be noted that there is no allusion to the great Minnesota massacre, which commenced in August, 1862, and in which many of the Dakotas belonging to the tribes familiar with these charts, were engaged. Little-Crow was the leader. He escaped to the British possessions, but was killed in July, 1863. Perhaps the reason of the omission of any character to designate the massacre, was the terrible retribution that followed it, beginning with the rout by Colonel Sibley, on September 23, 1862. The Indian captives amounted in all to about eighteen hundred. A military commission sentenced three hundred and three to be hanged and eighteen to imprisonment for life. Thirty-eight were actually hanged, December 26, 1862, at Camp Lincoln. 1863-’64.—No. I. Crows kill eight Dakotas on the Yellowstone. No. II. Eight Dakotas were killed. Again the short parallel black lines united by a long stroke. In this year Sitting Bull fought General Sully in the Black Hills. Interpreter Lavary says General Sully killed seven or eight Crows at The-Place-They-Shot-The-Deer, Ta-cha-con-tÉ, about 90 miles southwest of Fort Rice, Dakota. Mulligan says that General Sully fought the Yanktonnais and the Santees at that place. No. III. Eight Minneconjou Dakotas killed by Crow Indians. See Corbusier Winter Counts for same year, page 144. 1864-’65.—No. I. Four Crows caught stealing horses from the Dakotas were tortured to death. Shoulders shown. No. II. The Dakotas killed four Crows. Four of the same rounded objects, like several heads, shown in 1825-’26, but these are bloody, thus distinguishing them from the cases of drowning. No. III. Four Crow Indians killed by the Minneconjou Dakotas. Necks shown. 1865-’66.—No. I. Many horses died. No. II. Many horses died for want of grass. The horse here drawn is sufficiently distinct from all others in the chart. No. III. Dakotas lost many horses in the snow. See Corbusier’s Winter Counts, No. II for same year, page 144. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXI 1866-’67. 1867-’68. 1868-’69. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1866-’67.—No. I. Little Swan, a great warrior. No. II. Swan, father of Swan, chief of the Minneconjous in 1877, died. No. III. Minneconjou Dakota chief, named Swan, died. Mato Sapa’s record has a better representation of a swan. Interpreter Lavary says: Little-Swan died in this year on Cherry Creek, 75 miles northwest of Fort Sully. Major Bush says this is historically correct. 1867-’68.—No. I. Much medicine made. No. II. Many flags were given them by the Peace Commission. The flag refers to the visit of the Peace Commissioners, among whom were Generals Sherman, Terry, and other prominent military and civil officers. Their report appears in the Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1868. They met at Fort Leavenworth, August 13, 1867, and between August 30 and September 13 held councils with the various bands of the Dakota Indians at Forts Sully and Thompson, and also at the Yankton, Ponka, and Santee Reservations. These resulted in the great Dakota treaty of 1868. No. III. Made peace with General Sherman and others at Fort Laramie. Mato Sapa says: Made peace with General Sherman and others at Fort Laramie. Major Bush agrees with Mato Sapa. See Corbusier’s Winter Counts, No. II, page 144. 1868-’69.—No. I. First issue of beef by Government to Indians. No. II. Texas cattle were brought into the country. This was done by Mr. William A. Paxton, a well-known business man, resident in Dakota in 1877. No. III. Dakotas had plenty of white men’s cattle (the result of the peace). Mato Sapa agrees with No. III. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXII 1869-’70. 1870-’71. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1869-’70.—No. I. Eclipse of the moon. No. II. An eclipse of the sun. This was the solar eclipse of August 7, 1869, which was central and total on a line drawn through the Dakota country. This device has been criticised because the Indians believe an eclipse to be occasioned by a dragon or aerial monster swallowing the sun, and it is contended that they would so represent it. An answer is that the design is objectively good, the sun being painted black, as concealed, while the stars come out red, i. e., bright, and graphic illustration prevails throughout the charts where it is possible to employ it. In addition, it is learned that Prof. Cleveland AbbÉ, who was famed as an astronomer before he became so as a meteorologist, was at Sioux Falls, with a corps of assistants, to observe this very eclipse, and explained the subject to a large number of Indians there at that time, so that their attention was not only directed specially to that eclipse, but also to the white men as interested in it, and to its real appearance as apart from their old superstition. In addition to this fact, Dr. Washington Matthews, assistant surgeon United States Army, communicates the statement that the Indians had numberless other opportunities all over their country of receiving the same information. He was at Fort Rice during the eclipse and remembers that long before the eclipse occurred the officers, men, and citizens around the post told the Indians of the coming event and discussed it with them so much that they were on the tip-toe of expectancy when the day came. Two-Bears and his band were then encamped at Fort Rice, and he and several of his leading men watched the eclipse along with the whites and through their smoked glass, and then and there the phenomenon was thoroughly explained to them over and over again. There is no doubt that similar explanations were made at all the numerous posts and agencies along the river that day. The path of the eclipse coincided nearly with the course of the Missouri for over a thousand miles. The duration of totality at Fort Rice was nearly two minutes (1m 48s.) No. III. Dakotas witnessed eclipse of the sun; frightened terribly. It is remarkable that the Corbusier Winter Counts do not mention this eclipse. 1870-’71.—No. I. The-Flame’s son killed by Rees. The recorder, The-Flame, evidently considered his family misfortune to be of more importance than the battle referred to by the other recorders. No. II. The Uncpapas had a battle with the Crows, the former losing, it is said, 14 and killing 29 out of 30 of the latter, though nothing appears to show those numbers. The central object in the symbol is not a circle denoting multitude, but an irregularly rounded object, clearly intended for one of the wooden inclosures or forts frequently erected by the Indians, and especially the Crows. The Crow fort is shown as nearly surrounded, and bullets, not arrows or lances, are flying. This is the first instance in which any combat or killing is portrayed where guns explicitly appear to be used by Indians, though nothing in the chart is at variance with the fact that the Dakotas had for a number of years been familiar with fire arms. The most recent indications of any weapon were those of the arrows piercing the Crow squaw in 1857-’58 and Brave-Bear in 1854-’55, while the last one before them was the lance used in 1848-’49, and those arms might well have been employed in all the cases selected for the calendar, although rifles and muskets were common. There is also an obvious practical difficulty in picturing by a single character killing with a bullet, not arising as to arrows, lances, dirks, and hatchets, all of which can be and are in the chart shown projecting from the wounds made by them. Pictographs in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology show battles in which bullets are denoted by continuous dotted lines, the spots at which they take effect being sometimes indicated. It is, however, to be noted that the bloody wound on the Ree’s shoulder (1806-’07) is without any protruding weapon, as if made by a bullet. No. III. A Crow war party of 30 were surprised and surrounded in the Black Hills by the Dakotas and killed. Fourteen of the Dakotas were killed in the engagement. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIII 1871-’72. 1872-’73. 1873-’74. 1874-’75. 1875-’76. 1876-’77. THE DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS. 1871-’72.—No. I. The-Flame’s second son killed by Rees. 1872-’73.—No. I. Sans-Arc-John killed by Rees. 1873-’74.—No. I. BrulÉs kill a number of Pawnees. Cloud-Shield says they killed many Pawnees on the Republican River. 1874-’75.—No. I. A Dakota kills one Ree. 1875-’76.—No. I. Council at Spotted Tail Agency. 1876-’77.—No. I. Horses taken by United States Government. White-Cow-Killer calls it “General-Mackenzie-took-the-Red-Cloud-Indians’-horses-away-from-them winter.” In the account of Lone-Dog’s chart, published in 1877, as above mentioned, the present writer, on the subject of the recorder’s selection of events, remarked as follows: “The year 1876 has furnished good store of events for his choice, and it will be interesting to learn whether he has selected as the distinguishing event the victory over Custer, or, as of still greater interest, the general seizure of ponies, whereat the tribes, imitating Rachel, weep and will not be comforted, because they are not.” It now appears that two of the counts have selected the event of the seizure of the ponies, and none of them yet seen make any allusion to the defeat of Custer. After examination of the three charts it will be conceded that, as above stated, the design is not narrative, the noting of events being subordinated to the marking of the years by them, and the pictographic serial arrangements of sometimes trivial, though generally notorious, incidents, being with special adaptation for use as a calendar. That in a few instances small personal events, such as the birth or death of the recorder or members of his family, are set forth, may be regarded as in the line of interpolations in or unauthorized additions to the charts. If they had exhibited a complete national or tribal history for the years embraced in them, their discovery would have been, in some respects, more valuable, but they are the more interesting to ethnologists because they show an attempt, before unsuspected among the tribes of American Indians, to form a system of chronology. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS.While the present paper was in preparation, a valuable and elaborate communication was received from Dr. William H. Corbusier, assistant surgeon, United State Army, styled by him the Dakota Winter Counts, which title was adopted for the whole subject-matter, including the charts with their interpretations which had before been known to the present writer, and those from Dr. Corbusier, which furnish a different A more important explanation is due on account of the necessity to omit from Dr. Corbusier’s contribution the figures of Battiste Good’s count and their interpretation. This count is in some respects the most important of all those yet made known. As set down by Battiste Good, it begins in a peculiar cyclic computation with the year A. D. 900, and in thirteen figures includes the time to A.D. 1700, all these figures being connected with legends and myths, some of which indicate European influence. From 1700-’01 to 1879-’80 a separate character for each year is given, with its interpretation, in a manner generally similar to those in the other charts. Unfortunately all of these figures are colored, either in whole or in large part, five colors being used besides black, and the drawing is so rude that without the colors it is in many cases unintelligible. The presentation at this time of so large a number of colored figures—in all one hundred and ninety-three—in addition to the other illustrations of the present paper, involved too great expense. It is hoped that this count can be so far revised, with the elimination of unessential coloration and with more precision in the outlines, as to allow of its publication. Several of its characters, with references also to its interpretation when compared with that of other counts, are given in various parts of the present paper. Where it was important to specify their coloration the heraldic scheme has been used. The pages immediately following contain the contribution of Dr. Corbusier, diminished by the extraction of the parts comprising Battiste Good’s count. Its necessary omission, as above explained, is much regretted, not only on account of its intrinsic value, but because without it the work of Dr. Corbusier does not appear to all the advantage merited by his zeal and industry. The Dakotas reckon time by winters, and apply names to them instead of numbering them from an era. Each name refers to some notable occurrence of the winter or year to which it belongs, and has been agreed upon in council on the expiration of the winter. Separate bands have often fixed upon different events, and it thus happens that the names are not uniform throughout the nation. Ideographic records of these occurrences have been kept in several bands for many years, and they constitute the Dakota Winter-Counts (wanÍyetu wÓwapi) or Counts Back (hÉkta yawapi). They are used in computing time, and to aid the memory in recalling the names and events of the different years, their places in the count, and their order of succession. The enumeration of the winters is begun at the one last recorded and carried backward. Notches on sticks, war-shirts, pipes, arrows, and other de Among the OglÁlas and the BrulÉs there are at least five of these counts kept by as many different men, each man seeming to be the recorder for his branch of the tribe. I obtained copies of three of them in 1879 and 1880, while stationed at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska, near the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota. One winter count was made for me by Battiste Good, a BrulÉ Dakota, at the Rosebud Agency, Dakota, being a copy of the one of which he is the recorder. He explained the meaning of the pictographs to the Rev. William J. Cleveland, of the Rosebud Agency, to whom I am indebted for rendering his explanations into English. Several Indians and half-breeds had informed me that his count formerly embraced about the same number of years as the other two, but that Battiste Good gathered the names of many years from the old people and placed them in chronological order as far back as he was able to learn them. Another winter count is a copy of the one in the possession of American-Horse, an OglÁla Dakota, at the Pine Ridge Agency, who asserts that his grandfather began it, and that it is the production of his grandfather, his father, and himself. I received the explanations from American-Horse through an interpreter. A third winter count is a copy of one kept by Cloud-Shield. He is also an OglÁla Dakota at the Pine Ridge Agency, but of a different band from American-Horse. I also received his explanations through an interpreter. The last two counts embrace nearly the same number of years. I have added the dates to both of them, beginning at the last year, the date of which was known, and carrying them back. Two dates belong to each figure, as a Dakota year covers a portion of two of our calendar years. I have seen copies of a fourth winter count which is kept by White- On comparing the winter counts, it is found that they often correspond, but more frequently differ. In a few instances the differences are in the succession of the events, but in most instances they are due to an omission or to the selection of another event. When a year has the same name in all of them, the bands were probably encamped together or else the event fixed upon was of general interest; and, when the name is different, the bands were scattered or nothing of general interest occurred. Differences in the succession may be due to the loss of a record and the depiction of another from memory, or to errors in copying an old one. The explanations of the counts are far from complete, as the recorders who furnished them could in many instances recall nothing except the name of the year, and in others were loth to speak of the events or else their explanations were vague and unsatisfactory, and, again, the interpreters were sometimes at fault. Many of the recent events are fresh in the memory of the people, as the warriors who strive to make their exploits a part of the tribal traditions proclaim them on all occasions of ceremony—count their coups, as it is called. Declarations of this kind partake of the nature of affirmations made in the presence of God. War-shirts on which scores of the enemies killed are kept, and which are carefully transmitted from one generation to another, help to refresh their memories in regard to some of the events. By testing many Indians I learned that but few could interpret the significance of the figures; some of them could point out the year of their birth and that of some members of their families; others could not do so, or pretended that they could not, but named the year and asked me to point it out and tell their age. In the following explanation of the winter counts, [figured on Plates XXXIV-LI,] No. I refers to that of American-Horse and No. II to that of Cloud-Shield. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIV 1775-’76. 1776-’77. 1777-’78. 1778-’79. 1779-’80. 1780-’81. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1775-’76.—No. I. Standing-Bull, the great-grandfather of the present Standing-Bull, discovered the Black Hills. He carried home with him a pine tree of a species he had never seen before. (In this count the Dakotas are usually distinguished by the braided scalp-lock and the feather they wear at the crown of the head, or by the manner in which they brush back and tie the hair. It will be noticed that the profile of most of the faces is given, whereas Battiste Good gives the full face. The Dakotas have of late years claimed the Black Hills, probably by right of discovery in 1775-’76; but the Crows were the former possessors.) This is also the first winter of White-Cow-Killer’s count and is called “Two-warriors-killed winter.” 1776-’77.—No. I. Many of their horses were killed by some of their own people, who were jealous because they were fatter than their own. 1777-’78.—No. I. It was an intensely cold winter, and the Man-who-has-no-skin-on-his-penis froze to death. The sign for snow or winter, i. e., a cloud with snow falling from it, is above his head. A haka-stick, which, in playing that game, they cast after a ring, is represented in front of him. Battiste Good’s record is that a Dakota named Skinned-Penis was killed in a fight with the Pawnees, and his companions left his body where they supposed it would not be found, but the Pawnees found it, and as it was frozen stiff, they dragged it into their camp and played haka with it. No. II. A war party brought in the lone pine tree from the enemy’s country. They met no enemies while out. This event is also the first in No. I, in which it marks the winter of 1775-’76. 1778-’79.—No. I. The Ponkas came and attacked a village, notwithstanding peace had just been made with them. The people repulsed and followed them, killing sixty. Some elk-hair and a feather represent Ponka. Horse tracks are used for horses. Attack is indicated by signs which were said to represent bullet marks, and which convey the idea that the bullet struck. The sign seems to be derived from the gesture-sign for “it struck.” No. II. Many of their horses were killed, but by whom is not known. The same event is recorded in No. I, 1776-’77. 1779-’80.—No. I. Long-Pine was killed in a fight with the Crows. The absence of his scalp denotes that he was killed by an enemy. The wound was made with the bow and arrow. No. II. Skinned-his-penis was used in the ring-and-pole game. 1780-’81.—No. I. Many died of small-pox. No. II. “The policeman” was killed by the enemy. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXV 1781-’82. 1782-’83. 1783-’84. 1784-’85. 1785-’86. 1786-’87. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1781-’82—No. I. Many died of small-pox. No. II. Many people died of small-pox. They all record two successive winters of small-pox, but No. I makes the first year of the epidemic one year later than that of Battiste Good, and No. II makes it two years later. 1782-’83.—No. I. A Dakota named Stabber froze to death. The sign for winter is the same as before. No. II. Many people died of small-pox again. 1783-’84—No. I. The Mandans and Rees made a charge on a Dakota village. The Dakotas drove them back, killed twenty five of them, and captured a boy. An eagle’s tail, which is worn on the head, stands for Mandan and Ree. No. II. The-Stabber froze to death. The man’s name is suggested by the spear in the body over his head, which is connected with his mouth by a line. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Big-fire winter,” possibly because big fires were required to keep them warm. 1784-’85.—No. I. A young man who was afflicted with the small-pox, No. II. An Omaha woman who was living with the OglÁlas attempted to run away from them, and they killed her. A war between the two tribes was the result. 1785-’86.—No. I. Bear’s-Ears, a BrulÉ, was killed in an OglÁla village by the Crows. No. II. The OglÁlas killed three lodges of Omahas. 1786-’87.—No. I. Broken-Leg-Duck, an OglÁla, went to a Crow village to steal horses and was killed. A line connects the name with the mouth. No. II. Long-Hair was killed. To what tribe he belonged is not known. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVI 1787-’88. 1788-’89. 1789-’90. 1790-’91. 1791-’92. 1792-’93. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1787-’88.—No. I. They went out in search of the Crows in order to avenge the death of Broken-Leg-Duck. They did not find any Crows, but, chancing on a Mandan village, captured it and killed all the people in it. No. II. A year of famine. They lived on roots, which are represented in front of the tipi. 1788-’89.—No. I. Last-Badger, an OglÁla, was killed by the Rees. No. II. The winter was so cold that many crows froze to death. White-Cow-Killer calls 1787-’88 “Many-black-crows-died winter.” 1789-’90.—No. I. The cold was so intense that crows froze in the air and dropped dead near the lodges. No. II. White-Goose was killed in an attack made by some enemies. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Goose-Feather-killed winter.” 1790-’91.—No. I. They could not hunt on account of the deep snow, and were compelled to subsist on anything they could get, as herbs (pÉzi) and roots. No. II. Picket-Pin went against the Cheyennes. A picket-pin is represented in front of him and is connected with his mouth by the usual line. The black band across his face denotes that he was brave and had killed enemies. The cross is the symbol for Cheyenne. The mark used for Cheyenne stands for the scars on their arms, or stripes on their sleeves, which also gave rise to the gesture sign for this tribe, given in Sign Language among the North American Indians, etc., First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 465, viz.: Draw the extended right index, or the inner edge of the open right hand, several times across the base of the extended left index or across the left forearm at different heights. White-Cow-Killer calls it “All-the-Indians-see-the-flag winter.” 1791-’92.—No. I. Glue, an OglÁla, froze to death on his way to a BrulÉ village. A glue-stick is represented back of his head. Glue, made from the hoofs of buffalo, is used to fasten arrow-heads on, and is carried about on sticks. No. II. The Dakotas and Omahas made peace. 1792-’93.—No. I. Many women died in child-birth. No. II. The Dakotas camped on the Missouri River near the Gros Ventres and fought with them a long time. The Dakota tipi and the Gros Ventre lodge are shown in the figure. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Rees-house-winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVII 1793-’94. 1794-’95. 1795-’96. 1796-’97. 1797-’98. 1798-’99. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1793-’94.—No. I. A Ponka who was captured when a boy by the OglÁlas was killed while outside the village by a war party of Ponkas. No. II. Bear’s-Ears was killed in a fight with the Rees. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Little-Face-killed winter.” 1794-’95.—No. I. The-Good-White-Man came with two other white men. He promised that if they would let him and his companions go undisturbed he would return and bring with him weapons with which they could kill game with but little labor. They gave them buffalo robes and dogs to pack them on and sent the party off. The sign for white man is a hat, either by itself or on a head, and the gesture-sign indicates one who wears a hat. Draw the open right hand horizontally from left to right across the forehead a little above the eyebrows, the back of the hand to be upward and the fingers pointing toward the left, or draw the index across the forehead in the same manner. No. II. Bad-Face, a Dakota, was shot in the face. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Long-Hair-killed winter.” 1795-’96.—No. I. The-Man-Who-Owns-the-Flute was killed by the Cheyennes. His flute is represented in front of him with sounds coming from it. A bullet mark is on his neck. No. II. The Dakotas camped near the Rees and fought with them. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Water-Stomach-killed winter.” 1796-’97.—No. I. They killed the long-haired man in a fight with the Cheyennes while on an expedition to avenge the death of The-Man-Who-Owns-the-Flute, who was killed by the Cheyennes the year before. No. II. Badger, a Dakota, was killed by enemies, as shown by the absence of his scalp. White-Cow-Killer calls it “War-Bonnet-killed winter.” 1797-’98.—No. I. Little-Beaver and three other white men came to trade, having been sent by the Good-White-Man. Their goods were loaded on three sleds, each drawn by six dogs. No. II. The-Wise-Man was killed by enemies. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Caught-the-medicine-god-woman winter.” 1798-’99.—No. I. Owns-the-Pole, the leader of an OglÁla war party, brought home many Cheyenne scalps. The cross stands for Cheyenne. No. II. Many women died in child-birth. White-Cow-Killer says, “Many-squaws-died winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVIII 1799-1800. 1800-’01. 1801-’02. 1802-’03. 1803-’04. 1804-’05. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1799-1800.—No. I. The-Good-White-Man returned and gave guns to the Dakotas. The circle of marks represents the people sitting around him, the flint-lock musket the guns. No. II. A woman who had been given to a white man by the Dakotas was killed because she ran away from him. [See No. I, 1804-’05.] White-Cow-Killer says, “The-Good-White-Man-came winter.” 1800-’01.—No. I. Nine white men came to trade with them. The covered head with short hair stands for a white man and also intimates that the eight dots over it are for white men. According to this count the first whites came in 1794-’95. No. II. The Good-White-Man came. He was the first white man to trade and live with the Dakotas. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Don’t-Eat-Heart-makes-a-god-house winter.” 1801-’02.—No. I. The OglÁlas, BrulÉs, Minneconjous, Sans Arcs, and Cheyennes united in an expedition against the Crows. They surprised and captured a village of thirty lodges, killed all the men, and took the women and children prisoners. The three tipis stand for thirty; the red spots are for blood. No. II. A trader brought them their first guns. White-Cow-Killer says, “All-sick-winter.” 1802-’03.—No. I. The Ponkas attacked two lodges of OglÁlas, killed some of the people, and made the rest prisoners. The OglÁlas went to the Ponka village a short time afterward and took their people from the Ponkas. In the figure an OglÁla has a prisoner by the arm leading him away. The arrow indicates that they were ready to fight. No. II. The Omahas made an assault on a Dakota village. Arrows and bullets are flying back and forth. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Brought-in-horse-shoes winter.” 1803-’04—No. I. They made peace with the Gros Ventres. No. II. Little-Beaver, a white trader, came. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-of-woolly-horses winter.” 1804-’05.—No. I. An Indian woman who had been unfaithful to a white man to whom she was married was killed by an Indian named Ponka. The symbol for Ponka indicates the name. No. II. The Omahas came and made peace to get their people, whom the Dakotas held as prisoners. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIX 1805-’06. 1806-’07. 1807-’08. 1808-’09. 1809-’10. 1810-’11. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1805-’06.—No. I. The Dakotas had a council with the whites on the Missouri River, below the Cheyenne Agency, near the mouth of Bad Creek (the Lewis and Clarke Expedition?). They had many flags, which the Good-White-Man gave them with their guns, and they erected them on poles to show their friendly feelings. The curved line is to represent the council lodge, which they made by opening several tipis and uniting them at their sides to form a semicircle. The marks are for the people. American-Horse’s father was born this year. No. II. Nine white men came to trade. The three covered heads represent the white men. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Eight-Dakotas-killed winter.” 1806-’07.—No. I. Black-Rock, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows. A rock is represented above his head. He was killed with a bow and arrow and was scalped. No. II. The Dakotas killed an Omaha in the night. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Killed-while-hunting-eagles winter.” 1807-’08.—No. I. Broken-Leg was killed by the Pawnees. His leg had been broken by a bullet in a previous fight with the Pawnees. No. II. Many people camped together and had many flags flying. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Red-shirt-killed Winter.” 1808-’09.—No. I. Little-Beaver’s trading house was burned down. No. II. A BrulÉ was found dead under a tree which had fallen on him. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Blue-Blanket’s-father-dead winter.” 1809-’10.—No. I. Black-Rock was killed by the Crows. His brother, whose name he had taken, was killed by the Crows three years before. No. II. Little-Beaver’s house was burned. White-Cow-Killer says, “Little-Beaver’s (the white man) house-burned-down winter.” 1810-’11.—No. I. Red-Shirt, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows while looking for his ponies near Old Woman’s Fork. No. II. They brought in a fine horse with feathers tied to his tail. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Came-with-medicine-on-horse’s-tail winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XL 1811-’12. 1812-’13. 1813-’14. 1814-’15. 1815-’16. 1816-’17. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1811-’12.—No. I. They caught many wild horses south of the Platte River. No. II. They had very little buffalo meat, as the empty drying pole indicates, but plenty of ducks in the fall. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Catching-wild-horses winter.” 1812-’13.—No. I. Big-Waist’s father killed. No. II. Big-Owl killed. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Big-Belly’s-father-killed winter.” 1813-’14.—No. I. Many had the whooping-cough. The cough is represented by the lines issuing from the man’s mouth. No. II. Food was very scarce and they had to live on acorns. The tree is intended for an oak and the marks beneath it for acorns. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Six-Rees-killed winter.” 1814-’15.—No. I. The Dakotas went to a Kaiowa village, about 6 miles from Scott’s Bluff, and near the mouth of Horse Creek, to treat for peace; but their intentions were frustrated by one of their number, who drove his hatchet into a Kaiowa’s head. No. II. They made peace with the Pawnees. The man with the blue forehead is a Pawnee, the other is a Dakota, whose body is smeared with clay. The four arrows show that they had been at war, and the clasped hands denote peace. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Kaiowa-hit-on-head-with-axe winter.” Young-Man’s-Horses-Afraid, i. e., whose horses are afraid, was born this year. He is now called “Old-Man-afraid-of-his-Horses” by the whites, and his son, the present chief of the OglÁlas, is known as “Young-Man-afraid-of-his-Horses.” [The present writer has heard another interpretation about “afraid-of-his-horses,” i. e., that the man valued his horses so much that he was afraid of losing them. The present representative of the name, however, stated to the writer that the true meaning was “The-young-man-whose-horses-they-fear.”] 1815-’16.—No. I. The figure is intended to represent a white man’s house. No. II. Some of the Dakotas built a large house and lived in it during the winter. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Made-a-house winter.” 1816-’17.—No. I. They made peace with the Crows at Pine Bluff. The arrow shows they had been at war. No. II. They lived in the same house that they did last winter. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Made-a-house winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLI 1817-’18. 1818-’19. 1819-’20. 1820-’21. 1821-’22. 1822-’23. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1817-’18.—No. I. The OglÁlas had an abundance of buffalo meat and shared it with the BrulÉs, who were short of food. The buffalo hide hung on the drying pole, with the buffalo head above it, indicates an abundance of meat. No. II. The-Brave-Man was killed in a great fight. The fight is shown by the arrows flying to and from him. Having been killed by an enemy, he is scalped. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-of-meat winter.” 1818-’19.—No. I. A large house was built. No. II. Many died of the small-pox. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Little-small-pox winter.” 1819-’20.—No. I. Another house was built. The Dakotas made medicine in it. No. II. In an engagement with the Crows, both sides expended all of their arrows, and then threw dirt at each other. A Crow is represented on the right, and is distinguished by the manner in which the hair is worn. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Made-a-house-of-old-wood winter.” 1820-’21.—No. I. The Dakotas assaulted and took a Crow village of a hundred lodges. They killed many and took many prisoners. No. II. A Dakota, named Glue, froze to death. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Two-arrows-made-a-war-bonnet winter.” 1821-’22.—No. I. They had all the mini wakan (spirit water or whisky) they could drink. They never had any before. A barrel with a waved or spiral line running from it represents the whisky, the waved line signifying spirit. No. II. A large roaring star fell. It came from the east, and shot out sparks of fire along its course. Its track and the sparks are shown in the figure. See also page 111. White-Cow-Killer says, “One-star-made-a-great-noise winter.” Battiste Good, alias Wa-po-ctan-qi (Brown-Hat), historian and chief, designated this year as that of his birth. Omaha bullets were whizzing through the village and striking and piercing his mother’s lodge as she brought him forth. Red-Cloud also was born. 1822-’23.—No. I. Dog, an OglÁla, stole seventy horses from the Crows. Each of the seven tracks stands for ten horses. A lariat, which serves the purpose of a long whip, and is usually allowed to trail on the ground, is shown in the man’s hand. No. II. A BrulÉ, who had left the village the night before, was found dead in the morning outside the village, and the dogs were eating his body. The black spot on the upper part of the thigh shows he was a BrulÉ. White-Cow-Killer says, “White-man-peels-the-stick-in-his-hand-broke-his-leg winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII 1823-’24. 1824-’25. 1825-’26. 1826-’27. 1827-’28. 1828-’29. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1823-’24.—No. I. They had an abundance of corn, which they got at the Ree villages. No. II. They joined the whites in an expedition up the Missouri River against the Rees. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Old-corn-plenty winter.” For further explanation of the record of this year, see page 111. 1824-’25.—No. I. Cloud-Bear, a Dakota, killed a Dakota, who was a long distance off, by throwing a bullet from his hand and striking him in the heart. The spiral line is again used for wakan. The gesture-sign for wakan (holy, supernatural) is: With its index-finger extended and pointing upward, or all the fingers extended, back of hand outward, move the right hand from just in front of the forehead spirally upward nearly to arm’s length from left to right. [See “Sign Language N. A. Indians,” p. 380, by the present writer, in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.] No. II. Cat-Owner was killed with a spider-web thrown at him by a Dakota. The spider-web is shown reaching to his heart from the hand of the man who threw it. The blood issuing from his mouth and nose indicates that he bled to death. It is a common belief among them that certain medicine men possess the power of taking life by shooting needles, straws, spider-webs, bullets, and other objects, however distant the person may be against whom they are directed. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Killed-the-women-picking-cherries winter.” 1825-’26.—No. I. Some of the Dakotas were living on the bottom-lands of the Missouri River, below the Whetstone, when the river, which was filled with broken ice, unexpectedly rose and flooded their village. Many were drowned or else killed by the floating ice. Many of those that escaped climbed on cakes of ice or into trees. No. II. Many of the Dakotas were drowned in a flood caused by a rise of the Missouri River, in a bend of which they were camped. The White-Cow-Killer calls it “Great-flood-and-many-Indians-drowned winter.” [See page 113.] 1826-’27.—No. I. The brother of the Good-White-Man came. No. II. Held a commemoration of the dead. The pipe-stem and the skull indicate this. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Long-Whistle-sick winter.” 1827-’28.—No. I. The snow was very deep. No. II. In a fight with the Mandans, Crier was shot in the head with a gun. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Snow-shoe-making winter.” 1828-’29.—No. I. They provided themselves with a large supply of antelope meat by driving antelope into a corral, in which they were easily killed. No. II. They drove many antelope into a corral and then killed them. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Many-Rees-killed winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIII 1829-’30. 1830-’31. 1831-’32. 1832-’33. 1833-’34. 1834-’35. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1829-’30.—No. I. Striped-Face stabbed and killed his son-in-law for whipping his wife. No. II. Spotted-Face stabs his son-in-law for whipping his wife. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Spotted-Face-held-on-long winter.” 1830-’31.—No. I. They saw wagons for the first time. Red-Lake, a white trader, brought his goods in them. No. II. The Crows were approaching a village at a time when there was a great deal of snow on the ground and intended to surprise it, but some herders discovering them the Dakotas went out, laid in wait for the Crows, surprised them, and killed many. A Crow’s head is represented in the figure. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Killed-many-white-buffalo winter.” 1831-’32.—No. I. Red-Lake’s house, which he had recently built, was destroyed by fire, and he was killed by the accidental explosion of some powder. No. II. A white man, whom they called Gray-Eyes, shot and killed a man who was working for him. 1832-’33.—No. I. They killed many Gros Ventres in a village which they assaulted. No. II. All of Standing-Bull’s horses were killed, but by whom is unknown. Hoof-prints, blood-stains, and arrows are shown under the horse. White-Cow-Killer calls it “One-Horn’s-leg-broken winter.” 1833-’34.—No. I. The stars moved around. No. II. It rained stars. White Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-stars winter.” The records [see page 116] all undoubtedly refer to the magnificent meteoric display of the morning of November 13th, 1833, which was witnessed throughout North America, and which they have correctly as 1834-’35.—No. I. They were at war with the Cheyennes. The Cheyenne is the one with the stripes on his arm. No. II. They fought with the Cheyennes. The stripes on the arm are for Cheyenne as before. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Cheyennes-came-and-one-killed winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIV 1835-’36. 1836-’37. 1837-’38. 1838-’39. 1839-’40. 1840-’41. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1835-’36.—No. I. They killed a very fat buffalo bull. No. II. They killed a very fat buffalo bull. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Two warriors-killed winter.” 1836-’37.—No. I. The Dakotas and the Pawnees fought on the ice on the North Platte River. The former were on the north side, the right-hand side in the figure, the latter on the south side, the left in the figure. Horsemen and footmen on the right are opposed to footmen on the left. Both sides have guns and bows, as shown by the bullet-marks and the arrows. The red marks are for blood-stains on the ice. No. II. They fought the Pawnees across the ice on the North Platte. The man on the left is a Pawnee. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Fight-on-ice winter.” 1837-’38.—No. I. Paints-His-Cheeks-Red and his family, who were camping by themselves, were killed by Pawnees. No. II. Paints-His-Face-Red, a Dakota, was killed in his tipi by the Pawnees. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Five-Fingers-died winter.” 1838-’39.—No. I. Spotted-Horse carried the pipe around and took the war path against the Pawnees, to avenge the death of his uncle, Paints-His-Cheeks-Red. No. II. Crazy-Dog, a Dakota, carried the pipe around and took the war path. The waved or spiral lines denote crazy. White-Cow-Killer says, “Paints-his-Chin’s-lodge-all-killed winter.” When a warrior desires to make up a war party he visits his friends and offers them a filled pipe, as an invitation to follow him, and those who are willing to go accept the invitation by lighting and smoking it. Any man whose courage has been proved may become the leader of a war party. Among the Arapahos the would-be leader does not invite any one to accompany him, but publicly announces his intention of going to war. He fixes the day for his departure and states where he will camp the first night, naming some place not far off. The morning on which he starts, and before leaving the village, he invokes the aid of the sun, his guardian by day, and often, to propitiate him, secretly vows to undergo penance, or offer a sacrifice on his return. He rides off alone, carrying his bare pipe in his hand, with the bowl carefully tied to the stem to prevent it from slipping off. If the bowl should at any time accidentally fall to the ground, he considers it an evil omen, and immediately returns to the village, and nothing could induce him to proceed, as he thinks that only misfortune would attend him if he did. Some 1839-’40.—No. I. Left-Handed-Big-Nose was killed by the Shoshoni. His left arm is represented extended, and his nose is very conspicuous. American-Horse was born in the spring of 1840. No. II. They killed a Crow and his squaw, who were found on a trail. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Large-war-party-hungry-eat-Pawnee-horses winter.” 1840-’41.—No. I. Sitting-Bear, American-Horse’s father, and others, stole two hundred horses from the Flat Heads. A trailing lariat is in the man’s hand. No. II. They stole one hundred (many) horses from the Snakes. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Little-Thunder’s-brothers-killed winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLV 1841-’42. 1842-’43. 1843-’44. 1844-’45. 1845-’46. 1846-’47. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1841-’42.—No. I. The OglÁlas engaged in a drunken brawl, which re No. II. The OglÁlas got drunk on Chug Creek, and engaged in a quarrel among themselves, in which Red-Cloud’s brother was killed, and Red-Cloud killed three men. Cloud-Shield (Mahpiya-Wahacanka) was born. 1842-’43.—No. I. Feather-Ear-Rings was killed by the Shoshoni. The four lodges and the many blood-stains intimate that he was killed at the time the four lodges of Shoshoni were killed. No. II. Lone-Feather said his prayers, and took the war path to avenge the death of some relatives. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Crane’s-son-killed winter.” 1843-’44.—No. I. The great medicine arrow was taken from the Pawnees by the OglÁlas and BrulÉs, and returned to the Cheyennes, to whom it rightly belonged. No. II. In a great fight with the Pawnees they captured the great medicine arrow which had been taken from the Cheyennes, who made it, by the Pawnees. The head of the arrow projects from the bag which contains it. The delicate waved lines (intended probably for spiral lines) show that it is sacred. White-Cow-Killer calls it “The Great-medicine-arrow-comes-in winter.” Battiste Good’s record gives the following for the same year: “Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter. This arrow originally belonged to the Cheyennes, from whom the Pawnees stole it. The Dakotas captured it this winter from the Pawnees, and the Cheyennes then redeemed it for one hundred horses.” His sign for the year is somewhat different, as shown in Figure 46. As before mentioned, an attempt is made to distinguish colors by the heraldic scheme, which in this instance may require explanation. The upper part of the body is sable or black, the feathers on the arrow are azure or blue, and the shaft, gules or red. The remainder of the figure is of an undecided color not requiring specification. Fig. 46.—Magic arrow. 1844-’45.—No. I. Male-Crow, an OglÁla, was killed by the Shoshoni. No. II. Crazy-Horse says his prayers and goes on the war path. The waved lines are used again for crazy. White-Cow-Killer calls it “White-Buffalo-Bull-killed by-the-Crows winter.” 1845-’46.—No. I. White-Bull and thirty other OglÁlas were killed by the Crows and Shoshoni. No. II. White-Bull and many others were killed in a fight with the Shoshoni. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Many-sick winter.” 1846-’47.—No. I. Big-Crow and Conquering-Bear had a great feast and gave many presents. No. II. Long-Pine, a Dakota, was killed by Dakotas. He was not killed by an enemy, as he has not lost his scalp. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Diver’s-neck-broken winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI 1847-’48. 1848-’49. 1849-’50. 1850-’51. 1851-’52. 1852-’53. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1847-’48.—No. I. There were a great many accidents and some legs were broken, the ground being covered with ice. No. II. Many were thrown from their horses while surrounding buffalo in the deep snow, and some had their legs-broken. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Many-legs-broken winter.” 1848-’49.—No. I. American-Horse’s father captured a Crow who was dressed as a woman, but who was found to be an hermaphrodite and was killed. No. II. American-Horse’s father captured a Crow woman and gave her to the young men, who discovered that she was an hermaphrodite and killed her. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Half-man-and-half-woman-killed winter.” It is probable that this was one of those men, not uncommon among the Indian tribes, who adopt the dress and occupation of women. [This is sometimes compulsory, e. g., on account of failure to pass an ordeal.] 1849-’50.—No. I. Many died of the cramps. The cramps were those of Asiatic cholera, which was epidemic in the United States at that time, and was carried to the plains by the California and Oregon emigrants. The position of the man is very suggestive of cholera. No. II. Making-the-Hole stole many horses from a Crow tipi. The index points to the hole, which is suggestive of the man’s name. White-Cow-Killer calls it “The-people-had-the-cramps winter.” 1850-’51.—No. I. Wolf-Robe was killed by the Pawnees. No. II. Many died of the small-pox. White-Cow-Killer calls it “All-the-time-sick-with-the-big-small-pox winter.” 1851-’52.—No. I. They received their first annuities at the mouth of Horse Creek. A one-point blanket is depicted and denotes dry-goods. It is surrounded by a circle of marks which represent the people. No. II. Many goods were issued to them at Fort Laramie. They were the first they received. The blanket which is represented stands for the goods. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Large-issue-of-goods-on-the-Platte-River winter.” 1852-’53.—No. I. The Cheyennes carry the pipe around to invite all the tribes to unite with them in a war against the Pawnees. No. II. A white man made medicine over the skull of Crazy-Horse’s brother. He holds a pipe-stem in his hand. This probably refers to the custom of gathering the bones of the dead that have been placed on scaffolds and burying them. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Great-snow winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII 1853-’54. 1854-’55. 1855-’56. 1856-’57. 1857-’58. 1858-’59. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1853-’54.—No. I. Antelope-Dung broke his neck while surrounding buffalo. No. II. Antelope-Dung broke his neck while running antelope. His severed head is the only part of his body that is shown. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Oak-wood-house winter.” 1854-’55.—No. I. Conquering-Bear was killed by white soldiers, and thirty white soldiers were killed by the Dakotas 9 miles below Fort Laramie. The thirty black dots in three lines stand for the soldiers, and the red stains for killed. The head covered with a fatigue-cap further shows they were white soldiers. Indian soldiers are usually represented in a circle or semicircle. The gesture-sign for soldier means all in line, and is made by placing the nearly closed hands with palms forward, and thumbs near together, in front of the body and then separating them laterally about two feet. No. II. Brave-Bear was killed in a quarrel over a calf. He was killed by enemies; hence his scalp is gone. White-Cow-Killer says, “Mato-wayuhi (or Conquering-Bear) killed-by-white-soldiers winter.” 1855-’56.—No. I. A war party of OglÁlas killed one Pawnee—his scalp is on the pole—and on their way home froze their feet. No. II. Torn-Belly and his wife were killed by some of their own people in a quarrel. White-Cow-Killer calls it “A-medicine-man-made-buffalo-medicine winter.” 1856-’57.—No. I. They received annuities at Raw-Hide Butte. The house and the blanket represent the agency and the goods. No. II. They have an abundance of buffalo meat. This is shown by the full drying pole. White-Cow-Killer calls it “White-hill-house winter.” 1857-’58.—No. I. Little-Gay, a white trader, was killed by the explosion of a can of gunpowder. He was measuring out powder from the can in his wagon while smoking his pipe. No. II. They surrounded and killed ten Crows. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Bull-hunting winter.” 1858-’59.—No. I. They made peace with the Pawnees. The one on the left is a Pawnee. No. II. They bought Mexican blankets of John Richard, who bought many wagon-loads of the Mexicans. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Yellow-blanket-killed winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVIII 1859-’60. 1860-’61. 1861-’62. 1862-’63. 1863-’64. 1864-’65. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1859-’60.—No. I. Broken-Arrow fell from his horse while running buffalo and broke his neck. No. II. Black-Shield says prayers and takes the war path to avenge the death of two of his sons who had been killed by the Crows. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Black-Shield’s-two boys-go-hunting-and-are-killed-by-the-Crows winter.” 1860-’61.—No. I. Two-Face, an OglÁla, was badly burnt by the explosion of his powder-horn. No. II. They capture a great many antelope by driving them into a pen. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Babies-all-sick-and-many-die winter.” 1861-’62.—No. I. Spider was killed (stabbed) in a fight with the Pawnees. No. II. Young-Rabbit, a Crow, was killed in battle by Red-Cloud. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Crow-Indian-Spotted-Horse-stole-many-horses-and-was-killed winter.” 1862-’63.—No. I. The Crows scalped an OglÁla boy alive. No. II. Some Crows came to their camp and scalped a boy. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Crows-scalp-boy winter.” 1863-’64.—No. I. The OglÁlas and Minneconjous took the war path against the Crows and stole three hundred Crow horses. The Crows followed them and killed eight of the party. No. II. Eight Dakotas were killed by the Crows. Here eight long marks represent the number killed. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Dakotas-and-Crows-have-a-big-fight-eight-Dakotas-killed winter.” 1864-’65.—No. I. Bird, a white trader, went to Powder River to trade with the Cheyennes. They killed him and appropriated his goods. No. II. Bird, a white trader, was burned to death by the Cheyennes. He is surrounded by flames in the picture. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Big-Lips-died-suddenly winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIX 1865-’66. 1866-’67. 1867-’68. 1868-’69. 1869-’70. 1870-’71. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1865-’66.—No. I. General Maynadier made peace with the OglÁlas and BrulÉs. His name, the sound of which resembles the words “many deer,” is indicated by the two deers’ heads connected with his mouth by the lines. No. II. Many horses were lost by starvation, as the snow was so deep they couldn’t get at the grass. 1866-’67.—No. I. They killed one hundred white men at Fort Phil. Kearny. The hats and the cap-covered head represent the whites; the red spots, the killed; the circle of characters around them, rifle or arrow shots; the black strokes, Dakota footmen; and the hoof-prints, Dakota horsemen. The Phil. Kearny massacre occurred December 21, 1866, and eighty-two whites were killed, including officers, citizens, and enlisted men. Capt. W. J. Fetterman was in command of the party. No. II. Lone-Bear was killed in battle. White-Cow-Killer calls it “One-hundred-white-men-killed winter.” 1867-’68.—No. I. They captured a train of wagons near Tongue River. The men who were with it got away. The blanket represents the goods found in the wagons. No. II. Blankets were issued to them at Fort Laramie. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Seven-Pawnees-killed winter.” 1868-’69.—No. I. They were compelled to sell many mules and horses No. II. They had to sell many mules and horses to get food, as they were starving. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Mules-sold-by-hungry-Sioux winter.” 1869-’70.—No. I. Tall-Bull was killed by white soldiers and Pawnees on the south side of the South Platte River. No. II. John Richard shot a white soldier at Fort Fetterman, Wyoming, and fled north, joining Red-Cloud. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Tree-fell-on-woman-who-was-cutting-wood-and-killed-her winter.” 1870-’71.—No. I. High-Back-Bone, a very brave OglÁla, was killed by the Shoshoni. They also shot another man, who died after he reached home. No. II. High-Back-Bone was killed in a fight with the Snakes (Shoshoni). White-Cow-Killer calls it “High-Back-Bone-killed-by-Snake-Indians winter.” BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L 1871-’72. 1872-’73. 1873-’74. 1874-’75. 1875-’76. 1876-’77. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1871-’72.—No. I. John Richard shot and killed an OglÁla named Yellow-Bear, and the OglÁlas killed Richard before he could get out of the lodge. This occurred in the spring of 1872. As the white man was killed after the Indian, he is placed behind him in the figure. No. II. Adobe houses were built by Maj. J. W. Wham, Indian agent (now paymaster, United States Army), on the Platte River, about 30 miles below Fort Laramie. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Major-Wham’s-house-built-on-Platte-River winter.” 1872-’73.—No. I. Whistler, also named Little-Bull, and two other OglÁlas, were killed by white hunters on the Republican River. No. II. Antoine Janis’s two boys were killed by Joe (John?) Richard. White Cow-Killer calls it “Stay-at-plenty-ash-wood winter.” 1873-’74.—No. I. The OglÁlas killed the Indian agent’s (Seville’s) clerk inside the stockade of the Red Cloud Agency, at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. No. II. They killed many Pawnees on the Republican River. 1874-’75.—No. I. The OglÁlas at the Red Cloud Agency, near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, cut to pieces the flag staff which their agent had had cut and hauled, but which they would not allow him to erect, as they did not wish to have a flag flying over their agency. This was in 1874. The flag which the agent intended to hoist is now at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota. No. II. The Utes stole all of the BrulÉ horses. 1875-’76.—No. I. The first stock cattle were issued to them. The figure represents a cow or spotted buffalo, surrounded by people. The gesture-sign also signifies spotted buffalo. No. II. Seven of Red-Cloud’s band were killed by the Crows. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Five-Dakotas-killed winter.” 1876-’77.—No. I. The OglÁlas helped General Mackenzie to whip the Cheyennes. The Indian’s head represents the man who was the first to enter the Cheyenne village. The white man holding up three fingers is General Mackenzie, who is placed upon the head of the Dakota to indicate that the Dakotas backed or assisted him. The other white man is General Crook, or Three Stars, as indicated by the three stars above him. [This designation might be suggested from the uniform, but General Crook did not probably wear during the year mentioned or for a long time before it the uniform either of his rank as major-general of volunteers or as brevet major-general in the Army, and by either of those ranks he was entitled to but two stars on his shoulder-straps.] No. II. Three-Stars (General Crook) took Red-Cloud’s young men to help him fight the Cheyennes. A red cloud, indicating the chief’s name, is represented above his head. White-Cow-Killer calls it “General-Mackenzie-took-the-Red-Cloud-Indians’-horses-away-from-them winter.” 800 BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGYFOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LI 1877-’78. 1878-’79. THE CORBUSIER WINTER COUNTS. 1877-’78.—No. I. A soldier ran a bayonet into Crazy-Horse, and killed him in the guard-house, at Fort Robinson, Nebraska (September 5, 1877). No. II. Crazy-Horse’s band left the Spotted Tail Agency (at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska), and went north, after Crazy-Horse was killed at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. Hoof-prints and lodge-pole tracks run northward from the house, which represents the Agency. That the horse is crazy is shown by the waved or spiral lines on his body, running from his nose, foot, and forehead. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Crazy-Horse-killed winter.” 1878-’79.—No. I. Wagons were given to them. No. II. The Cheyenne who boasted that he was bullet and arrow proof was killed by white soldiers, near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, in the intrenchments behind which the Cheyennes were defending themselves after they had escaped from the fort. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Wagons-given-to-the-Dakota-Indians winter.” |
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