  CHAPTER I I. Exposition of the problem and justification of the task (pp. 1 sqq.). Some contradictions and obscurities concerning family and kinship in Australia (pp. 1-6).—Necessity of a careful and detailed description of all the features of the individual family among the Australian aborigines (pp. 6-9).—The sense in which the conception of law and legal should be applied to the Australian native society indicated (pp. 9-17). II. Method of dealing with the evidence (pp. 17 sqq.). At the outset only a general definition of "family" adopted; on the other hand raw ethnographical material given. Necessity of continually checking these two data with each other (p. 17).—In dealing with the ethnographical evidence three points to be taken into consideration (pp. 17 sqq.).—(1) Criticisms of each statement (pp. 18 sqq.).—Verbal criticism (hermeneutic) (pp. 18-19).—Criticism of contents (pp. 19 sqq.).—Different elements which might possibly have been the source of errors; and upon an analysis of which criticism in question may in part be based; (a) Material which the author had under observation (pp. 20-22).—(b) Circumstances and method of obtaining information (pp. 22, 23).—(c) Personal character and profession of the writer (pp. 23, 24).—(d) Purpose for which the book was written (p. 24).—(e) Form and quality of the writer's generalizations and abstract formulation (pp. 24, 25).—(2) Geographical localization of statements (pp. 26 sqq.).—Condition under which local differences may be safely assumed (pp. 26, 27).—(3) Final inferences from the evidence (pp. 27 sqq.).—Character of this operation; analytical division of the information on a given subject under different headings. Separate discussion of each point. Contradictions emphasized and not concealed (pp. 27-29).—Conclusion drawn (pp. 29, 30).—Its confrontation with kindred facts (pp. 30, 31).—The chief methodological aim: general and complete clearness of all the operations of inference and argument (pp. 31-33). CHAPTER II Prof. Westermarck's definition of marriage and family accepted at the outset as starting-point (pp. 34, 35).—Inquiry first directed towards the legal aspect of marriage and ideas on marriage, as expressed and embodied in the aboriginal modes of obtaining CHAPTER III Exposition of the problem (pp. 67, 68).—Statements (pp. 68-74).—Numerous contradictions extant on this subject. Some apparently trustworthy statements, affirming a very extensive authority on the part of the husband, combined with a certain mutual attachment (pp. 74, 75).—Division of the subject under three headings for the purpose of securing more definite answers (pp. 76, 77).—(1) The authority of the husband over his wife nearly absolute, limited only in cases of wilful murder (pp. 77-79).—(2) Ill-treatment not the rule; from this, combined with the foregoing point, follows (pp. 79-82).—(3) Existence of some affection and attachment between the aboriginal married couples (pp. 82-84).—On the whole the information in this chapter very contradictory (p. 84).—Strength of marital bond, as expressed by mourning and burial ceremonies and customs (pp. 84-88). CHAPTER IV General character of the information on this subject indicated, and some controversy contained in this chapter justified (pp. 89-91).—Problem set forth (pp. 91, 92).—Statements (pp. 92-100).—Local differences between different groups of tribes in sexual matters (pp. 100, 101).—Three points investigated: (1) The husband's definite sexual over-right and control over his wife involving his consent in all cases. Otherwise adultery considered a crime (pp. 101-103).—(2) Chastity in general; its slight recognition (pp. 104, 105).—(3) Regulated licence (pp. 105-107).—Its chief form: the Pirrauru practice (pp. 108, 109).—A detailed discussion of the latter showing its lack of the features of "group marriage" (pp. 109-123).—In general all sexual licence regulated and devoid of the character of promiscuity and disorder (pp. 123, 124).—Digression on sexual jealousy among the Australian aborigines (pp. 124-131). CHAPTER V I. The relation of the family unit to the tribal and territorial organization of the aboriginal society (pp. 132 sqq.). Terminology (pp. 134, 135).—Statements (pp. 136-149).—Rough survey (pp. 149, 150).—The territorial unit, the local group a body of people possessing in common a tract of country and inhabiting it to the exclusion of anybody else (pp. 150-152).—Three different forms of possession of land in Australia (pp. 152, 153).—Idea of rights in a portion of land probably to a great extent of magico-religious character (p. 153).—The mode of living, the tribal division varying according to local conditions and with opportunities of food-supply. In the majority of tribes (especially those of the arid regions) small groupings of about one to three families usual (pp. 150-157). II. The internal structure of the local group, with reference to single families (pp. 158 sqq.). Statements (pp. 158-165).—Disposition of camps, the mode of occupying the huts and other functions of daily life subject to strict rules pointing to the isolation of the single families (pp. 165-167). CHAPTER VI I. Theoretical analysis of this concept (pp. 168 sqq.). Importance of adapting sociological concepts to those social conditions to which they are applied, exemplified on the concept of kinship (pp. 168, 169).—Necessity of giving a definition of kinship for scientific use (pp. 169-171).—The present discussion specially directed to suit the Australian evidence (pp. 171, 172).—Necessary and sufficient conditions for admitting the existence of individual parental kinship in any given society (pp. 172-174).—Further features thereof to be looked for in the variable social conditions and in the data of "collective psychology"; "collective ideas" held about kinship and "collective feelings" referring to it (pp. 174-176).—Preliminary definition of kinship (p. 176).—Analysis of the concept of consanguinity (pp. 176 sqq.).—Modern European idea of kinship conceived in terms of consanguinity (p. 177).—Physiological and social consanguinity (pp. 178-182).—Exact definition of the latter (p. 182).—Kinship not always based upon ideas of community of blood. Common features of the ideas underlying kinship (pp. 182, 183).—Normative ideas referring to kinship. Descent (pp. 183-185).—Analysis of the legal side of kinship (pp. 185, sqq.).—Legal only one of the aspects of kinship (p. 185).—In primitive societies in particular kinship not a legal relationship (pp. 185, 186).—Discussion of some opinions thereon (Mr. Thomas, Prof. Dargun, Prof. Frazer) (pp. 186-190).—Restricted use of the term legal in the Australian aboriginal society (pp. 190, 191).—Justification of the study of the emotional characteristics of kinship (pp. 191 sqq.).—Importance of feelings in the task of characterizing any personal relationship. "Collective feelings" (pp. 191, 192).—The presence in the Australian ethnographic material of objective II. Some examples of kinship ideas suggested by the Australian folklore (pp. 207 sqq.). Introductory remarks (p. 207).—Belief in totemic conception existing among the Central tribes (pp. 208, 209).—Absence of knowledge concerning physiological procreation (pp. 209, 210).—Some important points discussed (pp. 210 sqq.)—(1) The ignorance in question complete (pp. 210, 211).—(2) In particular no idea of individual paternal consanguinity (pp. 211, 212).—(3) Analysis of the aboriginal ideas about reincarnation (pp. 212-217).—Conclusion: absence of "consanguinity" (in the social sense) among the Central tribes (pp. 217, 218).—Beliefs in which some kinship ideas are expressed (pp. 218 sqq.).—Among the Northern tribes special close tie between spirit-child and father (Gnanji, Umbaia and other Northern-Central tribes) (pp. 218-220).—Pre-established kinship involved in the belief concerning reincarnation and return of dead people (pp. 220-225).—Customs of the couvade type (pp. 225, 226).—Geographical extension of the nescience of physiological fatherhood (pp. 226, 227).—Two North Queensland beliefs involving a clear idea of spiritual tie between a father and his child (pp. 227-229).—Other examples (pp. 229, 230).—Survey of the beliefs of the South-Eastern tribes possessing the idea of paternal consanguinity (in the social sense) (pp. 230-232).—Summary (pp. 232, 233). CHAPTER VII I. The first maternal cares and suckling of the infant (pp. 234 sqq.). Statements (pp. 235, 236).—Close ties between mother and her offspring during infancy and early childhood (pp. 236, 237). II. The relation between parents and children during childhood (pp. 238 sqq.). Statements (pp. 238-249).—Affirmation of a close tie of affection and devotion between parents and children (pp. 249, 250).—Illustrations drawn from concrete facts (pp. 250, 251).—Applicable to both the father and mother; to female as well as to male children (p. 251).—Great leniency of treatment (pp. 252, 253).—Bearing of the affection of both parents to their children upon the relation between husband and wife (pp. 253, 254).—No data for assuming the existence in Australia of patria potestas as a legal form (p. 254).—Lack of information as to the actual character of the paternal authority in Australia (pp. 254-256).—Rudiments of education (pp. 256, 257). III. Children at puberty removed from their parents' camp, and consequent weakening of the relationship (pp. 257 sqq.). Marriage of females at puberty (pp. 257-259).—Great disparity of age between husband and wife (pp. 259, 260).—Statements (pp. 260-262).—Boys IV. The life-long permanence, nevertheless, of the tie between parents and children (pp. 269 sqq.). Statements (pp. 269-272).—Lack of information as to the relationship between sisters and brothers (pp. 272, 273). CHAPTER VIII The individual family an economic unit (p. 274).—Statements (pp. 275-281).—Sexual division of labour a marked feature of Australian marriage (p. 281).—The woman's share of work harder, more important and indispensable than the man's (pp. 282-283).—The man's share not devoted to the exclusive benefit of his family (p. 283). Statements concerning the aboriginal communism in food (pp. 283-286).—Their bearing upon the economics of the household (pp. 286, 287).—Sociological features of this sexual division of labour (pp. 287, 288).—Division of consumption within the family (pp. 288, 289).—Description of some minor economic features concerning the household (pp. 289-291). CHAPTER IX ADDENDA " 305-309 BIBLIOGRAPHY " 310-316 INDEX " 317-326 THE FAMILY AMONG THE |
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