  A. U’ula (Initial Part) 1 1 Kala His bosisi’ula, ritual eating of fish, kala his bomwalela. tabooed inside. 2 2 Papapa, Flutter, siliubida, betel plant, monagakalava. leaving behind. 3 3 Tubugu Kalabotawosi, Grandfather Kalabotawosi, Tubugu Kwaysa’i, grandfather Kwaysa’i, Tubugu Pulupolu, grandfather Pulupolu, Tubugu Semkuku, grandfather Semkuku, 4 4 Kusilase You sit onikola, on canoe slips, bukwa’u’i kambu’a. you chew your areca-nut. 5 5 Kwawoyse You take bisalena his pandanus streamer Kaykudayuri (of) Kaykudayuri Kusaylase you place (it) odabana on top Teula (of) Teula. 6 6 Basivila, I might turn, basivitake’i I might turn on Kitava miTo’uru, Kitava your Touru, mimilaveta your sea-arm Pilolu. Pilolu. 7 7 Nagayne To-day isipukayse they kindle girina festive fire Kaykudayuri. (of) Kaykudayuri. 8 8 Kumwam Thou bind together dabem thy skirt Siyaygana, Siyaygana, bukuyova. thou fly. 9 9 Bakabima I might clutch kaykabila, the adze handle, bakipatuma I might grip yogwayogula the component sticks. 10 10 Baterera I might fly odabana on top (of) Kuyawa. Kuyawa. B. TAPWANA (MAIN PART) 11 11 Odabana Kuyawa, On top (of) Kuyawa, odabana Kuyawa on top (of) Kuyawa … … (repeated several times) bayokokoba I might become like smoke odabana Kuyawa; on top (of) Kuyawa; bayowaysulu I might become invisible odabana Kuyawa; on top (of) Kuyawa; bayovivilu’a, etc.; I might become as a wind eddy, etc. 12 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting Dikutuva for Kuyawa. 13 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting La’u for Kuyawa. After this, the u’ula is repeated, and then a secondary tapwana follows. 14 14 Bakalatatava, I might heel over, bakalatatava I might heel over … … (repeated several times) ula sibu my keel bakalatatava I might heel over; ulo koumwali my canoe gunwale bakalatatava I might heel over uli sirota, etc. my canoe bottom, etc. ulo katukulu, etc.; my prow, etc.; ulo gelu, etc. my rib, etc. ulo kaysuya, etc. my threading stick, etc.; uli tabuyo, etc.; my prow-board, etc.; uli lagim, etc.; my transverse board, etc.; ulo kawaydala, etc. my canoe side, etc. The u’ula is repeated again and the spell is closed by the dogina (concluding part). C. Dogina (Conclusion) 15 15 Kalubasisi (Untranslatable) kalubayo’u; flying(?); kuvaylise mayena, you hit his tongue, kuvaylise you hit bubuwala, his chest, kulakwoyse you untie kala his sibu keel waga. canoe. 16 16 Wagam, Canoe (thou art) kousi, ghost, wagam, canoe, (thou art) vivilu’a, wind eddy, kuyokarige thou vanish Siyaygana, Siyaygana, bukuyova. thou fly. 17 17 Kwarisasa Thou pierce kamkarikeda thy sea-passage Kadimwatu; Kadimwatu; kwaripwo thou break through kabaluna nose his Saramwa; Saramwa; kwabadibadi thou meet Loma. Loma. 18 18 Kuyokarige, Thou become as dead, kuyotamwa’u, thou disappear, kuyovivilu’a thou become as a wind eddy, kuyogugwa’u. thou become like mist. 19 19 Kusola Thou mould kammayamaya, the fine sand, kwotutine thou cut kamgulupeya; thy seaweed; kuna, thou go, kugoguna thou put on kambwoymatala. thy butia wreath. We have here the native text, translated word for word, each expression and formative affix being rendered by its English equivalent. In obtaining such a verbatim translation and subsequently putting it into a free, intelligible English rendering, there are two main difficulties to be overcome. A considerable proportion of the words found in magic do not belong to ordinary speech, but are archaisms, mythical names and strange compounds, formed according to unusual linguistic rules. Thus the first task is to elucidate the obsolete expressions, the mythical references, and to find the present day equivalents of any archaic words. Even if we obtain a series of meanings corresponding to each term of the original text, there is often considerable difficulty in linking these meanings together. Magic is not built up in the narrative style; it does not serve to communicate ideas from one person to another; it does not purport to contain a consecutive, consistent meaning. It is an instrument serving special purposes, intended for the exercise of man’s specific power over things, and its meaning, giving this word a wider sense, can be understood only in correlation to this aim. It will not be therefore a meaning of logically or topically concatenated ideas, but of expressions fitting into one another and into the whole, according to what could be called a magical order of thinking, or perhaps more correctly, a magical order of expressing, of launching words towards their aim. It is clear that this magical order of verbal concatenations—I am purposely avoiding the expression ‘magical logic’ for there is no logic in the case—must be known and familiar to anyone who wishes really to understand the spells. There is therefore a great initial difficulty in ‘reading’ such documents, and only an acquaintance with a great number makes one more confident and more competent. In the ordinary routine of working out such texts, I tried to obtain from the magician the equivalents, word for word, of the more cryptic expressions. As a rule the magician himself knows a good deal more than anyone else about the mythical references, and about certain esoteric expressions contained in the spell. There are some unintelligent old men, unfortunately, who rattle off a formula, and who evidently never were interested about its significance or else forgot all about it, and are no good as commentators. Often a fairly good informant, quite capable of reciting a spell slowly and intelligibly, without losing his thread, will be of no use as linguistic informant, that is in helping to obtain a definition of a word, in assisting to break it up into its formative parts; in explaining which words belong to ordinary speech, which are dialectic, which are archaic, and which are purely magical compounds. I had only a few informants who could help me in this way, and among them the previously mentioned Motago’i was one of the best. The analysis to which I now proceed can be given only in an approximate manner, for in a full one, a long disquisition on grammar would have to be given first. It will be enough, however, to show in broad outline the main linguistic features of a spell, as well as the methods which have been used in constructing the free translation given in the previous chapters. The formula here quoted, shows the typical tripartition of the longer spells. The first part is called u’ula. This word means the ‘bottom part’ of a tree or post, the ‘foundation’ of any structure, and in more figurative uses, it means ‘reason,’ ‘cause,’ or, again, ‘beginning.’ It is in this last sense that the natives apply it to the first strophe of a song, and to the exordium of a magical formula. The second part of the spell is called tapwana, literally: ‘surface,’ ‘skin,’ ‘body,’ ‘trunk,’ ‘middle part’ of a tree, ‘main part’ of a road, and thus ‘main part’ of a spell or song. The word dogina, literally the ‘tip’ or ‘end,’ used for the ‘tip’ of a tree or the ‘end’ of a tail, is used to designate the ‘final part’ or the ‘conclusion’ of a spell. Sometimes the word dabwana, ‘top,’ or ‘head,’ (not human head) is substituted for dogina. Thus the spell must be imagined turned upside down, its beginning put at the basis, The opening words of the u’ula in this spell are short, cutting, pithy expressions, each standing for its own cycle of ideas, for a sentence or even a whole story. In this they are typical of the beginnings of Kiriwinian spells. They are also typical, in the great difficulty which they present to the interpreter. Out of the seven words contained in phrases 1 and 2, four do not belong to ordinary speech, and are obscure compounds. Thus the words bosisi’ula and bomwalela are made up first of the prefix bo-, which carries with it the meaning of ‘tabooed,’ ‘belonging to magic,’ and of the two roots sisiula and mwalela, neither of which is a complete word. The first is the root part of the word visisi’ula, which designates a custom associated with this magic. At certain times, in connection with the performance of the wayugo rite, the magician has fits of trembling and then he has to be given some baked fish, and after partaking of it his trembling fit passes. The natives say that he trembles like a bisila (pandanus streamer) and that this shows that his magic is good, since the trembling of the pandanus is a symbol of speed. Mwalela is derived from olumwalela which means ‘inside.’ With the prefix bo- the word can be translated ‘the tabooed inside.’ It is even more difficult to interpret the general meaning of these two expressions, than to find out their literal equivalents. We have an allusion to a ritual eating of fish, associated with a trembling which symbolises speed, and we have an expression ‘tabooed inside.’ The custom of eating fish after trembling has a magical importance. It adds to the efficiency of magic, as all such observances do. The force or merit of this observance, which, dissociated from the spell and the rite can have no direct effect, is made available by being mentioned in the formula; it is so to speak, magically discounted. This is the best way in which I can interpret the two words of ritual eating and of tabooed interior of the magician. The three words of sentence 2 have each to tell its own story. The word papapa, ‘flutter,’ stands for a phrase: “let the canoe speed so that the pandanus leaves flutter.” Of course the word expresses much more than this sentence, because it is intelligible only to those who are acquainted with the part played by the pandanus leaves in the decoration of Then, in 3, there comes a long list of names of ancestors, all of whom are said to be real men who had lived in Kitava, the home of this magic. The words kwaysa’i, ‘stormy sea,’ and pulupolu, ‘boiling up,’ ‘foaming up,’ suggest that the names are significant and therefore mythical. Nawabudoga, a Kitavan man, was father of the last-mentioned one, Mogilawota, a maternal relative of the present owner. We see here, therefore, a good case of ‘magical filiation,’ by which the present owner, a man of Sinaketa, is connected with the mythical district of Kitava. The following two sentences, 4 and 5, are linguistically much clearer and simpler, and they present connected sequences of words. They are an invocation to ancestral spirits, asking them to join the magician at the canoe, which is called here Kaykudayuri, ‘the craft of the Kudayuri,’ and to place the pandanus streamers on the top of Teulo. This, in an exaggerated and figurative speech, expresses an invitation to the spirits to follow the man on his trip. It must be noted that, according to the present belief at least, the spirits are not conceived as agents or forces which carry the canoe at the behest of the In 7, the same trend of ideas is followed; the custom of kindling the fire by the first canoe is alluded to, and the magician sees himself carrying out this privilege. It is to be noted that he speaks always of his canoe under the name of Kudayuri, that is of the mythical flying canoe of ancient times. In 8, the canoe is addressed as a flying witch, who is asked to bind her skirt together and to fly. In 9, the magician verbally retraces an incident from the original myth of Kudayuri. He takes the adze handle, gets hold of the canoe, and strikes it, whereupon the canoe flies. Thus the u’ula begins with archaic, condensed compounds each carrying a self-contained cycle of magical meaning. Then follows a list of forbears; then more explicit and, at the same time more dramatic sentences; an invocation to ancestral spirits, the anticipated victory in speed, the reconstructed mythical incident. Let us pass now to the tapwana. This is always the longest part of a spell, since we have a whole list of words which have to be repeated with several key expressions, of which in the present case there are three. Moreover, the magician can ad libitum repeat the same words over and over again with a key word. He will not go in any fixed order over all the words of the list, but is allowed, in this part of the formula, to return and repeat with one key-word the various items of the list. It will be best to say here a few words about the manner in which the magical formulÆ are actually recited. The opening words are always intoned with a strong, melodious cadence which is not permanently fixed, but varies with the magician. The first words are repeated some several times. Thus here, kala bosisi’ula would be reiterated three or four times, and so would be the following two words (kala bomwalela). The words of No. 2 are recited slowly and ponderously but not repeated. Then comes the last sentence of the u’ula, which in almost all spells links it up with the main part. This is always intoned slowly, solemnly and distinctly; the voice drops at the end by the interval of a tone. In the tapwana, the key word, or key expression, which forms always the concluding part of the u’ula, is taken up again. It is repeated several times, as if to fix or rub it well in. Then, dropping into a quick, continuous stream of utterance, the magician runs over one word of the list after the other. The key-word is inserted between each of them, said sometimes once, sometimes two or three times. It gives an effect as if the key-word were being rubbed in into every one of the other expressions. They as a rule spoken more slowly, mark the rhythm of this part. The reciting of the last part of a spell, the dogina or dabwana, is more perfunctory, usually it is rather spoken than chanted. After this digression, let us return to the analysis of our spell. It is a rule that the tapwana, the main part of a formula, is easier to translate, expressed in less archaic and less condensed terms, than the u’ula. The tapwana of this spell has quite easy key-words, both in its first and in its second part. In the first one (phrase 11) the key-words are of mythical nature, referring to localities associated with the flying of one of the Kudayuri sisters. In the second tapwana, the key-word means: ‘I might heel over’ or ‘I shall heel over,’ that is with speed. And this expression stands here for: ‘I shall overtake,’ and the list of words pronounced with this verb denotes the various parts of a canoe. The second part of the tapwana (phrase 14) is much more typical than the first, because the key word is a verb, whilst the list words are nouns. It is typical also, in that the verb expresses, in a simple and direct manner, the magical effect of the spell (the overtaking of the other canoes) whereas the sum of the words of the list gives the object of the spell, that is, the canoe. Such tapwana, in which the magical action is expressed as a verb, while in the list of words we have mentioned the various parts of a garden or of fishing nets, or weapons or parts of the human body, are to be found in all classes of magic. The first part of the tapwana (phrases 11, 12, and 13) is less typical, in so far that the verbs depicting various magical actions are relegated into the list, while the key-words are adverbial expressions of locality. The verbal links of the long chain express all and one in a metaphoric manner the speed of the canoe. ‘I shall fly, I shall become like smoke, I shall become invisible, I shall become as a wind eddy, etc,’ are all rather picturesque, concrete descriptions of surpassing speed. They present also a linguistic symmetry and singularity. The prefix ba- is the form of the future or potential tense, which I have literally translated ‘might,’ but which stands here for ‘shall.’ The formative prefix yo- is a causative, and stands for ‘become as’ or ‘become like.’ Then follows the root: kokoba- ‘smoke which trails in clouds above a burning garden.’ Hence the expression bayokokoba, in its full concrete meaning, could be translated: ‘I shall become like clouds of trailing smoke.’ Again, boyowaysula in its full meaning could be translated: ‘I shall become invisible as distant spray.’ The only abstract word in this list is tamwa’u, which literally means, ‘to disappear.’ So, in this tapwana, the list consists of a number of formally similar words, each expressing the same general meaning in a concrete metaphorical manner. The length of the whole tapwana (main body) of the spell can be imagined, since in the middle between its two sections the u’ula is recited once more. The last part of this spell, the dogina, contains an explicit allusion to the Kudayuri myth and to several geographic localities, which are mentioned in that myth. It also shows the usual crescendo, characteristic of the conclusions of a spell. The final results are anticipated in exaggerated, forceful language. So much about the wayugo spell. I shall adduce now another spell of a somewhat different type, belonging to the mwasila (Kula magic). It is distinctly a more modern formula; there are hardly any archaic expressions; words are not used, as independent sentences each; on the whole it is easily understandable and has a consecutive meaning. |
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