  [1] Siedelung und Agrarwesen der Westgermanen und Ostgermanen, der Kelten, RÖmer, Finnen und Slawen, von August Meitzen, Berlin, 1895. [2] Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiae, ed. N. E. Hamilton. When, as sometimes happens, the figures in this record differ from those given in Domesday Book, the latter seem to be in general the more correct, for the arithmetic is better. Also it seems plain that the compilers of Domesday had, even for districts comprised in the Inquisitio, other materials besides those that the Inquisitio contains. For example, that document says nothing of some of the royal manors. [Since this note was written, Mr Round, Feudal England, pp. 10 ff. has published the same result after an elaborate investigation.] [3] This is printed in D. B. vol. iv. and given by Hamilton at the end of his Inq. Com. Cantab. As to the manner in which it was compiled see Round, Feudal England, 133 ff. [4] The Exon Domesday is printed in D. B. vol. iv. [5] Round, Domesday Studies, i. 91: ‘I am tempted to believe that these geld rolls in the form in which we now have them were compiled at Winchester after the close of Easter 1084, by the body which was the germ of the future Exchequer.’ [6] Printed by Ellis, Introduction to Domesday, i. 184. [7] Round, Feudal England, 147. [8] Earle, Two Chronicles, 130–1. [9] Ibid. 132–3. [10] Ibid. 137. [11] Ibid. 141. [12] Ibid. 142. [13] Ibid. 151. [14] Ibid. 160–1. [15] Ibid. 167. [16] There is a valuable paper on this subject, A Short Account of Danegeld [by P. C. Webb published in 1756.] [17] D. B. iv. 26, 489. [18] In 1194 the tax for Richard’s ransom seems, at least in Wiltshire, to have been distributed in the main according to the assessment that prevailed in 1084; Rolls of the King’s Court (Pipe Roll Soc.) i. Introduction, p. xxiv. [19] The statement in Æthelred, II. 7 (Schmid, p. 209) as to a payment of £22,000 is in a general way corroborative of the chronicler’s large figures. [20] The figures will be given more accurately on a later page. [21] Cheshire pays no geld to the king. This loss is compensated by a sum which is sometimes exacted from Northumberland. [22] D. B. ii. 109 b: ‘Hundret de Grenehou 14 letis.’ Ib. 212 b: ‘Hundret et Dim. de Clakelosa de 10 leitis.’ Round, Feudal England, 101. [23] Some of them are mentioned by Ellis, Introduction, i. 34–9. [24] D. B. i. 184 b: ‘Haec terra non geldat nec consuetudinem dat nec in aliquo hundredo iacet’; i. 157 ‘Haec terra nunquam geldavit nec alicui hundredo pertinet nec pertinuit’; i. 357 b ‘Hae duae carucatae non sunt in numero alicuius hundredi neque habent pares in Lincolescyra.’ [25] D. B. i. 207 b: ‘Jacet in Bedefordscira set geldum dat in Huntedonscire’; i. 61 b ‘Jacet et appreciata est in Gratentun quod est in Oxenefordscire et tamen dat scotum in Berchescire’; i. 132 b, the manor of Weston ‘lies in’ Hitchin which is in Hertfordshire, but its wara ‘lies in’ Bedfordshire, i.e. it pays geld, it ‘defends itself’ in the latter county; i. 189 b, the wara of a certain hide ‘lies in’ Hinxton which is in Cambridgeshire, but the land belongs to the manor of Chesterford and therefore is valued in Essex. D. B. i. 178; five hides ‘geld and plead’ in Worcestershire, but pay their farm in Herefordshire. [26] D. B. i. 157 b: ‘Has [terras in Oxenefordscire] coniunxit terrae suae in Glowecestrescire’; i. 209 b ‘foris misit de hundredo ubi se defendebat T. R. E.’; i. 50 ‘et misit foras comitatum et misit in Wiltesire.’ See also Ellis, i. 36. [27] See Round, Feudal England, p. 118. Mr Round seems to think that the commissioners made a circuit through the hundreds. I doubt they did more than their successors the justices in eyre were wont to do, that is, they held in the shire-town a moot which was attended by (1) the magnates of the shire who spoke for the shire, (2) a jury from every hundred, (3) a deputation of villani from every township. See the Yorkshire and Lincolnshire Clamores (i. 375) where we may find successive entries beginning with (a) Scyra testatur, (b) Westreding testatur, (c) Testatur wapentac. Strikingly similar entries are found on the eyre rolls. As Sir F. Pollock (Eng. Hist. Rev. xi. 213) remarks, it is misleading to speak of the Domesday ‘survey’; Domesday Inquest would be better. [28] See Round, Feudal England, p. 44. [29] Inquis. Com. Cantab. 60. [30] See the table in Round, Feudal England, p. 50. I had already selected this beautiful specimen before Mr Round’s book appeared. He has given several others that are quite as neat. [31] Of course we take no account of urban parishes. [32] Eyton’s laborious studies have made this plain as regards some counties widely removed from each other; still, e.g. in his book on Somerset, he has now and again to note that names which appear in D. B. are obsolete. [33] Inq. Com. Cant. 60–1. [34] D. B. i. 31. [35] D. B. i. 41. We shall return to this matter hereafter. [36] A good many cases will be found in Essex and Suffolk. [37] Inq. Com. Cantab. 51, 53. [38] Ibid. 47. [39] Ibid. 29. [40] Maitland, Surnames of English Villages, Archaeological Review, iv. 233. [41] We do not mean to imply that there were not wide stretches of waste land which were regarded as being ‘extra-villar,’ or common to several vills. [42] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 547. [43] This of course would not be true of cases in which the lands of various villages were intermixed in one large tract of common field. As to these ‘discrete vills,’ see Hist. Eng. Law, i. 549. [44] This name-giving cluster will usually contain the parish church and so will enjoy a certain preeminence. But we are to speak of a time when parish churches were novelties. [45] See Meitzen, Siedelung und Agrarwesen der Germanen, especially ii. 119 ff. [46] When the hamlets bear names with such ancient suffixes as -ton, -ham, -by, -worth, -wick, -thorpe, this of course is in favour of their antiquity. On the other hand, if they are known merely by family names such as Styles’s, Nokes’s, Johnson’s or the like, this, though not conclusive evidence of, is compatible with their modernity. Meitzen thinks that in Kent and along the southern shore the German invaders founded but few villages. The map does not convince me that this inference is correct. [47] When more than five-and-twenty team-lands or thereabouts are ascribed to a single place, we shall generally find reason to believe that what is being described is not a single vill. See above, p. 13. [48] Inq. Com. Cant. 51 fol. In a few cases our figures will involve a small element of conjecture. [49] D. B. i. 248. We have tried to avoid vills in which it is certain or probable that some other tenant in chief had an estate. [50] D. B. i. 88. We have tried to make sure that no tenant in chief save the bishop had land in any of these vills, and this we think fairly certain, except as regards Harptree and Norton. There are now two Harptrees, East and West, and four or more Nortons. [51] We take the figures from Ellis, Introduction, ii. 417 ff. [52] Very possibly this figure is too low. There is reason to think that some of the free men and sokemen of these counties get counted twice or thrice over because they hold land under several different lords. On the other hand Ellis (Introduction, ii. 491) would argue that the figure is too high. But the words Alii ibi tenent which occur at the end of numerous entries mean, we believe, not that there are in this vill other unenumerated tillers of the soil, but that the vill is divided between several tenants in chief. [53] D. B. i. 162 b. [54] Ellis’s figures are: England 283,242: the three counties 72,883. [55] We take these figures from Ellis. [56] Lay Subsidy, 25 Edw. I. (Yorkshire Archaeological Society), pp. xxxi-xxxv. Fractions of a pound are neglected. [57] Powell, The Rising in East Anglia, 120–3. The great decrease between 1377 and 1381 in the number of persons taxed, we must not try to explain. [58] See the serviceable maps in Seebohm, Village Community, 86. But they seem to treat Yorkshire unfairly. It has 5·5 per cent. of sokemen. [59] This is found at the beginning of the Inquisitio Eliensis; D. B. iv. 497; Hamilton, Inquisitio, 97. See Round, Feudal England, 133 ff. [60] We must not hastily draw the inference that every party of commissioners received the same set of instructions. Perhaps, for example, carucates, not hides, were mentioned in the instructions given to those commissioners who were to visit the carucated counties. Perhaps the non-appearance of servi in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire may be due to no deeper cause. [61] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 398. [62] D. B. i. 34, Limenesfeld. [63] D. B. i. 132 b, Hiz. [64] D. B. i. 132 b, Waldenei. [65] D. B. i. 136, Sandone. [66] Æthelb. 26. [67] Tacitus, Germ. c. 25: ‘Caeteris servis non in nostrum morem, descriptis per familiam ministeriis, utuntur. Suam quisque sedem, suos penates regit. Frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit, et servus hactenus paret.’ [68] Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, iii. 202. [69] See on the one hand Maurer, K. U. i. 410, on the other a learned essay by Jastrow, Zur strafrechtlichen Stellung der Sklaven, in Gierke’s Untersuchungen zur Deutsche Geschichte, vol. i. Maurer holds that the Anglo-Saxon slave is in the main a chattel, that e.g. the master must answer for the delicts of his slave in the same way that the owner answers for damage done by his beasts, and that this liability can be clearly marked off from the duty of the lord of free retainers who is merely bound to produce them in court. Jastrow, on the contrary, thinks that even at a quite early time the Anglo-Saxon slave is treated as a person by criminal law; he has a wergild; he can be fined; his trespasses are never compared to the trespasses of beasts; the lord’s duty, if one of his men is charged with crime, is much the same whether that man be free or bond. Any theory involves an explanation of several passages that are obscure and perhaps corrupt. [70] Cnut, II. 45–6. [71] Schmid, Appendix V. (Of Ranks); Pseudoleges Canuti, 60 (Schmid, p. 431). [72] Leg. Hen. 76 § 7: ‘Differentia tamen weregildi multa est in Cantia villanorum et baronum.’ [73] Leg. Hen. 76 § 2. [74] Leg. Hen. 76 § 3. [75] Ibid. 76 § 3. [76] Ibid. 77; see Hist. Eng. Law, i. 405. [77] Ibid. 78 § 2. The difficult strublum we leave untouched. [78] Ibid. 78 § 2 from Cnut, II. 20. On this see Jastrow’s comment, op. cit. p. 80. [79] Ibid. 70 § 5. [80] Ibid. 70 § 1; 76 § 4. [81] Ibid. 69 § 2. [82] Ibid. 70 § 4: ‘Si liber servum occidat similiter reddat parentibus 40 den. et duas mufflas et unum pullum [al. billum] mutilatum.’ The mufflae are thick gloves. Compare Ancient Laws of Wales, i. 239, 511; the bondman has no galanas (wergild) but if injured he receives a saraad; ‘the saraad of a bondman is twelve pence, six for a coat for him, three for trousers, one for buskins, one for a hook and one for a rope, and if he be a woodman let the hook-penny be for an axe.’ If we read billum instead of pullum the English rule may remind us of the Welsh. His hedger’s gloves and bill-hook are the arms appropriate to the serf, ‘servitutis arma’; cf. Leg. Hen. 78 § 2. As to the man-bÓt see Liebermann, Leg. Edwardi, p. 71. [83] In Leg. Hen. 81 § 3 (a passage which seems to show that by his master’s favour even the servus may sometimes sue for a wrong done to him) we have this sum:—villanus : cothsetus : servus :: 30 : 15 : 6. [84] Ibid. 75 § 4: ‘suum peccatum est et dampnum.’ See also 70 § 10, an exceedingly obscure passage. [85] Ibid. 59 § 23. [86] Ibid. 70 § 5; but for this our author has to go back as far as Ine. [87] Ibid. 59 § 25. [88] Ibid. 59 § 24; 85 § 4: ‘solus furatur qui cum servo furatur.’ [89] Ibid. 78 § 3; 59 § 25. [90] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 398, 402. [91] Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 457. [92] See the Bath manumissions, Kemble, Saxons, i. 507 ff. Sometimes a pound or a half-pound is paid. [93] D. B. i. 26. [94] Chron. Petrob. 163. [95] D. B. i. 105 b, Devon: ‘Rolf tenet de B[alduino Boslie ... Terra est 8 carucis. In dominio est 1 caruca et dimidia et 7 servi cum 1 caruca.’ D. B. iv. 265: ‘Balduinus habet 1 mansionem quae vocatur Bosleia ... hanc possunt arare 8 carrucae et modo tenet eam Roffus de Balduino. Inde habet R. 1 ferdinum et 1 carrucam et dimidiam in dominio et villani tenent aliam terram et habent ibi 1 carrucam. Ibi habet R. 7 servos.’ In the Exeter record these seven serfs seem to get reckoned as being both servi and villani. So in the account of Rentis, D. B. iv. 204–5, the lord is said to have one quarter of the arable in demesne and two oxen, while the villani are said to have the rest of the arable and one team; but the only villani are 8 coliberti and 4 servi. [96] See last note. [97] Ellis, Introduction, ii. 504–6. [98] See, for example, the following Herefordshire entry, D. B. i. 180 b: ‘In dominio sunt 2 carucae et 4 villani et 8 bordarii et prepositus et bedellus. Inter omnes habent 4 carucas. Ibi 8 inter servos et ancillas et vaccarius et daia.’ [99] Mr Round has drawn attention to the great increase of bordarii: Antiquary (1882) vi. 9. In the second of our two experiments the cases were taken from the royal demesne and the lands of the churches. The surveys of Norfolk and Suffolk profess to enumerate the various classes of peasants T. R. E.; but commonly each entry reports that there has been no change. Without saying that we disbelieve these reports, we nevertheless may say that a verdict which asserts that things have always (semper) been as they now are may easily be the outcome of nescience. [100] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 53–4. [101] D. B. i. 38, Coseham: ‘8 burs i. coliberti.’ Ib. 38 b Dene: ‘et coliberti [vel bures interlined .’][102] D. B. i. 65, Wintreburne. [103] D. B. i. 75, Bridetone et Bere. [104] D. B. i. 239 b, Etone. [105] GuÉrard, Cartulaire de L’Abbaye de S. PÈre de Chartres, vol. i. p. xlii. [106] The position of the coliberti is discussed by GuÉrard, loc. cit.., and by Lamprecht, Geschichte des FranzÖsischen Wirthschaftslebens (in Schmoller’s Forschungen, Bd i.), p. 81. GuÉrard says, ‘Les coliberts peuvent se placer À peu prÈs indifferemment ou au dernier des hommes libres, ou À la tÊte des hommes engagÉs dans les liens de la servitude.’ [107] Schmid, App. III. C. 4. [108] Rectitudines, c. 3. [109] Occasionally the coliberti of D. B. are put before us as paying rents in money or in kind. Thus D. B. i. 38, Hants: ‘In Coseham sunt 4 hidae quae pertinent huic manerio ubi T. R. E. erant 8 burs i. coliberti cum 4 carucis reddentes 50 sol. 8 den. minus.’ D. B. i. 179 b, Heref.: ‘Villani dant de consuetudine 13 sol. et 4 den. et [sex coliberti reddunt 3 sextarios frumenti et ordei et 2 oves et dimidiam cum agnis et 2 den. et unum obolum.’ D. B. i. 165: ‘et in Glouucestre 1 burgensis reddens 5 den. et 2 coliberti reddentes 34 den.’ In a charter coming from Bishop Denewulf (K. 1079) we read of three wite-theÓwmen who were boor-born and three who were theÓw-born. [110] Ellis, Introduction, ii. 511–14. [111] For examples see D. B. iv. 211 and the following pages. [112] Leg. Hen. 81, § 3: ‘Quidam villani qui sunt eiusmodi leierwitam et blodwitam et huiusmodi minora forisfacta emerunt a dominis suis, vel quomodo meruerunt de suis et in suos, quorum fletgefoth vel overseunessa est 30 den.; cothseti 15 den.; servi 6 den.’ [113] D. B. i. 71, Haseberie: ‘5 villani et 13 coscez et 2 cotarii.’ Ibid. 80 b: Chinestanestone: ‘18 villani et 14 coscez et 4 cotarii.’ [114] Worcester Register, 59 b (Sedgebarrow): four cotmanni, each of whom pays 20d. or works one day a week and two in autumn; two cottarii, each of whom pays 12d. or works one day a week. Ibid. 69 b (Shipston): two cotmanni, each of whom pays 3s. or works like a virgater; two cottarii, each of whom pays 13d. Ibid. 76 a (Cropthorn): two cotmanni, each of whom pays 2s. or works like a cottarius; two cottarii, each of whom pays 18d. or works one day a week. [115] Vinogradoff, Villainage, 149, gives a few instances of its occurrence; but it seems to be very rare. [116] D. B. i. 127 b, Fuleham: ‘Ibi 5 villani quisque 1 hidam.’ There are a good many other instances. [117] D. B. i. 130, Hamntone; ‘et 4 bordarii quisque de dimidia virga.’ [118] D. B. i. 127, Herges: ‘et 2 cotarii de 13 acris.’ [119] D. B. i. 127 b, Fuleham: ‘et 22 cotarii de dimidia hida et 8 cotarii de suis hortis.’ [120] D. B. ii. 75 b: ‘et 5 bordarii super aquam qui non tenent terram.’ [121] D. B. i. 163 b, Turneberie: ‘et 42 villani et 18 radchenistre cum 21 carucis et 23 bordarii et 15 servi et 4 coliberti.’ Ibid. 164, Hechanestede: ‘et 5 villani et 8 bordarii cum 6 carucis; ibi 6 servi.’ [122] D. B. iv. 215–223; on p. 223 there are two villani with one ox. [123] D. B. i. 164, Tedeneham: ‘Ibi erant 38 villani habentes 38 carucas.’ Ibid. 164 b, Nortune, ‘15 villani cum 15 carucis; Stanwelle, 5 villani cum 5 carucis.’ [124] Malden, Domesday Survey of Surrey (Domesday Studies, ii.) 469, says that in Surrey ‘bordarii and cotarii only occur once together upon the same manor, and very seldom in the same hundred.... There are three hundreds, Godalming, Wallington and Elmbridge, where the cotarii are nearly universal to the exclusion of bordarii. In the others the bordarii are nearly or quite universal, to the exclusion of the cotarii.’ [125] Thorpe, Diplomatarium, 623. King Eadwig declares that a certain church-ward of Exeter is ‘free and fare-worthy.’ [126] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 341 ff. [127] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 354–8. [128] Liebermann, Instituta Cnuti, Transact. Roy. Hist. Soc. vii. 93. [129] Leg. Will. Conq. I. 8: ‘La were del thein 20 lib. in Merchenelahe, 25 lib. in Westsexenelahe. La were del vilain 100 sol. en Merchenelahe e ensement en Westsexene.’ Leg. Henr. 70, § 1: ‘In Westsexa quae caput regni est et legum, twyhindi, i.e. villani, wera est 4 lib.; twelfhindi, i.e. thaini, 25 lib.’ Ibid. 76, § 2: ‘Omnis autem wera liberorum est aut servorum ... liberi alii twyhindi, alii syxhindi, alii twelfhindi’; § 6, twihindus = cyrliscus = villanus. As to the 100 shillings in the first of these passages, see Schmid, p. 676. There is some other evidence that the equation, 1 Norman shilling = 2 English shillings, was occasionally treated as correct enough. As to the six-hynde man, see Schmid, p. 653; we may doubt whether he existed in the eleventh century, but according to the Instituta Cnuti the radchenistres of the west may have been six-hynde. We must not draw from Alfred’s treaty with the Danes (Schmid, p. 107) the inference that the normal ceorl was seated on gafol-land. This international instrument is settling an exceptionally high tariff for the maintenance of the peace. Every man, whatever his rank, is to enjoy the handsome wergild of 8 half-marks of pure gold, except the Danish lysing and the English ceorl who is seated on gafol-land; these are to have but the common wer of 200 shillings. The parallel passage in Æthelred’s treaty (Schmid, p. 207) sets £30 on every free man if he is killed by a man of the other race. See Schmid, p. 676. [130] Ine, 55: a sheep with a lamb until a fortnight after Easter is worth 1 shilling. Æthelstan, VI. 6: a horse 120 pence, an ox 30 pence, a cow 20, a sheep 1 shilling (5 pence). Ibid. 8, § 5: an ox 30 pence. Schmid, App. I. c. 7: a horse 30 shillings, a mare 20 shillings, an ox 30 pence, a cow 24 pence, a swine 8 pence, a sheep 1 shilling, a goat 2 pence, a man (i.e. a slave) 1 pound. Schmid, App. iii. c. 9: a sheep or 3 pence. D. B. i. 117 b: an ox or 30 pence. D. B. i. 26: Tolls at Lewes; for a man 4 pence, an ox a halfpenny. This preserves the equation that we have already seen, namely, 1 slave = 8 oxen. Thus the full team is worth one pound. On the twelfth century Pipe Rolls the ox often costs 3 shillings (= 36 pence) or even more. [131] In Leg. Will. Conq. I. 16, we hear of the forisfacturae (probably the ‘insult fines’) due to archbishops, bishops, counts, barons and sokemen; the baron has 10 shillings, the sokeman 40 pence. In the same document, c. 20, § 2, we read of the reliefs of counts, barons, vavassors and villeins. Leg. Edw. Conf. 12, § 4, speaks of the manbÓt due in the Danelaw; on the death of a villanus or a socheman 12 ores are paid, on the death of a liber homo 3 marks. [132] D. B. i. 167 b, Heile: ‘ibi erant 12 servi quos Willelmus liberos fecit.’ [133] D. B. i. 263: ‘Si quis liber homo facit opera in die feriato inde episcopus habet 8 solidos. De servo autem vel ancilla feriatum diem infringente, habet episcopus 4 solidos.’ Compare Cnut, II. 45. [134] D. B. i. 86: ‘Huic manerio reddebatur T. R. E. de Cruche per annum consuetudo, hoc est 6 oves cum agnis totidem, et quisque liber homo i. blomam ferri.’ South Perrott had belonged to the Confessor, Crewkerne to Edith, probably ‘the rich and fair.’ For the description of Cruche see D. B. i. 86 b. As to the ‘bloom’ of iron see Ellis, Introduction, i. 136. [135] D. B. i. 92. See also p. 87 b, the account of Seveberge. [136] D. B. ii. 145. [137] D. B. ii. 1: ‘In hoc manerio erat tunc temporis quidam liber homo de dimidia hida qui modo effectus est unus de villanis.’ [138] Thus D. B. i. 127, Mid.: ‘inter francos et villanos 45 carucae’; Ibid. 70, Wilts: ‘4 villani et 3 bordarii et unus francus cum 2 carucis’; Ibid. 241, Warw.: ‘Ibi sunt 3 francones homines cum 4 villanis et 3 bordariis.’ Sometimes francus may be an equivalent for francigena; e.g. i. 254 b, where in one entry we have unus francigena and in the next unus francus homo. But an Englishman may be francus; ii. 54 b ‘accepit 15 acras de uno franco teigno et misit cum terra sua.’ However, it is not an insignificant fact that the very name of Frenchman (francigena) must have suggested free birth. [139] For examples see the surveys of Warwick, Stafford and Shropshire. [140] D. B. ii. 260: ‘et 7 homines qui possent vendere terram suam si eam prius obtulissent domino suo.’ [141] D. B. ii. 278 b: ‘si vellent recedere daret quisque 2 solidos.’ Ibid. 207: ‘et possent recedere si darent 2 solidos.’ [142] D. B. ii. 435: ‘Et super Vlnoht habuit commendationem antecessor R. Malet, teste hundredo, et non potuit vendere nec dare de eo terram suam.’ Ibid. 397: ‘viderunt eum iurare quod non poterat dare [vel] vendere terram suam ab antecessore Ricardi.’ [143] D. B. i. 145: ‘Hoc manerium tenuit Aluuinus homo Estan, non potuit dare nec vendere extra Brichelle manerium Estani.’ [144] D. B. i. 133: ‘Hanc terram tenuit Aluric Blac 2 hidas de Abbate Westmonasterii T. R. E.: non poterat separare ab aecclesia.’ [145] D. B. ii. 216 b: ‘Ita est in monasterio quod nec vendere nec forisfacere potest extra ecclesia.’ [146] For example, D. B. i. 201: ‘terram suam vendere potuerunt, soca vero remansit Abbati.’ D. B. ii. 78: ‘et poterant vendere terram set soca et saca remanebat antecessori Alberici.’ Ibid. ii. 92 b: ‘unus sochemannus fuit in hac terra de 15 acris quas poterat vendere, set soca iacebat in Warleia terra S. Pauli.’ [147] But the consuetudo, rent or the like, may ‘remain’: D. B. ii. 181 b: ‘et possent vendere terram suam set consuetudo remanebat in manerio.’ And so the commendatio may ‘remain’; ii. 357 b: ‘Hi poterant dare et vendere terram, set saca et soca et commendatio remanebant Sancto [Eadmundo.’] [148] For example, D. B. i. 201: ‘Homines Abbatis de Ely fuerunt et 4 terram suam vendere potuerunt, soca vero remansit Abbati, et quartus 1 virgam et dimidiam habuit et recedere non potuit.’ See the important evidence produced by Round, Feudal England, 24, as to the equivalence of these phrases. [149] One of the commonest terms is recedere—‘potuit recedere’—‘non potuit recedere’; i. 41, ‘non potuit cum terra recedere ad alium dominum’; i. 56 b, ‘10 liberi homines T. R. E. tenebant 12 hidas et dimidiam de terra eiusdem manerii sed inde recedere non poterant’; ii. 19 b, ‘non poterant recedere a terra sine licentia Abbatis’; ii. 57 b, ‘non poterant recedere ab illo manerio’; ii. 66, ‘non poterant removere ab illo manerio’; ii. 41, ‘non poterant recedere a soca Wisgari’; ii. 41 b, ‘nec poterant abire sine iussu domini’; i. 66 b, ‘qui tenuit T. R. E. non poterat ab aecclesia diverti [separari’; ii. 116, ‘unus [burgensis] erat ita dominicus ut non posset recedere nec homagium facere sine licentia [Stigandi]’; ii. 119, ‘de istis hominibus erant 36 ita dominice Regis Edwardi ut non possent esse homines cuiuslibet sed semper tamen consuetudo regis remanebat preter herigete.’ A remarkable form is, ii. 57 b, ‘non potuit istam terram mittere in aliquo loco nisi in abbatia.’ Then ‘potuit ire quo voluit,’ ‘non potuit ire quolibet’ are common enough. [150] Ine, c. 39: He who leaves his lord without permission pays sixty shillings to his lord. [151] For example, D. B. i. 41: ‘Tres taini tenuerunt de episcopo et non potuerunt ire quolibet.’ [152] D. B. i. 35 b, Tornecrosta. [153] D. B. i. 212 b, Stanford. [154] D. B. i. 249 b: ‘Tres taini tenuerunt et liberi homines fuerunt’; 256, ‘Ipsi taini liberi erant’; 259 b, ‘Quatuor taini tenuerunt ante eum et liberi fuerunt.’ [155] Chron. Abingd. i. 490: ‘Nam quidam dives, Turkillus nomine, sub Haroldi comitis testimonio et consultu, de se cum sua terra quae Kingestun dicitur, ecclesiae Abbendonensi et abbati Ordrico homagium fecit; licitum quippe libero cuique, illo in tempore, sic agere erat.’ [156] D. B. i. 180 b: ‘et poterant ire cum terra quo volebant, et habebant sub se 4 milites, ita liberos ut ipsi erant.’ [157] D. B. ii. 59. [158] D. B. i. 172: ‘si ita liber homo est ut habeat socam suam et sacam et cum terra sua possit ire quo voluerit.’ [159] D. B. i. 84 b. [160] D. B. ii. 213: ‘Hanc terram calumpniatur esse liberam Vlchitel homo Hermeri, quocunque modo iudicetur, vel bello vel iudicio, et alius est praesto probare eo modo quod iacuit ad ecclesiam [S. Adeldredae die quo rex Edwardus obiit. Set totus hundretus testatur eam fuisse T. R. E. ad S. Adeldredam.’ [161] See in particular the survey of Gloucestershire; D. B. i. 165 b: ‘Hoc manerium quietum est a geldo et ab omni forensi servitio praeter aecclesiae’; Ibid. ‘Haec terra libera fuit et quieta ab omni geldo et regali servitio’; 170, ‘Una hida et dimidia libera a geldo.’ When after reading these passages we come upon the following (167 b), ‘Isdem W. tenet Tatinton: Ulgar tenuit de rege Edwardo: haec terra libera est,’ and when we observe that the land is not hidated, we shall probably infer that ‘This land is free’ means ‘This land is exempt from geld, and (perhaps) from all other royal service.’ [162] Dialogus, i. c. 11; ii. c. 14. [163] Dialogus, i. c. 10. [164] Will. Conq. I. 30, 31: ‘Si les seignurages ne facent altri gainurs venir a lour terre, la justise le facet.’ The Latin version is ridiculous: ‘Si domini terrarum non procurent idoneos cultores ad terras suas colendas, iustitiarii hoc faciant.’ The translator seems to have been puzzled by the word altri or autrui. [165] Ibid. 29. [166] Schmid, App. v.; vii., 2, §§ 9–11; Pseudoleges Canuti, 60–1 (Schmid, p. 431). [167] D. B. iv. 497. [168] D. B. i. 44 b: ‘Istam terram calumpniatur Willelmus de Chernet, dicens pertinere ad manerium de Cerneford feudum Hugonis de Port per hereditatem sui antecessoris et de hoc suum testimonium adduxit de melioribus et antiquis hominibus totius comitatus et hundredi; et Picot contraduxit suum testimonium de villanis et vili plebe et de prepositis, qui volunt defendere per sacramentum vel dei iudicium, quod ille qui tenuit terram liber homo fuit et potuit ire cum terra sua quo voluit. Sed testes Willelmi nolunt accipere legem nisi regis Edwardi usque dum diffiniatur per regem.’ It seems possible that William’s witnesses wished to insist on the ancient rule that the oath of one thegn would countervail the oaths of six ceorls. This was the old English law (lex Edwardi) on which they relied. [169] D. B. ii. 393: ‘et 5 villani de eodem manerio testantur ei et offerunt legem qualem quis iudicaverit; set dimidium hundret de Gepeswiz testantur quod hoc iacebat ad ecclesiam T. R. E. et Wisgarus tenebat et offert derationari.’ [170] Schmid, App. vi.; Leg. Hen. 61 § 2: ‘thaini iusiurandum contravalet iusiurandum sex villanorum.’ [171] Leg. Hen. 29, § 1. [172] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 344. [173] Dialogus, i. c. 11. [174] D. B. i. 67 b: ‘De terra villanorum dedit abbatissa uni militi 3 hidas et dimidiam.’ Ibid. 89: ‘tenet Johannes de episcopo 2 hidas de terra villanorum.’ Ibid. i. 169: ‘unus francigena tenet terram unius villani.’ Ibid. 164: ‘In Sauerna 11 piscariae in dominio et 42 piscariae villanorum.’ Ibid. 230: ‘Silva dominica 1 leu. long. et dim. leu. lat. Silva villanorum 4 quarent. long. et 3 quarent. lat.’ Ibid. 7 b: ‘5 molini villanorum.’ We have not seen dominicum used as a substantive; but in the Exon. D. B. iv. 75 we have dominicatus Regis, for the king’s demesne. There is already a slight ambiguity about the term dominium. We may say that a church has a manor in dominio, meaning thereby that the manor as a whole is held by the church itself and is not held of it by any tenant; and then we may go on to say that only one half of the land comprised in this manor is held by the church in dominio. Cf. Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 126. [175] For example, D. B. i. 159: ‘Nunc in dominio 3 carucae et 6 servi, et 26 villani cum 3 bordariis et 15 liberi homines habent 30 carucas.’ Ibid. 165: ‘In dominio 2 carucae et 9 villani et 6 bordarii et presbyter et unus rachenistre cum 10 carucis.’ Ibid. 258 b: ‘et 3 villani et 2 bordarii et 2 francigenae cum 2 carucis.’ But such entries are common enough. [176] Round, Domesday Studies, i. 97. [177] D. B. i. 28: ‘Ipse Willelmus de Braiose tenet Wasingetune.... De hac terra tenet Gislebertus dim. hidam, Radulfus 1 hidam, Willelmus 3 virgas, Leuuinus dim. hidam qui potuit recedere cum terra sua et dedit geldum domino suo et dominus suus nichil dedit.’ [178] D. B. i. 163, 163 b. [179] D. B. i. 121: ‘Omnes superius descriptas terras tenebant T. R. E. S. Petrocus; huius sancti terrae nunquam reddiderunt geldum nisi ipsi aecclesiae.’ D. B. iv. 187: ‘Terrae S. Petrochi nunquam reddiderunt gildum nisi sancto.’ [180] D. B. ii. 372: ‘Et quando in hundreto solvitur ad geldum 1 libra tunc inde exeunt 60 denarii ad victum monachorum.’ [181] Cnut, II. 79: ‘And se Þe land gewerod hÆbbe be scire gewitnisse....’ The A.-S. werian is just the Latin defendere. [182] Heming, Cartulary, i. 278; Round, Domesday Studies, i. 89. Compare the story in D. B. i. 216 b: Osbern or Osbert the fisherman claims certain land as having belonged to his ‘antecessor’; ‘sed postquam rex Willelmus in Angliam venit, ille gablum de hac terra dare noluit et Radulfus Taillgebosc gablum dedit et pro forisfacto ipsam terram sumpsit et cuidam suo militi tribuit.’ [183] D. B. iv. 245, Cruca. [184] See above p. 54, note 175. [185] D. B. i. 163: ‘Ibi erant villani 21 et 9 rachenistres habentes 26 carucas et 5 coliberti et unus bordarius cum 5 carucis. Hi rachenistres arabant et herciabant ad curiam domini.’ Ibid. ‘Ibi 19 liberi homines rachenistres habentes 48 carucas cum suis hominibus.’ Ibid. 166: ‘De terra huius manerii tenebant radchenistres, id est liberi homines, T. R. E., qui tamen omnes ad opus domini arabant et herciabant et falcabant et metebant.’ [186] D. B. i. 186, Ewias. [187] D. B. i. 180. [188] D. B. i. 179 b. [189] D. B. i. 179 b. [190] D. B. i. 174 b. [191] D. B. i. 246 b. So the burgesses of Steyning (i. 17) ‘ad curiam operabantur sicut villani T. R. E.’ [192] D. B. i. 219. [193] D. B. i. 174 b: ‘Ipsi radmans secabant una die in anno et omne servitium quod eis iubebatur faciebant.’ The position of these tenants will be discussed hereafter in connexion with St. Oswald’s charters. [194] D. B. i. 16 b: ‘De herbagio, unus porcus de unoquoque villano qui habet septem porcos.’ In the margin stands ‘Similiter per totum Sussex.’ [195] D. B. i. 12 b: ‘Ibi tantum silvae unde exeunt de pasnagio 40 porci aut 54 denarii et unus obolus.’ Ibid. 191 b: ‘De presentacione piscium 12 solidi et 9 denarii.’ Ibid. 117 b: ‘aut unum bovem aut 30 denarios.’ [197] D. B. i. 12 b. [198] D. B. i. 11 b, Hamestede. [199] D. B. i. 117 b, Colun. [200] D. B. i. 127, Stibenhede. [201] D. B. i. 179 b, Lene. [202] D. B. i. 12 b, Norborne. [203] D. B. i. 127 b: ‘Wellesdone tenent canonici S. Pauli.... Hoc manerium tenent villani ad firmam canonicorum. In dominio nil habetur.’ [205] This matter will be discussed when we deal with St. Oswald’s charters. [206] Schmid, p. 263 (note). This document is Dr Liebermann’s Instituta Cnuti (Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. vii. 77). [207] Schmid, App. II. 57–9. [208] For the rest, the word tÚnesman appears in Edgar IV. 8, 13, in connexion with provisions against the theft of cattle. [209] D. B. i. 259, 259 b. [210] Leg. Will. I. 29. [211] D. B. ii. 360 b: ‘Hanc terram habet Abbas in vadimonio pro duabus marcis auri concessu Engelrici quando redimebant Anglici terras suas.’ Sometimes the Englishman gets back his land as a bedesman: i. 218, ‘Hanc terram tenuit pater huius hominis et vendere poterit T. R. E. Hanc rex Willelmus in elemosina eidem concessit’; i. 211, ‘Hanc terram tenuit Avigi et potuit dare cui voluit T. R. E. Hanc ei postea rex Willelmus concessit et per breve R. Tallebosc commendavit ut eum servaret’; i. 218 b, a similar case. [212] Dialogus, i. c. 10; Bracton, f. 7. On both passages see Vinogradoff, Villainage, p. 121. [213] D. B. ii. 1: ‘In hoc manerio erat tunc temporis quidam liber homo ... qui modo effectus est unus de villanis.’ [214] D. B. i. 148 b: ‘In Merse tenet Ailric de Willelmo 4 hidas pro uno manerio.... Istemet tenuit T. R. E. sed modo tenet ad firmam de Willelmo graviter et miserabiliter.’ [215] D. B. i. 141: ‘Hanc terram sumpsit Petrus vicecomes de isto sochemanno Regis Willelmi in manu eiusdem Regis pro forisfactura de gildo Regis se non reddidisse ut homines sui dicunt. Sed homines de scira non portant vicecomiti testimonium, quia semper fuit quieta de gildo et de aliis erga Regem quamdiu tenuit, testante hundret.’ [216] D. B. i. 30: ‘Ricardus de Tonebrige tenet de hoc manerio unam virgatam cum silva unde abstulit rusticum qui ibi manebat.’ [217] D. B. ii. 282 b: ‘et istam consuetudinem constituit illis Aluricus prepositus in tempore R. Bigot.’ [218] D. B. ii. 284 b. [219] D. B. ii. 84 b. [220] D. B. ii. 353 b: ‘omnes fuerunt confusi.’ [221] D. B. ii. 440 b: ‘sed homines inde fuerunt confusi.’ [222] D. B. i. 65, Aldeborne. [223] D. B. ii. 18, Berdringas. [224] D. B. ii. 88 b, Tachesteda. [225] Ellis, Introduction, ii. 428. We give Ellis’s figures, but think that he has exaggerated the number of sokemen who were to be found in 1086. [226] We make considerably more than 900 by counting only those who are expressly described as sokemen and excluding the many persons who are simply described as homines capable of selling their land. [227] Hamilton, Inquisitio, 65. [228] Hamilton, Inquisitio, 77. [229] Thus e.g. D. B. ii. 87 b: ‘Hidingham tenet Garengerus de Rogero pro 25 acris quas tenuerunt 15 liberi homines T. R. E.’ [230] D. B. i. 31. [231] D. B. i. 31 b: ‘Et 10 hidas tenebant alodiarii villae.’ [232] D. B. i. 10 b. [233] D. B. i. 13, Essella. [234] D. B. i. 24. [235] D. B. 83, 83 b. [236] Vinogradoff, Villainage, 89 ff.; Hist. Engl. Law, i. 366 ff. [237] D. B. i. 189 b. [238] We shall see hereafter that some of these so-called ‘manors’ are but small plots and their holders small folk. [240] D. B. i. 128 b, 129, 129 b. [241] D. B. i. 34, 35 b. [242] D. B. i. 13. [243] D. B. ii. 287. There are free men, apparently 120 in number, of whom it is written: ‘Hii liberi homines qui tempore regis Eduardi pertinebant in soca de Bercolt, unusquisque gratis dabat preposito per annum 4 tantum denarios, et reddebat socam sicut lex ferebat, et quando Rogerius Bigot prius habuit vicecomitatum statuerunt ministri sui quod redderent 15 libras per annum, quod non faciebant T. R. E. Et quando Robertus Malet habuit vicecomitatum sui ministri creverunt illos ad 20 libras. Et quando Rogerius Bigot eos rehabuit dederunt similiter 20 libras. Et modo tenet eos Aluricus Wanz tali consuetudine qua erant T. R. E.’ This is a rare instance of a reestablishment of the status quo ante conquestum. [244] Compare Round, Feudal England, 33. [245] D. B. ii. 187 b: ‘Ex his non habuit Ailwinus suus antecessor etiam commendationem.’ [246] D. B. ii. 287: ‘De his hominibus ... non habuit Haroldus etiam commendationem.’ [247] D. B. ii. 153 b: ‘Unde suus antecessor habuit commendationem tantum.’ Ibid. 154: ‘Alstan liber homo Edrici commend[atione] tantum.’ [248] D. B. ii. 161 b. [249] D. B. ii. 244. [250] D. B. ii. 6: ‘De predicto sochemano habuit Rad. Piperellus consuetudinem in unoquoque anno per 3 solidos, set in T. R. E. non habuit eius antecessor nisi tantum modo commendationem.’ [251] D. B. ii. 171 b: ‘Calumpniatur R. Malet 18 liberos homines, 3 commendatione et alios de omni consuetudine.’ [252] D. B. ii. 250 b: ‘Huic manerio adiacent semper 4 homines de omni consuetudine et alii 4 ad socham tantum.’ [253] D. B. ii. 356 b. [254] D. B. ii. 357. [255] D. B. ii. 353 b. [256] D. B. ii. 362: ‘set soca remaneret sancto et servitium quicunque terram emeret.’ [257] D. B. ii. 358. [258] D. B. i. 58: ‘Pater Tori tenuit T. R. E. et potuit ire quo voluit sed pro sua defensione se commisit Hermanno episcopo et Tori Osmundo episcopo similiter.’ [259] D. B. i. 32 b: ‘set pro defensione se cum terra abbatiae summiserunt.’ [260] D. B. ii. 62 b: ‘et T. R. W. effectus est homo Goisfridi sponte sua.’ [261] D. B. i. 36 b: ‘T. R. W. femina quae hanc terram tenebat misit se cum ea in manu reginae.’ Ibid. 36: ‘Quidam liber homo hanc terram tenens et quo vellet abire valens commisit se in defensione Walterii pro defensione sua.’ [262] D. B. ii. 172: ‘Hos calumpniatur Drogo de Befrerere pro homagio tantum.’ This seems equivalent to the common ‘commendatione tantum.’ D. B. i. 225 b: ‘fuerunt homines Burred et iccirco G. episcopus clamat hominationem eorum.’ [263] Schmid, App. x. [264] Æthelst. II. 2. [265] Also it had declared that every man must have a pledge, and probably the easiest way of fulfilling this command was to place oneself under a lord who would put one into a tithing. [266] Leg. Edw. Conf. 12, § 5; but this is contradicted by Leg. Henr. 87, § 4. [267] Æthelr. I. 1, § 2; compare Æthelr. III. 3, § 4. [268] Leg. Hen. 82, § 6; 85, § 2. [269] D. B. ii. 18 b: ‘inde vocat dominum suum ad tutorem.’ Ibid. 103: ‘vocavit Ilbodonem ad tutorem et postea non adduxit tutorem.’ Ibid. 31 b: ‘revocat eam ad defensorem.’ D. B. i. 141 b: 142: ‘sed Harduinus reclamat Petrum vicecomitem ad protectorem.’ Ibid. 227 b: ‘et dicit regem suum advocatum esse.’ [270] D. B. ii. 71 b: ‘Phenge tenet idem Serlo de R[anulfo Piperello] quod tenuit liber homo ... qui T. R. W. effectus est homo antecessoris Ranulfi Piperelli, set terram suam sibi non dedit.’ This however is not quite to the point. [271] D. B. i. 72: ‘Toti emit eam T. R. E. de aecclesia Malmesburiensi ad etatem trium hominum et infra hunc terminum poterat ire cum ea ad quem vellet dominum.’ [272] D. B. ii. 57 b: ‘Et haec terra quam modo tenet G. fuit in abbatia de Berchingis sicuti hundret testatur; set ille qui tenuit hanc terram fuit tantum modo homo [Leuild] antecessoris Goisfridi et non potuit istam terram mittere in aliquo loco nisi in abbatia.’ [273] Leg. Hen. 82, § 3. [274] D. B. ii. 118 b: ‘In burgo [de Tetfort] autem erant 943 burgenses T. R. E. De his habuit Rex omnem consuetudinem. De istis hominibus erant 36 ita dominice Regis E. ut non possent esse homines alicuius sine licentia Regis. Alii omnes poterant esse homines cuiuslibet set semper tamen consuetudeo Regis remanebat preter herigete.’ Compare D. B. i. 336 b, Stamford: ‘In his custodiis sunt 72 mansi sochemanorum, qui habent terras suas in dominio, et qui petunt dominos ubi volunt, super quos Rex nichil aliud habet nisi emendationem forisfacturae eorum et heriete et theloneum.’ In this case commendation would not carry the heriot with it. [275] D. B. ii. 201: ‘Liber homo de 80 acris terrae Almari episcopi et Alwoldi abbatis commend[atione] tantum, et hic homo erat ita in monasterio quod non potuit dare terram suam nec vendere.’ See another entry of the same kind on the same page. [276] D. B. i. 50 b: ‘Hic Alwinus tenuit hanc terram T. R. E. sub Wigoto pro tuitione; modo tenet eam sub Milone.’ [277] For example, D. B. ii. 353 b: ‘Hii poterant dare et vendere terram suam T. R. E. set commend[atio] et soca et saca remanebat S. Edmundo.’ [278] D. B. ii. 182 b: ‘Ulchetel habuit dimidiam commendationem de illo T. R. E. et de uxore ipsius totam commendationem.’ Ibid. 249 b: ‘Medietas istius hominis fuit antecessoris Baingnardi commendatione tantum et alia medietas S. Edmundi cum dimidia terra.’ The contrast between dimidii homines and integri homines is common enough. See D. B. ii. 309: one man has a sixth and another five-sixths of a commendation. [279] D. B. ii. 333 b. [280] D. B. ii. 125 b. [281] D. B. i. 58. Tori ‘committed himself for defence’ to Bp. Herman; Tori’s son has done the same to Osmund, the successor of Herman. [282] D. B. i. 133: ‘sed pro aliis terris homo archiepiscopi Stigandi fuit.’ [283] On the whole this seems to be the meaning of ‘sub-commendation.’ We read a good deal of men who were sub-commended to the antecessor of Robert Malet. This seems to be explained by such an entry as the following (ii. 313 b): ‘Eadric holds two free men who were commended to Eadric, who himself was commended to (another) Eadric, the antecessor of Robert Malet.’ [284] D. B. i. 45 b: ‘Quidam frater Edrici tenuit tali conventione, quod quamdiu bene se haberet erga eum [Edricum] tamdiu terram de eo teneret, et si vendere vellet, non alicui nisi ei de quo tenebat vendere vel dare liceret.’ [285] Cases of life tenancies will be found in D. B. i. 47, Stantune; 67 b, Newetone; 80, Catesclive; 177 b, Witune; ii. 373, 444 b. [286] D. B. i. 46 b, 66 b, 72, 175. We shall return to this when in the next essay we speak of loanland. [287] D. B. i. 67 b: ‘Hanc terram reddidit sponte sua aecclesiae Hardingus qui in vita sua per convent[ionem] debebat tenere.’ See also the case in i. 177 b. Again, ii. 431: ‘terram quam cepit cum uxore sua ... misit in ecclesia concedente muliere tali conventione quod non potuit vendere nec dare de aecclesia.’ For a ‘recognitio’ see i. 175, Persore. [288] D. B. i. 57 b. [289] D. B. i. 149: ‘De his tenuit Aluuid puella 2 hidas ... et de dominica firma Regis Edwardi habuit ipsa dimidiam hidam quam Godricus vicecomes ei concessit quamdiu vicecomes esset, ut illa doceret filiam ejus aurifrisium operari.’ [290] D. B. i. 175: ‘Hanc emit quidam Godricus teinus regis Edwardi vita trium haeredum et dabat in anno monachis unam firmam pro recognitione.’ [291] D. B. i. 269 b. [292] See above p. 56. Their tenure will be discussed hereafter in connexion with St. Oswald’s land-loans. [293] D. B. ii. 187 b: ‘In Carletuna 27 liberi homines et dimidius sub Olfo commendatione tantum et soca falde ... 15 liberi homines sub Olfo soca falde et commendatione tantum.’ [294] D. B. ii. 203 b: ‘In eadem villa 12 homines 6 quorum erant in soca falde et alii 6 erant liberi.’ Ibid. 361 b: ‘70 liberi ... super hos homines habet et semper habuit sacam et socam et omnem consuetudinem et ad faldam pertinent omnes preter 4.’ Ibid. ii. 207: ‘17 liberi homines consueti ad faldam et commendati.’ The term ‘fold-worthy’ occurs in a writ of Edward the Confessor; he gives to St. Benet of Ramsey soke over such of the men of a certain district as are moot-worthy, fyrd-worthy, and fold-worthy: Earle, Land Charters, p. 343; Kemble, iv. p. 208. [295] In later extents of East Anglian manors the fold-soke plays an important part. Cart. Rams. iii. 267: ‘R. tenuit unam carucatam terrae cum falda sua pro octo solidis. A. dabat pro terra sua quadraginta denarios et oves eius erant in falda Abbatis.... H. triginta acras pro quatuor solidis et oves eius sunt in manu domini....’ [296] See the document printed by Hamilton at the end of the Inquisitio Com. Cantabr. p. 192. ‘Isti solummodo arabunt et contererent messes eiusdem loci quotienscunque abbas preceperit....’ ‘Ita proprie sunt abbati ut quotienscunque ipse preceperit in anno arabunt suam terram, purgabunt et colligent segetes, portabunt victum monachorum ad monasterium, equos eorum in suis necessitatibus semper habebit.’ For more of this matter see Round, Feudal England, 30. [297] D. B. i. 141: there are four sokemen who are men of ÆthelmÆr and who can not sell their land without his consent; but they are under the king’s sake and soke and jointly provide the sheriff with one avera every year or four pence. [298] D. B. i. 249: ‘Haec terra fuit consuetudinaria solummodo de theloneo regis sed aliam socam habebat.’ [299] D. B. ii. 273 b: ‘In eadem 8 consuetudinarii ad faldam sui antecessoris.’ Ibid. 215: ‘8 homines consuetudinarios ad hoc manerium.’ [300] D. B. i. 280: ‘Duae partes Regis et tercia comitis de censu et theloneo et forisfactura et de omni consuetudine.’ Ibid. 42: ‘Unam aecclesiam et 6 capellas cum omni consuetudine vivorum et mortuorum.’ [301] D. B. i. 10 b: ‘et sunt quieti pro servitio maris ab omni consuetudine preter tribus, latrocinio, pace infracta, et forestel.’ [302] D. B. i. 61 b: ‘solutam ab omni consuetudine propter forestam custodiendam excepta forisfactura Regis, sicut est latrocinium, et homicidium, et heinfara, et fracta pax.’ [303] D. B. i. 52: ‘Hi infrascripti habent in Hantone consuetud[ines] domorum suarum.’ Ibid. 249: ‘Haec terra fuit consuetudinaria solummodo de theloneo Regis sed socam aliam habebat.’ [304] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 558. The terms here used were adopted when the Introduction to the Selden Society’s Select Pleas in Manorial Courts (1888) was being written. M. Esmein in his Cours d’histoire du droit franÇais, ed. 2 (1895), p. 259, has insisted on the same distinction but has used other and perhaps apter terms. According to him ‘la justice rendue par les seigneurs’ (my seignorial justice) is either ‘la justice seigneuriale’ (my franchisal justice) or ‘la justice fÉodale’ (my feudal justice). [305] See Liebermann, Leges Edwardi, p. 88. [306] Leg. Hen. 9, § 9. [307] Leg. Henr. 20 § 2. [308] Leg. Henr. 27. [309] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 532. [310] Leg. Henr. 57 § 8. Cf. 59 § 19. [311] Leg. Henr. 55. [312] Leg. Henr. 10 § 1. [313] Leg. Henr. 11 § 1. This explains the ‘participatio’ of 9 § 9. [314] Leg. Henr. 19. [315] Leg. Henr. 20 § 2. [316] Leg. Henr. 9 § 4; 20 § 2; 57 § 8; 78 § 2. [317] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 574. [318] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 571. [319] See e.g. Geoffrey Clinton for Kenilworth, Monast. vi. 221: ‘Concedo ... ut habeant curiam suam ... ita libere ... sicut ego meam curiam ... ex concessu regis melius et firmius habeo.’ Robert of Ouilly for Osney, ibid. p. 251: ‘Volo ... quod habeant curiam ipsorum liberam de suis hominibus de omnimodis transgressionibus et defaltis, et quieti sint tam ipsi quam eorum tenentes de omnimodis curiae meae sectis.’ [320] See Liebermann, Leg. Edw. p. 91. [321] Thus in D.B. ii. 409 we find two successive entries, the ‘in saca regis et comitis’ of the one, being to all seeming an equivalent for the ‘in soca regis et comitis’ of the other. D. B. ii. 416: ‘de omnibus habuit antecessor Rannulfi commendationem et sacam excepto uno qui est in soca S. Edmundi.’ Ibid. ii. 391 b: ‘liberi homines Wisgari cum saca ... liber homo ... sub Witgaro cum soca.’ In the Inquisitio Eliensis (e.g. Hamilton, p. 109) saca is sometimes used instead of soca in the common formula ‘sed soca remansit abbati.’ In D. B. ii. 264 b, a scribe having written ‘sed habet sacam’ has afterwards substituted an o for the a; we have noted no other instance of such care. [322] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 566. [323] D. B. i. 184, Ewias. [324] Leg. Henr. 20 § 1. The author of Leg. Edw. Conf., c. 22, also attempts to connect soke with seeking, but his words are exceedingly obscure: ‘Soche est quod si aliquis quaerit aliquid in terra sua, etiam furtum, sua est iustitia, si inventum sit an non.’ On the whole we take this nonsense to mean that my right of soke is my right to do justice in case any one seeks (by way of legal proceedings) anything in my land, even though the accusation that he brings be one of theft, and even though the stolen goods have not been found on the thief. Already the word is a prey to the etymologist. [325] D. B. ii. 256. [326] Heming Cart. i. 75–6: ‘quod illae 15 hidae inste pertinent ad Osuualdeslaue hundredum episcopi et debent cum ipso episcopo censum regis solvere et omnia alia servitia ad regem pertinentia et inde idem requirere ad placitandum.’ Another account of the same transaction, ibid. 77, says ‘et [episcopus] deraciocinavit socam et sacam de Hamtona ad suum hundred Osuualdeslauue quod ibi debent placitare et geldum et expeditionem et cetera legis servitia de illis 15 hidis secum debent persolvere.’ [327] Schmid, Glossar. s. v. sÓcen. The word, it would seem, first makes its way into the vocabulary of the law as describing the act of seeking a sanctuary and the protection that a criminal gains by that act. A forged charter of Edgar for Thorney Abbey, Red Book of Thorney, Camb. Univ. Lib., f. 4, says that the word is a Danish word—‘Regi vero pro consensu et eiusdem mercimonii licentia ac pro reatus emendatione quam Dani socne nsitato nominant vocabulo, centum dedit splendidissimi auri mancusas.’ [328] Leg. Henr. 9 § 4. [329] Ibid. [330] Ibid. 22. [331] Ibid. 20 § 3. [332] Ibid. 24. [333] Selden’s Eadmer, p. 197; Bigelow, Placita Anglo-Norman. p. 7. [334] D. B. i. 238 b, Alvestone. [335] Cnut, II. 12. We may construe these terms by breach of the king’s special peace, attacks on houses, ambush, neglect of the summons to the host. In Hereford, D. B. i. 179, the king is accounted to have three pleas, breach of his peace, hÁmfare, which is the same as hÁmsÓcn, and forsteal; and besides this he receives the penalty from a man who makes default in military service. [336] D. B. i. 298 b. [337] D. B. i. 87 b: ‘Istae consuetudines pertinent ad Tantone, burgheristh, latrones, pacis infractio, hainfare, denarii de hundret, et denarii S. Petri; ter in anno teneri placita episcopi sine ammonitione; profectio in exercitum cum hominibus episcopi.’ See also the English document, Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. p. 233. The odd word burgheristh looks like a corrupt form of burhgriÐ (the peace of the burh), or of burhgerihta (burh-rights, borough-dues), which word occurs in the English document. [338] D. B. i. 172, 175. [339] Cnut II. 12, 13, 14. Perhaps when in other parts of England the pleas of the crown are reckoned to be but four, it is treated as self-evident that the outlaw falls into the king’s hand, as also the man who harbours an outlaw. If fihtwÍte is the right word, we must suppose with Schmid (p. 586) that a fihtwÍte was only paid when there was homicide. A fine for mere fighting or drawing blood would not have been a reserved plea. [340] D. B. ii. 179 b: ‘Et iste Withri habebat sacham et socam super istam terram et rex et comes 6 forisfacturas.’ Ibid. 223: ‘In Cheiunchala soca de 6 forisfacturis.’ [341] D. B. ii. 413 b: ‘socam et sacam praeter 6 forisfacturas S. Eadmundi.’ Ibid. 373: ‘S. Eadmundus 6 forisfacturas.’ Ibid. 384 b: ‘Tota hec terra iacebat in dominio Abbatiae [de Eli] T. R. E. cum omni consuetudine praeter sex forisfacturas S. Eadmundi.’ [342] D. B. ii. 244: ‘sex liberi homines ... ex his habet S. Benedictus socam et de uno commendationem et de 24 tres forisfacturas.’ [343] D. B. i. 336 b: ‘praeter geld et heriete et forisfacturam corporum suorum de 40 oris argenti et praeter latronem.’ Such a phrase as ‘geld, heriot and thief’ is instructive. [344] D. B. i. 4 b. [345] William I. for Ely, Hamilton, Inquisitio, p. xviii.: ‘omnes alias forisfacturas quae emendabiles sunt.’ [346] D. B. ii. 195: ‘Super hos habuit T. R. E. Episcopus 6 forisfacturas sed hundret nec vidit breve nec sigillum nec concessum Regis.’ [347] D. B. ii. 34 b. [348] See e.g. D. B. i. 220. [349] D. B. i. 336: ‘Rogerius de Busli habet unum mansum Sueni filii Suaue cum saca et soca. Judita comitissa habet unum mansum Stori sine saca et soca.’ [350] D. B. i. 2. [351] D. B. i. 1 b. [352] D. B. i. 337. [353] D. B. i. 280 b. [354] D. B. ii. 185: ‘Super omnes liberos istius hundreti [de Northerpingeham] habet Rex sacam et socam.’ Ibid. 188 b: ‘Rex et comes de omnibus istis liberis hominibus socam.’ Ibid. 203: ‘Et de omnibus his liberis [Episcopi Osberni] soca in hundreto.’ [355] D. B. ii. 210: ‘Super omnes istos liberos homines habuit Rex Eadwardus socam et sacam, et postea Guert accepit per vim, sed Rex Willelmus dedit [S. Eadmundo] cum manerio socam et sacam de omnibus liberis Guert sicut ipse tenebat; hoc reclamant monachi.’ [356] Below, p. 105. [357] D. B. ii. 425 b. [358] D. B. ii. 287, 287 b: ‘Sanfort Hund. et dim.... Supradictum manerium scilicet Bercolt ... cum soca de hundreto et dimidio reddebat T. R. E. 24 lib.’ On subsequent pages it is often said that the soke of certain persons or lands is in Bergholt. [359] D. B. ii. 408 b: ‘Hagala tenuit Gutmundus sub Rege Edwardo pro manerio 8 car[ucatarum] terrae cum soca et saca super dominium hallae tantum. Tunc 32 villani ... 8 bordarii ... 10 servi. Semper 4 carucae in dominio. Tunc et post 24 carucae hominum.... Sex sochemanni eiusdem Gutmundi de quibus soca est in hundreto.’ [360] D. B. ii. 216: ‘De Redeham habebat Abbas socam super hos qui sequebantur faldam, et de aliis soca in hundreto.’ Ibid. 129 b: ‘Super omnes istos qui faldam Comitis requirebant habebat Comes socam et sacam, super alios omnes Rex et Comes.’ Ibid. 194 b: ‘In Begetuna tenuit Episcopus Almarus per emptionem T. R. E. cum soca et saca de Comite Algaro de bor[dariis] et sequentibus faldam 3 carucatas terrae.’ Ibid. 350 b: ‘habebat socam et sacam super hallam et bordarios.’ [361] D. B. ii. 130 b. [362] D. B. i. 265 b: ‘Hoc manerium habet suum placitum in aula domini sui.’ [363] Above, p. 88. [364] D. B. ii. 385 b. [365] D. B. ii. 46 b. [366] D. B. i. 283 b. [367] D. B. i. 11 b.; Chron. de Bello (Anglia Christiana Soc.) p. 28; Battle Custumals (Camd. Soc.), p. 126. [368] D. B. i. 154 b. [369] D. B. 39 b, Hants: ‘Huic manerio pertinet soca duorum hundredorum.’ Ibid. 64 b, Wilts: ‘In hac firma erant placita hundretorum de Cicementone et Sutelesberg quae regi pertinebant.’ Ibid. ii. 185: ‘Super omnes liberos istius hundreti habet rex sacam et socam.’ Ibid. ii. 113 b.: ‘Soca et sacha de Grenehou hundreto pertinet ad Wistune manerium Regis, quicunque ibi teneat, et habent Rex et Comes.’ [371] Above, p. 88. [372] D. B. ii. 379: ‘Super ferting de Almeham habet W. Episcopus socam et sacam.’ [373] D. B. i. 184: ‘Haec terra non pertinet ... ad hundredum. De hac terra habet Rogerius 15 sextarios mellis et 15 porcos quando homines sunt ibi et placita super eos.’ [374] D. B. ii. 139 b. [375] D. B. ii. 114. [376] D. B. i. 340, 346, 357 b, 366, 368 b (ter). See also on f. 344, 344 b, the symbol fÐ in the margin. The word friÐsÓcn occurs in Æthelr. VIII. 1 and Cnut I. 2 § 3, where it seems to stand for a sanctuary, an asylum. [377] If one of A’s tenants is sued in a personal action in the hundred court he will have to answer there unless A appears and ‘claims his court.’ This comes out plainly in certain rolls of the court of Wisbeach Hundred, which by the kind permission of the Bishop of Ely, I have examined. On a roll of 33 Edw. I. we find Stephen Hamond sued for a debt; ‘et super hoc venit Prior Elyensis et petit curiam suam; et Thomas Doreward petit curiam suam de dicto Stephano residente suo et tenente suo.’ The prior’s petition is refused on the ground that Stephen is not his tenant, and Doreward’s petition is refused on the ground that it is unprecedented. [378] D. B. ii. 291: ‘Et fuit in soca Regis. Postquam Briennus habuit, nullam consuetudinem reddidit in hundreto.’ Ibid. 240: ‘Hoc totum tenuit Lisius pro uno manerio; modo tenet Eudo successor illius et in T. R. E. soca et saca fuit in hundreto; set modo tenet Eudo.’—Ibid. 240 b: ‘Soca istius terre T. R. E. iacuit in Folsa Regis; modo habet Walterius [Giffardus].’—Ibid. 285 b: the hundred testified that in truth the King and Earl had the soke and sake in the Confessor’s day, but the men of the vill say that Burchard likewise (similiter) had the soke of his free men as well as of his villeins. [379] D. B. i. 35 b: ‘Duo fratres tenuerunt T. R. E.; unusquisque habuit domum suam et tamen manserunt in una curia.’ Ibid. 103 b: ‘Ibi molendinum serviens curiae.’ Ibid. 103: ‘arabant et herciabant ad curiam domini.’ [380] D. B. i. 87 b. Kemble, Cod. Dip., iv. p. 233: ‘and Þriwa secan gemot on 12 monÐum.’ [381] D. B. i. 193 b; Hamilton, Inquisitio, 77–8. [382] D. B. i. 75. [383] D. B. i. 238. [384] D. B. i. 186. [385] D. B. i. 38 b. [386] D. B. i. 101. [387] D. B. i. 280 b: ‘Hic notantur qui habuerunt socam et sacam et thol et thaim et consuetudinem Regis 2 denariorum.... Horum omnium nemo habere potuit tercium denarium comitis nisi eius concessu et hoc quamdiu viveret, preter Archiepiscopum et Ulf Ferisc et Godeue Comitissam.’ [388] See above, p. 92, note 367. [389] D. B. ii. 123 b: ‘De istis est soca in hundreto [390] D. B. ii. 282. [391] D. B. ii. 312: ‘Rex habet in Duneuuic consuetudinem hanc quod duo vel tres ibunt ad hundret si recte moniti fuerint, et si hoc non faciunt, forisfacti sunt de 2 oris, et si latro ibi fuerit captus ibi judicabitur, et corporalis iusticia in Blieburc capietur, et sua pecunia remanebit dominio de Duneuuic.’ It seems to us that the first ibi must refer to Dunwich and therefore that the second does so likewise. Still the passage is ambiguous enough. [393] Battle Custumals (Camden Soc.) 136. This is an interesting example, for it suggests an explanation of the common claim to hold a court ‘outside’ the hundred court (petit curiam suam extra hundredum). The claimant’s men will go apart and hold a little court by themselves outside ‘the four benches’ of the hundred. [394] D. B. i. 32: ‘et si quis forisfaciens ibi calumpniatus fuisset, Regi emendabat; si vero non calumpniatus abisset sub eo qui sacam et socam habuisset, ille emendam de reo haberet.’ Compare with this the account of Guildford, Ibid. 30. [395] D. B. i. 56 b. [396] D. B. i. 336 b. [397] D. B. i. 238. [398] The passages from the dooms are collected by Schmid s. v. Hausfriede, Feohtan. [399] Ine, 6 § 3: ‘If he fight in the house of a gavel-payer or boor, let him give 30 shillings by way of wite and 6 shillings to the boor.’ [400] D. B. i. 204. [401] D. B. ii. 419 b: ‘Cercesfort tenuit Scapius teinnus Haroldi.... Scapius habuit socam sub Haroldo.’—Ibid. 313: ‘Heroldus socam habuit et Stanuuinus de eo.... Idem Stanuuinus socam habuit de Heroldo.’ [402] D. B. i. 142 b: ‘et vendere potuerunt praeter socam; unus autem eorum etiam socam suam cum terra vendere poterat.’ Comp. D. B. ii. 230: ‘Huic manerio iacent 5 liberi homines ad socam tantum commend[ati] et 2 de omni consuetudine.’—Ibid. ii. 59: ‘In Cingeham tenuit Sauinus presbyter 15 acras ... in eadem villa tenuit Etsinus 15 acras.... Isti supradicti fuerunt liberi ita quod ipsi possent vendere terram cum soca et saca ut hundretus testatur.’—Ibid. ii. 40 b: ‘et iste fuit ita liber quod posset ire quo vellet cum soca et sacha set tantum fuit homo Wisgari.’ [403] Leg. Henr. 81 § 3: ‘Quidam, villani qui sunt, eiusmodi leierwitam et blodwitam et huiusmodi minora forisfacta emerunt a dominis suis, vel quomodo meruerunt, de suis et in suos, quorum flet-gefoth vel overseunessa est 30 den.; cothseti 15 den.; servi 6 (al. 5) den.’ The flet-gefoth seems to be the sum due for fighting in a man’s flet or house. [404] Munimenta Gildhallae, i. 66. [405] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 580–2. [406] D. B. ii. 424: ‘Et dicunt etiam quod istam terram R[anulfus] calumpniavit supra Radulfum, et vicecomes Rogerius denominavit illis constitutum tempus m[odo] ut ambo adfuissent; Ranulfo adveniente defuit Radulfus et iccirco diiudicaverunt homines hundreti Rannulfum esse saisitum.’—Ibid. i. 165 b: ‘Modo iacet in Bernitone hundredo iudicio hominum eiusdem hundredi.’—Ibid. i. 58 b: ‘unde iudicium non dixerunt, sed ante Regem ut iudicet dimiserunt.’—Ibid. 182 b: ‘In isto hundredo ad placita conveniunt qui ibi manent ut rectum faciant et accipiant.’ [407] Above, p. 95. [408] D. B. ii. 186: ‘In Sterestuna tenuit 1 liber homo S. Aldrede T. R. E. et Stigandi erat soca et saco in Hersam, set nec dare nec vendere poterat terram suam sine licentia S. Aldrede et Stigandi.’ [409] D. B. ii. 376. [410] D. B. ii. 401 b: ‘Eodem tempore fuerunt furati equi inventi in domo istius Brungari, ita quod Abbas cuius fuit soca et saca et Rodbertus qui habuit commendationem super istum venerunt de hoc furto ad placitum, et sicut hundret testatur discesserunt amicabiliter sine iudicio quod vidissed (sic) hundret.’ [411] E.g. D. B. ii. 35 b: ‘quas tenuerunt 2 sochemanni et 1 liber homo.’ [412] D. B. ii. 28 b: ‘Huic manerio iacent 5 sochemanni quorum 2 occupavit Ingelricus tempore Regis Willelmi qui tune erant liberi homines.’ [413] D. B. ii. 83: ‘3 sochemanni tenentes libere.’—Ibid. 88 b: ‘tunc fuit 1 sochemannus qui libere tenuit 1 virgatam.’—Ibid. 58: ‘in hac terra sunt 13 sochemanni qui libere tenent.’ [414] D. B. i. 212 b, Bedf.: ‘Hanc terram tenuerunt 4 sochemanni quorum 3 liberi fuerunt, quartus vero unam hidam habuit, sed nec dare nec vendere potuit.’ [415] D. B. i. 35 b, ‘Isti liberi homines ita liberi fuerunt quod poterant ire quo volebant.’—Ibid. ii. 187: ‘5 homines ... ex istis erant 4 liberi ut non possent recedere nisi dando 2 solidos.’ [416] Round, Feudal England, 34. [417] D. B. ii. 59 b, Essex: ‘quod tenuerunt 2 liberi homines ... set non poterant recedere sine licentia illius Algari.’—Ibid. 216 b, Norf.: ‘Ibi sunt 5 liberi homines S. Benedicti commendatione tantum ... et ita est in monasterio quod nec vendere nec forisfacere pot[uerunt] extra ecclesia set soca est in hundredo.’—Ibid. i. 137 b, Herts: ‘duo teigni ... vendere non potuerunt.’—Ibid. i. 30 b, Hants: ‘Duo liberi homines tenuerunt de episcopo T. R. E. sed recedere cum terra non potuerunt.’ [418] Above, p. 103, note 417. [419] E.g. D. B. i. 129 b: ‘In hac terra fuerunt 5 sochemanni de 6 hidis quas potuerunt dare vel vendere sine licentia dominorum suorum.’ [420] Above, p. 100, note 402. [421] E.g. D. B. ii. 358: ‘7 liberos homines ... hi poterant dare vel vendere terram set saca et soca et commendatio et servitium remanebant Sancto [Edmundo].’ [422] D. B. ii. 186: ‘In Sterestuna tenuit unus liber homo S. Aldredae T. R. E. et Stigandi erat soca et saco in Hersam.’—Ibid. 139 b: ‘habuit socam et sacam ... de commendatis suis.’ [423] D. B. i. 141. [424] Liebermann, Leges Edwardi, p. 72. The most important passage is Leg. Edw. 12 § 4: ‘Manbote in Danelaga de villano et de socheman 12 oras [= 20 sol.]: de liberis hominibus 3 marcas [= 40 sol.].’ [425] A study of the Hundred Rolls might prepare us for this result. One jury will call servi those whom another jury would have called villani. See e.g. R. H. ii. 688 ff. [426] D. B. ii. 189 b, 190. [427] D. B. ii. 318: ‘In Suttona tenet idem W. [de Cadomo] de R. Malet 2 liberos homines commendatos Edrico 61 acr[arum] et sub 1 ex ipsis 5 liberi [sic] homines.’—Ibid. 321 b: ‘In Caldecota 6 liberi homines commendati Leuuino de Bachetuna 74 acr. et 7 liberi homines sub eis commend[ati] de 6 acr. et dim.’ [428] D. B. ii. 21, 26, 37 b, 59 b. [429] D. B. i. 21. [430] D. B. i. 45. [431] D. B. i. 6 b. [432] D. B. i. 27. [433] D. B. i. 163. [434] So in the Exeter record, D. B. iv. 390: ‘Tenuerunt 3 tegni pro 4 mansionibus, et Robertus habet illas pro 1 mansione.’ [435] D. B. i. 169 b. Similar interlineations in i. 98. [436] D. B. i. 148; on f. 149 is a similar case. [437] D. B. i. 45 b. [438] D. B. i. 280 b. [439] In several passages in D. B. the word seems to be manerius. [440] D. B. ii. 96 b: ‘Huic manerio iacebant 3 liberi homines, unus tenuit dim. hidam et potuit abire sine licentia domini ipsius mansionis.’ [441] D. B. i. 149, Wicombe. [442] D. B. ii. 38 b, Hersam. [443] D. B. i. 174 b, Poiwic. [444] D. B. i. 268, Gretford. [445] D. B. ii. 350 b. [446] D. B. ii. 263: ‘sed fuerunt in aula S. Edmundi.’ [447] D. B. i. 337 b. [448] D. B. ii. 408 b: ‘cum soca et saca super dominium hallae tantum.’ [449] D. B. i. 45, Wicheham, Werste. [450] D. B. i. 20, Waliland. [451] D. B. i. 11 b, Acres. [452] D. B. i. 26 b, Eldretune. [453] D. B. i. 27, Percinges. [454] D. B. i. 284 b, Ættune. [455] D. B. ii. 29 b, 30 b. [456] D. B. i. 307 b, Burghedurum; 308, Ternusc. [457] D. B. i. 63: ‘Ipse quoque transportavit hallam et alias domos et pecuniam in alio manerio.’ [458] D. B. i. 338 b: ‘Ad huius manerii aulam pertinent Catenai et Usun 4 car. terrae ad geldum. Terra ad 8 carucas. Ibi in dominio 2 carucae et 20 villani et 15 sochemanni et 10 bordarii habentes 9 carucas. Ibi 360 acre prati. Ad eundem manerium iacet hec soca:—In Linberge 4 car. terrae etc.’ [459] Throughout Yorkshire the phrase is common, ‘Totum manerium x. leu. long. et y. leu. lat.’ [460] D. B. i. 128. [461] D. B. i. 128 b. [462] D. B. i. 127. [463] D. B. i. 128 b. [464] D. B. i. 180. [465] Compare the cases in Seebohm, Village Community, 267. [466] D. B. i. 163. [467] If we mistake not, the Osleuuorde of the record is Ashleworth, which, though some miles to the north of Gloucester, either still is, or but lately was, a detached piece of the Berkeley hundred. [468] D. B. i. 163. [469] D. B. i. 163 b: ‘Hanc terram dedit regina Rogerio de Buslei et geldabat pro 4 hidis in Tedechesberie.’ [470] D. B. i. 87 b; iv. 161. [471] Eyton, Somerset, ii. 34. [472] D. B. i. 101 b; iv. 107. [473] D. B. i. 41. [474] D. B. i. 230. [475] D. B. i. 338–9. [476] D. B. i. 220, Tingdene. [477] D. B. ii. 15 b, 17 b. [478] D. B. ii. 385 b. [479] The form bereuita is exceedingly common, but must, we think, be due to a mistake; c has been read as t. [480] D. B. i. 38 b, Edlinges. Some of the ‘wicks’ seem to have been dairy farms. D. B. i. 58 b: ‘et wika de 10 pensis caseorum.’ On the Glastonbury estates we find persons called wikarii, each of whom has a wika. Glastonbury Rentalia, 39: ‘Thomas de Wika tenet 5 acras et 50 oves matrices et 12 vaccas ... Philippus de Wika tenet unum ferlingum et 50 oves matrices et 12 vaccas.’ Ibid. 44: ‘A. B. tenet unum ferlingum et 50 oves matrices et 12 vaccas pro 1 sol. pro wika.’ Ibid. 48: ‘Ricardus de Wika tenet 5 acras et 50 oves matrices et 12 vaccas. Alanus de Wika eodem modo.’ Ibid. p. 51 [481] D. B. i. 350: ‘In Osgotebi et Tauelebi 2 bo[vatae] inland et 1 bo[vata] soca huius manerii.’ D. B. i. 338 b: ‘Hiboldeston est bereuuita non soca et in Grangeham sunt 2 car[ucatae] inland et in Springetorp dim. car[ucata] est inland. Reliqua omnis est soca.’ [482] When therefore, as is often the case, we find that the occupants of ‘the soke’ are not sokemen but villeins, this seems to point to a recent depression of the peasantry. [483] D. B. ii. 330 b: ‘In illo manerio ... sunt 35 liberi homines.... Tunc valuerunt liberi homines 4 libras. Manerium cum liberis hominibus valet modo 24 libras.’ [484] D. B. ii. 358 b: ‘Hoc manerium exceptis liberis tunc valuit 30 solidos.’ [485] D. B. ii. 289 b. [486] D. B. ii. 285 b. [487] D. B. iv. 397; i. 93 b, Ichetoca. [488] D. B. iv. 411; i. 94 b, Tocheswilla. [489] D. B. iv. 398; i. 93 b, Pilloc. [490] D. B. iv. 341; i. 96, Sordemanneford. [491] D. B. iv. 355; i. 116 b, Labera. [492] D. B. iv. 367; i. 112 b, Oplomia. [493] D. B. iv. 338; i. 95 b, Aisseforda. [494] D. B. iv. 395; i. 93, Terra Colgrini. [495] D. B. iv. 394; i. 93, Rima. [496] D. B. iv. 338; i. 95 b, Aisseforda. [497] As the term manerium is often represented by the mere letter M or m, we will refer to some cases in which it is written in full. D. B. ii. 295 b: ‘40 acras pro uno manerio’; Ibid. 311 b: ‘In eadem villa est 1 liber homo de 40 acris et tenet pro manerio.’ [498] The question whether the acreage stated in the Suffolk survey is real or rateable can not be briefly debated. We hope to return to it. [499] D. B. ii. 322 b, 323. [500] D. B. ii. 323. [501] D. B. ii. 288. [502] D. B. ii. 309. [503] D. B. ii. 297 b. [504] D. B. ii. 377. [505] D. B. ii. 333. [506] D. B. ii. 423. [507] D. B. ii. 316: ‘In Aldeburc tenuit Uluricus sochemannus Edrici T. R. E. 80 acras pro manerio.’ Ibid. 353: ‘Nordberiam tenuit Eduinus presbyter sochemannus Abbatis 30 acras pro manerio.’ [508] We have taken our examples of small manors from the east and the south-west because Little Domesday and the Exeter Domesday give details which are not to be had elsewhere. But instances may be found in many other parts of England. Thus in Sussex, i. 24, two free men held as two manors land rated at a hide and sufficient for one team; it is now tilled by four villeins. In the Isle of Wight, D. B. i. 39 b, five free men held as five manors land sufficient for two teams; it is now tilled by four villeins. In Gloucestershire, D. B. i. 170, is a manor worth ten shillings with two serfs upon it; also a manor rated at one virgate. In Derbyshire, D. B. i. 274 b, land sufficient for four teams and rated as four carucates had formed eight manors. In Nottinghamshire, D. B. i. 285 b, land sufficient for a team and a half and valued at ten shillings had formed five manors for five thegns, each of whom had his hall. [509] D. B. ii. 380: ‘In Thistledona tenet 1 liber homo Ulmarus commendatus S. Eldrede 60 acras pro manerio et 5 liberi homines sub se.’ [510] D. B. i. 127 b: ‘Wellesdone tenent canonici S. Pauli.... Hoc manerium tenent villani ad firmam canonicorum. In dominio nil habetur.’ [511] D. B. i. 235 b: Billesdone, ‘In dominio nil fuit nec est.’ Ibid. 166 b, Glouc.: ‘Isdem Willelmus [de Ow] tenet Alvredestone. Bondi tenuit T. R. E. Ibi 3 hidae geldantes. Nil ibi est in dominio, sed 5 villani et 3 bordarii habent 3 carucas.’... ‘Isdem Willelmus tenet Odelavestone. Brictri filius Algari tenuit. Ibi nil in dominio nisi 5 villani cum 5 carucis.’ D. B. iv. 396: ‘Rogerius habet 1 mansionem quae vocatur P...et reddit gildum pro dimidia virgata; hanc potest arare 1 carruca. Hanc tenet Anschetillus de Rogerio. Ibi habet Anschetillus 4 bordarios qui tenent totam illam terram et habent ibi 1 carrucam et 1 agrum prati, et reddit 10 solidos.’ [512] D. B. ii. 31. [513] D. B. ii. 59 b. [514] I leave this sentence as it stood before Mr Round had published in his Feudal England the results of his brilliant researches. Of the ‘five hide unit’ I already knew a good deal; of the ‘six carucate unit’ I knew nothing. [515] Round, Domesday Studies, i. 109. [516] D. B. i. 35: ‘In Driteham tenet Ricardus [filius Gisleberti] 1 hidam et dimidiam. Ælmar tenuit de Rege E. pro uno manerio.... In eadem Driteham est 1 hida et dimidia quam tenuit Aluric de Rege E. pro uno manerio, et postea dedit illam terram uxori suae et filiae ad aecclesiam de Certesy, sicuti homines de hundredo testantur. Ricardus [filius Gisleberti] calumniatur. Non iacet ulli manerio, nec pro manerio tenet, set liberata fuit ei et modo 3 hidae geldant pro una hida et dimidia.’ To say of the second of these two plots that it neither is a manor nor yet belongs to a manor, is to say that it is shirking the geld. D. B. i. 48: ‘Walerannus tenet Dene.... Ista tera non adiacet ulli suo manerio.’ Here suo = Waleranni. Waleran seems to be holding land without good title. [517] D. B. i. 163 b, Clifort. D. B. i. 58 b: ‘In Winteham tenet Hubertus de Abbate 5 hidas, de terra villanorum fuerunt 4, et geldaverunt cum hidis manerii.’ [518] The word wara means defence; it comes from a root which has given us, wary, warrant, warn, guarantee, weir, etc. See Vinogradoff, Villainage, 243. [519] D. B. i. 212. [520] D. B. i. 340, 366, 368. Is not the last part of the word A.-S. notu, (business, office)? [521] D. B. i. 132 b: ‘Hoc manerium tenuit Heraldus Comes et iacuit et iacet in Hiz [Hitchin, Herts] sed wara hujus manerii iacuit in Bedefordscire T. R. E. in hundredo de Maneheue.’ D. B. i. 190, ‘Haec terra est bereuuicha in Neuport [Essex] set wara ejus iacet in Grantebrige.’ When in the survey of Oxfordshire, i. 160, it is said, ‘Ibi 1 hida de warland in dominio,’ the taxed land is contrasted with the inland, which in this county has gone untaxed. [522] D. B. i. 28. [523] See the cases of the monks of Bury and the canons of S. Petroc, above, p. 55. [524] D. B. i. 4 b: ‘De terra huius manerii ten[uit] unus homo archiepiscopi dimid. solin et cum his 6 solins geldabat T. R. E. quamvis non pertineret manerio nisi de scoto quia libera terra erat.’ The scotum in this context seems to be or to include the geld. Compare D. B. i. 61 b: ‘Haec terra iacet et appreciata est in Gratentun quod est in Oxenefordscire et tamen dat scotum in Berchescire.’ D. B. ii. 11: ‘In Colecestra habet episcopus 14 domos et 4 acras non reddentes consuetudinem praeter scotum nisi episcopo.’ [526] Hamilton, Inquisitio, 60. [527] Above, p. 110. [528] D. B. i. 35 b. [529] Northumbrian Priests’ Law, 58, 59, (Schmid, p. 369.) [530] An Act of 1869 (32–3 Vic. c. 41) allowed the owners of certain small houses to agree to pay the rates which under the ordinary law would become due from the occupiers, and authorized the vestries to allow such owners a commission of 25 per cent. See also the instructive recital in 59 Geo. III. c. 12, sec. 19:—The small occupiers are evading the poors’ rate, and the owners exact higher rents than they would otherwise get, on the ground that the occupiers can not be effectually assessed. [532] E.g. D. B. ii. 389 b, ‘Clarum tenuit Aluricus pro manerio 24 car. terrae T. R. E. Tunc 40 villani.... Tunc 12 carucae in dominio.... Tunc 36 carucae hominum.... Huic manerio semper adiacent 5 sochemani cum omni consuetudine 1 car. terrae et dim. Semper 1 caruca et dimidia.’ [533] E.g. D. B. ii. 339: ‘In eadem villa 14 liberi homines commendati, Godricus faber et Edricus et Ulnotus et Osulfus et Uluricus et Stanmarus et Leuietus et Wihtricus et Blachemanus et Mansuna et Leuinus et Ulmarus et Ulfah et alter Ulfah et Leofstanus de 40 acris et habent 2 carucas et valent 10 solidos.’ [534] Above, p. 115. [535] Rolls of the King’s Court, Ric. I. (Pipe Roll. Soc.), p. xxiv. But apparently there had been considerable rearrangements in some of the counties. [536] Hoveden, iv. 46. The important words are these: ‘Statutum etiam fuit quod quilibet baro cum vicecomite faceret districtiones super homines suos; et si per defectum baronum districtiones factae non fuissent, caperetur de dominico baronum quod super homines suos restaret reddendum, et ipsi barones ad homines suos inde caperent.’ The baron’s homines we take to be freeholders; he would be absolutely liable for the tax cast upon his villeinage. As to the tax of 1198 see Eng. Hist. Rev. iii. 501, 701; iv. 105, 108. [537] In Dial. de Scac. ii. 14, the author tells us that until recently if a baron who owed money to the crown was insolvent, the goods of his knights could be seized. The idea of subsidiary liability is not too subtle for the time. [538] Above, p. 108. [539] D. B. ii. 9: ‘set Comes Eustachius 1 ex illis [hidis] tenet que non est de suis c. [100] mansionibus.’ [540] D. B. ii. 233 b. [541] D. B. ii. 242 b. [542] D. B. ii. 258. [543] D. B. ii. 258. [544] D. B. ii. 447. [545] D. B. i. 45 b. [546] Two objections to our theory may be met by a note. (1) Some manors are free of geld, and therefore to make our definition correct we ought to say that a manor is a tenement which either pays its geld at a single place or which would do so were it not freed from the tax by some special privilege. A manerium does not cease to be a manerium by being freed from geld. (2) In later days we may well find a manor holden of another manor, so that a plot of land may be within two manors. If this usage of the term can be traced back into Domesday Book as a common phenomenon, then our doctrine is in great jeopardy. But we have noticed no passage which clearly and unambiguously says that a tract of land was at one and the same time both a manerium and also a part of another manerium. To this we must add that of the distribution of maneria T. R. E. we only obtain casual and very imperfect tidings. If T. R. W. a free man has been ‘added to’ a manerium, the commissioners have no deep interest in the inquiry whether T. R. E. his tenement was itself an independent manerium. A great simplification has been effected and the number of maneria has been largely reduced. [547] D. B. ii. 174: ‘Hec villa fuit in duobus maneriis T. R. E.’ Ibid. i. 164: ‘De his 2 villis fecit Comes W. unum manerium.’ [548] Inquisitio, 77–9. [549] This result comes out correctly if 1 H=4V=120A. For the state of this vill T. R. W. see Round, Feudal England, 40. [550] His plot at Orwell is said to belong to Harlton. Then at Harlton we find an Achil with sokemen under him, and though in D. B. he is described as a king’s thegn, this is not incompatible with his being the man of Harold for some of his lands. At Barrington Achillus Danaus homo Haroldi has a holding of 40 acres. [551] Inquisitio, 86. [552] Ibid. 68. [553] Ibid. 43, 44, 45, 73, 76. [554] D. B. i. 195. [555] D. B. i. 139: ‘De consuetudine 1 averam inveniebat cum Rex in scyra veniebat, si non 5 den. reddebat.’ D. B. i. 190, ‘[Sochemanni in Fuleberne] reddunt per annum 8 libras arsas et pensatas et unoquoque anno 12 equos et 12 inguardos si Rex in vicecomitatu veniret, si non veniret 12 sol. et 8 den.; T. R. E. non reddebant vicecomiti nisi averas et inguardos vel 12 sol. et 8 den. et superplus invasit Picot [vicecomes] super Regem.’ [556] Wratworth has completely disappeared from the modern map; its territory seems to be included in that of the present Orwell. See Rot. Hund. ii. 559 and Lysons, Magna Britannia, ii. 243. A small hamlet called Malton seems to represent it. Whitwell also is no longer the name of a village, while the modern Coton is not mentioned in D. B. There is now a Whitwell Farm near the village of Coton, but in the parish of Barton. The modern Coton does not seem to be the ancient Whitwell, for on Subsidy Rolls we may find Whitwell annexed to Barton and Coton to Grantchester. [557] The figures in our first column represent the division of the vill among the Norman lords. H. V. A. stand for Hides, Virgates, Acres. By C. and B. we signify the Carucae and Boves for which ‘there was land.’ [558] There is some small error in this case. [559] A small conjectural emendation. [560] The Inq. Com. Cant. says 6 hides. [561] An error of one hide in the particulars. The two records do not fully agree. [562] A small emendation justified by Inq. Eliensis (Hamilton, p. 110). [563] Ælfgar died before King Edward; Freeman, Norman Conquest, ed. 3, iii. 469, places his death in or about 1062. [564] The history of the earldoms during Edward’s reign is exceedingly obscure. See Freeman’s elaborate note: Ibid., 555. In particular Cambridgeshire seems to have lain now in one and now in another earldom. Thus it comes about that Cambridgeshire sokemen are commended some to Ælfgar, some to Waltheof, some to Harold, some to Gyrth. Ælfgar, for example, had at one time been earl in East Anglia. Men who had commended themselves to an earl would, unless they ‘withdrew themselves,’ still be his men though he had ceased to be earl of their county. [565] See above, p. 105. Observe how frequently our record speaks of ‘sochemanni homines Algari’ and the like. These sokemen are Ælfgar’s men; but are not properly his sokemen. [566] Inq. Com. Cant. 110. This is from the Inquisitio Eliensis. Compare p. 83. [567] Inq. Com. Cant. 77–8. [568] Rot. Hund. ii. 558. [569] One instance may suffice. In Sawston (Rot. Hund. ii. 575–80) are three manors, A, B, C; A has a sub-manor. One Thomas Dovenel holds in villeinage of the lord of A; in villeinage of the lord of B; in freehold of the lord of B; in freehold of a tenant of the lord of B; in freehold of a tenant of a tenant of the lord of B. [570] Rot. Hund. ii. 580. [571] On four out of the five manors the rent is 2s. 3d.; on the fifth 3s. 0d. [572] Inq. Com. Cant. 41. [573] D. B. i. 137 b. [574] D. B. i. 141 b. [575] Inq. Com. Cant., pp. 108–110. As names of the Abbot of Ely’s sokemen in Meldreth and neighbouring villages we have Grimmus, Alsi Cild, Wenesi, Alsi, Leofwinus, Ædricus, Godwinus, Almarus, Aluricus frater Goduuini, Ædriz, Alsi Berd, Alricus Godingessune, Wenestan, Alwin Blondus, Alfuuinus, Aluredus, Alricus Brunesune, Alware, HunuÐ, Hunwinus, Brizstanus. This does not point to a preponderance of Norse or Danish blood. [576] Owing to the wasted condition of Yorkshire, the information that we obtain of the T. R. E. is meagre and perfunctory. But what seems characteristic of this county is a holding of two or three ploughlands which we might fairly call an embryo manor. [577] See the early extents in Cart. Rams. iii. Thus (242) at Hemingford: ‘R. V. tenet tres virgatas et dimidiam et sequitur hundredum et comitatum.... R. H. tenet duas virgatas et sequitur hundredum et comitatum.’ Elsworth (249): ‘R. filius T. duas virgatas. Pro altera sequitur comitatum et hundredum; pro altera solvit quinque solidos.’ Brancaster (261): ‘Cnutus avus Petri tenebat terram suam libere in tempore Regis Henrici et sequebatur comitatum et hundredum, et fuit quietus ab omni servitio.’ See also Vinogradoff, Villainage, 411 ff. [578] Some thirty years ago the whole political world of England was agitated by controversy about ‘the compound householder.’ Was he to have a vote? The historian of the nineteenth century will not treat the compound householders as forming one homogeneous class of men whose general status could be marked off from that of other classes. Nor, it is to be hoped, will etymological guesses lead him to believe that the compound householder held a compound house. He will say that a landlord ‘compounded for’ the rates of the aforesaid householder. Mutatis mutandis may not the villein have been the compound householder of the eleventh century? [579] D. B. ii. 204: ‘3 liberi homines ... semper arant cum 3 bobus.’ [580] D. B. ii. 184 b. [581] D. B. ii. 192 b. [582] D. B. i. 211. [583] D. B. i. 218 b. Compare the ‘dimidius porcus’ of ii. 287. [584] D. B. i. 213 b: ‘Hanc terram tenuerunt homines villae communiter et vendere potuerunt.’ [585] D. B. i. 210, 212 b, 213 b. [586] D. B. i. 214: ‘In Meldone Johannes de Roches occupavit iniuste 25 acras super homines qui villam tenent.’ This is a vague phrase. [587] e.g. D. B. i. 112 b: ‘Colsuen homo Episcopi Constantiensis aufert ab hoc manerio communem pasturam quae ibi adiacebat T. R. E. et etiam T. R. W. quinque annis.’ [588] D. B. ii. 339 b. [589] D. B. i. 140 b. [590] D. B. i. 75: ‘tercia vero pars vel tercia quercus erat Comitis Eduini.’ [591] D. B. ii. 404 b: ‘et in tercio anno quarta pars mol[endini].’ [592] D. B. ii. 291 b. [593] D. B. ii. 24 b. [594] D. B. ii. 438. [595] D. B. i. 83: ‘sex taini in paragio,’ ‘quatuor taini in paragio.’ Ibid. 83 b: ‘novem taini in paragio.’ Ibid. 168 b: ‘quinque fratres tenuerunt pro 5 maneriis et poterant ire quo volebant et pares erant.’ [596] D. B. i. 96 b: ‘dim. hida quam tenebat T. R. E. unus tainus in paragio.’ Ibid. 40: ‘Brictric tenuit de episcopo in paragio.’ [597] But it was possible for several men to be holding in parage and yet for each of them to have a separate manerium. This seems to imply that their holdings were physically separate and that each holding was separately liable for geld, though as regards other matters, e.g. military service, the division was ignored. [598] D. B. i. 291. [599] D. B. i. 145 b. [600] D. B. i. 341. [601] D. B. i. 354. [602] D. B. i. 375 b: ‘Siuuate et Alnod et Fenchel et Aschil equaliter et pariliter diviserunt inter se terram patris sui T. R. E. et ita tenuerunt ut si opus fuit expeditione Regis et Siuuate potuit ire, alii fratres iuverunt eum. Post istum, ivit alter et Siuuate cum reliquis iuvit eum; et sic de omnibus. Siuuate tamen fuit homo Regis.’ [603] D. B. i. 206: ‘sex sochemanni id est Aluuoldus et 5 fratres eius habuerunt 4 hid. et dim. ad geldum.’ [604] D. B. i. 233: ‘Hanc terram tenuerunt 2 fratres pro 2 maneriis, et postea emit alter ab altero partem suam et fecit unum manerium de duobus T. R. E.’ [605] D. B. i. 127 b: ‘Hoc manerium tenent villani ad firmam canonicorum.’ [606] D. B. i. 162 b. [607] D. B. i. 69. [608] D. B. ii. 118 b Yarmouth: ‘De gersuma has 4 libras dant burgenses gratis et amicitia.’ [609] Thus D. B. iv. 568: ‘Due ville reddunt 30 sol. de cornagio.’ Ib. 570: ‘Queryngdonshire reddit 76 sol. de cornagio.’ [610] Black Book of Peterborough, passim. [611] Hist. Engl. Law, i. 550. [612] Edgar IV. 8. 9. [613] Ibid. 6. [614] Leg. Edw. Conf. 24. [615] Leg. Edw. Conf. 15. Compare Leg. Henr. 91; Leg. Will. Conq. I. 22; Leg. Will. Conq. III.. 3. [616] Leg. Henr. 7 § 7. [617] It is possible that the entry (i. 204) which tells how the sokemen of Broughton enjoyed the smaller wites points to a free village court; but we have put another interpretation upon this; see above, p. 99. [618] D. B. i. 91: ‘Ecclesia Romana beati Petri Apostoli tenet de Rege Peritone.’ Ib. 157: ‘Ecclesia Sancti Dyonisii Parisii tenet de Rege Teigtone. Rex Edwardus ei dedit.’ Ib. 20 b: ‘Abbas de Grestain tenet de Comite 2 hidas in Bedingham.’ [619] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 220. [620] D. B. i. 218 b: ‘Rex vero Willelmus sibi postea in elemosina concessit, unde pro anima Regis et Regine omni ebdomada 2 feria missam persolvit.’ D. B. ii. 133: ‘et cantat unaquaque ebdomada tres missas.’ [621] D. B. i. 3: ‘reddit unum militem in servitio Archiepiscopi.’ Ib. 10 b: ‘servitium unius militis.’ Ib. 32: ‘servitium unius militis.’ Ib. 151 b: ‘inveniebat 2 loricatos in custodiam de Windesores.’ [622] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 268. [623] But D. B. i. 218 b gives us ‘tenet in ministerio Regis.’ [624] D. B. i. 4 b: ‘De terra huius manerii tenet Godefridus in feuo dimid. solin.’ Ib. 36 b: ‘Humfridus Camerarius tenet de feuo Reginae Cumbe.’ Ib. 336 b: ‘Ipsam [domum] clamat Normannus Crassus de feuo Regis.’ [625] D. B. i. 129 b: ‘Postea Willelmus Camerarius tenuit de Regina in feudo pro 3 lib. per annum de firma, et post mortem Reginae eodem modo tenuit de Rege.’ [626] But, as in general a farmer would have no heritable rights, holding in fee may be contrasted with holding in farm. D. B. i. 230 b: ‘Has terras habet Goduinus de Rege ad firmam, Dislea vero tenet de Rege in feudo.’ So again it may be contrasted with the husband’s rights in his wife’s marriage portion. D. B. i. 214 b: ‘De ista terra tenet Pirotus 3 hidas de maritagio suae feminae et unam hidam et terciam partem unius hidae tenet in feudum de Nigello.’ [627] D. B. i. 158: Robert de Ouilly holds forty-two houses in Oxford, some meadow-land and a mill ‘cum beneficio S. Petri,’ i.e. together with the benefice of S. Peter’s church. Elsewhere, i. 273, we read that King William gave a manor to the monks of Burton ‘pro beneficio suo’; but the meaning of this is by no means clear. [628] D. B. i. 44 b: ‘Duo liberi homines tenuerunt de Alwino sed non fuit alod.’ The same phrase occurs on f. 46. [629] D. B. i. 22: ‘Aluuard et Algar tenuerunt de Rege pro 2 maneriis in alodia ... Ælueua tenuit de Rege Edwardo sicut alodium.’ Ib. 26: ‘Godwinus Comes tenuit et de eo 7 aloarii.’ [630] D. B. i. 60 b: ‘Duo alodiarii tenuerunt T. R. E. ... unus servivit Reginae, alter Bundino.’ [631] D. B. i. 1: ‘Quando moritur alodiarius, Rex inde habet relevationem terrae.’ [632] D. B. i. 52 b: ‘Has hidas tenuerunt 7 alodiarii de Episcopo nec poterant recedere alio vel ab illo.’ [633] D. B. i. 63 b: ‘Ibi sunt 5 alodiarii.’ [634] See charter of John for St Augustin’s, Canterbury, Rot. Cart. p. 105: ‘omnes allodiarios quos eis habemus datos.’ This phrase seems to descend through a series of charters from two charters of the Conqueror in which the ‘swa fele Þegna swa ic heom togeleton habbe’ of the one appears in the other as ‘omnes allodiarios.’ If so, we get from the Conqueror’s own chancery the equation Þegn=alodiarius. Hist. Mon. S. August. 349–50. [635] D. B. i. 23: in two successive entries we have ‘Offa tenuit de Episcopo in feudo.... Almar tenuit de Goduino Comite in alodium.’ So again, i. 59: ‘Blacheman tenuit de Heraldo Comite in alodio.... Blacheman tenuit in feudo T. R. E.’ The suggestion has been made that alodium represents book-land; see Pollock, Land Laws, ed. 3. p. 27; Eng. Hist. Rev. xi. 227; but we gravely doubt whether the humbler alodiarii had books. The author of the Quadripartitus renders bÓcland by terra hereditaria, terra testimentalis, terra libera, and even by feudum (Edg. II. 2); alodium occurs in the Instituta Cnuti. After this we can hardly say for certain that D. B. does not use alodium and feodum as equivalents, both representing a heritable estate, as absolute an ownership of land as is conceivable. [636] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 46. [637] D. B. i. 197. [638] D. B. i. 238 b: ‘Reliquas autem 7 hidas et dimidiam tenuit [sic] Britnodus et Aluui T. R. E., sed comitatus nescit de quo tenuerint.’ [639] D. B. i. 23: ‘Offa tenuit de episcopo in feudo.’ Ib. i. 59 b: ‘Blacheman tenuit in feudo T. R. E.’ [640] D. B. i. 28 b: ‘Bricmar tenuit de Azor et Azor de Heraldo ... Terra est 2 carucis. In dominio est una et 2 villani et 2 bordarii cum dimidia caruca.’ [641] D. B. i. 75 b: ‘De eadem terra ten[ent] 3 taini 3 hidas et reddunt 3 libras excepto servicio.’ Ib. 86 b: ‘Huic manerio est addita dimidia hida. Tres taini tenebant T. R. E. et serviebant preposito manerii per consuetudinem absque omni firma donante.’ [642] D. B. i. 1: ‘Quando moritur alodiarius, Rex inde habet relevationem terrae.’ [643] D. B. i. 179: ‘Burgensis cum caballo serviens, cum moriebatur, habebat Rex equum et arma eius. De eo qui equum non habebat, si moreretur, habebat Rex aut 10 solidos aut terram eius cum domibus.’ [644] D. B. i. 50 b: ‘Alric tenet dimidiam hidam. Hanc tenuit pater eius de Rege E. Sed hic Regem non requisivit post mortem Godric sui avunculi qui eam custodiebat.’ [645] D. B. i. 238 b: ‘Huic aecclesiae dedit Aluuinus vicecomes Cliptone concessu Regis Edwardi et filiorum suorum pro anima sua.’ Ib. 59: ‘De hoc manerio scira attestatur, quod Edricus qui eum tenebat deliberavit illum filio suo qui erat in Abendone monachus ut ad firmam illud teneret et sibi donec viveret necessaria vitae donaret; post mortem vero eius manerium haberet. Et ideo nesciunt homines de scira quod abbatiae pertineat, neque enim inde viderunt brevem Regis vel sigillum. Abbas vero testatur quod in T. R. E. misit ille manerium ad aecclesiam unde erat et inde habet brevem et sigillum R. E.’ [646] D. B. i. 154: ‘Quando Rex ibat in expeditione, burgenses 20 ibant cum eo pro omnibus aliis, vel 20 libras dabant Regi ut omnes essent liberi.’ [647] D. B. i. 230: ‘Quando Rex ibat in exercitu per terram, de ipso burgo 12 burgenses ibant cum eo.’ [648] D. B. i. 238: ‘Consuetudo Waruuic fuit, ut eunte rege per terram in expeditionem, decem burgenses de Waruuic pro omnibus aliis irent.’ [649] D. B. i. 57 b. [650] D. B. i. 64 b: ‘Quando Rex ibat in expeditione vel terra vel mari, habebat de hoc burgo aut 20 solidos ad pascendos suos buzecarlos, aut unum hominem ducebat secum pro honore 5 hidarum.’ [651] D. B. i. 100: ‘Quando expeditio ibat per terram aut per mare serviebat haec civitas quantum 5 hidae terrae.’ [652] Above, p. 156, note 650. [653] Schmid, App. VII. c. 2. § 9–12; App. V; Pseudoleges Canuti (i.e. Instituta Cnuti) 60, 61 (Schmid, p. 431). [654] Of this we shall speak in another Essay. [655] D. B. i. 375 b; above, p. 145. [656] D. B. i. 87 b: ‘Istae consuetudines pertinent ad Tantone ... profectio in exercitum cum hominibus episcopi.... Hae duae terrae non debent exercitum.’ [657] See above, p. 85, note 326. [658] D. B. i. 172: ‘Quando Rex in hostem pergit, si quis edictum eius vocatus remanserit, si ita liber homo est ut habeat socam suam et sacam et cum terra sua possit ire quo voluerit, de omni terra sua est in misericordia Regis. Cuiuscumque vero alterius domini homo si de hoste remanserit et dominus eius pro eo alium hominem duxerit, 40 sol. domino suo qui vocatus fuit emendabit. Quod si ex toto nullus pro eo abierit, ipse quidem domino suo 40 sol. dabit, dominus autem eius totidem solidis Regi emendabit.’ [659] See above, p. 77, note 294. [660] See Round, Feudal England, 249. [661] D. B. i. 208: ‘Testantur homines de comitatu quod Rex Edwardus dedit Suineshefet Siuuardo Comiti soccam et sacam, et sic habuit Haroldus comes, praeter quod geldabant in hundredo et in hostem cum eis ibant.’ It is here noted that though Harold had sake and soke over Swineshead, it paid its geld and did its military duty in the hundred. Our record would hardly mention such a point unless very often the exaction of geld and military service was one of the rights and duties of the lord who had sake and soke. [662] In the next chapter we shall speak of the bishop’s land-loans. [663] See the capitularies of 807 and 808 (ed. Boretius, pp. 134, 137). Also, Fustel de Coulanges, Les transformations de la royautÉ, 515 ff. It may well be doubted whether the five-hide rule had not been borrowed by English kings from their Frankish neighbours. Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 208 ff. [664] D. B. i. 152 b: ‘duo teigni homines Alrici filii Goding.’ Ib. ‘Hoc manerium tenuit Azor filius Toti teignus Regis Edwardi et alter teignus homo eius tenuit unam hidam et vendere potuit.’ [665] D. B. i. 84 b: at the end of a list of royal thegns ‘Omnes qui has terras T. R. E. tenebant, poterant ire ad quem dominum volebant.’ [666] D. B. i. 41: ‘Tres taini tenuerunt de episcopo et non potuerunt ire quolibet.’ [667] D. B. i. 91: ‘Hae terrae erant tainland in Glastingberie T. R. E. nec poterant ab aecclesia separari.’ [668] Hamilton, Inquisitio, pp. xviii. xix. [669] D. B. i. 66 b: ‘De hac eadem terra 3 hidas vendiderat abbas cuidam taino T. R. E. ad aetatem trium hominum, et ipse abbas habebat inde servitium, et postea debet redire ad dominium.’ Ib. i. 83 b: ‘Ipsa femina tenet 2 hidas in Tatentone quae erant de dominio abbatiae de Cernel; T. R. E. duo teini tenebant prestito.’ [670] D. B. i. 64 b: ‘Herman et alii servientes Regis ... Odo et alii taini Regis ... Herueus et alii ministri Regis.’ Ib. 75: ‘Guddmund et alii taini ... Willelmus Belet et alii servientes Regis.’ [671] D. B. i. 56 b (Berkshire custom): ‘Tainus vel miles Regis dominicus moriens, pro relevamento dimittebat Regi omnia arma sua et equum unum cum sella, alium sine sella.’ [672] D. B. i. 83: ‘Bricsi tenuit miles Regis E.’ Such entries are rare. D. B. i. 66: ‘De eadem terra huius manerii ten[ent] duo Angli.... Unus ex eis est miles iussu Regis et nepos fuit Hermanni episcopi.’ Here the king compels an Englishman to become a miles. D. B. i. 180 b: ‘Quinque taini ... habebant sub se 4 milites.’ The warrior was not necessarily of thegnly rank. [673] See the passages collected by Schmid, Gesetze, p. 667. [674] In their treatment of the thegnship of the last days before the Conquest, Maurer lays stress upon the proprietary element, Schmid upon the hereditary. See Little, Gesiths and Thegns, E. H. R. iv. 723. [675] Cnut, ii. 71. [676] D. B. i. 280 b. [677] Hamilton, Inquisitio, 121. [678] Eyton, Somerset, i. 84. [679] D. B. iv. 75: ‘Dominicatus Regis ad Regnum pertinens in Devenescira.’ Ib. 99: ‘Mansiones de Comitatu.’ Eyton, Somerset, i. 78. [680] D. B. ii. 119: ‘Hoc manerium fuit de regno, sed Rex Edwardus dedit Radulfo Comiti.’ Ib. 144: ‘Suafham pertinuit ad regionem et Rex E. dedit R. Comiti.’ Ib. 281 b: ‘Terra Regis de Regione quam Rogerus Bigotus servat.’ Ib. 408 b: ‘Tornei manerium Regis de regione.’ Mr Round, Feudal England, p. 140, treats regio as a mere blunder; but it may well stand for kingship. [681] D. B. i. 30 b: ‘Huius villae villani ab omni re vicecom[itis] sunt quieti.’ [682] D. B. iv. 99. [683] Pseudoleges Canuti (= Liebermann’s Instituta Cnuti), 55 (Schmid, p. 430): ‘Comitis rectitudines secundum Anglos istae sunt communes cum rege: tertius denarius in villis ubi mercatum convenerit, et in castigatione latronum, et comitales villae, quae ad comitatum eius pertinent.’ [684] D. B. ii. 118 b: ‘Terre Regis in Tetford ... est una leugata terre in longa et dim. in lato de qua Rex habet duas partes: de his autem duabus partibus tercia pars in consulatu iacet.’ But this seems to mean that only this part of the land is in the county of Norfolk. Ibid. i. 246: in Stafford the king has twenty-two houses ‘de honore comitum.’ [685] D. B. i. 246. [686] Ellis, Introduction. i. 313. When twenty years after Harold’s death a question about the title to land is at issue, there seems no reason why the jurors should tell lies about Harold. [687] D. B. i. 154 b. [688] D. B. i. 172. [689] D. B. i. 238. [690] D. B. i. 56 b: Berkshire custom, ‘Qui monitus ad stabilitionem venationis non ibat 50 sol. Regi emendabat.’ See also the Hereford custom, Ib. 179; also Rectitudines (Schmid, App. III.) c. 1. [691] D. B. i. 69. But the meaning of reveland is obscure. The most important passages about it are in D. B. i. 57 b (Eseldeborne), 181 (Getune). D. B. i. 83: ‘Hanc tenet Aiulf de Rege quamdiu erit vicecomes.’ [692] D. B. i. 100. [693] D. B. i. 86, 86 b, 92, 97; so in Devonshire, 117 b: ‘Hoc manerium debet per consuetudinem in Tavetone manerium Regis aut 1 bovem aut 30 denarios.’ [694] D. B. i. 38 b. [695] D. B. i. 101: ‘Ipsi manerio pertinet tercius denarius de hundredis Nortmoltone et Badentone et Brantone et tercium animal pasturae morarum.’ [696] Above, p. 155. [697] Chron. ann. 1085. [698] A sketch of the principal argument of this section was published in Eng. Hist. Rev., xi. 13, as a review of Keutgen’s Untersuchungen Über den Ursprung der deutschen Stadtverfassung. The origin of the French and German towns has become the theme of a large and very interesting literature. A good introduction to this will be found in an article by M. Pirenne, L’origine des constitutions urbaines, Revue historique, liii. 52, lvii. 293, and an article by Mr Ashley, Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. x. July, 1896. The continuous survival of Roman municipal institutions even in Gaul seems to be denied by almost all modern students. [699] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 625. [700] Stubbs, Const. Hist. iii. 448. [701] We must exclude cases in which the king takes an aid from his whole demesne, e.g. for his daughter’s marriage, for in such a case many royal manors which have no right to be called boroughs must make a gift. [702] Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, 347, has excellent remarks on this point. [703] Nearly. [704] This may come only from the Staffordshire part of Tamworth. [705] Chichester pays in later years; but very little. [706] Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I. p. 139. [707] Was the blank space in D. B. i. 246 left for the borough of Tamworth? This borough is incidentally mentioned in D. B. i. 238, 246, 246 b. [708] But the account of the two sister boroughs here falls between the accounts of the two sister counties. [709] D. B. i. 337. It is even called a suburbium of Lincoln, though it lies full 10 miles from the city. [710] The one glimpse that I have had of the manuscript suggested to me (1) that the accounts of some of the boroughs were postscripts, and (2) that space was left for accounts of London and Winchester. The anatomy of the book deserves examination by an expert. [711] D. B. i. 154. [712] D. B. i. 56. [713] D. B. i. 58. [714] D. B. i. 238. [715] D. B. i. 143. [716] Ellis, Introduction, ii. 446; Winchcombe Land-boc, ed. Royce, p. xiv; Stevenson, Rental of Gloucester, p. ix. [717] D. B. i. 128, 128 b; and above, p. 111. [718] K. 855 (iv. 211). [719] Stow, Survey, ed. Strype, Bk. iii. p. 121. [720] D. B. i. 135 b. [721] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 636. [722] Rot. Hund. ii. 361. [723] D. B. i. 189. [724] Rental of Gloucester, ed. W. H. Stevenson: Gloucester, 1890, p. x. [725] There are many examples in Kemble’s Codex. [726] Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I. p. 41: ‘Vicecomes reddit compotum de £80 de auxilio civitatis.... Et in perdonis.... Comiti de Mellent 25 sol.... Comiti de Lerecestria 35 sol.... Comiti de Warenna 16 sol.... Comiti Gloecestriae 116 sol. et 8 den.’ See also the Liber Wintoniae, D. B. iv. 531 ff. [727] In the A.-S. land-books the word civitas is commonly applied to Worcester, Winchester, Canterbury, and other such places, which are both bishops’ sees and the head places of large districts. But (K. v. p. 180) Gloucester is a civitas, and for some time after the Conquest it is rather the county town than the cathedral town that bears this title. Did any one ever speak of Selsey or Sherborne as a civitas? In 803 (K. v. p. 65) the bishops of Canterbury, Lichfield, Leicester, Sidnacester, Worcester, Winchester, Dunwich, London and Rochester style themselves bishops of civitates, while those of Hereford, Sherborne, Elmham and Selsey do not use this word. But an inference from this would be rash. [728] An interesting example is this. In 779 Offa conveys to a thegn land at Sulmonnesburg. The boundaries mentioned in the charter are those of the present parish of Bourton-on-the-Water. ‘Sulmonnesburg ... is the ancient camp close to Bourton which gave its name to the Domesday Hundred of Salmanesberie, and at a gap in the rampart of which a Court Leet was held till recently.’ See C. S. Taylor, Pre-Domesday Hide of Gloucestershire, Trans. Bristol and Gloucestershire ArchÆol. Soc. vol. xviii. pt. 2. As regards the names of hills and of villages named from hills there may occasionally be some difficulty in marking off those which go back to beorh (berry, berrow, barrow) from those which go back to burh (burgh, borough, bury). Mr Stevenson tells me that in the West of England the termination -borough sometimes represents -beorh. [729] Alfred, 40; Ine, 45. [730] Aethelr. IV. 4. The Quadripartitus is our only authority for these Instituta; but Dr Liebermann (Quadrip. p. 138) holds that the translator had in front of him a document written before the Conquest. Schmid would read borh-bryce; see p. 541; but this emendation seems needless. Has not the sum been Normanized? The king’s burh-bryce used to be 120 (i.e. in English ‘a hundred’) shillings, and a hundred Norman shillings make £5. So according to the Berkshire custom (D. B. i. 56 b) he who by night breaks a civitas pays 100 shillings to the king and not (it is noted) to the sheriff. [731] D. B. i. 2: ‘Concordatum est de rectis callibus quae habent per civitatem introitum et exitum, quicunque in illis forisfecerit, regi emendabit.’ See the important document contained in a St Augustin’s Cartulary and printed in Larking, Domesday of Kent, Appendix, 35: ‘Et omnes vie civitatis que habent duas portas, hoc est introitum et exitum, ille sunt de consuetudine Regis.’ [732] Schmid, App. XII; Leg. Henr. c. 16. [733] Fleta, p. 66; see also 13 Ric. II. stat. 1. cap. 3. [734] Edmund, II. 2. [735] See also Schmid, App. IV. (Be griÐe and be munde), § 15: ‘If any man fights or steals in the king’s burh or the neighbourhood (the ‘verge’), he forfeits his life, if the king will not concede that he be redeemed by a wergild.’ [736] Æthelstan, II. 20. [737] K. 1334 (vi. p. 195): a contract made at Exeter before Earl Godwin and all the shire. [738] Edgar, III. 5; Cnut, II. 18. [739] Mention is made of the walls of Rochester and Canterbury in various charters from the middle of cent. viii onwards: K. vol. i. pp. 138, 183, 274; vol. ii. pp. 1, 26, 36, 57, 86; vol. v. p. 68. [740] Green, Conquest of England, 189–207. [741] For instance, K. iii. pp. 5, 50. [742] K. 1154 (v. 302): ‘adiacent etiam agri quamplurimi circa castellum quod Welingaford vocitatur.’—K. 152 (i. 183): ‘castelli quod nominatur Hrofescester.’—K. 276 (ii. 57): ‘castelli Hrobi.’ [743] A beautiful example is given by Staffordshire and Warwickshire. Each has its borough in its centre, while Tamworth on the border is partly in the one shire, partly in the other. See Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I. 75, 76, 107, 108. As to these Mercian shires, see Stubbs, Const. Hist., i. 123; Green, Conquest of England, 237: ‘Hertfordshire, Buckinghamshire and Bedfordshire are other instances of purely military creation, districts assigned to the fortresses which Eadward raised at these points.’ [744] See our index under Burghal Hidage. Mr W. H. Stevenson’s valuable aid in the identification of these burgs is gratefully acknowledged. [745] D. B. i. 154. [746] D. B. i. 262 b. [747] It will be understood that we are not contending for an exact correspondence between civil and military geography. Oxford and Wallingford are border towns. Berkshire men help to maintain Oxford, and Oxfordshire men help to maintain Wallingford. [748] Widukind, I. 35. For comments see Waitz, Heinrich V. 95; Richter, Annalen, iii. 8; Giesebrecht, Kaiserzeit (ed. 5), i. 222, 811; Keutgen, Ursprung der deutschen Stadtverfassung, p. 44. Giesebrecht holds that Edward’s measures may well have been Henry’s model. [749] A.-S. Chron. ann. 894. [750] A charter of 899 (K. v. p. 141) professes to tell how King Alfred, Abp Plegmund and Æthelred ealdorman of the Mercians held a moot ‘de instauratione urbis Londoniae.’ One result of this moot was that two plots of land inside the walls, with hythes outside the walls, were given by the king, the one to the church of Canterbury, the other to the church of Worcester. How will the instauratio of London be secured by such grants? [751] K. 1144 (v. 280). Other cases: K. 663 (Chichester), 673 (Winchester), 705 (Warwick), 724 (Warwick), 746 (Oxford), 1235 (Winchester). [752] K. 765–6, 805. [753] Schmid, App. V. This might mean a seat (of justice) in the gate of his own burh. But this document will hardly be older than, if so old as, cent. x., by which time we should suppose that burh more often pointed to a borough than to a strong house. We may guess that in the latter sense it was supplanted by the hall of which we read a great deal in Domesday. See above, p. 109. However, it does not seem certain that O. E. geat can mean street. [754] A.-S. Chron. ann. 994. [755] Thorpe, Diplomatarium, 610. When the Confessor sends a writ to London he addresses it to the bishop, portreeve and burh-thegns. See K. iv. pp. 856, 857, 861, 872. [756] Gross, Gild Merchant, i. 183, 189. [757] Gross, op. cit. ii. 37. [758] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 257. [759] A.-S. Chron. ann. 1097: ‘Eac manege sciran Þe mid weorce to Lundenne belumpon ...’ Thorpe thought good to substitute scipan for sciran. [760] D. B. i. 298. Outside York were some lands which gelded with the city; ‘et in tribus operibus Regis cum civibus erant.’ This refers to the trinoda necessitas. [761] Sohm, Die Entstehung des deutschen StÄdtewesens: Leipzig, 1890. [762] Ellis, Introduction, i. 248–253. [763] D. B. i. 56 b. [764] D. B. i. 1. Black Book of the Admiralty, ii. 158: ‘the herring season, that is from St. Michael’s Day to St. Clement’s (Nov. 23).’ St. Andrew’s Day is Dec. 1. [765] Edward, I. 1; Æthelstan, II. 12, 13; IV. 2; VI. 10; Edmund, III. 5; Edgar, IV. 7–11; Leg. Will. I. 45; Leg. Will. III. 10. See Schmid, Glossar. s.v. Marktrecht. [766] Edgar, IV. 3–6. We should expect rather 36 than 33, and xxxvi might easily become xxxiii. [767] K. 280 (ii. 63), 316 (ii. 118). [768] Kemble, Cod. Dip. 1075 (v. 142); Kemble, Saxons, ii. 328; Thorpe, 136: ‘ge landfeoh, ge fihtwite, ge stale, ge wohceapung, ge burhwealles sceatinge.’ In D. B. i. 173 it is said that the Bishop of Worcester had received the third penny of the borough. Apparently in the Confessor’s day he received £6, the third of a sum of £18. As to the early history of markets, see the paper contributed by Mr C. I. Elton to the Report of the Royal Commission on Market Rights, 1889. [769] Æthelstan, II. 14. [770] The general equivalence of port and burh we may perhaps infer from Æthelstan, II. 14: No one is to coin money outside a port, and there is to be a moneyer in every burh. [771] Stockport, Langport, Amport, Newport-Pagnell, Milborne Port, Littleport are instances. But a very small river might be sufficient to make a place a haven. [772] Seemingly if this O.-E. port is not Lat. portus, it is Lat. porta, and there is some fascination about the suggestion that the burh-geat, or in modern German the Burg-gasse, in which the market is held, was described in Latin as porta burgi. In A.D. 762 (K. i. p. 133) we have a house ‘quae iam ad Quenegatum urbis Dorouernis in foro posita est.’ In A.D. 845 (K. ii. p. 26) we find a ‘publica strata’ in Canterbury ‘ubi appellatur Weoweraget,’ that is, the gate of the men of Wye. But what we have to account for is the adoption of port as an English word, and if our ancestors might have used geat, they need not have borrowed. In A.D. 857 (K. ii. p. 63) the king bestows on the church of Worcester certain liberties at a spot in the town of London, ‘hoc est, quod habeat intus liberaliter modium et pondera et mensura sicut in porto mos est ad fruendum.’ To have public weights and measures is characteristic of a portus (= haven). The word may have spread outwards from London. Dr Stubbs (Const. Hist. i. 439) gives a weighty vote for porta; but the continental usage deserves attention. Pirenne, Revue historique, lvii. 75: ‘Toutes les villes anciennes [en Flandre] s’y forment au bord des eaux et portent le nom caractÉristique de portus, c’est-À-dire de dÉbarcadÈres. C’est de ce mot portus que vient le mot flamand poorter, qui dÉsigne le bourgeois.’ See D. B. i. 181 b: ‘in Hereford Port.’ [773] D. B. i. 143. [774] D. B. i. 230. [775] Cutts, Colchester, 65; Round in The Antiquary, vol. vi. (1882) p. 5. [776] D. B. ii. 106–7. See Round, op. cit., p. 252. [777] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 629. [778] D. B. i. 252. [779] D. B. i. 179. So at Chester (i. 262 b) it is considered possible that the heir will not be able to pay the relief of ten shillings and will forfeit the tenement. [780] D. B. i. 336. [781] D. B. ii. 116. See also the case of Thetford (D. B. ii. 119), where there had been numerous burgesses who could choose their lords. [782] D. B. i. 280. [783] D. B. i. 336 b. [784] D. B. ii. 117. [785] D. B. i. 2. In 923 (K. v. p. 186) we hear of land outside Canterbury called Burhuuare bocaceras, apparently acres booked to [certain] burgesses. [786] D. B. i. 100. [787] D. B. ii. 107: ‘In commune burgensum iiii. xx. acrae terrae; et circa murum viii. percae; de quo toto per annum habent burgenses lx. sol. ad servicium regis si opus fuerit, sin autem, in commune dividunt.’ As to this most difficult passage, see Round, Antiquary, vol. vi. (1882) p. 97. Perhaps the most natural interpretation of it is that the community or commune of the burgesses holds this land and receives by way of rent from tenants, to whom it is let, the sum of 60 shillings a year, which, if this be necessary, goes to make up what the borough has to pay to the king, or otherwise is divisible among the burgesses. But, as Mr Round rightly remarks, 60 shillings for this land would be a large rent. [788] D. B. i. 2: ‘Ipsi quoque burgenses habebant de rege 33 acras terrae in gildam suam.’ Another version says, ‘33 agros terre quos burgenses semper habuerunt in gilda eorum de donis omnium regum.’ The document here cited is preserved in a cartulary of St Augustin, and is printed in Larking, Domesday of Kent, App. 35. It is closely connected with the Domesday Survey and is of the highest interest. [789] Gross, Gild Merchant, ii. 37. [790] We do not even know for certain that when our record says that the burgesses and the clerks held land ‘in gildam suam,’ more was meant than that the land was part of their geldable property. See Gross, Gild Merchant, i. 189. In the Exon Domesday the geld is gildum. [791] D. B. i. 154. [793] In modern York the freemen inhabiting the different wards had rights of pasture varying from ward to ward: Appendix to Report of Municipal Corporations’ Commissioners, 1835, p. 1745. York is one of the towns in which we may perhaps suppose that there has been a gradual union of several communities which were at one time agrarianly distinct. See D. B. i. 298. Dr Stubbs seems to regard this as a common case and speaks of ‘the townships which made up the burh’ (Const. Hist. i. 101). We can not think that the evidence usually points in this direction, and have grave doubts as to the existence within the walls of various communities that were called townships. Within borough walls we must not leap from parish to township. [794] D. B. i. 203. As to the whole of this matter see Mr Round’s paper on Domesday Finance in Domesday Studies, vol. i. [795] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 635. [796] D. B. i. 219. [797] The case of London is anomalous; but not so anomalous as it is often supposed to be. On this point see Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, 347 ff. On the Pipe Roll of 2 Hen. II. (pp. 24, 28) the citizens of Lincoln are accounting for a farm of £180, while the sheriff in consequence of this arrangement is credited with £140 (blanch) when he accounts for the farm of the shire. This is as yet a rare phenomenon. [798] As to the round sums cast on the boroughs, see Round in Domesday Studies, i. 117 ff.; also Round, Feudal England, 156. [799] This may not have been the case in East Anglia. [800] D. B. i. 252. [801] D. B. i. 298. Of York we read: ‘In the geld of the city are 84 carucates of land, each of which gelds as much as one house in the city.’ This seems to point to an automatic adjustment. To find out how much geld any house pays, divide the total sum that is thrown upon York by the number of houses + 84. [802] Mr Round (Domesday Studies, i. 129) who has done more than anyone else for the elucidation of the finance of Domesday, has spoken of ‘the great Anglo-Saxon principle of collective liability.’ This may be a useful term, provided that we distinguish (a) liability of a corporation for the whole tax whenever it is levied; (b) joint and several liability of all the burgesses for the whole tax whenever it is levied; (c) liability of each burgess for a share of the whole tax, the amount that he must pay in any year being affected by an increase or decrease in the number of contributories. [803] See the entry touching Colchester, above, p. 201, note 787. [804] D. B. i. 1. [805] D. B. i. 238. The custom of Warwick was that when the king made an expedition by land ten burgesses of Warwick should go for all the rest. He who did not go when summoned [summoned by whom? paid 100 shillings to the king; [so his offence was against the king not against the town.] And if the king went against his enemies by sea, they sent him four boat-swains or four pounds in money.][806] D. B. i. 56 b. [807] D. B. i. 179. [808] At Chester (D. B. i. 262 b) the twelve civic iudices paid a fine if they were absent without excuse from the ‘hundret.’ This seems to mean that their court was called a hundred moot. It is very possible that, at least in the earliest time, the moot that was held in the borough had jurisdiction over a territory considerably larger than the walled space, and in this case the urban would hardly differ from the rural hundred. A somewhat new kind of ‘hundred’ might be formed without the introduction of any new idea. [809] D. B. i. 336. [810] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 631. [811] Green, Town Life, vol. i. ch. xi. [812] D. B. i. 189. [813] D. B. i. 336 b. [814] D. B. i. 336 b. [815] D. B. i. 298. [816] D. B. i. 262 b. [817] R. H. i. 354–6. [818] Besides the well known English books, see a paper by Konrad Maurer, Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu MÜnchen, Philosoph.-philolog. Classe, 1887, vol. ii. p. 363. In the Leges Edw. Conf. 38 § 2, the ‘lagemanni et meliores homines de burgo’ seem to serve as inquest men, rather than doomsmen; while the lahmen of the document concerning the Dunsetan (Schmid, App. I.) seem to be doomsmen. [819] Gross, Gild Merchant, ii. 114 ff.; Hist. Eng. Law, i. 642. [820] D. B. ii. 290, Ipswich: ‘Modo vero sunt 110 burgenses qui consuetudinem reddunt et 100 pauperes burgenses qui non possunt reddere ad geltum Regis nisi unum denarium de suis capitibus.’ D. B. ii. 116, Norwich: ‘Modo sunt in burgo 665 burgenses anglici et consuetudines reddunt, et 480 bordarii qui propter pauperiem nullam reddunt consuetudinem.’ [821] D. B. i. 108 b. [822] Whether the novum burgum mentioned in D. B. i. 17 is Winchelsea or Rye or a new town at Hastings seems to be disputable. See Round, Feudal England, 568. [823] D. B. i. 26 b, 27. [824] D. B. i. 4 b. [825] D. B. i. 4 b. See also, 10 b. [826] D. B. i. 12. [827] D. B. i. 345, 283 b. It has been said that Leofric gave Newark to the see. [828] Dodsworth’s Yorkshire Notes, ed. R. Holmes (reprinted from Yorkshire Archaeological Journal), p. 126. [829] D. B. i. 316 b. The estate is ingeldable and therefore looks like an ancient possession of the king. [830] D. B. 337 b: ‘Toftes sochemanorum teignorum.’ Some commentators have seen here ‘sokemen thegns’; but the other interpretation seems far more probable. [831] Had these towns been described in Great Domesday, they would probably have been definitely placed outside the Terra Regis. [832] D. B. ii. 311, 312, 385. [833] D. B. ii. 319 b. [834] D. B. ii. 389 b: ‘semper unum mercatum modo 43 burgenses.’ For Sudbury, see D. B. ii. 286 b; for Beccles, 369 b. [835] D. B. i. 136 b: ‘In burbio huius villae 52 burgenses.’ The word burbium looks as if some one had argued that as suburbium means an annex to a town, therefore burbium must mean a town. But the influence of burh, burg, bourg may be suspected. A few pages back (132) the burgum of Hertford seems to be spoken of as ‘hoc suburbium.’ It is of course to be remembered that burgus or burgum was a word with which the Normans were familiar: it was becoming the French bourg. It is difficult to unravel any distinctively French thread in the institutional history of our boroughs during the Norman age; but the little knot of traders clustered outside a lord’s castle at Clare or Berkhampstead, at Tutbury, Wigmore or Rhuddlan may have for its type rather a French bourg than an English burh. Indeed at Rhuddlan (i. 269) the burgesses have received the law of Breteuil. [836] For Taunton, see D. B. i. 87 b: ‘Istae consuetudines pertinent ad Tantone: burgeristh, latrones, pacis infractio, hainfare, denarii de hundred, denarii S. Petri, ciricieti.’ Compare the document which stands as K. 897 (iv. 233): ‘ÐÆt is Ærest ... seo men redden into Tantune cirhsceattas and burhgerihtu.’ See also K. 1084 (v. 157): ‘ut episcopi homines [apud Tantun] tam nobiles quam ignobiles ... hoc idem ius in omni haberent dignitate quo regis homines perfruuntur, regalibus fiscis commorantes.’ [837] D. B. ii. 5 b. [838] D. B. ii. 104. [839] D. B. i. 163. [840] D. B. i. 75. [841] D. B. i. 100, 108 b. [842] D. B. i. 86 b. [843] D. B. i. 87. [845] D. B. 38 b, 44. [846] D. B. 64 b. [847] D. B. 66. [848] The burgesses belonging to Ramsbury are really at Cricklade: D. B. i. 66. [849] It seems very possible that already before the Conquest some boroughs had fallen out of the list. In cent. x. we read, for example, of a burh at Towcester and of a burh at Witham in Essex. We must not indeed contend that a shire-supported town with tenurial heterogeneity came into existence wherever Edward the Elder or the Lady of the Mercians ‘wrought a burh.’ But still during a time of peace the walls of a petty burh would be neglected, and, if the great majority of the inhabitants were the king’s tenants, there would be little to distinguish this place from a royal village of the common kind. See for Towcester, D. B. i. 219 b; for Witham, D. B. ii. 1 b. In later days we may see an old borough, such as Buckingham, falling very low and sending no burgesses to parliament. It will be understood that we have not pledged ourselves to any list of the places that were boroughs in 1066. There are difficult cases such as that of St Albans; see above, p. 181. But, we are persuaded that few places were deemed burgi, except the shire towns. [850] A last relic of the old borough peace may be found in Britton’s definition of burglary (i. 42): ‘Burglars are those who feloniously in time of peace break churches, or the houses of others, or the walls or gates of our cities or boroughs (de nos citez ou de nos burgs).’ [851] By a charter of enfranchisement a lord might introduce burgage tenure and abolish ‘servile customs’; but it must be, to say the least, doubtful whether he could, without the king’s licence, confer upon a village the public status of a borough and e.g. authorize it to behave like a hundred before the justices in eyre. This is one of the reasons why sheriffs can draw the line where they please, and why some towns which have been enfranchised never obtain a secure place in the list of parliamentary boroughs. [852] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 630. When it is being said that if land in the borough escheats, it always escheats to the king, the mesne tenures are already being forgotten within the borough, just as in modern times we have forgotten them in the open country. The burgher’s power of devising his land made escheat a rare event, and so destroyed the evidence of mesne tenure. [853] See above, p. 212. Also the king might give away an undivided share of the borough. Apparently the church of Worcester had received the third penny of the city ever since the day when the burh was wrought by the ealdorman and lady of the Mercians. See above, p. 194. [854] Ashley, Introduction to Fustel de Coulanges, Origin of Property in Land, p. vii. [855] The gradual disappearance in recent times of the Irish language is no parallel case, for this is a triumph of the printing press. Mr Stevenson tells me that the number of unquestioned cases of a word borrowed from Celtic in very ancient times is now reduced to less than ten. [856] Meitzen, Siedelung und Agrarwesen der Germanen, especially ii. 120 ff. [857] We shall use, and cite by the letter K., Kemble’s Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici. We shall refer by the letters H. & S. to the third volume of the Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents edited by Haddan and Stubbs, by the letter T. to Thorpe’s Diplomatarium, by the letter B. to Birch’s Cartularium, by the letter E. to Earle’s Land Charters. Reference will also be made to the two collections of facsimiles, namely, the four volumes which come from the British Museum and the two which come from the Ordnance Survey. We are yet a long way off a satisfactory edition of the land-books. A model has been lately set by Prof. Napier and Mr Stevenson in their edition of the Crawford Collection of Early Charters, Oxford, 1895. [858] Heming’s Cartulary was published by Hearne. It has been said that some of the documents in this collection which Kemble accepted as genuine commit the fault of supposing that the old episcopal minster was dedicated to St. Mary, whereas it was dedicated to St. Peter. See Robertson, Historical Essays, 195. However, where Heming’s work can be tested it generally gains credit. [859] D. B. i. 173 b; K. 131 (i. 158); B. i. 311. [860] D. B. i. 127; K. 230 (i. 297); B. i. 558. [861] Hist. Eccl. iv. 13 (ed. Plummer, i. 232). [862] See the spurious charter of CÆdwalla, K. 992 (v. 32) which purports to show where the 87 manses lay. According to it, the gift comprised some places which lay well outside the promontory of Selsey. But more of this hereafter. [863] Napier and Stevenson, Crawford Charters, p. 43. Some of the best work that has been done towards connecting Domesday Book with the A.-S. land-books will be found in a paper on the Pre-Domesday Hide of Gloucestershire: Transactions of Bristol and Gloucestershire Arch. Soc. vol. xviii., by Mr C. S. Taylor. [864] K. 12 (i. 16); B. i. 69; H. & S. 129; Plummer, Bede, ii. 247. The charter itself is open to grave suspicion. [865] C. S. Taylor, The Pre-Domesday Hide of Gloucestershire. [866] E. p. 4; B. M. Facsim. iv. 1. [867] K. 83 (i. 100): ‘in possessionem aecclesiasticae rationis et regulae ... in ius monasticae rationis.’ K. 90 (i. 108): ‘in possessionem iuris ecclesiastici.’ K. 101 (i. 122): ‘ut sit aecclesiastici iuris potestate subdita in perpetuum.’ [868] K. 54 (i. 60) is a gift to an abbess, for compare K. 36 (i. 41). We here leave out of account the early lease for lives granted by Bp. Wilfrid, K. 91 (i. 109), an important document, but one which must be mentioned in another context. [869] An accusative absolute. [870] Eadric’s deed is K. 27 (i. 30). See also Hlothar’s charter K. 16 (i. 20) and Snaebraed’s, K. 52 (i. 59); B.M. Facs. i. plates 1, 3. With these should be compared the forms in RoziÈre, Formules, i. 208–255. On pp. 235, 253 will be found instances, one from the very ancient Angevin collection, another from Marculf, in which the breaker of the charter is threatened, not only with a money penalty, but also with excommunication and damnation. [871] K. Nos. 12, 16, 32, 36, 48, 52, 56, 67, etc. [872] K. 131 (i. 158). [873] K. 1. [874] K. Nos. 27, 35, 77, 79, 999, 1006, 1007. [875] K. 35 (i. 39); E. 13; B. M. Facs. i. 2. [876] K. 52 (i. 59); E. 16; B. M. Facs. i. 3. [877] E. 4; B. M. Facs. iv. 1. [878] Davidson, Precedents in Conveyancing, i. 88 (ed. 1874): ‘In conveying estates, it is not usual to refer to the leases affecting the same, unless the leases are for a long term, of years, or beneficial, or otherwise not of the ordinary type.’ [879] Hist. Eccl. iv. c. 13 (ed. Plummer, i. 230). In the O. E. version the words are: ‘Ond se cyning ... him to godsuna onfeng and to tacne ÐÆre sibbe him twa mÆgÞe forgeaf, ÐÆt is Wiht ealond and Meanwara mÆgÞe on West Seaxna Ðeode.’ [880] Hist. Eccl. iv. c. 13 (ed. Plummer, i. 232). [881] K. 114 (i. 139); E. 49: ‘et cum omni tributo quod regibus inde dabatur.’ So by a deed of A.D. 762, K. 109 (i. 133), B. i. 272, a thegn states that king Æthelbert gave him a villa ‘cum tributo illius possidendam’ and then proceeds to give this villa to a church ‘cum tributo illius.’ [882] E. 4; B. M. Facs. iv. 1: ‘et semper liber permaneat omnibus habentibus ab omnibus duris secularibus, notis et ignotis, praeter arcem et pontem ac vulgare militiam.’ [883] K. 77 (i. 92); E. 24; B. M. Facs. i. 6: ‘Et ius regium in ea deinceps nullum repperiatur omnino, excepto dumtaxat tale quale generale est in universis ecclesiasticis terris quae in hac Cantia esse noscuntur.’ [884] K. 90 (i. 108); E. 40: ‘Et ut ab omni tributo vectigalium operum onerumque saecularium sit libera in perpetuum, pro mercede aeternae retributionis, regali potestate decernens statuo; tantum ut deo omnipotenti ex eodem agello aecclesiasticae servitutis famulatum impendat.’ [885] K. 56 (i. 64); H. & S. iii. 278; B. i. 171. The charter is of fairly good repute, but nothing that comes from Evesham is beyond suspicion. It is almost impossible to translate these early books without making their language too definite. How, for instance shall we render ‘nulli, neque principi, neque praefecto, neque tiranno alicui pascui constituantur’? [886] Ine, 70, § 1. [887] Thorpe, Gloss, s. v. Foster, thinks that this law has to do with the fostering of a child. Schmid is inclined to hold that it speaks of a rent payable to a landlord. [888] Ine, 64–6: ‘He who has 20 hides must show 12 hides of cultivated land if he wishes to go away. He who has 10 hides shall show 6 hides of cultivated land. He who has 3 hides let him show one and a half.’ The persons with whom these laws deal are certainly not ascripti glebae; they are very great men. Then we must read c. 63: ‘If a gesithcundman go away, then may he have his reeve with him and his smith and his child’s fosterer’; and then c. 68: ‘If a gesithcundman be driven off, let him be driven from the dwelling (botle), not from the set land (naes Þaere setene).’ The king’s gesiths have been taking up large grants of waste land and putting under-tenants on the soil. These great folk must not fling up their holdings until they have brought the land into cultivation. If they do abandon their land, they may take away with them only three of their dependants. If they are evicted by some adverse claimant this is not to harm their under-tenants; they are to be driven from the botl, that is from the chief house, but not from the land that they have set out to husbandmen. These last are to enjoy a secure title. We must leave to linguists the question whether we have rightly understood the difficult seten; but these chapters, together with c. 67, which deals with the relations between these lords and their husbandmen, seem to point to some great scheme for colonizing a newly-conquered district. [889] Kemble, Saxons, i. 294–8; ii. 58. [890] Karl Lehmann, Abhandlungen zur Germanischen Rechtsgeschichte, 1888; Liber Census Daniae, ed. O. Nielsen, 1879. [891] Cnut’s law (II. 62) about this matter seems to imply that in consequence of the immunities lavishly bestowed by his predecessors, the old ‘king’s feorm’ was only leviable from lands which were deemed to be the king’s lands, but that Cnut’s reeves had been demanding that this feorm should be supplemented by other lands. The king of his grace forbids them to do this. The old feorm has been changed into a rent of crown lands; a vague claim to ‘purveyance’ is abolished, but will appear again after the Conquest. [892] In the A.-S. Chron. ann. 991, 1007, 1011, the Danegeld appears as a gafol; but this is the common word for a rent paid by a tenant to his landlord. [893] Kemble, Saxons ii. 73–6. [894] Already in 749 Æthelbald of Mercia in a general privilege for the churches (H. & S. iii. 386) says, ‘Sed nec hoc praetermittendum est, cum necessarium constat aecclesiis Dei, quia Æthelbaldus Rex, pro expiatione delictorum suorum et retributione mercedis aeternae, famulis Dei propriam libertatem in fructibus silvarum agrorumque, sive in caeteris utilitatibus fluminum vel raptura piscium, habere donavit.’ [896] Rectitudines c. 1 (Schmid, App. III.). [898] SchrÖder, Die Franken und ihr Recht, Zeitsch. d. Savigny Stiftung, iii. 62–82, has argued that, from the first times of the Frankish settlement onwards, the king has a Bodenregal, an Obereigenthum over all land. [899] Epistola ad Ecgbertum (ed. Plummer, i. 405). [900] K. 131 (i. 158). [901] K. 137 (i. 164); B. M. Facs. i. 10. A few words are illegible, but the land is given ‘in ius ecclesiasticae liberalitatis in perpetuum possid[endam].’ [902] Æthelwulf makes a grant to a thegn, K. 269 (ii. 48), ‘pro expiatione piaculorum meorum et absolutione criminum meorum.’ In course of time the piety of the recitals becomes more and more perfunctory. It becomes a philosophic reflection on the transitoriness of earthly affairs and finally evaporates, leaving behind some commonplace about the superiority of written over unwritten testimony. [903] Bede (ed. Plummer, i. 415): ‘ipsas quoque litteras privilegiorum suorum.’ [904] Vinogradoff, Folkland, Eng. Hist. Rev. viii. 1. [905] Edw. I. 2. [906] Schmid, p. 575. [907] K. 281 (ii. 64); B. M. Facs. ii. 33. [908] K. 317 (ii. 120); T. 480; B. ii. 195. [909] K. 260 (ii. 28); B. ii. 33; B. M. Facs. ii. 30. [910] In K. 1019 (v. 58) there is talk of Offa having booked land to himself, and in K. 1245 (vi. 58) Edgar seems to perform a similar feat without mentioning the consent of the witan, though they attest the deed. See Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 145. [911] From Alfred and Edward the Elder we have hardly enough genuine charters to serve as materials for an induction, but Edward’s reign seems the turning point. [912] A.D. 838, K. 1044 (v. 90): Egbert gives ‘aliquantulam terrae partem meae propriae hereditatis ... cum consilio et testimonio optimatum meorum.’ A.D. 863, K. 1059 (v. 116): Æthelred ‘cum consensu ac licentia episcoporum ac principum meorum’ gives ‘aliquam partem agri quae ad me rite pertinebat.’ [913] Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 212. [914] We know of but four specimens earlier than 750. The first is a deed whereby Wulfhere of Mercia makes a grant ‘cum consensu et licentia amicorum et optimatum meorum’: E. 4; B. M. Facs. iv. 1. The second is a deed whereby Hlothar of Kent makes a grant with the consent of Abp Theodore, his (Hlothar’s) brother’s son Eadric and all the princes; K. 16 (i. 20); B. M. Facs. i. 1. The third, known to us only through a copy, is one by which Æthelbald of Mercia makes a grant ‘cum consensu vel episcoporum vel optimatum meorum’; K. 83 (i. 100). By a fourth deed, K. 27 (i. 30), Eadric grants land ‘cum consensu meorum patriciorum’; but this also we only get from a copy. [915] K. 1 (i. 1); A.D. 604. Æthelbert for Rochester. [916] K. 43 (i. 50); B. i. 140: A.D. 697, WihtrÆd.—K. 47 (i. 54); E. 17; B. M. Facs. i. 4: WihtrÆd.—K. 77 (i. 92); E. 24; B. M. Facs. i. 6: A.D. 732, Æthelbert.—K. 132 (i. 160); E. 54; B. M. Facs. ii. 4: A.D. 778, Egbert. [917] K. 85 (i. 102); E. 32: Eadbert for Rochester. Of this deed we have but a transcript. The formula of attestation is very curious and may have been distorted either by the original scribe or the copyist. [918] K. 157 (i. 189), Offa of Mercia uses this eschatocol, but in a Kentish gift. [919] K. 1006–7 (v. 47–8); B. i. 256–7. [920] K. 79 (i. 95). [921] Brunner, Rechtsgeschichte der RÖm. u. German. Urkunde, pp. 220–8; Giry, Manuel de diplomatique, 614. Bede in his famous letter (ed. Plummer, i. 417) uses the technical astipulari to describe the action of the prelates who set their crosses to the king’s charters. It occurs also in a charter of 791, K. 1015 (v. 53–4). See also K. 691 (iii. 289), ‘constipulatores.’ [922] Brunner, op. cit. 158. Dr Brunner thinks that the precedents for A.-S. charters came direct from Rome rather than from any other quarter (p. 187); but he fully admits that these charters when compared with foreign instruments show a certain formlessness. [923] Under our own law we may conceive a case in which a man would be compelled to die unwillingly intestate because one of the two people present at his death-bed capriciously refused to witness a will. [924] The transition is marked by the following charters.—K. 104, 105, 108, 113, in these we have the mere rogation of fit and proper witnesses.—K. 114 (a Kentish deed which Kemble ascribes to 759–765), in this the clause of attestation speaks of the counsel and consent of the optimates and principes.—K. 118, Uhtred of the Hwiccas makes a grant with the consent and licence of Offa king of the Mercians and of his (Offa‘s) bishops and principes.—K. 120, the witnesses are described as condonantes.—K. 121, 122, (A.D. 774) the clause of attestation says ‘cum sacerdotibus et senioribus populi more testium subscribendo.’—K. 131, ‘testium ergo et consentientium episcoporum ac principum meorum signa et nomina pro firmitatis stabilimento hic infra notabo.’—A clause of this kind becomes common with Offa, see K. 134, 137, 138, 148, 151, but occasionally there are relapses and the signatories merely appear as ‘fit and proper’ or ‘religious’ witnesses. But it is not until after 800 that, save as a rare exception, the consent of the magnates is brought into connexion with the operative words. [925] Bresslau, Urkundenlehre, i. 697. [926] Bede’s letter to Egbert (ed. Plummer, i. 405) and his account of Benedict Biscop (ib. 364) show that it was expected of the king that he should provide land for young warriors of noble race; but no word implies that the land out of which the provision was to be made was ‘folk-land,’ nor is it clear that the young warrior was to have a book. [927] See William’s charter for FÉcamp, Neustria Pia, p. 224. [928] A.D. 692–3, K. 35 (i. 39); B. M. Facs. i. 2: a grant by ‘Hodilredus parens Sebbi ... cum ipsius consensu’; ‘ego Sebbi rex Eastsaxonorum pro confirmatione subscripsi.’—A.D. 704, K. 52 (i. 59); B. M. Facs. i. 3: ‘Ego SueabrÆd rex Eastsaxonorum et ego PÆogthath cum licentia Ædelredi regis.’—A.D. 706, K. 56 (i. 64), ‘Ego Æthiluueard subregulus ... consentiente Coenredo rege Merciorum.’—A.D. 721–46, K. 91 (i. 109), Æthelbald of Mercia attests a lease made by the bishop of Worcester.—A.D. 759, K. 105 (i. 128); B. M. Facs. ii. 2: three brothers, each of whom is a regulus, make a gift ‘cum licentia et permissione Regis Offan Merciorum.’—A.D. 767, 770, K. 117–8 (i. 144–5): two gifts by Uhtred, regulus of the Hwiccas, ‘cum consensu et licentia Offani Regis Merciorum.’—A.D. 791? K. 1016 (v. 54): ‘Ego Aldwlfus dux SuÐ-Saxonum ... cum consensu et licentia Offae regis Merciorum.’ [929] K. 113 (i. 137). [930] K. 314 (ii. 112); 1067 (v. 127); Liber de Hyda, 57. On the death of Æthelbald, two of his sons, Æthelred and Alfred, seem to have made over the lands which had been devised to them by their father to Æthelbert, the reigning king, so that he might enjoy them during his life. Then again, on Æthelbert’s death, Alfred would not insist upon a partition but allowed his share to remain in the possession of Æthelred, the reigning king. See also Eadred’s will, Liber de Hyda, 153; he seems to have a good deal of land of which he can dispose freely. [931] K. 1312 (vi. 172). [932] The violated books are in Chron. Abingd. i. 314, 317, 334. [933] Were it possible for us to say that the kingship was elective, this would be but a beginning of difficulties. For example, we should raise a question which in all probability has no answer, were we to ask whether a majority could bind a minority. [934] Adams, The Anglo-Saxon Courts of Law (Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law, p. 1). Hallam, Middle Ages (ed. 1837), vol. ii. p. 416, says that of the right of territorial jurisdiction ‘we meet frequent instances in the laws and records of the Anglo-Saxons, though not in those of early date.’ The one charter older than Edward the Confessor that he cites is one of the Croyland forgeries. Kemble’s opinion seems to have fluctuated; Saxons, i. 177 note, ii. 397, Cod. Dipl. i. xliv-xlvii. K. Maurer, Krit. Ueberschau, ii. 57, thinks that the existence of the private court is proved for Cnut’s reign, but not for any earlier time. Dr Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 119, seems to doubt whether it can be traced far beyond the days of Cnut. Zinkeisen, Die AnfÄnge der Lehngerichtsbarkeit in England (1893, a Berlin doctoral dissertation), criticizes Mr Adams’s theory. [935] Essays, pp. 43–4. [937] K. 853 (iv. 208); E. 343. [938] The clearest instance is in the Waltham charter, K. 813 (iv. 154), but some details of this are not beyond suspicion. See also the writs for Westminster, K. 828 (iv. 191), 857 (iv. 213); Ordn. Facs. vol. ii. pl. 9. [939] Charter for St. Edmund’s, K. 1346 (vi. 205). See the account of Bury St. Edmunds in D. B. ii. 372: ‘et quaudo in hundreto solvitur ad geltum 1 lib. tunc inde exeunt 60 den. ad victum monachorum.’ [940] First printed from a copy in the MacDurnan Gospels by J. O. Westwood in Palaeographia Sacra, with a facsimile, plate 11. Accepted by Kemble and printed by him in Archaeological Journal, xiv. 61; Earle, 232; Freeman, Norman Conquest, ii. 52. [941] See the writ for St. Paul’s, K. 1319 (vi. 183). Mr Adams (p. 44) stigmatizes this as an evident forgery; but the reasons for this severe judgment are not apparent. See also K. 1321 (vi. 190), and the Latin writ of Harthacnut K. 1330 (vi. 192), which may have a genuine basis. [942] Cnut, II. 12 (Schmid, p. 276). [943] Thus if a statute requires written and signed evidence of an agreement, a letter in which the writer says, ‘True, I made such and such an agreement, but I am not going to keep it,’ may be evidence enough; see Bailey v. Sweeting, 9 C. B. N. S. 843. [944] Brunner, Carta und Notitia (Commentationes in honorem T. Mommsen); Brunner, Zur Rechtsgeschichte der RÖm. u. Germ. Urkunde. [945] Both the Angevin charter and the Angevin letters patent are in what we call ‘writ-form.’ The main formal difference is that the charter professes to be witnessed by a number of the king’s councillors, while Teste Meipso does for letters patent. This distinction is coming to the front about the year 1200. [946] K. 731 (iv. 9); T. 308. [947] K. 642 (iii. 203); compare D. B. i. 41. [948] The Conqueror’s charter for Exeter reproduced in Ordnance Facsimiles, vol. ii. is a fine specimen of the solemn charters referred to above. A considerable number of specimens, genuine and spurious (for our present purpose a forgery is almost as valuable as a true charter), will be found in the Monasticon, e.g. i. 174, Rufus for Rochester; i. 266, Rufus for Bath; ii. 109–111, 126, Henry I. for Abingdon; i. 163, Henry I. for Rochester; ii. 65–6, Henry I. for Evesham; ii. 267, Henry I. for Bath; ii. 539, Henry I. for Exeter; iii. 448, Henry I. for Malvern; vi. (1) 247, Henry I. for Merton; iii. 406, Stephen for Eye. Nor was this solemn form employed only by kings:—See Monast. ii. 385–6, Earl Hugh for Chester; iii. 404, Robert Malet for Eye; v. 121, Hugh de la Val for Pontefract; v. 167, William of Mortain for Montacute; v. 190, Simon of Senlis for St. Andrew Northampton; v. 247, Stephen of Boulogne for Furness; v. 316, Richard Earl of Exeter for Quarr; v. 628, Ranulf of Chester for Pulton. As to Normandy, see the charters in the Neustria Pia and the Gallia Christiana. A charter of Henry II. for Fontenay recites a charter by which the ancestors of Jordan Tesson founded the abbey with the consent of Duke William, also a charter of Duke William, ‘quae cartae crucibus sunt signatae secundum antiquam consuetudinem’; Neustria Pia, p. 80; Gallia Christiana, xi. Ap. col. 82. It is probable that during the Norman reigns the king’s cross was considered more valuable even than the king’s seal; Monast. iv. p. 18, Henry I. says, ‘hanc donationem confirmo ego Henricus rex et astipulatione sanctae crucis et appositione sigilli mei’; Ibid. ii. 385–6, Earl Hugh confirms a gift ‘non solum sigillo meo sed etiam sigillo Dei omnipotentis, id est, signo sanctae crucis.’ It is not implied in our text that every specimen of each of the two forms of instrument that we have mentioned will always display all the characteristics that have been noticed. There is no reason, for example, why in a solemn charter the king should not speak in the past tense of the act of gift, and as a matter of fact he does so in some of the Anglo-Saxon books, while, on the other hand, an instrument which begins with a salutation may well have the words of gift in the present tense (this is by no means uncommon in Anglo-Norman documents); nor of course is it necessary that an instrument in writ-form should be authenticated by a seal instead of a cross. Again, a solemn charter with crosses and pious recitals may begin with a salutation. We merely point out that the diplomata of Edward the Confessor and his Norman successors tend to conform to two distinct types. As to this matter see the remarks of Hickes, Dissertatio Epistolaris, p. 77; Hardy, Introduction to Charter Rolls, xiv., xxxvi. [949] The curious formula, Schmid, App. XI., already has ‘ne sace ne socne.’ This seems to suppose that it is a common thing for a man to have sake and soke over his land. [950] R. H. ii. 231. [951] R. H. ii. 458. [952] D. B. i. 172 b. [953] R. H. ii. 283. [954] Hale, Worcester Register, pp. xxx, 21 b; K. Appendix, 514 (vi. 237); Hickes, Dissertatio Epistolaris, i. 86; at the end of his dissertation Hickes gives a facsimile of the instrument. [955] A record of 825 (H. & S. iii. 596–601) mentions a place ‘in provincia Huicciorum’ called Oslafeshlau; the editors of the Councils say ‘Oslafeshlau is probably the original name of the hundred which now, either from some act of St. Oswald or by an easy corruption, is called Oswaldslaw.’ One of Oswald’s books (K. iii. 160) mentions ‘Oswald’s hlaw’ among the boundaries of Wulfringtune, i.e. Wolverton, a few miles east of Worcester. It is very likely that the true name of the hundred is Oswald’s hlaw, i.e. Oswald’s hill, not Oswald’s law, though the mistake was made at an early time. But the story told by the charter as to the fusion of three old hundreds is corroborated by Domesday, and in the thirteenth century one of the three courts was still held at Wimborntree. [956] But Dr Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 118, relies on part of this charter and it is not like ordinary forger’s work. If, as is highly probable, there has been some ‘improvement’ of the charter, such improvement seems to have favoured, not the church of Worcester as against the king, but the monks as against the bishop. [957] ‘cum tolle et teame, saca et socne, et infangenetheof, et proprii iuris debitum transgressionis, et poenam delicti quae Anglice dicitur ofersÆwnesse, et gyltwyte.’ [958] D. B. i. 172 b: ‘Ecclesia S. Mariae de Wirecestre habet unum hundret quod vocatur Oswaldeslau in quo iacent ccc. hidae. De quibus episcopus ipsius ecclesiae a constitutione antiquorum temporum habet omnes redditiones socharum et omnes consuetudines inibi pertinentes ad dominicum victum et regis servitium et suum, ita ut nullus vicecomes ullam ibi habere possit querelam, nec in aliquo placito, nec in alia qualibet causa. Hoc testatur totus comitatus.’ [959] Another example is Edgar’s charter for Ely, A.D. 970 K. 563 (iii. 56), which bestows the soke over the two hundreds which lie within the Isle, five hundreds in Essex, and all other lands of the monastery. Kemble was inclined to accept the A.-S. version of the charter. It purports to be obtained by bishop Æthelwold and, if genuine, is closely connected with the Oswaldslaw charter; both testify to unusual privileges obtained by the founders of the new monasticism. [960] E.g. K. 1298 (vi. 149), ‘Dis is seo freolsboc to Ðan mynstre Æt Byrtune.’ [961] E.g. K. 277 (ii. 58), 278 (ii. 60). [962] A.D. 875; K. 306 (ii. 101); B. ii. 159. [963] Unsuspected charters of the seventh and eighth centuries are so few, that we hardly dare venture on any generalities about their wording. But already in a charter attributed to 674, E. p. 4, Brit. Mus. Facs. iv. 1, something very like the ‘common form’ of later days appears; it appears also in a charter of A.D. 691–2, K. 32 (i. 35), E. p. 12, of which we have but a fragmentary copy, and before the end of the eighth century it appears with some frequency; see e.g. Offa’s charter of 774, K. 123 (i. 150): ‘sit autem terra illa libera ab omni saecularis rei negotio, praeter pontis, arcisve restaurationem et contra hostes communem expeditionem.’ [964] Occasionally the contrast is expressly drawn, e.g. by Æthelbald, K. 90 (i. 108): ‘ut ab omni tributo vectigalium operum onerumque saecularium sit libera ... tantum ut Deo omnipotenti ex eodem agello aecclesiasticae servitutis famulatum inpendat.’ [966] Privilege of WihtrÆd, A.D. 696–716, Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 238: ‘Adhuc addimus maiorem libertatem. Inprimis Christi ecclesiae cum omnibus agris ad eam pertinentibus, similiter Hrofensi ecclesiae cum suis, caeterisque praedictis omnibus ecclesiis Dei nostri, subiciantur pro salute animae meae, meorumque praedecessorum, et pro spe caelestis regni ex hac die, et deinceps concedimus et donamus ab omnibus difficultatibus saecularium servitutis, a pastu Regis, principum, comitum, nec non ab operibus, maioribus minoribusve gravitatibus: et ab omni debitu vel pulsione regum tensuris liberos eos esse perpetua libertate statuimus.’ See also the act by which Æthelbald confirmed this privilege in 742, H. & S. iii. 340, B. i. 233–6. According to one version of this act, the trinoda necessitas is, according to another it is not, excepted. The learned editors of the Councils speak of ‘the suspicions common to every record that notices the Privilege of WihtrÆd.’ We are treading on treacherous ground. See also the less suspicious Act of Æthelbald, A.D. 749, H. & S. iii. 386: ‘Concedo ut monasteria et aecclesiae a publicis vectigalibus et ab omnibus operibus oneribusque, auctore Deo, servientes absoluti maneant, nisi sola quae communiter fruenda sunt, omnique populo, edicto regis, facienda iubentur, id est, instructionibus pontium, vel necessariis defensionibus arcium contra hostes, non sunt renuenda.’ [967] A.D. 1066, Edward the Confessor for Westminster, K. 828 (iv. 191): ‘scotfre and gavelfre.’ [968] Kemble, Codex, vol. i. Introduction liii-lvi., collects some of the best instances. Offa for a valuable consideration frees certain lands belonging to the church of Worcester from pastiones; ‘nec non et trium annorum ad se pertinentes pastiones, id est sex convivia, libenter concedendo largitus est’: K. 143 (i. 173), B. i. 335. [969] A.D. 904, K. 1084 (v. 157). [970] A.D. 826, Egbert for Winchester, K. 1037 (v. 81): ‘Volo etiam ut haec terra libera semper sit ... nullique serviat nisi soli episcopo Wentano.’ [971] K. 1346 (vi. 205). Compare Fustel de Coulanges, L’ImmunitÉ MÉrovingienne, Revue historique, xxiii. 21. [972] E.g. K. 1117 (v. 231): ‘tribus semotis causis a quibus nullus nostrorum poterit expers fore’; K. v. pp. 259, 283, 334. [973] To this class belong the foundation charter of Evesham mentioned above, p. 235, and Offa’s charter for St. Albans, K. 161 (i. 195), which Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 469, are unwilling to decisively reject. Cenwulf’s charter for Abingdon, K. 214 (i. 269), H. & S. iii. 556, sets a limit to the amount of military service that is to be demanded. Æthelstan’s charter for Crediton, recently printed by Napier and Stevenson, Crawford Charters, p. 5, frees land from the trinoda necessitas. [974] E.g. K. i. p. 274; ii. pp. 14, 15, 24, 26, 83; v. pp. 53, 62, 81. [975] Observe how Bede describes a gift made by Oswy in the middle of the seventh century; Hist. Eccl. iii. 24 (ed. Plummer, i. 178): ‘donatis insuper duodecim possessiunculis terrarum in quibus ablato studio militiae terrestris, ad exercendam militiam caelestem etc.’ [976] The passages in the dooms which mention it are collected in Schmid, Glossar, s. v. Ángild. They are discussed by Maurer, Krit. Ueberschau, ii. 32. [977] The clauses of immunity which mention the Ángild will be collected in a note at the end of this section. [978] K. 210 (i. 265); B. i. 497; H. & S. iii. 585. The clause in question is not found in every copy of the charter. If some monk is to be accused of tampering with the book, there seems just as much reason for charging him with having omitted a clause which limited, as for charging him with inserting a clause which recognized, the jurisdiction of the church. [979] These clauses will be discussed in a note at the end of this section. [980] A.D. 841, K. 250 (ii. 14): ‘Liberabo ab omnibus saecularibus servitutibus ... regis et principis vel iuniorum eorum, nisi in confinio reddant rationem contra alium.’ Compare K. 117 (i. 144): ‘nisi specialiter pretium pro pretio ad terminum.’ Also Leg. Henr. 57 § 1: ‘Si inter compares vicinos utrinque sint querelae, conveniant ad divisas.’ Ibid. 57 § 8: ‘aliquando in divisis vel in erthmiotis.’ Ibid. 9 § 4: ‘Et omnis causa terminetur, vel hundreto, vel comitatu, vel hallimoto soccam habentium, vel dominorum curiis, vel divisis parium.’ See above, p. 97. [981] A.D. 828, K. 223 (i. 287): ‘cum furis comprehensione intus et foris’; A.D. 842, K. 253 (ii. 16) ‘ut ... furis comprehensione ... terra secura et immunis ... permaneat’; A.D. 850, K. 1049 (v. 95) a similar form; A.D. 858, K. 281 (ii. 64), a similar form; A.D. 869, K. 300 (ii. 95), a similar form; A.D. 880, K. 312 (ii. 109): ‘cum furis comprehensione.’ See Kemble’s remarks, C. D. vol. i. p. xlvi. [982] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 565. [983] K. 1084 (v. 157); B. ii. 272: ‘Christo concessi ut episcopi homines tam nobiles quam ignobiles in praefato rure degentes hoc idem ius in omni haberent dignitate quo regis homines perfruuntur regalibus fiscis commorantes, et omnia saecularium rerum iudicia ad usus praesulum exerceantur eodem modo quo regalium negotiorum discutiuntur iudicia.’ Similar words occur in a confirmation by Edgar, K. 598 (iii. 136), which Kemble rejects. This contains an English paraphrase of the Latin text. [984] Compare K. 821 (iv. 171): ‘swa freols on eallan thingan eall swa thaes cinges agen innland.’ [985] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 570. [986] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 580. [987] Few questions in Frankish history have been more warmly contested than this, whether the immunist had a jurisdiction within his territory. On the one hand, it has been contended that there is no evidence older than 840 that he exercised jurisdiction even as between the inhabitants of that territory. On the other hand, it has been said that already in 614 he has civil jurisdiction in disputes between these inhabitants, besides a criminal jurisdiction over them, which however does not extend to the graver crimes. A few references will suffice to put the reader in the current of this discussion; LÖning, Geschichte des Deutschen Kirchenrechts, ii. 731; Brunner, D. R. G. ii. 298; SchrÖder, D. R. G. 174; Beauchet, Histoire de l’organisation judiciaire en France, 74; Beaudoin, Étude sur les origines du regime fÉodal (Annales de l’enseignement supÉrieur de Grenoble, vol. i. p. 43); Fustel de Coulanges, L’ImmunitÉ MÉrovingienne (Revue Historique, xxii. 249, xxiii. I). One of the most disputed points is the character of the court held by an abbot, which is put before us by the very ancient Formulae Andecavenses, a collection attributed to the sixth or, at the latest, to the early years of the seventh century. It has been asserted and denied that this abbot of Angers is exercising the powers given to him by an immunity; some have said that he, or rather his steward, is merely acting as an arbitrator; Brunner, Forschungen, 665, explains him as one of the mediocres iudices of decaying Roman law. On the whole, the balance of learning is inclining to the opinion that, even in the Merovingian time, there were great churches and other lords with courts which wielded power over free men, and that the ‘immunities,’ even if they were not intended to create such courts, at all events made them possible, or, as Fustel says, consecrated them. [988] Madox, Hist. Exch. i. 109; Bigelow, Placita Anglo-Normannica, 114. [989] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 224–30. [990] Nissl, Der Gerichtsstand des Clerus im FrÄnkischen Reich, 247. [991] K. 214 (i. 269); 236 (i. 312). [992] Edw. & Guth. 4; Leg. Henr. II, § 5. [993] D. B. i. 26. [994] Chron. de Bello, 26–7: ‘Et si forisfacturae Christianitatis quolibet modo infra leugam contigerint, coram abbate definiendae referantur. Habeatque ecclesia S. Martini emendationem forisfacturae; poenitentiam vero reatus sui rei ab episcopo percipiant.’ [995] Battle Custumals (Camden Soc.), 126: ‘Septem hundreda non habent fossas nisi apud Wy, et ideo habemus ij. denarios: Archiepiscopus tamen et Prior de novo trahunt homines suos ad fossas: Abbas de S. Augustino non habet.’ [996] c. 3, X. 5, 37: ‘Accepimus ... quod archidiaconi Conventrensis episcopatus ... in examinatione ignis et aquae triginta denarios a viro et muliere quaerere praesumunt.’ [997] Cnut II. 12–15. [998] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 564. [999] Beaudoin, op. cit. p. 94 ff. [1000] Æthelstan, II. 2. [1001] Konrad Maurer, Krit. Ueberschau, ii. 30 ff. [1002] Æthelstan, II. 3. Observe how in the Latin version ‘se blaford the rihtes wyrne’ becomes ‘dominus qui rectum difforciabit.’ [1003] K. Maurer, Krit. Ueberschau, ii. 32, 40, 41. Ine, 22, is of great importance on account of its antiquity. [1004] D. B. ii. 18 b: ‘inde vocat dominum suum ad tutorem.’ See above, p. 71. [1005] Leg. Henr. 57, § 8; 82, §§ 4, 5, 6. [1007] Æthelstan, VI. (Iudicia Civitatis Lundoniae), 1. [1008] Æthelred, I. 1, § 7. [1009] Edgar, I. 2, 3; III. 7; IV. 2, § 8; Æthelred, I. 1; III. 3, 4, 7. [1010] Æthelred, III. 3, 4. [1011] Æthelred, III. 7. [1012] Edgar, IV..= 2, § 11; Æthelred, I. 3. [1013] D. B. i. 154. See above, p. 92. [1015] Northumbrian Priests’ Law, Schmid, App. II. 48–9. [1016] Ibid. 57, 58. See also the texts which give the lord a share with the bishop in the penalty for neglect to pay tithe, viz. Edgar, II. 3; Æthelred, VIII. 8; Cnut, I. 8. [1017] K. 498 (ii. 386). [1019] The Archbishop of York, the bishops of Durham, Chester, Lincoln and (for one manor) Salisbury, the abbots of York, Peterborough, Ramsey, Croyland, Burton and (for one manor) Westminster. [1020] D. B. i. 280 b; i. 337. [1021] K. 729 (iv. 3). [1022] It is noticeable that the verb syllan usually means ‘to give.’ Words such as vendere are avoided. [1023] A.D. 941, K. 390 (ii. 234) condemned by Kemble: ‘amabili vassallo meo.’—A.D. 952, K. 431 (ii. 302): ‘cuidam vassallo.’—A.D. 956? K. 462 (ii. 338): ‘meo fideli vassallo.’—A.D. 967, K. 534 (iii. 11): ‘meo fideli vassallo.’—A.D. 821, K. 214 (i. 269): ‘expeditionem cum 12 vassallis et cum tantis scutis exerceant.’ After the Norman Conquest the word is very rare in our legal texts. [1024] K. 179 (i. 216): ‘eo videlicet iure si ipse nobis et optimatibus nostris fidelis manserit minister et inconvulsus amicus.’ [1025] K. 408 (ii. 263): ‘eatenus ut vita comite tam fidus mente quam subditus operibus mihi placabile obsequium praebeat, et meum post obitum cuicunque meorum amicorum voluero eadem fidelitate immobilis obediensque fiat.’ [1026] The terms of the oath are given in Schmid, App. X. [1029] K. 214 (i. 269); H. & S. iii. 556. [1030] D. B. i. 172; see above, p. 159. [1031] Cnut, II. 13, 77. [1033] K. 1035 (v. 76). The charter is not beyond suspicion, but Kemble has received, and the editors of the Councils (H. & S. iii. 607) have refused to condemn it. [1034] K. 1020 (v. 60); B. i. 409; H. & S. iii. 528. [1035] See Brunner, Die Landschenkungen der Merowinger und der Agilolfinger, Forschungen, p. 6: ‘He who receives an order acquires in the insignia of the order which are delivered to him an ownership of an extremely attenuated kind. He can not give them away or sell them or let them out or give them in dowry. When he dies they go back to the giver.’ We are not aware of any English decision on such matters as these. In a charter for Winchester (B. ii. 238) Edward the Elder is represented as saying that the land that he gives to the church is never to be alienated. If, however, the monks must sell or exchange it, then they may return it ‘to that royal family by whom it was given to them.’ [1036] Brunner, Zur Rechtsgeschichte d. rÖm. u. germ. Urkunde, p. 190; Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 12. [1037] See Brunner, Landschenkungen, Forschungen, p. 1. In this paper Dr Brunner appealed to our English law, in order that he might settle the famous controversy between Waitz and Roth as to the character of the gifts of land made by the Merovingians. On p. 5 he denies that our rule about ‘words of inheritance’ should be called feudal. Its starting point is the principle that the quality [an English lawyer would add—and the quantity also]of the ‘estate’ (Besitzrecht) can be determined by the donor’s words, by a lex donationis imposed by the donor on the land. [1038] Brunner, Geschichte der Urkunde, p. 200. [1039] Heming’s Cartulary, i. 259. ‘Post mortem autem eius, filius eius ... testamentum patris sui irritum faciens....’ Ibid. p. 263: ‘Brihtwinus ... eandem terram Deo et Sanctae Mariae obtulit, eundemque nepotem suum monachum fecit. Filius eius etiam, Brihtmarus nomine, pater ipsius iam dicti Edwini monachi, cum heres patris extitisset, ... ipsam ... villam monasterio dedit.’ Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 250. [1040] Brunner, Forschungen, p. 22; Hist. Eng. Law, i. 292. [1041] Crawford Charters (ed. Napier and Stevenson), pp. 23, 126. Early in cent. xi. a bishop in his testament declares how he gives ‘to each retainer his steed which he had lent him.’ [1042] See the wills collected by Thorpe; p. 501: Gift to the queen for her mediation that the will may stand. Ibid. p. 505: ‘And bishop Theodred and ealdorman Eadric informed me, when I gave my lord the sword that king Edmund gave me ... that I might be worthy of my testament (mine quides wirde). And I never ... have done any wrong to my lord that it may not so be.’ Ibid. p. 519: ‘And I pray my dear lord for the love of God that my testament may stand.’ See also pp. 528, 539, 543, 552, 576. [1043] Thus ealdorman Alfred disposes (but with the consent of the king and all his witan) of his ‘heritage’ as well as of his book-land; Thorpe, 480. Lodge, Essays on A.-S. Law, p. 108, supposes a certain power of regulating the descent of ‘family land’ within the family. [1044] K. 414 (ii. 273): ‘Ego Wulfricus annuente et sentiente et praesente domino meo rege ... concessi ... terram iuris mei ... quam praefatus rex Eadredus mihi dedit in perpetuam hereditatem cum libro eiusdem terrae.’—K. 1130 (v. 254): ‘Ego Eadulfus dux per concessionem domini mei regis ... concedo ... has terras de propria possessione mea quas idem ... rex dedit in perpetuam hereditatem.’—K. 1226 (vi. 25): ‘Ego Ælfwordus minister Regis Eadgari concedo ... annuente domino meo rege ... villam unam de patrimonio meo.’ [1045] Except in the cases, comparatively rare before the statute Quia Emptores, in which the feoffee is to hold of the feoffor’s lord. [1046] Fustel de Coulanges, Les origines du systÈme fÉodal; Brunner, D. R. G. i. 209–12. [1047] K. 1058 (v. 115); B. ii. 89: ‘et nullus iam licentiam ulterius habeat Christi neque sancti Petri ... neque ausus sit ulterius illam terram praedictam rogandi in beneficium.’ [1048] K. 1089 (v. 166); B. ii. 281. See also K. 262 (ii. 33); B. ii. 40; Birhtwulf of Mercia takes a lease for five lives from the church of Worcester and assigns it to a thegn. The consideration for this lease is a promise that for the future he will not make gifts out of the goods of the church. [1049] K. 1287 (vi. 124). The verb praestare was the regular term for describing the action of one who was constituting a precarium or beneficium. In K. 1071 (v. 138) Bp Werferth of Worcester obtains a lease for three lives having petitioned for it; ‘terram ... humili prece deprecatus fui.’ [1050] For commodare see K. v. pp. 166, 169, 171; for l?nan, ibid. 162; for l?tan, ibid. 164. [1051] See Bp Oswald’s leases. [1052] K. 91 (i. 109). [1053] K. 165 (i. 201). [1054] K. 279 (ii. 61). [1055] K. 339 (ii. 149). [1056] See the charter of Cenwulf for Winchcombe, H. & S. iii. 572 and the editors’ note at 575. See also K. 610 (iii. 157), 1058 (v. 115), 1090 (v. 169). [1057] K. 262 (ii. 33) is a lease for five lives by the church of Worcester; but the lessee is a king. [1058] Nov. 7, 3. See Brunner, Zur Rechtsgeschichte der rÖm. u. germ. Urkunde, 187. Theodore of Tarsus would perhaps have known this rule. It does not belong to the general western tradition of Roman law, but is distinctly Justinianic. [1059] K. 165 (i. 201). The ‘limitation’ is not very plain; but we seem to have here a lease for two lives. [1060] K. 182 (i. 220). [1061] K. 262 (ii. 33); B. ii. 40: lease by church of Worcester to the king for five lives: ‘et illi dabant terram illam ea tamen conditione ut ipse rex firmius amicus sit episcopo praefato et familia in omnibus bonis eorum.’ K. 279 (ii. 61): lease by the same church to a dux and his wife with stipulation for amicitia. [1062] These are preserved in Heming’s Cartulary; see K. 494–673. [1063] In K. 498 (ii. 386) the aecclesiasticus census is two modii of clean grain; in K. 511 (ii. 400) the lessee must mow once and reap once ‘with all his craft’; in K. 508 (ii. 398) he must sow two acres with his own seed and reap it; in K. 661 (iii. 233) is a similar stipulation. [1064] In many cases the clause of immunity has become very obscure owing to a copyist’s blunder. It is made to run thus: ‘Sit autem terra ista libera omni regi nisi aecclesiastici censi.’ Some mistake between rei and regi may be suspected. What we want is what we get in some other cases, e.g. K. 651, 652, viz. ‘libera ab omni saecularis rei negotio.’ The following forms are somewhat exceptional; K. 530 and 612, ‘butan ferdfare and walgeworc and brycgeworc and circanlade’; K. 623, 666, ‘excepta sanctae dei basilicae suppeditatione et ministratione’; K. 625, ‘exceptis sanctae dei aecclesiae necessitatibus et utilitatibus.’ [1065] Kemble gives it in Cod. Dipl. 1287 (vi. 124) and in an appendix to vol. i. of his history. Also he speaks of it in Cod. Dipl. i. xxxv., and there says that it is ‘a laboured justification’ by Bp Oswald of his proceedings. To my mind it is nothing of the kind. Oswald is proud of what he has done and wishes that a memorial of his acts may be carefully preserved for the benefit of the church. Of course, if regarded from our modern point of view, the form of the document is curious. The bishop seems engaged in an attempt to bind his lessees by his own unilateral account of the terms to which they have agreed. But his object is to have of the contract a record which has been laid before the king and the witan and which, if we are to use modern terms, will have all the force of an act of parliament, to say nothing of the anathema. [1066] In places its language becomes turbid and well-nigh untranslatable. [1067] It may be that the bishop has just obtained from the king a grant or confirmation of the hundredal jurisdiction over what is to be Oswaldslaw. [1068] K. vi. 125: ‘hoc est ut omnis equitandi lex ab eis impleatur quae ad equites pertinet.’ [1069] K. vi. 125: ‘et ad totum piramiticum opus aecclesiae calcis atque ad pontis aedificium ultro inveniantur parati.’ The translation here given is but guesswork; we suppose that piramiticus means ‘of or belonging to fire (p??).’ [1070] Ibid.: ‘insuper ad multas alias indigentiae causas quibus opus est domino antistiti frunisci, sive ad suum servitium sive ad regale explendum, semper illius archiductoris dominatui et voluntati qui episcopatui praesidet ... subditi fiant.’ Is archiductor but a fine name for the bishop? We think not. In the Confessor’s day Eadric the Steersman was ‘ductor exercitus episcopi ad servitium regis’ (Heming, i. 81), and it would seem from this that the tenants were to be subject to a captain set over them by the bishop. But in the famous, if spurious, charter for Oswaldslaw (see above, p. 268) Edgar says that on a naval expedition the bishop’s men are not to serve under the ordinary officers ‘sed cum suo archiductore, videlicet episcopo, qui eos defendere et protegere debet ab omni perturbatione et inquietudine.’ This would settle the question, could we be certain that the words ‘videlicet episcopo’ were not the gloss of a forger who was improving an ancient instrument. For our present purpose, however, it is no very important question whether the archiductor, the commander in chief of these tenants, is the bishop himself or an officer of his. [1071] Ibid.: ‘praevaricationis delictum secundum quod praesulis ius est emendet.’ [1072] D. B. 174. Compare the entry on f. 175 b relating to the church-scot of Pershore. [1073] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 217. See also D. B. i. 165 b, Hinetune. [1074] Heming, i. 81: ‘Edricus qui fuit, tempore regis Edwardi, stermannus navis episcopi et ductor exercitus eiusdem episcopi ad servitium regis.’ D. B. i. 173 b: ‘Edricus stirman’ held five hides of the bishop. [1075] Heming, i. 77: ‘Et [episcopus] deracionavit socam et sacam de Hamtona ad suum hundred de Oswaldes lawe, quod ibi debent placitare et geldum et expeditionem ... persolvere.’ [1076] Maitland, Northumbrian Tenures, Eng. Hist. Rev. v. 625. [1077] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 288. [1078] In this respect Oswald’s leases seem to have closely resembled a form of lease, known as manusfirma, which became common in the France of the eleventh century: Lamprecht, BeitrÄge zur Geschichte des franzÖsischen Wirthschaftslebens, pp. 59, 60. [1079] Heming, i. 259: ‘Ac primo videndum quae terrae trium heredum temporibus accommodatae sint, post quorum decessum iuri monasterii redderentur, quaeve postea iuxta hanc conventionem redditae, quaeve iniuste sunt retentae, sive ipsorum, qui eas exigere deberent, negligentia, sive denegatae sint iniquorum hominum potentia.’ See also the story told by Heming on p. 264. [1080] Lamprecht, op. cit. p. 61, says that it was quite uncommon for the French landlord to get back his land if once he let it for three lives. One of the Worcester leases, but one stigmatized by Kemble (ii. 152), is a lease for three lives ‘nisi haeredes illius tempus prolixius a pontifice sedis illius adipisci poterint.’ [1081] K. 637 (iii. 194): ‘si in viduitate manere decreverit, vel magis nubere voluerit, ei tamen viro qui episcopali dignitati supradictae aecclesiae sit subiectus.’ [1082] D. B. i. 173: ‘Hanc terram tenuit Sirof de episcopo T. R. E., quo mortuo dedit episcopus filiam eius cum hac terra cuidam suo militi, qui et matrem pasceret et episcopo inde serviret.’ [1083] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 214. [1085] D. B. i. 172 b: ‘Hae praedictae ccc. hidae fuerunt de ipso dominio aecclesiae, et si quid de ipsis cuicunque homini quolibet modo attributum vel praestitum fuisset ad serviendum inde episcopo, ille qui eam terram praestitam sibi tenebat nullam omnino consuetudinem sibimet inde retinere poterat nisi per episcopum, neque terram retinere nisi usque ad impletum tempus quod ipsi inter se constituerant, et nusquam cum ea terra se vertere poterat ... Kenewardus tenuit et deserviebat sicut episcopus volebat ... Ricardus tenuit ad servitium quod episcopus voluit ... Godricus tenuit serviens inde episcopo ut poterat deprecari ... Godricus tenuit ad voluntatem episcopi.’ [1086] D. B. 173 b. [1087] Oswald’s tenants closely resemble the ministeriales of foreign bishops; see Waitz, Verfassungsgeschichte, v. 283–350. Oswald’s lex equitandi may be compared with what is said (ibid. p. 293) of a bishop of Constance: ‘quibus omnibus hoc ius constituit, ut cum abbate equitarent eique domi forisque ministrarent, equos suos tam abbati quam fratribus suis quocumque necesse esset praestarent, monasterium pro posse suo defensarent.’ [1088] Kemble, Saxons, i. 310 ff.; K. Maurer, Krit. Ueb. i. 104; Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law, No. ii. (Lodge); Brunner, Geschichte d. rÖm. u. germ. Urkunde, 182. [1089] K. 617 (iii. 164). [1090] K. 651 (iii. 216). [1091] K. 679 (iii. 258). [1092] K. 1287 (vi. 125): ‘propter beneficium quod eis praestitum est.’ D. B. i. 173 b. It may cross the reader’s mind that the leases of which Oswald speaks in his letter to Edgar are not the transactions recorded in the charters that have come down to us, but other and unwritten leases. But Domesday Book and the stories told by Heming make against this explanation. [1093] Æthelr. I. 1, § 14. [1094] Cnut, II. 13, 77. [1095] K. 328 (ii. 133): A certain Helmstan is guilty of theft ‘and mon gerehte ÐÆt yrfe cinge forÐon he wes cinges mon and Ordlaf feng to his londe forÐan hit wÆs his lÆn ÐÆt he on sÆt.’ [1096] K. 330 (ii. 136). [1097] K. 414 (ii. 273): conveyance by Wulfric with the king’s consent.—K. 491 (ii. 379): conveyance by Wulfstan with consent of king and witan, who execute the deed.—K. 690–1 (iii. 286–8): conveyances by Æscwig executed by king and witan.—K. 1124, 1130 (v. 246–54): conveyances confirmed by king and bishops.—K. 1201 (v. 378): exchange with king’s consent.—K. 1226 (vi. 25): conveyance by a thegn reciting king’s consent. A few documents we must leave unclassified; K. 499, 591, 693; we do not know how they were executed or what was their evidential value. [1098] Brunner, Geschichte d. rÖm. u. germ. Urkunde, p. 175. [1099] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 212. [1100] K. 843 (iv. 201): ‘swa full and swa forÐ swa Ðurstan min huskarll hit furmest of me heold.’—K. 846 (iv. 205): ‘swa full and swa forÐ swa Sweyn mi may hit formest of me held.’—K. 826 (iv. 190): ‘swa Ælfwin sy nunne it heold of Ðan minstre.’—K. 827 (iv. 190): ‘swa Sihtric eorll of Ðan minstre Þeowlic it heold.’ If K. 1237 (vi. 44) be genuine (and Kemble has not condemned it) then already in the middle of the tenth century ‘Goda princeps tenuit terram de rege,’ nor only so, ‘tenuit honorem de rege’; but this document is unacceptable. At best it may be a late Latin translation of an English original. [1101] K. 313 (ii. 110); T. 129; B. ii. 172. [1102] In many cases the one night’s farm is reckoned at £100 or thereabouts; Round, Feudal England, 112. [1103] K. 477 (ii. 354); T. 509. [1104] Vinogradoff, Villainage, 301. [1105] Even T. R. W. and in a thoroughly manorial county such as Hampshire we may find a village in which the lord has no demesne. See e.g. D. B. i. 41 b, Alwarestoch. [1106] Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 315 [1107] Ine, 67. See Schmid’s note. [1109] See Meitzen, Siedelung und Agrarwesen der Germanen, ii. 97 ff. [1110] Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 223. [1111] The subject is treated at length by Kemble, Saxons, ii. 490 and App. D, and Schmid, p. 545. [1112] D. B. i. 174. Compare Ine, 4; Æthelr. VIII. 11; Cnut, I. 10. [1113] Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 95. [1114] Æthelred, III. 3; Schmid, App. II. 67 and Schmid, Glossar, s. v. land-ceÁp. [1115] See above, pp. 55, 122, 125. [1116] See above, p. 6. In a charter of Æthelred, K. 689 (iii. 284), Abp. Sigeric, the reputed inventor of the danegeld, is represented as pledging a village of thirty manses in order that he may pay the money demanded by the pirates. He thus raises 90 pounds of purest silver and 200 mancuses of purest gold. If the mancus was the eighth of a pound (Schmid, p. 595) we have 90 pounds of silver and 25 of gold, or in all perhaps £390. The whole danegeld of Kent under Henry II. was less than £106. For other transactions of a similar kind, see Crawford Charters, 76. [1118] Hist. Eng. Law, i. p. 416. [1119] K. 1327 (iv. 190): ‘swa full and swa forÐ swa Sihtric eorll of Ðan ministre Þeowlic it heold.’ [1120] Cnut, II. 20. [1121] Hist. Eng. Law, ii. p. 458. [1122] Chron. Petrob. 166: ‘Sunt etiam in eadem scira 15 undersetes qui nullum servicium faciunt nisi husbondis in quorum terra sedent.’ [1124] Schmid, App. III. p. 370; Seebohm, English Village Community, p. 129. See also Liebermann’s article in Anglia, ix. 251, where the Gerefa, which seems to be a second part of this document, is printed. [1125] We here adopt Schmid’s conjecture: ‘and scorp to friÐscipe [corr. fyrdscipe].’ [1126] Ibid.: ‘and hlaford feormian,’ and supply a feorm (firma) for his lord. [1127] The text says that he must lie at his lord’s fold; but probably it refers to the soca faldae. See above, p. 76. [1128] Of the serfs we hear (c. 8, 9) what they are to receive, but not what they ought to do; their services are unlimited. [1129] Schmid, p. 596: Maurer, K. U. ii. 405. [1130] See above, p. 305, also Maurer, K. U. ii. 406. [1131] He is to ‘work’ for his lord; but then see how Oswald speaks of his knights and radmen: ‘semper illius ... dominatui et voluntati ... cum omni humilitate et subiectione subditi fiant secundum ipsius voluntatem.’ Cf. D. B. i. 172 b: ‘deserviebat sicut episcopus volebat’ ... ‘tenuit ad servitium quod episcopus voluit.’ The translator who turned him into a villanus was capable of turning the king’s geneat of Ine’s law into a colonus, a colonus with a wergild of 1200 shillings! See Schmid, p. 29. [1133] See e.g. cap. i., where it is pretty clear that he can not translate scorp. So in the Latin version of Edgar II. c. 1 he renders geneatland by terra villanorum. But about such a matter as this the testimony of the Quadripartitus is of no value. See Liebermann, Gerefa, Anglia, ix. 258. [1134] Mr Seebohm, p. 130, commits what seems to me the mistake of saying that the cottiers and boors are ‘various classes of geneats.’ To my thinking a great contrast is drawn between the geneat and the gebÚr both in this document and in the account of Tidenham. So in Edgar II. c. 1 the contrast is between land which the great man has in hand and land which he has let to his ‘fellows,’ his equites and ministri. See Konrad Maurer, K. U. ii. 405–6. Such words as gebÚr and burus are obviously very loose words and it is likely that many a man who answered to the description of the gebÚr given by the Rectitudines appears in Domesday Book, which in general cares only about fiscal distinctions, as a villanus or bordarius. But we have clear proof that the surveyors saw a class of buri ( = coliberti) who were distinct from the ordinary villani. See above, p. 36. [1135] K. 452 (ii. 327). See also Two Chartularies of Bath Abbey (Somerset Record Society), pp. 5, 18, 19. [1136] K. iii. 449; E. 375: Seebohm, 148. Both documents come from MS. C.C.C. Camb. cxi. The conveyance is on f. 57, the statement of services on f. 73. The statement of services immediately precedes the lease of Tidenham to Stigand, K. 822 (iv. 171). Thus we have really better reason for referring that statement to the very eve of the Norman Conquest than to 956. See also Kemble, Saxons, i. 321, and Maurer, K. U. ii. 406. [1137] K. 1077 (v. 146; iv. 306); T. 143; Kemble, Saxons, i. 319; Seebohm, 160. But the form of the instrument as given in the Codex Wintoniensis is best seen in B. ii. 240. We have quoted above the estimate of this Codex formed by Mr Haddan and Dr Stubbs (Councils, iii. 638). [1138] B. ii. 238. [1139] B. ii. 239. [1141] Ine, 67. [1142] Ine, 39. The man who leaves his lord (not his lord’s land, but his lord) without license, or steals himself away into another shire, is to pay 60 shillings (no trivial sum) to his lord. [1143] Surely the law, Hloth. and Ead. c. 15, which begins ‘If a man receive a guest three nights in his own home (an his agenum hame)’ is not directed only against the lords of manors. See Meitzen, Siedelung und Agrarwesen, ii. 123. [1144] Ashley, Translation of Fustel de Coulanges, Origin of Property, p. xvi. [1145] K. 220 (i. 280): ‘ad regalem villam Lundoniae perveniens.’ [1146] Fustel de Coulanges, L’Alleu, ch. vi. There is much to be said on the other side; see Flach, Les origines de l’ancienne France, ii. pp. 47–62. As to the villa of the Lex Salica, see Blumenstok, Entstehung des deutschen Immobiliareigenthums, i. 219 ff. [1147] The suggestion that villa appears in some of our place-names as the termination -well runs counter, so Mr Stevenson tells me, to rules of phonology. [1148] See Bosworth’s Dictionary; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. p. xli. In the translation of St. Mark viii. 23, 26 both wÍc and tun are used as equivalents for vicus:—‘eduxit eum extra vicum ... et si in vicum introieris’ = ‘and lÆdde hine butan Þa wic ... and Ðeah Þu on tun ga.’ Even in France the word vicus becomes part of numerous place-names: see Flach, op. cit. i. p. 53. [1149] There is something curious about the use made of wick. It is often used to distinguish a hamlet or small cluster of houses separate from the main village. Thus in the parish of X we shall find X-wick. The berewicks and herdwicks of D. B. (see above, p. 114) seem to be small clusters. On the other hand London is a wÍc; Hloth. and Ead. 16. [1150] K. 1041 (v. 88): ‘in Dorobernia etiam civitate unam villam donabo ad quam pertinet quinque iugera terrae et duo prata.’ K. 276 (ii. 57): ‘dabo unam villam, quod nos Saxonice an haga dicimus.’ K. 259 (ii. 26): ‘villam unam ab orientale parte muri Doroverniae civitatis.’ [1151] K. 829 (iv. 191). [1152] K. 845 (iv. 204). In a passage which has been interpolated into one copy of the A.-S. Chronicle (Thorpe, p. 220) we read ‘And se biscop ... bohte Þa feala cotlif Æt se king.’ [1153] Crawford Charters, pp. 22, 125; K. 1293 (vi. 138). [1154] Thus K. 109 (i. 133): ‘villam unam ... quae iam ad Quenegatum urbis Dorovernensis in foro posita est.‘ It is not denied that in some quite early charters a king gives a villa or villula, e.g. K. 209 (i. 264): ‘Heallingan cum villulis suis’; see also K. 140 (i. 169), in which villula and viculus are used as synonyms. [1155] A good example is that abominable forgery K. 984 (v. 2), Wulfhere’s charter for Peterborough. [1156] For example, K. 117–8–20 (i. 144–7). [1157] One of the earliest instances of what looks like manorial organization will be found in K. 201 (i. 253); B. i. 485. In 814 Cenwulf gives to the Abp. of Canterbury a plough-land: ‘et hoc aratrum cum omnibus utensilibus bonis ad mansionem in grafon Æa [Graveney] Æternaliter concessum est.’ [1158] A.D. 880, K. 311 (ii. 107): ‘Insuper etiam huic donationi in augmentum sex homines, qui prius pertinebant ad villam regiam in Beonsinctune, cum omni prole stirpeque eorum ad eandem conscripsimus aecclesiam.’ A.D. 889, K. 315 (ii. 117): ‘cum hominibus ad illam pertinentibus.’ A.D. 962, K. 1239 (vi. 49): ‘vineam ... cum vinitoribus.’ In late documents penned in English it is common to convey land ‘with meat and with man.’ Instances are collected in Crawford Charters, 127. [1159] Therefore we sometimes meet with the form cassata, while manens is treated as a feminine word; K. i. 301; B. i. 573: ‘has x. manentes ... dividendas dimisit.’ So Asser (ed. Camden, p. 4) says that Æthelwulf ordered that one poor man should be fed and clothed ‘per omnem hereditariam terram suam semper in x. manentibus.’ [1160] K. 1033 (v. 73): ‘aliquam portionem terrae ... in modum videlicet ut autumo v. cassatorum.’ K. 1308 (v. 83): ‘aliquam portionem terrae ... in modum videlicet ut autumo xx. manentium.’ K. 565 (iii. 64): ‘quoddam ruris clima sub aestimatione decem cassatorum.’ K. 573 (iii. 87): ‘ruris quandam particulam, denis ab accolis aestimatam mansiunculis.’ K. 602 (iii. 146): ‘quoddam rus x. videlicet mansarum quantitate taxatum.’ [1161] Let us open the Cod. Dipl. at the beginning of Edmund’s reign (ii. 218). The number of manses given in twenty-five consecutive charters is as follows: 10, 20, 10, 10, 9, 10, 15, 7, 8, 20, 10, 3, 5, 20, 30, 3, 6, 5, 3, 7, 20, 20, 5, 8, 5. [1162] It seems almost necessary to protest that to-day our landowners are not semi-servile occupants of the soil, though they pay land taxes, house taxes, income taxes and rates innumerable. [1163] I can not but think that Fustel de Coulanges knew his business thoroughly well, and that if the German is to be taught his proper and insignificant place, the less that is said of intermixed ‘strip-holding’ the better, though to ignore it utterly was, even in France, a bold course. [1164] Meitzen, op. cit. i. 431–41. [1166] This seems to me the net outcome of the long and interesting controversy which has divided the Germanists as to the nature of the German Genossenschaft. [1167] This is no extravagant hypothesis. See e.g. Stat. 7 Hen. VIII. c. 1 Thacte advoidyng pullyng downe of townes. [1168] See Army Act, 1881, 44 and 45 Vic. c. 58, sec. 115. [1169] Flach, Les origines de l’ancienne France, ii. 45, referring to the classical passages in CÆsar and Tacitus, says: ‘Ce serait un abus de mots de dire que la tribu ou que le clan sont propriÉtaires. La tribu (civitas) a la souverainetÉ du territoire, les clans de leurs subdivisions ont l’usage des parts qui leur sont assignÉes. La conception mÊme de la propriÉtÉ est exclue par la nature des terres: Étendue de friches toujours renaissantes et en surabondance toujours: superest ager.’ See also Dargun, Ursprung des Eigenthums, Zeitschrift fÜr vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, v. 55. [1170] Dargun, Ursprung des Eigenthums, Zeitschrift fÜr vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, v. 1 (1884). See also Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, Jena, 1896. [1171] In the A.-S. laws about tithes there is really no hint of communalism. When a landowner has ploughed his tenth acre, he is to assign that acre, or rather the crop that it will bear next year, to the church. That is all; and though it may be a rude plan, it is compatible with the most absolute individualism. Mr Seebohm, Village Community, 114, however, seems to think otherwise. As to the Welsh laws, we beg an enormous question if we introduce them into this context. A distribution of acres when the ploughing is done is just what we do not see in England. [1172] As to the famous words of Tacitus ‘Agri pro numero cultorum ab uniuersis in uices [al. inuicem] occupantur’ and the proposal to read uniuersis vicis, one of the best suggestions yet made (Meitzen, Siedelung, iii. 586) is that Tacitus wrote merely ab uniuersis occupantur, that a copyist repeated the word uniuersis, and that other copyists tried to make sense of nonsense. [1173] As to the state of things represented by the Lex Salica see Blumenstok, Entstehung des deutschen Immobiliareigenthums, Innsbruck, 1894, pp. 196 ff. [1174] Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 155. It may be convenient now-a-days to say that ownership implies a power of alienation. See Pollock, Jurisprudence, 166. But to insist on this usage in such discussions as that in which we are engaged would lead to needless circumlocution. The question that is before us is whether as a complaint to which a court of law will give audience ‘This acre is mine’ is more modern than ‘This acre is ours.’ [1175] As to the whole of this matter see Meitzen, op. cit., especially iii. 574–589. As regards arable land in this country the only ‘survivals’ which point to anything that should be called communal ownership are singularly inconclusive. They relate to small patches of arable land held by burgesses: that is to say, they relate to places in which a strong communal sentiment was developed during the later middle ages, and they do not relate to communities that ought to be called agricultural. The ‘burgess plot’ is not large enough to have been any man’s livelihood when cultivated in medieval fashion, and it may well be modern. It is demonstrable that in one case a very ‘archaic’ arrangement was deliberately adopted in the nineteenth century by burgesses who preferred ‘allotment grounds’ to pasture rights. Maitland, Survival of Archaic Communities, Law Quarterly Review, ix. 36. [1176] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 610–12. [1177] Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 238. A hypothetical practice of endogamy will hardly give us the requisite explanation, for on the whole the church seems to have encountered little difficulty in imposing its extravagantly exogamous canons. To persuade the converts not to marry their affines was a much harder task. [1178] Heusler, Institutionen, 229. [1179] As to the ownership of land by ‘families,’ see Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 242. [1181] Of this in the next essay. [1182] A valuable and interesting discussion of the proprietary system of the Lex Salica will be found in Blumenstok, Entstehung des deutschen Immobiliareigenthums, Innsbruck, 1894. This will serve as a good introduction to the large literature which surrounds the De migrantibus. The least probable of all interpretations seems that given by Fustel de Coulanges. [1183] See Meitzen, op. cit. i. 526–35. [1184] Meitzen, i. 517 and the Maps 66 a, 66 b in the Atlas. [1185] Meitzen, ii. 97–122. [1188] Throughout the historical time, so far as we know, the right of every commoner has been well protected against strangers. He might drive off the stranger’s beasts, impound them, and, at all events if he had been incommoded, might sue for damages. See Marys’s case, 9 Coke’s Reports, 111 b; Wells v. Watling, 2 W. Blackstone’s Reports, 1233. He needed no help from his neighbours. [1189] See above, pp. 13, 124. [1190] I refer to the much discussed case of Aston and Cote. See Law Quarterly Review, ix. 214. [1191] Meitzen, op. cit. i. 573. [1192] Ibid. i. 122–60. [1193] Therefore its assembly is a Holtding, and a Holzgraf presides there: Meitzen, op. cit. i. 125. [1194] D. B. ii. 339 b: ‘In hundret de Coleness est quedam pastura communis omnibus hominibus de hundret.’ At Rhuddlan (D. B. i. 269) Earl Hugh has given to Robert half the castle, half the burg, and ‘half of the forests which do not pertain to any vill of the said manor.’ This, however, is in Wales. [1195] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 608. [1196] Ibid. i. 547. [1197] Blomefield, Hist. Norfolk, iv. 691 gives an account of an extremely fertile tract of pasture known as Tilney Smeeth upon which the cattle of seven ‘towns’ intercommoned. [1198] If we are right in supposing that very generally a royal land-book disposes of a whole village, then if it proceeds to give rights in the communis silva, it is probably speaking of a wood that is not regarded as annexed to that village but of one which is common to various villages. The intercommoning of vills in a forest is illustrated by the famous Epping case, Commissioners of Sewers v. Glasse, Law Reports, 19 Equity, 134. But for the king’s rights in forest land, a ‘mark community’ might have grown up in Epping. On the other hand, but for the king’s rights, the land might long ago have been partitioned among the mark-men. [1199] The word tenement will be often employed hereafter. Has it become needful to protest that a tenement need not be a house? If my body is my soul’s ‘frail tenement,’ that is not because my body holds my soul (a reprobate error), but because (for this is better philosophy and sound law) my soul holds my body. But, to descend from these heights, it will be a thousand pities if a vulgar blunder compels us to abandon the excellent tenement in favour of the feeble holding or the over-worked estate. [1200] Hist. Eccl. lib. 4, c. 21 (23), ed. Plummer, i. 253. [1201] Ibid. lib. 3, c. 24, ed. cit. i. 178. [1202] Ibid. lib. 4, c. 13, ed. cit. i. 230. [1203] Ibid. lib. 4, c. 14 (16), ed. cit. i. 237. [1204] Ibid. lib. 1, c. 25, ed. cit. i. 45. [1206] If, as Mr Seebohm suggests (Village Community, p. 398), this word meant the skin of an ox, some one would assuredly have Latined it by corium, and not by terra unius familiae (manentis etc.) [1206] Schmid, App. VII. (Wergilds), 2, § 7. By comparing this with Ine 32 we get an even more explicit equation: ‘Gif Wylisc mon hÆbbe hide londes’ = ‘Gif Wilisc mon geÞeo ÞÆt he hÆbbe hiwisc landes.’ [1207] K. 271 (ii. 52), a forgery: ‘Æt Cemele tien hyda, Æt Domeccesige Þriddehalf hiwisce.’—K. 1077 (v. 146): ‘Æt hilcan hiwisce feowerti penega.’—K. iii. 431: ‘ÐÆs anes hiwisces boc ... Ðas oÐres hiwisces.’—K. 1050 (v. 98). See also Crawford Charters, 127, for hiwscipe. [1208] K. 1006 (v. 47): ‘de terra iuris mei aliquantulam portionem, iuxta mensuram scilicet decem familiarum.’ See also K. 1007. [1209] The would-be Latin hida occurs already in K. 230 (i. 297), but is rare before the Conquest. On the other hand, as an English word hÍd is in constant use. [1210] K. 131 (i. 159); K. 140 (i. 169). [1211] Thus, to give one early example, K. 1008 (v. 49): ‘duodecim tributarios terrae quae appellantur Ferrinig.’ So in K. 124 (i. 151) we have the neuter form manentia. [1212] A good instance in Egbert’s Dialogue, H. & S. iii. 404. For how many hides may the clergy swear? A priest may swear ‘secundum numerum 120 tributariorum’; a deacon ‘iuxta numerum 60 manentium’; a monk ‘secundum numerum 30 tributariorum.’ Here tributarii alternates with manentes for the same reason that secundum alternates with iuxta. So K. 143 (i. 173): ‘manentes ... casati ... manentes ... casati.’ [1213] See Schmid, p. 611. [1214] See, for instance, Werhard’s testament (A.D. 832), K. 230 (i. 297): ‘Otteford 100 hidas, Grauenea 32 hidas.’ These are Kentish estates. Hereafter we shall give some reasons for thinking that the Kentish sullung may have a history that is all its own. [1215] Mr Seebohm, Village Community, p. 395, admits that the familia of Bede and the casatum of the charters is the hide, and that the hide has 120 acres. This does not prevent him from holding (p. 266) that when Bede speaks of king Oswy giving to a church twelve possessiunculae, each of ten families, we must see decuriae of slaves, ‘the bundle of ten slaves or semi-servile tenants.’ He seems also to think that while the hide was ‘the holding of the full free landholder,’ the hiwisc was the holding of a servile family. But the passage which he cites in a note (Wergilds, § 7) seems to disprove this, for there undoubtedly, as he remarks, hiwisc=hide. It is the passage quoted above on p. 359. The Welshman gets a wergild of 120 shillings (three-fifths of an English ceorl’s wergild) by acquiring a hiwisc or (Ine 32) hide of land. Why the hide should not here mean what it admittedly means elsewhere is not apparent. [1216] Though Eyton has (for some reason that we can not find in his published works) allowed but 48 ‘gheld acres’ to the ‘gheld hide,’ he can hardly be reckoned as an advocate of the Small Hide. His doctrine, if we have caught it, is that the hide has never been a measure of size. This raises the question—How comes it then that the fractions into which a hide breaks are indubitably called (gheld) ‘acres’? Why not ounces, pints, pence? [1217] D. B. ii. 47 b. [1218] Ibid. 61. [1219] Ibid. 64. [1220] Ibid. 65. [1221] Ibid. 69 b. [1223] For this reason I do not feel sure that Mr F. Baring (Eng. Hist. Rev. xi. 98) has conclusively proved his case when he accuses D. B. of omitting to notice the free tenants on the estates of the Abbey of Burton. [1224] The antiquity and universality of the balk must not be taken for granted; see Meitzen, op. cit. i. 86; iii. 319. However, in recent times balks did occur within the shots (this Meitzen seems to doubt) as may be seen to-day at Upton St. Leonards, Co. Gloucester. Mr Seebohm, op. cit. 4, 382, claims the word balk for the Welsh; but see New Eng. Dict. and Skeat, Etymol. Dict. In this, as in many another case, the Welsh claim to an English word has broken down. [1225] A.-S. Chron. ad ann. 1043. Henry of Huntingdon, p. 192, took the sestar of this passage to be a horse-load. Even if we accept his version, the price would be high when compared with the prices recorded on the Pipe Rolls of Henry II.; for which see Hall, Court Life, 219, 220. But, though the point can not be argued here, we may strongly suspect that the chronicler meant something that is almost infinitely worse, and that his sestar was at the very least as small as our bushel. We know of no English document which suggests a sextarius that would be comparable with a horse-load. [1226] Geatfled’s will, K. 925 (iv. 263). [1228] Observe the clumsy nomenclature illustrated by K. 816 (iv. 164), a deed forged for the Confessor:—‘Middletun et oÐer Middletun ... Horningdun et oÐer Horningdun ... Fifehyda et oÐer Fifehyda.’ [1229] See in this context the interesting letter of Bp. Denewulf to Edward the Elder, K. 1089 (v. 166). An estate of 72 hides, a very large estate, came to the bishop almost waste. He prides himself on having now tilled 90 acres! [1230] A good programme of this system is given by Cunningham, Growth of English Industry, i. 71. [1231] Rectitudines, 4, § 3; Seebohm, Village Community, 141. Mr Seebohm’s inference is ingenious and plausible. See also Andrews, Old English Manor, 218. [1232] K. 259 (ii. 26), A.D. 845: Gift of 19 acres near the city of Canterbury, 6 acres in one place, 6 in another, 7 in a third. [1233] K. 241 (ii. 1), A.D. 839: Gift of 24 acres, 10 in one place, 14 in another.—K. 339 (ii. 149), A.D. 904: Gift of 60 acres of arable to the south and 60 to the north of a certain stream.—K. 586 (iii. 118): ‘and 30 Æcra on ÐÆm twÆm feldan dallandes.’ [1234] See e.g. Glastonbury Rentalia (Somerset Record Soc.) pp. 14, 15, 55, 67, 89, 119, 128–9, 137–8, 155, 166, 192, 195, 208, 219. A system which leaves half the land idle in every year is of course quite compatible with the growth of both winter and spring corn. When, as is not uncommon, the villeins have to do between Michaelmas and Christmas twice as much ploughing as they will do between Christmas and Lady Day, this seems to point to a scheme which leaves one field idle and divides the other between winter and spring corn in the proportion of 2:1. Even in the fourteenth century a three-field system seems to have been regarded in some places as ‘high farming.’ Larking, Domesday of Kent, App. p. 23: Extent of Addington, A.D. 1361: ‘Et sunt ibidem 60 acrae terrae arabilis, de quibus duae partes possunt seminari per annum, si bene coluntur.’ For evidence of the three-field system, see Nasse, Agricultural Community, Engl. transl. 53. [1235] Meitzen, op. cit. ii. 592. [1236] Turton, Forest of Pickering (North Riding Record Society), 148 ff. Twenty years ago A. E. enclosed an acre; sown eight times with spring corn; value of a sown acre 1s., of an unsown, 4d. Twenty-two years ago E. C. enclosed a rood; sown seven times with oats, value 6d. a year; value, when unsown, 1d. a year. In the same book are many instances of a husbandry which alternates oats with hay. [1237] Scrutton, Commons and Common Fields, 118, citing a Report to the Board of Agriculture. [1238] Ine, 63–68, 70. See above, p. 238. [1239] A very fine instance is found on the north coast of Norfolk:—Burnham Deepdale, B. Norton, B. Westgate, B. Sutton, B. Thorpe, B. Overy. As to this see Stevenson, E. H. R. xi. 304. [1240] Index Map of Ordnance Survey of Norfolk. Six inch Map of Norfolk, LVI. Another instance occurs near Yarmouth along the banks of the Waveney. Even if the allotment was the result of modern schemes of drainage, it still might be a satisfaction of very ancient claims. [1242] Fines (ed. Hunter) i. 242: ‘sex acras terrae mensuratas per legalem perticam eiusdem villae [de Haveresham].’ [1243] Acts of Parliament of Scotland, i. 309. [1244] Schmid, Gesetze, App. XII.: ‘three feet and three hand breadths and three barley corns.’ [1245] Acts of Parliament of Scotland, i. 309. Compare Statutes of the Realm, i. 206: ‘Tria grana ordei sicca et rotunda faciunt pollicem.’ This so-called Statute of Admeasurement has not been traced to any authoritative source. Probably, like many of the documents with which it is associated, it is a mere note which lawyers copied into their statute books. [1246] Hoveden, iv. 33: ‘et ulna sit ferrea.’ [1247] Britton, ii. 189. [1248] Magna Carta is careful of wine, beer, corn and cloth; not of land. [1249] Gloucester Corporation Records, ed. Stevenson, p. 80. Near the year 1200 a grant is made of land in Gloucester measuring in breadth 30 feet ‘iuxta ferratam virgam Regis.’ Ducange, s. v. ulna, gives examples from the Monasticon. The iron rod was an iron ell. Were standard perches ever made and distributed? Apparently the only measure of length of which any standard was made was the ulna or cloth-yard. [1250] See the apocryphal Statute of Admeasurement, Stat., vol. i. p. 206. [1251] If the jurors had superficial measure in their heads and were stating this by reference to two straight lines, they would make the length of one of these lines a constant (e.g. one league or one furlong). This is not done: the space is 6 furlongs in length by 3 in breadth, 14 furlongs in length by 4 in breadth, 9 furlongs and 1 perch in length by 5 furlongs and 2 perches in breadth (instances from Norfolk) or the like. They are endeavouring to indicate shape as well as size. See the method of measurement adopted in K. 594 (iii. 129): ‘and ÐÆr ÐÆt land unbradest is Ðer hit sceol beon eahtatyne fota brad.’ [1252] The league of 12 furlongs has dropped out of modern usage; it is very prominent in D. B., where miles, though not unknown, are rare. [1253] Our foot is ·30479 meters. Our perch is very close to 5 meters. Our acre 40·467 ares. A hide of 120 acres would be 48·56 hectares. [1254] Statutes of the Realm, i. 206: ‘Tres pedes faciunt ulnam.’ Though this equation gets established, the ulna or cloth-yard seems to start by being an arm’s length. See the story that Henry I. made his own arm a standard: Will. Malmesb. Gesta Regum., ii. 487. Britton, i. 189, tells us that the aune contains two cubits and two thumbs (inches). Our yard seems too long to be a step. [1255] Second Report of Commissioners for Weights and Measures, Parliamentary Papers, 1820, Reports, vol. vii. [1256] As to all this see Meitzen, op. cit. i. 272 fol. [1257] The ratio 10:1 is not the only one that is well represented in Germany. The practice of making the acre four rods wide is more universal. As we shall see below, length must take its chance. [1258] Morgan, England under the Normans, 19. [1259] Pollock, E. H. R. xi. 218. [1260] Morgan, op. cit. 19, citing Monasticon, iv. 421. [1261] Second Report of the Commissioners for Weights and Measures, Parliamentary Papers, 1820, Reports, vol. vii. The information thus obtained might have been better sifted. When it is said that a certain customary perch contains 15 feet 1 inch, these feet and inches are statute feet and statute inches. Probably this perch had exactly 15 ‘customary’ feet. So, again, it is likely that every ‘customary’ acre contained 160 ‘customary’ perches. [1263] Compare Meitzen, op. cit. ii. 560. [1264] Morgan, op. cit. 22. [1265] Anonymous Husbandry, see Walter of Henley, ed. Lamond, p. 69. [1266] K. 296 (ii. 87): 6 virgae in length and 3 in breadth.—K. 339 (ii. 149): 28 roda lang and 24 roda brad.—K. 507 (ii. 397): 12 gerda lang and 9 gerda brad.—K. 558 (iii. 229): ‘tres perticas’ = ‘Þreo gyrda.’—K. 772 (iv. 84): 12 perticae.—K. 787 (iv. 115): a pertica and a half.—K. 814 (iv. 160): dimidiam virgam et dimidiam quatrentem.—K. 1103 (v. 199): 75 gyrda.—K. 1141 (v. 275): 6 gyrda.—K. 1087 (v. 163): 3 furlongs and 3 mete-yards = an unknown quantity + 12 yards + 13 yards + 43 yards and 6 feet + 20 yards and 6 feet + 7 yards and 6 feet + 5 yards. This charter is commended to geometers. We see, however, that the ‘yard’ in question is longer than 6 feet; it is connected with our perch, not with our cloth yard. Schmid, App. XII.: 3 miles, 3 furlongs, 3 acre-breadths, 9 feet, 9 hand-breadths and 9 barley-corns. [1267] Meitzen, op. cit. ii. 554. This virga regalis is set down at 4·70 meters; our statute perch stands very close to 5 meters. [1268] Meitzen, op. cit. i. 278. [1269] Ellis, Introduction, i. 116. [1270] The use of quarentina for furlong may be due to the Normans. [1271] Delisle, Études sur la condition de la classe agricole en Normandie, 531–2. [1272] We find from D. B. i. 166 that there was a royal sextarius; but (i. 162, 238) other sextarii were in use. [1273] Meitzen, op. cit. ii. 564. Thus in KÖln, the Morgen is 31·72 ares, the Waldmorgen 38·06 ares. In Brunswick the Feldmorgen is 25·02 ares, the Waldmorgen 33·35 ares. So in Sussex the common acres are small; the forest acre = 180 (instead of 160) perches. So in Herefordshire the common acre is put down at two-thirds of the statute acre, but an acre of wood is more than an acre and a half of statute measure. [1274] Registr. Honor. Richemund., Ap., p. 11, Agard says: ‘In the Arrentation of Assarts of Forests made in Henry III.’s and Edward I.’s times, for forest ground the commissioners let the land per perticam xx. pedum,’ though by this time the 16·5 foot perch was the established royal measure for ordinary purposes. In a Buckinghamshire Fine levied in John’s reign (Hunter, i. 242) we find acres of land which are measured ‘by the lawful perch of the vill,’ while acres of wood are measured ‘by the perch of the king.’ Ibid. 13, 178: a perch of 20 feet was being used in the counties of Bedford and Buckingham, though Bedfordshire is notorious for small acres. The obscure processes that go on in the history of measures might be illustrated from the report cited above, p. 374, note 1261; the length of the ‘customary’ perch varies inversely with the difficulty of the work to be done. In Herefordshire a perch of fencing was 21 feet, a perch of walling 16·5. And so forth. [1275] Morgan, op. cit. 27, suggests a double goad. The gad of modern Cambridgeshire has been a stick 9 feet long; but the surveyor put eight into the acre-breadth, reckoning two of these gads to the customary pole of 18 feet. See Pell, in Domesday Studies, i. 276, 296. A rod that is 18 feet long is a clumsy thing and perhaps for practical purposes it has been cut in half. Meitzen, op. cit., i. 90: Two hunting-spears would make a measuring rod. See also Hanssen, Abhandlungen, ii. 210. [1276] Seebohm, op. cit. 119. Welsh evidence seems to point this way. [1277] K. 529 (iii. 4): ‘12 Æceras mÆdwa.’—K. 549 (iii. 33).—K. 683 (iii. 263). [1278] When Walter of Henley, p. 8, is making his calculations as to the amount of land that can be ploughed in a day, he assumes that the work will be over a noune. The ‘by three o’clock’ of his translator is too precise and too late. At whatever hour nones should have been said, the word noon became our name for twelve o’clock. See also Seebohm, op. cit. 124. [1279] Meitzen, op. cit., ii. 565. The rods known in Germany range upwards from very short South German rods which descend from the Roman pertica to much longer rods which lie between 4 meters and 5. Our statute perch just exceeds 5 meters. Then the ordinary (not forest) Morgen rarely approaches 40 ares, while our statute acre is equivalent to 40·46 ares. However, the Scandinavian Tonne is yet larger and recalls the big acres of northern England. In France perches of 18 feet were common, and in Normandy yet longer perches were used, but we do not know that the French acre or journal contained 160 square perches. [1280] Seebohm, op. cit. 166. [1281] Seebohm, op. cit. 19. [1282] Thus e.g. Glastonbury Rentalia, 68: ‘if he has eight oxen he shall plough every Thursday [during certain seasons] three roods [perticatas].’ [1283] Walter of Henley, 9. [1284] Tour through the Southern Counties, ed. 3 (1772), pp. 298–301. [1285] Tour through the Southern Counties, p. 127. [1286] Walter of Henley, 9. [1287] Young, View of Agriculture of Oxfordshire, p. 104. In Oxfordshire in the early years of this century many ploughs with four horses ‘go out for 3 roods,’ after all improvements in ploughs and in horses. [1288] Meitzen, op. cit. 88. Dr Taylor in Domesday Studies, i. 61, gives a somewhat different explanation. The ploughman walked backwards in front of the beasts, and, when near the end of the furrow, used his right arm to pull them round. [1289] Among the land-books those that most clearly indicate the intermixture of strips are K. 538 (iii. 19),—648 (iii. 210),—692 (iii. 290),—1158 (v. 310),—1169 (v. 326),—1234 (vi. 39),—1240 (vi. 51),—1276 (vi. 108),—1278 (vi. 111). [1290] As to the names of culturÆ the Ramsey Cartulary may be profitably consulted. Such names as Horsepelfurlange, Wodefurlonge, Benefurlange, Stapelfurlange (i. 307), Mikellefurlange (321), Stanweyfurlange, Longefurlange (331) are common. We meet also with -wong: Redewonge (321), Langiwange, Stoniwonge, Schortewonge, Semareswonge (341–2). Also with -leuge (apparently O. E. lÉah, gen. dat. lÉage): Wolnothesleuge, Edriches Leuge. Often the cultura is known as the Five (Ten, Twenty) Acres. Sometimes in Latin this sense of furlong is rendered by quarentina: ‘unam rodam in quarentina de Newedich’: Fines, ed. Hunter, i. 42. [1291] Glastonbury Rentalia, 180, 195, 208. [1292] Sixteen Old Maps: Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1888. [1293] The rod, however, must have been very short; perhaps it had as few as 12 feet. [1294] For many reasons this must not be taken as a typical map. We refer to it merely as showing the relation of ‘estimated’ (that is of ‘real’) acres to an acre-measure. [1295] Instructive evidence about this matter was given in a Chancery suit of James I.’s reign. The deponent speaking of the fen round Ely says ‘it is the use and custom ... to measure the fen grounds by four poles in breadth for an acre, by a pole of 18 feet ... and in length for an acre of the said grounds as it happeneth, according to the length of the furlong of the same fens, which is sometimes shorter and sometimes longer.’ Quoted by O. C. Pell in Domesday Studies, i. 296. [1296] For an explanation of this mode of ploughing, see Meitzen, op. cit. 84. [1297] Meitzen gives 6 feet as a usual width for the beds in Germany. I think that in cent. xiii. our selions were usually wider than this. [1298] The Gloucester Corporation Records, ed. Stevenson (1893), should be consulted. When small pieces of land were being conveyed, the selions were often enumerated. Thus (p. 124): ‘and 13 acres of arable land ... whereof one acre lies upon Þistelege near Durand’s land ... an acre and a half being three selions ... half an acre being two selions ... an acre of five selions ... an acre being one selion and a gore ... four selions and two little gores ... an acre being three selions and a head-land.’ In Mr Seebohm’s admirable account of the open fields there seems to me to be some confusion between the selions and the acre or half-acre strips. [1299] On Mr Mowat’s map of Roxton a quarter-acre strip is a yeard. [1300] D. B. i. 364: ‘In Staintone habuit Jalf 5 bovatas terrae et 14 acras terrae et 1 virgatam ad geldum.’ This virgate is a quarter-acre. The continuous use of virgata in this sense is attested by Glastonbury Rentalia, 27. So in Normandy: Delisle, Études sur la condition de la classe agricole, 535. So in France: Ducange, s. v. virgata from a Register of the Chamber of Accounts: ‘Quadraginta perticae faciunt virgatam: quatuor virgatae faciunt acram.’ Meitzen, op. cit. i. 95: in Kalenberg a strip that is one rod in breadth is called a Gert (our yard). [1301] In the Exeter Domesday virga not virgata is the common word. In the Exchequer book an abbreviated form is used; but virga appears in i. 216 b. [1302] So again, if a iugum is quartered, its quarter can be called a virgate. See Denman Ross, Hist. of Landholding, 140; Round, Feudal England, 108. [1304] K. 205 (i. 259): ‘circiter 30 iugera.’—K. 217 (i. 274): ‘30 iugera.’—K. 225 (i. 290): ‘hoc est 30 iugerum’ ... ‘hoc est 85 segetum.’—K. 234 (i. 308): ‘150 iugera.’—K. 241 (ii. 1): ‘24 iugeras.’—K. 259 (ii. 26): ‘19 iugera.’—K 264 (ii. 36): ‘unum dimidium agrum ... healve aker.’—K. 276 (ii. 57): ‘10 iugera.’—K. 285 (ii. 70): ‘80 Æcra.’—K. 339 (ii. 150): ‘sextig Æcera earÐlondes ... oÐer sextig.’—K. 586 (iii. 118): ‘30 Æcra on ÐÆm twÆm feldan.’—K. 612 (iii. 159): ‘2 hida buton 60 Æcran.’—K. 633 (iii. 188): ‘3 mansas ac 30 iugerum dimensionem.’—K. 695 (iii. 295): ‘40 agros.’—K. 759 (iv. 59): ‘30 akera.’—K. 782 (iv. 106): ‘fiftig Æcera.’—K. 1154 (v. 303): ‘36 Ækera yrÐlandes.’—K. 1161 (v. 315): ‘ter duodenas segetes’ = ‘36 Æcera yrÐlandes.’—K. 1211 (v. 393): ‘25 segetes.’—K. 1218 (vi. 1): ‘14 hida and ... 40 Æcera.’ [1305] Probably it occurs in Ine 67; certainly in Rectitudines 4, § 3, and in the late document about Tidenham (above, p. 330).—K. 369 (ii. 205): Boundary of a gyrd at Ashurst which belongs to a hide at Topsham (A.D. 937).—K. 521 (ii. 418): Edgar grants ‘tres virgas.’—K. 658 (iii. 229): Æthelred grants ‘3 mansas et 3 perticas.’—K. 1306 (vi. 163): Æthelred grants land ‘trium sub aestimatione perticarum.’—K. 772 (iv. 84): Edward Conf. grants ‘5 perticas.’—K. 787 (iv. 115): He grants ‘unam perticam et dimidiam.’—K. 814 (iv. 160): He grants ‘dimidiam virgam et dimidiam quatrentem.’—Crawford Charters, 5, 9, mortgage in 1018 of a yard of land.—K. 949 (iv. 284); 979 (iv. 307): two other examples from the eve of the Conquest.—It is more likely that these ‘yards’ and ‘perches’ of land are quarter-hides than that they are quarter-acres; ‘square’ perches seem to be out of the question. There are of course many instances in the charters of a pertica, virga, gyrd used as a measure of mere length. See above, p. 375, note 1266, where a few are cited. [1306] Meitzen, op. cit. 74. In Germany the Hufe, hoba, huoba, huba, etc. is the unit. This word is said to be connected with the modern German Behuf, our behoof; it is the sors, the portion that behoves a man. In Sweden, the unit is the Mantal, a man’s share. The last word about the tenmannetale of Yorkshire has not been said. [1307] K. 633 (iii. 188). [1308] K. 612 (iii. 159): ‘landes sumne dÆl, ÐÆt synd 2 hida, buton 60 Æcran ÐÆt hÆft se arcebisceop genumen into Cymesige to his hame him to hwÆtelande.’ [1309] Rot. Hund. ii. 575. After going through the whole calculation, I have satisfied myself that the sum is worked in this way. [1310] Hence in our law Latin the word terra means arable land. To claim unam acram terrae when you meant an acre of meadow (prati) would have been a fatal error. [1311] K. 1222 (vi. 12); T. 508: ‘And ic ÆÐelgar an an hide lond Ðes Ðe Æulf hauede be hundtuelti acren, ateo so he wille.’ Kemble, Saxons, 117. [1312] See above, p. 386, note 1304. [1313] There can be little need of examples. Glastonbury Rentalia, 152: ‘S. tenet unam virgatam terrae et dimidiam, quae computantur pro una virgata.’ Ibid. p. 160: ‘H. tenet unam virgatam et 5 acras, quae omnia computantur pro una virgata.’ Worcester Register, 62: A virgate consists of 13 acres in one field and 121/2 in the other; the next virgate of 16 acres in one field and 12 in the other. In other cases the numbers are 16 and 14; 145/8 and 11; 13 and 121/2; 14 and 11; 143/4 and 111/4. Yet every virgate is a virgate. [1314] At the date of Domesday we are a long way from the first danegeld and a very long way from any settlement of Cambridgeshire; still if we analyze a symmetrical hundred, such as Armingford, we shall find that the average ten-hide vill is just about twice as rich as the average five-hide vill in men, in teams and in annual valet, though there will be some wide aberrations from this norm. [1315] See above, p. 336, note 1160. [1317] This is proved by ‘The Burghal Hidage’ of which we spoke above, p. 187, and shall speak again hereafter. [1318] See the Gerefa published by Dr Liebermann in Anglia, ix. 251. Andrews, Old English Manor, 246. [1319] The manner in which the old hides have really fallen to pieces but are preserving a notional existence is well illustrated by Domesday of St. Paul’s, 41–47. In one case a hide forms nine tenements containing respectively 30, 30, 15, 15, 5, 5, 71/2, 5, 71/2 acres. See Vinogradoff, Villainage, 249. [1320] Vinogradoff, Villainage, 242; Maitland, History of an English Manor, Eng. Hist. Rev. ix. 418. [1321] See Pell, in Domesday Studies, i. 357. Almost at one and the same moment, but in two different ‘extents,’ the same tenements are being described as containing 15 and as containing 18 acres. Domesday of St. Paul’s, 69: ‘In this manor the hide contains 120 acres; the old inquest said that it used not to contain more than 80; but afterwards the lands were sought out and measured (exquisitae sunt terrae et mensuratae).’ [1322] Cart. Rams. iii. 208. See also the table given by Seebohm, op. cit. 37. [1323] A ‘double hide’ of 240 acres plays a part in Mr Seebohm’s speculations. His instances of it hardly bear examination. On p. 37 he produces from Rot. Hund. ii. 629 the equation 1 H.=6 V. of 40 A. apiece. This apparently refers to the Ramsey manor of Brington; but Cart. Rams. ii. 43 gives 1 H.=4 V. of 40 A., while Cart. Rams. iii. 209 gives 1 H.=4 V. of 34 A. Then Mr Seebohm, p. 51, cites from ‘the documents of Battle Abbey given by Dugdale’ the equation 1 H.=8 V.; but this seems to refer to the statement now printed in the Battle Cartulary (Camd. Soc.) p. xiii., where 1 H.=4 V. As to the supposed solanda of two hides, see Round, Feudal England, 103. [1324] The virgates on the Gloucestershire manors of Gloucester Abbey contain the following numbers of acres: 36, 40, 36, 38, 48, 48, 48, 48, 50, 48, 40, 64, 64, 64, 48, 50, 60, 48, 48, 64, 18 (?), 44, 80, 48, 48, 72. See Gloucester Cartulary, vol. iii. Of the taxation and wealth of the various counties we shall speak hereafter. [1325] Napier and Stevenson, Crawford Charters, p. 47: The O. E. sulh (plough) is ‘cognate with Lat. sulcus.’ [1326] Both terms were in use in Normandy and some other parts of France: Delisle, Études, 538; also Ducange. In a would-be English charter of the days before the Conquest these words would be ground for suspicion. In K. 283 and 455 Kemble has printed (in documents which he stigmatizes) caractorum. But apparently (see B. ii. 104, iii. 94) what stands in the cartulary is carattorum, and this seems a mistake for the common casatorum. To mistake O. E. s for r is easy. [1327] See Stevenson, E. H. R. v. 143. [1328] In D. B. the iugum appears as a portion of a solin; probably as a quarter of the solin. D. B. i. 13: ‘pro uno solin se defendit. Tria iuga sunt infra divisionem Hugonis et quartum iugum est extra.’ The iugum has already appeared in a few Kentish land-books. In K. 199 (i. 249), B. i. 476, we find an ioclet which seems to be half a manse (mansiuncula). In K. 407 (iii. 262), B. ii. 572, we find ‘an iuclÆte et insuper 10 segetes (acres).’ [1329] D. B. ii. 389: ‘In Cratingas 24 liberi homines 1 carr. [1330] Yorkshire Inquisitions (Yorks. ArchÆeol. Soc.) passim. On p. 77 in an account of Catterick we read of ‘a capital messuage worth 5s.; 32 bovates of arable land in demesne (each bovate of 6 acres at 8s.) £12. 16s.; 311/2 bovates held by bondmen (each bovate of 10 acres at 13s. 4d.) £21; ... 2 bovates which contain 24 acres and 32 acres called Inland worth 74s. 8d.’ [1332] A bovate of 13 acres seems to have prevailed in Scotland: Acts of Parliament of Scotland, i. 387. [1333] The immediate source is the Seneschaucie. See Walter of Henley, ed. Lamond, p. 84. Fleta, p. 159. [1334] Walter of Henley, pp. 6, 8, 44–5. With a three-course system the figures will be somewhat different. Plough 60 acres for winter seed, 60 for spring seed, 60 for fallow (total 180) at the rate of 7/8th of an acre per day:—Total, 2051/7 days. In second fallowing plough 60 acres at an acre per day:—Grand total, 2655/7 days. Whichever system is adopted, the plough ‘goes’ 240 acres. [1335] Walter of Henley, p. 13. [1336] Domesday of St. Paul’s, 38. [1337] Meitzen, op. cit. i. 277; Andrews, op. cit. 260. [1338] Gerefa, 9 (Anglia, ix. 261): ‘Me mÆig in Maio and Junio and Julio on sumera fealgian.’ Andrews, op. cit. 257. [1339] Thus e.g. Domesday of St. Paul’s, 59, Tillingham. Is it possible to fallow, when, as in this case, there is no pasture for the oxen except such as is afforded by the idle field? ‘Non est ibi pastura nisi cum quiescit dominicum per wainagium.... (69) Non est ibi certa pastura nisi quando terrae dominici quiescunt alternatim incultae.’ [1340] D. B. i. 307 b, 308. [1341] It will be convenient for us to adopt this term a ‘teamland’ as an equivalent for the Terra ad unam carucam of our record, so that ‘b teamlands’ shall translate Terra ad b carucas. The reader is asked to accept this note as an ‘interpretation clause.’ [1342] D. B. i. 353. [1343] D. B. i. 308, Trectone. [1344] D. B. i. 275 b, Burnulfestune. [1345] D. B. i 337 b. [1346] See pp. 400–403. [1347] We shall not complain of our tools; but Domesday Book is certainly not impeccable. As to its omissions see Eyton, Notes on Domesday (1880); also Round, Feudal England, 43. [1348] Agricultural Returns, 1895 (Board of Agriculture) p. 34. Tidal water is excluded. [1349] The received figures are: Middlesex, 149,046, London, 75,442. From older sources we give Middlesex, 180,480: Population Abstract, 1833, vol. i. p. 376. [1350] For some good remarks on these matters see Eyton, Notes on Domesday. Lincoln, Nottingham and Northampton would require correction because of the treatment that Rutland has received. The boundary of Shropshire has undergone changes. The inclusion of stretches of Welsh ground increases the population without adding to the hidage of some western counties. [1352] Thus Leicester is charged with £100. 0s. 0d., with £99. 19s. 11d. and with £99. 19s. 4d. [1353] In 8 Hen. II. several of the counties answer for about £10 less than had formerly been demanded from them. [1354] The inclusion of the boroughs would have led to many difficulties. London, for example, though no account is taken of it in D. B., seems to have gelded for 1200 hides. (Brit. Mus. MS. Add. 14,252, f. 126.) [1355] We omit the ‘ingeldable carucates’ which occur in some hidated counties. This may introduce a little caprice. If the jurors in one of these counties ascribe twelve carucates to a manor, we do not count them. If they had spoken of hides which never gelded, we should have counted them; and yet we may agree with Eyton that the two phrases would mean much the same thing. But this source of error or caprice is not very important in our present context. Thus we take Dorset. Eyton gives it 2321 hides and then by adding ‘quasi-hides’ brings up the number to 2650. The difference between these two figures is not large when regarded from the point that we are occupying. I have thought that the difficulty would be better met by the warning that Wiltshire, Dorset, Somerset and Devon contain considerable stretches of unhidated royal demesne, than by my reckoning as hides what Eyton called ‘quasi-hides.’ In the case of Dorset, Somerset and Stafford I have placed Eyton’s figures below my own and signed them with the letter E. I know full well that his are much more accurate than mine. He probably gave to each county that he examined more months than I have given weeks to the whole of England. In comparing our results, it should be remembered that, at least in Staffordshire, he dealt with the county boundary in a manner which, in my ignorance, I dare not adopt. [1356] My calculations about Leicestershire are more than usually rough, owing to the appearance of the curious ‘hide’ or ‘hundred’ or whatever it is. See on the one hand Stevenson, E. H. R. v. 95, and on the other Round, Feudal England, 82. Whether this unit contained 12 or 18 carucates is not of very great importance to us at the moment. But there are other difficulties in Leicestershire. In Cornwall I was compelled to make an assumption as to the peculiar ager or acra of that county; but no reasonable theory about this matter would seriously affect the number of Cornwall’s hides. [1357] The usual formula is: ‘Tunc se defendit pro a hidis, modo pro a´.’ We place a in Col. IV., a´ in Col. V. [1358] The usual formula is: ‘T. R. E. geldabat pro a hidis; ibi tamen sunt a´ hidae.’ We place a in Col. IV. and a´ in Col. V.; and we shall argue hereafter, with some hesitation, that the taxation of this county has been increased under William. [1359] The words Terra est are written and are followed by a blank space. Many instances in Kent and Sussex. [1360] On the other hand, when I find a statement about B and none about C, I do not assume that C = B; on the contrary, I read the entry to mean that C = 0. In other words, it is very possible that there should be teamlands without teams; but I do not think that for Domesday’s purposes there can be teams (i.e. teams at work) without land that is being ploughed, though it is true that often, and in some counties habitually, C will be slightly greater than B. [1361] One of the chief difficulties in the way of accurate computation is occasioned by what we may call the complex entries. We start with some such statement as this: ‘The Bishop holds Norton. It defends itself for a hides. There is land for b teams. There are d teams on the demesne and the villeins have e teams.’ But then we read: ‘Of this land [or of these a hides] Roger holds m hides; there are n teams on the demesne and the villeins have o teams.’ Here the total number of hides is a, and not a + m; and I think that the total number of teamlands is b, and not b + some unstated number held by Roger; but the total number of teams is d + e + n + o. Entries in this form are not very uncommon, and therefore this explanation seemed to be required. [1362] Pearson, History of England, ii. 665. [1363] Col. IX. gives I. divided by II. Col. X. gives I. divided by VI. Col. XI. gives I. divided by VII. Col. XII. gives II. divided by VI. Col. XIII. gives II. divided by VII. Col. XIV. gives VI. divided by VII. Col. XV. gives VIII. divided by VI. [or if there is no VI. for this county, then by VII.]. [1364] In Gloucester, Worcester, Hereford and Shropshire I was compelled to adopt as the divisor the number of teams instead of the number of teamlands. As it is fairly certain that these counties were ‘underteamed’ (B > C), the resulting quotient (annual value of land actually tilled by a team) should be diminished before it is compared with the figures given for other counties. [1365] C. S. Taylor, Analysis of Gloucestershire Domesday (Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeol. Soc. 1887–9). [1366] But this is intended to include males only: the ancillae are left out. [1367] Mr Taylor says in his preface: ‘The work has occupied a large part of my leisure time for five years.’ There is therefore some audacity in my printing my figures beside his. It is clear that we have put different constructions upon some of the composite entries concerning large manors. See below, p. 457. Mr Taylor, like Eyton, computes only 48 ‘geld acres’ to the hide; I reckon 120 acres to the hide; that, however, is in this context a trifling matter. [1368] Mr Taylor has brought out 15s. 5d. as the average valet of land tilled by a team. By taking Pearson’s valet and my teams I have brought out 15s. 0d. [1369] For Dorset and Somerset my figures can be checked by Eyton’s. For Wiltshire, Devon, Cornwall, by the Geld Inquests. These give for Wiltshire (see W. H. Jones, Domesday for Wiltshire, 158 ff.) 3955 H. 3 V.; for Devon (see Devonshire Domesday, ed. Devonsh. Assoc. p. xlix.) 1029 H. 1 V. 3 F.; for Cornwall 401 H. 3 V. 1 F. I give for Wiltshire 4050 H., for Devon 1119 H., for Cornwall 399 H. [1370] Lincoln, 5·0; Nottingham, 4·4; Derby, 3·9; Surrey, 3·7; Hampshire, 3·6; Middlesex, 3·4; Dorset, 3·3; Cambridge, 3·1; Berkshire, 3·0; Wiltshire, 2·9; Hertford, Northampton, Warwick, Somerset, 2·8; Huntingdon, 2·6; Oxford, 2·5; Bedford and Buckingham, 2·4; Cornwall and Stafford, 2·2; Devon, 2·1. For Kent the figure would be near 3·9, for Sussex near 3·3, for apparently in these counties there was approximate equality between the number of teams and the number of teamlands. [1371] One word about the meaning of the valets. I think it very clear from thousands of examples that an estate is valued ‘as a going concern.’ The question that the jurors put to themselves is: ‘What will this estate bring in, peopled as it is and stocked as it is?’ In other words, they do not endeavour to make abstraction of the villeins, oxen, etc. and to assign to the land what would be its annual value if it were stocked or peopled according to some standard of average culture. Consequently in a few years the value of an estate may leap from one pound to three pounds or to five shillings or even to zero. Eyton, Dorset, 56, has good remarks on this matter. [1372] Seebohm, Village Community, 85–6. To the contrary Round, in Domesday Studies, i. 209, and Feudal England, 35. [1373] Round, Feudal England, 35. [1374] See e.g. D. B. i. 222: ‘Terra est 2 car. Has habent ibi 3 sochemanni et 12 bordarii.’ ... ‘Terra est 3 car. Ibi sunt ipsae cum 9 sochemannis et 9 bordariis.’ Ibid. i. 223: ‘Terra est 1 car. quam habent ibi 4 bordarii.’ Ibid. i. 107 b: ‘Terra est 7 car. et tot ibi sunt.’ [1375] D. B. i. 222. Codestoche, Lidintone. [1376] D. B. i. 289; 339 b, Bechelinge. [1377] D. B. i. 342 b, Toresbi. [1378] D. B. i. 339, Agetorne. [1379] D. B. i. 174, Lappewrte. [1380] D. B. i. 163, Berchelai. [1381] D. B. i. 218 b, Stanford. Or let us take this case (D. B. i. 148): ‘Terra est 3 car. In dominio est una et 4 villani habent aliam et tercia potest fieri.’ Is this third team to be a team of four or a team of eight? [1382] Seebohm, Village Community, 85. [1383] As a specimen we take 10 consecutive entries from the royal demesne in Surrey in which it is said that x villeins and y bordiers have z teams. We add half of y to x and divide the result by z. The quotients are 10·3, 4·0, 3·7, 3·5, 3·4, 2·7, 2·2, 1·9, 1·8, 1·4. If we massed the ten cases together, the quotient would be 2·8. We can easily find averages; but, even if we omit cases in which there is an exceptional dearth of oxen, the variations are so considerable that we must not speak of a type or norm. [1384] Glastonbury Rentalia, 51–2: ‘S. tenet 1 virgatam terre ... et si habet 8 boves debet warectare ... 7 acras. Si autem pauciores habet, warectabit pro unoquoque bove octavam partem 7 acrarum.’ Ibid. 61: ‘R. C. tenet unam virgatam ... et habebit 4 boves cum bobus domini.’ Ibid. 68: ‘G. tenet dimidiam hidam ... et si habuerit 8 boves...’ Ibid. 78: ‘L. tenet 5 acras ... et bis debet venire cum 1 bove et cum pluribus si habuerit...’ Ibid. 98–9: ‘M. tenet 1 virgatam ... si habuerit quatuor boves...’ Ibid. 129: ‘S. tenet 1 virgatam ... et debet invenire domino 1 carrum et 6 boves ad cariandum fenum.’ Ibid. 130: ‘M. tenet dimidiam virgatam ... et debet invenire 2 boves.’ Ibid. 189: Three cases in which a virgater comes to the boon days with eight oxen. Larking, Domesday of Kent, App. 33: Customs of Hedenham: ‘...habebit unam virgatam terrae ... item habebit quatuor boves in pasturam domini.’ [1385] D. B. i. 211: ‘Terra est dim. car. et unus bos ibi arat.’ [1386] D. B. i. 342 b, Toresbi. [1387] Pollock, E. H. R. xi. 813. I venture to think that Sir F. Pollock has not answered his own argument (p. 220) for a constant caruca. [1388] Inq. Com. Cant. 70. [1389] Another example from a Northamptonshire column (D. B. i. 226) will show what we mean. Let H stand for hides and T for teamlands, and let the virgate be a quarter of a hide, then we have this series: 2 H (5 T), 21/2 H (4 T), 4 H (8 T), 11/4 H (3 T), 17/12 H (4 T), 3/8 H (1/2 T), 1/2 H (1 T), 21/2 H (6 T), 11/4 H (3 T), 2 H (4 T), 7/8 H (3 T). We see that T is integral where H is fractional. [1390] Exceptionally we read in Kent (i. 9): ‘Terra est dim. car. et ibidem sunt adhuc 30 acrae terrae.’ And is not this a rule-proving exception? The jurors can not say simply ‘land for half a team and thirty acres.’ They say ‘land for half a team and there are thirty acres in addition.’ [1391] D. B. iv. 497; Inq. Com. Cant. 97. [1392] There can be little doubt that this is the right reading. See Round. Feudal England, 134. [1393] Thus, D. B. ii. 39: ‘Tunc 4 carucae in dominio, post et modo 2 ... et 2 carucae possunt restaurari.’ To use our symbols, in Essex, Norfolk and Suffolk we obtain statements about A and about C, but learn nothing about B, unless this is to be inferred from the increase or decrease that has taken place in C. We shall hereafter argue that, in spite of some appearances to the contrary, the carucates of East Anglia belong to the order A and not to the order B. [1394] Thus, D. B. i. 231: ‘Rad. tenet de episcopo 4 car. terrae in Partenei. Terra est 4 car. In dominio sunt 2 et ... villani habent 2 car.’ Just before this we have the other common formula: ‘Rad. tenet ... 2 car. terrae in Toniscote. Duae car. possunt esse et ibi sunt.’ [1395] Thus, D. B. i. 231 b: ‘Ipsa Comitissa tenuit Dunitone. Ibi 22 car. et dimid. T. R. E. erant ibi 12 car. Modo in dominio sunt 3 et ... villani ... habent 12 car.’ [1396] To me it looks as if the variations were due to a clerk’s caprice. The Leicestershire survey fills 30 columns. Not until the top of col. 5 has the compiler, except as a rare exception, the requisite information. Then, after hesitating as to whether he shall adopt the ‘x car. possunt esse’ formula, he decides in favour of ‘Terra est x car.’ This we will call Formula I. It reigns throughout cols. 5–13, though broken on three or four occasions by what we will call Formula II, namely ‘T. R. E. erant ibi x car.’ At the top of col. 14 Formula II. takes possession and keeps it into col. 16. Then I. has a short turn. Then (col. 17) II. is back again. Then follow many alternations. At the top of col. 24, however, a simplified version of II. appears; the express reference to the T. R. E. vanishes, and we have merely ‘ibi fuerunt x car.’ In the course of col. 26 this is changed to ‘ibi x car. fuerunt.’ These two versions of II. prevail throughout the last six columns, though there is one short relapse to I. (col. 28). [1397] The proof of this lies in the Inq. Com. Cant. and the Exon Domesday. [1398] This appears on a collation of D. B. with the two records mentioned in our last note. See Round, Feudal England, 26. [1399] D. B. i. 174: ‘In omnibus his maneriis non possunt esse plus carucae quam dictum est.’ [1400] When C varies from B, the statement about C will sometimes be introduced by a sed or a tamen which tells us that things are not what they might be expected to be. D. B. i. 77 b: ‘Terra est dimid. car. et tamen est ibi 1 car.’ D. B. i. 222: ‘Terra est dim. car. tamen 2 villani habent 1 car.’ [1401] As a wheat-grower Devon stands in our own day at the very bottom of the English counties. Its average yield per acre in 1885–95 was 21 bushels, while Cambridge’s was 32. Next above Devon stands Monmouth and then comes Cornwall. [1402] Marshall, Review of Reports to Board of Agriculture from Southern Departments, 524: ‘The management of the land is uniform; here and there an exception will be found. The whole is convertible, sometimes into arable, and sometimes pasture. Arable is sown with wheat, barley, or oats, as long as it will bear any; and then grass for eight or ten years, until the land is recovered, and capable again of bearing corn.’ See also p. 531: the lands go back to the waste ‘in tenfold worse condition than [that wherein] they were in a state of nature.’ It is just in the country which is not a country of village communities that we find this ‘aration of the waste.’ [1403] Some parts of Worcestershire, for example, show a marked deficiency in oxen. On the lands of Osbern Fitz Richard (14 entries) there are about 102 teams, and there ‘could be’ 32 more. See D. B. i. 176 b. In some parts of Cheshire also there is a great deficiency. [1404] D. B. i. 122 b: ‘Luduham ... Terra 15 car. vel 30 car.’ In the Exeter book (D. B. iv. 240) two conflicting estimates are recorded: ‘Luduam ... In ea sunt 3 hidae terrae et reddidit gildum pro 1 hida. hanc possunt arare 15 carrucae. hanc tenet Ricardus de Comite. in ea sunt 3 hidae terrae et reddidit gildum pro 1 hida. hanc possunt arare 30 carrucae. hanc tenet Ricardus de Comite.’ [1405] D. B. i. 246 b. [1406] Often a Yorkshire entry touching a waste vill gives no B. Therefore in my Tables I have omitted the number of the Yorkshire teamlands, lest hasty inferences should be drawn from it. I believe it falls between 5000 and 6000. It is much smaller than A, much greater than C. [1407] Be it remembered that these waste vills can not send deputations to meet the justices, and that the representatives of the wapentakes may never have seen some of those deserts of which they have to speak. ‘All of these vills,’ they say on one occasion (i. 301), ‘belong to Preston. In sixteen of them there are a few inhabitants; but how many we do not know. The rest are waste.’ [1409] Devon, 2·1; Cornwall, 2·2; Derby, 3·9; Nottingham, 4·4; Lincoln, 5·0. The figure for Stafford is about as low as that for Cornwall; but Stafford has been devastated. See Eyton, Staffordshire, 30. Kent and Surrey would stand high. Kent would perhaps stand as high as Derby. But Lincoln has no peer, unless it be Norfolk, Suffolk, or Essex. Our reason for not speaking of these last three counties will appear by and by. [1410] An essay by Mr W. J. Corbett which I had the advantage of seeing some time ago, and which will I hope soon be in print, will throw much new light on this matter. [1411] I have roughly added up the carucates and teams of Norfolk, a laborious task, and have seen reason to believe that the figures for Suffolk would be of the same kind. [1412] In dealing with Essex, Norfolk and Suffolk an equation connecting the hide or (as the case may be) carucate with the acre becomes of vast importance. I have throughout assumed that 120 acres make the hide or carucate. If this assumption, about which something will be said hereafter, is unjustified, my whole computation breaks down. Then in Norfolk there are (especially I think in certain particular hundreds) a good many estates for which no extent (real or rateable) is given. I have made no allowance for this. On the other hand, I believe that I have carried to an extreme in Norfolk the principle of including everything. I doubt, for example, whether some of the acres held by the parish churches have not been reckoned twice over. Also both in Essex and Norfolk I reckoned in the lands that are mentioned among the Invasiones, and in so doing ran the danger of counting them for a second time. [1413] Also we may remark that in many respects the survey of Essex is closely akin to the survey of East Anglia; but in Essex nothing is said about the geldability of vills and therefore, unless the Essex hides and acres belong to the order of geldable units (A), our record tells us nothing as to the geld of Essex: an unacceptable conclusion. [1414] Dorset, 15, 23–24. [1415] In Dorset 22,000 acres are ‘designedly omitted’; in Somerset nearly 178,000; in Staffordshire nearly 246,000. Mr C. S. Taylor puts the deficiency in Gloucestershire at 200,000 or thereabouts. [1417] D. B. ii. 160 b: A certain vill is 1 league 10 perches long, and 1 league 41/2 feet wide. Surely such a statement would never come from men who could use and were intending to use a system of superficial measurement. [1418] D. B. ii. 170. Or take Westbruge (ii. 206): Two carucates; two teams and a half; ‘this vill is 5 furlongs in length by 3 in breadth.’ If every inch of the vill is ploughed, the carucate can only have 75 acres, and each team tills but 60. I have noted many cases in which this method will not leave 120 acres for the team. [1419] D. B. i. 310. [1420] D. B. i. 307 b. [1421] D. B. i. 310. In these Yorkshire cases it is needless for us to raise the question whether the totum that is being measured is the manor or the vill. [1422] D. B. ii. 118 b. [1423] D. B. i. 303 b (Yorkshire, Oleslec). [1424] D. B. i. 303 b (Othelai). [1425] D. B. i. 346 b (Bastune); 4 carucates for geld; land for 4 teams; arable land 8 quar. by 8. [1426] D. B. i. 346 b (Langetof); 6 carucates for geld; land for 6 teams; arable land 15 quar. long and 9 wide. [1427] D. B. i. 248 b (Rolvestune); 21/2 hides; land for 8 teams; 18 teams existing; arable land 2 leagues long and 1 [league] wide. Eyton (Staffordshire, 48) has a long note on this entry which makes against his doctrine that the teamland is 120 acres. He suggests that the statement by linear measure is a correction of the previous statement that there is land for 8 teams. Unfortunately, as we have seen, this entry does not stand alone. Morgan, op. cit. 34, speaks of some of these entries. Those which he mentions and which we have not noticed do not seem quite to the point. Thus (D. B. i. 263 b) of Edesberie we read ‘land for 6 ploughs ... this land is a league long and equally wide.’ We are not here expressly told that all the ‘land’ thus measured by lineal measure is arable. The cases of Dictune, Winetun, Grif and Bernodebi, which he then cites, are beside the mark, for what is here measured by lineal measure seems to be the whole area of the manor. [1428] To make safer, I take the Dorset and Somerset teamlands from Eyton, the Gloucester teams from Mr Taylor. In the modern statistics the ‘arable’ covers ‘bare fallow’ and ‘grasses under rotation’; the ‘permanent pasture’ includes ‘grass for hay,’ but excludes ‘mountain and heath land used for grazing’; the total acreage includes everything but ‘tidal water.’ To bring up the particulars to the total, we should have to add (1) a little for orchards and market gardens, and having thus obtained the sum of all the land that is within the purview of the Board of Agriculture, we should still have to add (2) the sites of towns, houses, factories, etc., (3) tenements of less than an acre whereof no statistics are obtained, (4) roads, railways, etc., (5) waste not used for pasture, rocks, sea-shore, etc., (6) non-tidal water. The area not accounted for by our figures will be smallest in an inland county which has no large towns; it will be raised by sea-shore or by manufacturing industry. [1429] Agricultural Returns, 1895, p. xiii: ‘The actual loss of arable area in the interval covered by the last two decades ... is 2,137,000 acres.’ [1430] Mr Seebohm, Village Community, p. 103, seems to think that D. B. testifies to no more than 5 million acres of arable. But, even if we stop at the Humber, we shall have 9 million if a team tills 120. [1431] D. B. ii. 116: T. R. E. there were 1320 burgenses. [1432] D. B. ii 372. [1433] It seems probable that in many cases the parish priest is reckoned among the townsmen, the villani. [1435] While historical economists can still dispute as to whether the population in 1346 was 5 millions, or only 21/2 (Cunningham, Eng. Industry, i. 301) guesses about 1085 are premature. M. Fabre has lately estimated the population of England under Henry II. at 2,880,000. But as to this calculation, see Liebermann, Eng. Hist. Rev. xi. 746. [1437] Walter of Henley, pp. 67, 71. [1438] Walter of Henley, p. 19. [1439] Rogers, Hist. Agric. i. 50–1. [1440] Tour in the Southern Counties, ed. 3 (1767), p. 158. See also p. 242. [1441] Agricultural Returns, 1895, p. 239. The figures given under the year 1894 which express the average yield of a statute acre in imperial bushels are for Australasia, 8·18; India, 9·00; Russia in Europe, 10·76; United States, 12·79. Apparently in South Australia 1,577,000 acres can produce as little as 7,781,000 bushels. As I understand, Sir J. B. Lawes and Sir J. H. Gilbert reckon that for an unmanured acre in England 16 bushels would be an average return, but that if the same acre is continuously sown with wheat, the yield will decline at the rate of nearly a quarter of a bushel every year. See Journ. Agricult. Soc., 3rd Ser. vol. iv. p. 87. [1442] This calculus was officially adopted in 1891; see a paper by Sir J. B. Lawes and Sir J. H. Gilbert in Journ. Agric. Soc., 3rd Ser., vol iv. p. 102. I desire to express my thanks to the Secretary of the Board of Agriculture for directing my attention to this paper. [1443] I understand that the average number of loaves that can be made from 280 lbs. of flour may be put at about 90. [1444] Agricultural Returns, 1895, pp. 166, 90, 198. The old rough estimate of a quarter of wheat per head is much too high; the average is about 5·65 bushels. See the paper cited in note 1442. Now-a-days we can further allot to each inhabitant of the United Kingdom an amount of cereal matter other than wheat, to wit, barley, oats, beans, peas, maize, etc. which would take for its production perhaps as much as 1·5 times the area of the land that is required for the growth of the wheat that we have allotted to him. But much of this only feeds him by feeding animals that he eats; much only feeds him very indirectly by feeding horses engaged in the production or transport of food; and some of it can not be said to feed him at all. Then, on the other hand, large quantities of potatoes, sugar and rice are being eaten. [1445] Wheat, oats, barley and peas are mentioned in D. B.; also rye (i. 257 b). [1446] Hale, Worcester Register, p. civ. [1447] Boldon Book, D. B. iv. 580–5. So in D. B. i. 69 the sheriff of Wiltshire receives equal quantities of wheat and malt and a larger quantity of oats. See also D. B. i. 179 b. [1448] [1449] Ibid, cxxxiv. 173. [1450] Ibid. 173. [1451] Calculations are difficult and may be misleading, not only because of the variability of medieval measures, but also because of the varying strength of beer. Mr Steele, the Chief Inspector of Excise, has been good enough to inform me that a bushel of unmalted barley weighing 42 lbs. would yield about 19·5 gallons of beer at 58°. The figures from St. Paul’s seem to point to a strong brew, since they apparently derive but 8 gallons from the bushel of mixed grain. The ordinances of cent. xiii. (Statutes, i. 200, 202) seem to suppose that, outside the cities, the brewer, after deducting expenses and profit, could sell 8 to 12 gallons of beer for the price of a bushel of barley. If we suppose that the bushel of barley gives 18 gallons, the man who drinks his gallon a day consumes 20 bushels a year, and when the acre yields but 6 bushels of wheat, it will hardly yield more than 7 of barley. There is valuable learning in J. Bickerdyke, The Curiosities of Ale, pp. 54, 106, 154. [1452] As to both meat and drink see Ine 70, § 1; T. 460, 468, 471, 473, 474; E. 118; Æthelstan, II. 1. § 1; D. B. i. 169, rents of the shrievalty of Wiltshire. Attempts to measure the flood of beer break down before the uncertain content of the amber, modius, sextarius, etc. In particular I can not believe that the amber of ale contained (Schmid, p. 530; Robertson, Hist. Essays, 68) 4 of our bushels; but, do all we can to reduce it, the allowance of beer seems large. [1453] D. B. ii. 162 b: Cheltenham and King’s Barton. [1454] D. B. i. 205. The abbot of Peterborough is bound to find pasture for 120 pigs for the abbot of Thorney. If he can not do this, he must feed and fatten 60 pigs with corn (de annona pascit et impinguat 60 porcos). [1455] Walter of Henley, 13. Every week each ox is to have 31/2 garbs of oats, and 10 garbs would yield a bushel. [1456] Now-a-days the average acre in England will produce about 29 bushels of wheat or 40 of oats. Agricultural Returns, 1895, pp. 66, 70. [1458] Rogers, op. cit. i. 51. [1459] Clearly so in some cases. See e. g. the first entry in Inq. Com. Cant. The teams of lord and villeins having been mentioned, we then read that the ‘pecunia in dominio’ consists of so many pigs, sheep, etc. Moreover, if all the cattle not of the plough were enumerated under the title animalia, there would not be nearly enough to renew the number of beasts of the plough. Again, when the capacity of the wood is stated in terms of the pigs that it will maintain, the number thus given will in general vastly exceed the number of pigs whose existence is recorded. Lastly, we see that at Crediton (iv. 107) where the lord has but 57 pigs, he receives every year 150 pigs from certain porcarii, whose herds are not counted. Throughout Sussex the lord takes one pig from every villein who has seven (i. 16 b). See also Morgan, op. cit. 56. [1461] Before we have gone through a tenth of the account of Essex, we have read of ‘wood for’ near 10,000 pigs. If the woods were full and this rate were maintained throughout the country, the swine of England would be as numerous T. R. W. as they now are. No doubt Essex was exceptionally wooded and many woods were understocked; still this mode of reckoning the capacity of wood-land would only occur to men who were accustomed to see large herds. [1462] In the thirteenth century it is common to find that the acre of meadow is deemed to be twice or three times as valuable as the best arable acre of the same village, and a much higher ratio is sometimes found. [1463] This appears from the parallel account of Westley given in D. B. and Inq. Com. Cant. (p. 19) where ‘pratum 2 bobus’ = ‘2 ac. prati.’ Entries such as the following are not uncommon (I. C. C. p. 13): ‘Terra est 4 car.; in dominio est una et villani habent 3 car. Pratum 1 car.’ See Morgan, op. cit. 53–5. [1464] Eyton, Dorset, 146. [1465] In the above table all vaccae, animalia and animalia ociosa are reckoned in the third column. I believe that the two last of these terms cover all beasts of the bovine race that are not beasts of the plough. The horses are mostly runcini and are kept for agricultural purposes. It may be doubted whether destriers and palfreys are enumerated. [1466] Rot. Hund. ii. 570, 575. The calculation which gave these results was laborious; but I believe that they are pretty correct. [1467] On the whole, the valet of D. B., so far as it is precise, seems to me an answer to the question, What rent would a firmarius pay for this estate stocked as it is? But there are many difficulties. [1468] See the important but difficult account of the mill at Arundel: D. B. i. 23. [1469] Hall, Court Life, 221–3. The Glastonbury Inquests (Roxburgh Club) show that 36d. is the settled price for the ox. [1470] Rogers, Hist. Agric. i. 226, 342. [1472] Inq. Com. Cant. 38. [1473] Or a little less. [1474] Perhaps too small. One estate was valued in Essex. [1476] Domesday of St. Paul’s, 59, 64, 69. See above, p. 399 note 1339. [1477] Hanssen, Abhandlungen, i. 163. [1478] After making an allowance of 22,000 for Suffolk (which I have not counted) and adding 500 for the land between Ribble and Mersey (which owing to some difficult problems, I have omitted), the sum would fall a little short of 68,000. The hides of London and other boroughs would raise the total. Pearson, History, i. 658, guessed 90,000 to 100,000. [1479] Above, p. 3. [1480] As to the magnum pondus Normannorum, see Crawford Charters, 78. [1481] D. B. i. 351. [1482] D. B. i. 77. [1483] D. B. i. 165, Alvestone. [1484] D. B. i. 165 b, Malgeresberiae. [1485] D. B. i. 252 b, Wenloch. [1486] D. B. i. 40 b. [1487] D. B. i. 32: ‘postquam habuit pro 16 hidis ad libitum Heraldi.’ [1488] Round, in Domesday Studies, i. 98–110. [1489] K. 642 (iii. 203). [1490] D. B. i. 41. [1492] I have chosen ‘subpartitioned,’ because ‘repartitioned’ might have introduced the idea of periodical or occasional rearrangement, and this it is desirable to exclude in the present state of our knowledge. [1493] See a speech by the Chancellor of the Exchequer reported in The Times for 10 July, 1896. [1494] Round, Feudal England, 50. [1495] See also Pollock, E. H. R. xi. 222. [1496] D. B. i. 172. [1498] The estate at Matma which is in the Dodingtree hundred will be accounted for below. [1499] Possibly this and the four next entries should be omitted. [1500] We here omit the estates at Hamton and Bengeworth, about which the churches of Worcester and Evesham were disputing, for we believe that they have already been included in the Worcester estate of Cropthorn. See Round in Domesday Studies, ii. 545. [1501] Perhaps add 5 hides at Suchelei; but apparently these have been already included in the account of the King’s Land. [1502] A large hundred called Halfshire Hundred was formed. In Latin records it is Hundredum Dimidii Comitatus. For some light on the constitution of Dodingtree, see Round, Feudal England, 61. [1503] ‘In Huntedunescyre sunt dccc hide et dimid.’ This means eight and a half hundreds. [1504] Leges Anglorum, p. 7. [1505] On a re-count I made 1185. [1506] Mr Charles Taylor gives 2595. See above, p. 412. Therefore I have once more gone through the county with his book before me. The difference between us is not altogether due to my faulty arithmetic; but arises from the different constructions that we put upon a few composite entries. In particular I can not allow the bishop of Worcester anything like the 231 hides that Mr Taylor gives him. When I find an entry in this form: ‘Sancta Maria tenet H. Ibi sunt x hidae ... De hac terra huius manerii Turstinus tenet y hidas in O,’ I believe that x includes y, and this no matter how far the place called O may be from the place called H. My 2388 is I think a trifle too low; but I believe the number lies very close to 2400 on one side or the other. [1507] Ellis, Introduction, i. 184. [1508] Feudal England, 148. [1509] After a re-count I think that my 1356 is a little too large, and should not be surprised if the 26631/2 had been exactly halved. [1510] See above, p. 451. This is but one instance. Several other hundreds had been similarly relieved. See Round, Feudal England, 51. [1511] My 500 (or a trifle more) for Cheshire does not include the land between the Ribble and the Mersey. The figures given for that district are, as is well known, very difficult. If we take the final statement (D. B. i. 270) about the 79 ‘hides’ as a grand total and hold that each of these contains 6 carucates (Feudal England, 86) and that each of these carucates pays geld equivalent to that of one ordinary hide, then we have here 474 units to be added to the Cestrian 500, and yet more northerly lands may have been gelding along with Chester in Cnut’s day. [1512] The various copies disagree as to whether Herefordshire shall have 1200 or 1500 hides. My figure stands about halfway between these two; but many hides were not gelding in 1086. I can not bring the Warwickshire hides down to 1200. [1513] I take the numbers of the hundreds from Dr Stubbs, Const. Hist. 106. I take them thence in order that I may not be tempted to make them rounder than they are. [1515] Mr C. S. Taylor, op. cit. 31, finds 41. [1516] Round, Feudal England, 44 ff. [1517] Both statements might be illustrated from the Dorsetshire accounts. Between 2 and 8 Hen. II. the geld seems to rise from £228. 5s. to £248. 5s. but there is a blunder in the addition of the pardons in the latter roll. I believe that Mr Round has already mentioned this case somewhere. The correspondence between the Pipe Rolls and Domesday is sufficiently close to warrant our saying that the story told by Orderic of a new and severer valuation made by Rufus can have but little, if any, truth behind it. See Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 327. [1518] The common formula is: ‘T. R. E. geldabat pro a hidis; ibi tamen sunt a´ hidae’ and a´ is largely greater than a. I infer that a´ represents a new and increased assessment, for the Geld Inquest seems to show Cornwall paying for 401 hides and a fraction while I make a´=399. [1519] For these three counties we can not give any B, but must draw inferences from C. Clearly in Hereford C was often thought to be much less than B. [1520] As already said (above, p. 420) what we take to be Leicester’s equivalent for B is sometimes given by an unusual formula. [1521] Rogers, Hist. Agricult. i. 110. [1522] Yorkshire Lay Subsidy (Yorksh. ArchÆol. Soc.) p. xxxii. [1523] Total acreage under all kinds of crops, bare fallow and grass, excluding (1) nursery gardens, (2) woods and plantations, (3) mountain and heath land. [1524] Powell, East Anglia Rising, 121–3. [1525] As we are giving or trying to give the fullest number of hides whose existence is attested by D. B., and not the number gelding in 1086, we compare with it the values given by Pearson (Hist. Engl. i. 665) for the T. R. E. His values for the T. R. W. are given above, p. 401. [1526] Suffolk and Norfolk are omitted because the relation between their carucates and the villar geld pence is as yet uncertain. Stafford does not provide valuits enough to give a stable average; but in general the valets and valuits for its hides are high. I have excluded (1) royal demesne, (2) cases in which there is any talk of ‘waste,’ (3) cases in which a particular manor is obviously privileged. In Lincolnshire it is difficult to obtain good figures, because of the way in which the sokes are valued. [1527] See above, p. 386, note 1304. [1528] Werhard’s testament, K. 230 (i. 297), tells us of a great estate of 100 hides at Otford, of 30 hides at Graveney and so forth. The figures are so little in harmony with D. B. and with the other Canterbury charters that we may suspect the 100 manses at Otford of covering many smaller estates, each of which appears elsewhere with a name of its own. [1529] In D. B. i. 12 b St. Augustin holds 30 solins at Norborne. In 618 Eadbald of Kent, K. 6 (i. 9), gave 30 aratra at Nortburne; but the deed is spurious. In D. B. 5 b, Rochester has 3 solins at Totesclive, 6 at Hallinges, 21/2 at Coclestane, 3 at Mellingetes, 6 at Bronlei. In 788 Offa, K. 152 (i. 183), gave 6 aratra at Trottesclib. Egbert, K. 160 (i. 193), gave 10 at Hallingas. In 880 Æthelstan, K. 312 (ii. 109), B. ii. 168, gave 3 at Cucolanstan. Edmund, K. 409 (ii. 265), gave 3 at Meallingas. In 998 Æthelred, K. 700 (iii. 305), gave 6 at Brunleage. The Rochester deeds therefore may point to some reduction; but they do not tell of any startling change. [1530] Meitzen, op. cit. ii. 101, holds that the Euti who invaded Kent fitted themselves into an agrarian framework prepared by Celts. They came not, like the great mass of Saxons and Angles, from a country in which villages of the Germanic type had grown up, but from an originally Celtic land, which they while still in the pastoral state had seized and subjugated. It is an interesting though hazardous speculation. Certainly some cause or another keeps Kent apart from the rest of England. [1531] Thus, K. 371 (ii. 207): Æthelstan gives to the church of Exeter 6 perticae (yard-lands?). B. ii. 433: he gives one cassate to St Petroc. K. 787 (iv. 115): the Confessor gives a pertica and a half in Cornwall. Crawford Charters, pp. 1–43: Æthelheard gives 20 cassates at Crediton; that is, a dozen of our parishes. Ibid. p. 9: a single yard of land is gaged for 30 mancuses of gold. K. 1306 (vi. 163): in 739 Æthelred gives 3 perticae to Athelney. K. 1324 (vi. 188): Cnut gives to Athelney duas mansas siue (= et) unam perticam. [1532] K. 1143 (v. 278); B. ii. 527. For the arepennis see Meitzen, op. cit. i. 278, where an explanation derived from the Irish laws is given of its name. [1534] The lords of Cambridgeshire may have done good service during the campaign in the Isle of Ely. [1535] Pearson’s valuit is £491; his valet £736. [1536] The appearance of the curious hida may lead to the guess that if the geld be at two shillings, it is the Leicestershire hida, not the Leicestershire carucata which pays this sum. But (1) if the hida contains 18, or even 12, carucates we shall then have on our hands a case of extreme under-taxation; and (2) this will not account for the fact that an exceedingly small value is given to the land that a team ploughs. [1537] D. B. i. 233. [1538] At the end of the account of the land between Ribble and Mersey (i. 240) we are told that there were altogether 79 hidae which T. R. E. were worth £145. 2s. 2d. This would give a very small value for the carucate, if the hida of this district had six carucates; and in many cases 2s. 8d. is the value assigned to the carucate. If to a two-shilling geld the hida paid but two shillings, this is a bad, though not unprecedented, case of under-taxation. On the other hand, if the carucate paid two shillings, its value has been stated in some abnormal fashion. I do not think it out of the question that the hidae of Leicestershire and Lancashire are modern arrangements designed to give relief in some manner or another to districts which have been too heavily burdened with carucates. [1539] It may, however, have been applied to the conquered West Wales from an early time. See above, p. 467. [1541] D. B. i. 293 b. [1542] And two sokemen with two teams. [1543] The artificiality or traditionality of the teamland is even more obvious in D. B. than it is in our statement. At Okeham are 4 hides; land for 16 teams. The men have 37. The king has 2 in his demesne ‘et tamen aliae quatuor possunt esse.’ So what is land for 16 teams is not only stocked but insufficiently stocked with 39. The manor of one carucate held by Leuenot seems to be another infringement of the traditional scheme, unless that carucate has been already reckoned among the four at Okeham. [1544] Many other instances suggesting the artificiality of B might be given from northern counties; e.g. in Northampton (i. 227) we have five consecutive entries in which A = 2, 2, 2, 0·5, 4; B = 5, 5, 5, 1·25, 10; C = 3, 2, 5, 1, 8. See also Round, Feudal England, 90. [1545] D. B. i. 323 b. [1546] D. B. i. 299 Walesgrif £56; 299 b Poclinton £56; 309 Ghellinghes £56; 305 Witebi £112. It will be remembered that, as our hundred-weight (112 lbs) shows, 112 can be called a hundred. [1547] Pipe Rolls, 2. 3. 4. 5. Hen. II. In a few cases the earlier donum includes a composition ‘for murders and pleas.’ That from Yorkshire is partly paid by York, that from Gloucestershire by Gloucester. [1548] Nearly. [1549] Except the ‘hides,’ if hides they be, of Leicestershire and Lancashire. [1550] D. B. i. 35 (Surrey). [1551] D. B. i. 49 b (Hants). [1552] D. B. i. 364 (Lincoln). [1554] This part of the evidence is set out in Mr Round’s Feudal England, 37–44. I have gone through all the calculations. His results are hardly different from those which I have obtained and therefore I dwell no longer on this part of the case, for it has been well stated. [1555] D. B. i. 192; iv. 107. The Inquisitio Eliensis puts the number of cottiers at 18, while Domesday gives 28. See Hamilton’s edition, p. 119. [1556] Downham, Witchford, Sutton, ‘Helle,’ Wilburton, Stretham, Stuntney, Doddington. [1557] Wichford, D. B. i. 192; iv. 507; Hamilton, 119. [1558] Witcham, Whittlesey, Lindon, Wentworth, Chatteris, Wisbeach, Littleport. [1559] Wisbeach, 31/2 H. + 1 V. + 150 A. + 21/21/2 H. = 10 H. [1560] In giving the sum of the particulars I add hides to hides, virgates to virgates, acres to acres, but I make no assumption as to the number of acres or virgates in the hide. [1561] D. B. iv. 4, 9, 16. [1562] D. B. iv. 22. [1563] D. B. iv. 1, 6, 13. [1564] D. B. iv. 3, 8, 15 (Melchesham). [1565] D. B. iv. 3–4, 9, 15 (Chinbrige). [1566] D. B. iv. 61–2–3. [1567] D. B. iv. 23 (Hunesberge); see also Langeberge on the same page. [1568] Round in Domesday Studies, i. 212: ‘I have worked through the Inquisitio Geldi with this special object, but found to my disappointment that the odd acres which paid geld on this occasion did not pay at a uniform rate, some paying twice as much as others.’ [1569] D. B. ii. 19: ‘Ratendunam tenuit S. Adelred T. R. E. ... pro 20 hidis. Modo pro 16 hidis et dimidia.... Et 30 acras tenet Siward de S. Adelred. Modo tenet Ranulfus Piperellus de rege, set hundret testatur de abbatia. Et 3 hidas et 30 acras quas tenuit ecclesia et Leuesunus de ea T. R. E. modo tenet Eudo de abbate.’ I think that this involves the statement: 16½ H. + 30 A. + 3 H. + 30 A. = 20 H. [1570] D. B. ii. 3, 11, 33, 63 b, 78 b, and in many other places. [1571] Ibid. 31. [1572] Ibid. 6 b, 42 b. [1573] Ibid. 46. [1574] Ibid. 48. [1575] Ibid. 6 b, 49, 60. [1576] Ibid. 43. [1577] Ibid. 74. [1578] Ibid. 1 b. [1579] Ibid. 11 b, 30 b, 31, 47 b. [1580] Ibid. 72. [1581] Ibid. 21 b. [1582] Ibid. 16, 15. [1583] D. B. ii. 79. [1584] Some other fractions into which a hide would easily break by inheritance and partition can be expressed in various ways. Thus two-thirds of a hide can be expressed as 80 A. or as ‘half a hide and 20 acres.’ Three-quarters of a hide appears sometimes as ‘half a hide and 30 A.,’ sometimes as ‘a hide less 30 A.’ We might add to our other arguments derived from Essex that used by Morgan (op. cit., p. 31). It seems fairly clear that the holding of Roger ‘God Bless the Dames’, which is called 3 V. in one place is called 1/2 H. + 30 A. in another place (D. B. iv. 21 b, 96 b). [1585] D. B. i. 141 b, Wallingtone. [1586] D. B. i. 141, Stuterehele. [1587] D. B. i. 165. There is here a transition from geldable area to real area. This land is rated at a hide, but when you come to plough it, you will find only 64 acres. [1588] D. B. i. 93 b, Dudesham; iv. 396. [1589] D. B. i. 79 b. Eyton, Dorset, 16, says that this is a clumsy way of describing 1 H. + 1 A. Round, Domesday Studies, i. 213, makes some just remarks on Eyton’s treatment of this passage. [1590] D. B. i. 95 b, Ecewiche; iv. 333. [1591] D. B. ii. 389 (Cratingas). In Northamptonshire also there is talk of virgates; e.g. D. B. 225 b, 226 b: 3V. - 1 B.; 2 V. + 1 B. [1592] D. B. ii. 377 b. [1593] D. B. i. 276 b, 278. [1594] If I hold two and a half acres in one place and three roods in a neighbouring place and you ask me how much land I have, I may tell you that I have two and a half acres and three roods. If you ask me how much money I have in my purse, I may tell you that I have half-a-crown and three shillings. But returns to governmental inquiries would not be habitually made in this way. [1595] D. B. i. 13: ‘pro uno solin se defendit; tria iuga sunt infra divisionem Hugonis et quartum iugum est extra.’ [1596] D. B. i. 2. [1597] Elton, Tenures of Kent, 133–4. [1598] D. B. i. 12 b. [1599] D. B. i. 9 b. [1600] D. B. i. 12. [1601] Kemble, Saxons, ch. iv. and App. B. [1602] Saxons, i. 490. [1603] D. B. iv. 42. Cf. D. B. i. 81 b. [1604] Robertson, Hist. Essays, 95, 96. He has entirely misunderstood the entry touching the hundred of Ailestebba. The equation involved in it is merely the following: 16 H. (i.e. 10 + 41/2 + 11/2) + 37 H. + 20 H. = 73 H. [1605] Eyton, Dorset, 15; Bound in Domesday Studies, i. 213. [1606] Dr Isaac Taylor, The Ploughland and the Plough, in Domesday Studies, i. 143. Of this paper there is an excellent review by W. H. Stevenson in Engl. Hist. Rev. v. 142. [1607] Domesday Studies, 150; D. B. i. 324. [1608] D. B. i. 311 b. [1609] Round, Feudal England, 60. [1611] See above, pp. 402, 435. [1614] Dial. de Scac. i. 17. [1615] The appearance in D. B. of a few ‘hides’ which apparently consist altogether of wood-land (e.g. ii. 55 b) is one of the many signs that the fiscal hide has diverged from its original pattern. A block of wood-land would not be ‘the land of one family.’ [1618] Dr Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 79, has endeavoured to find a via media. To me it seems that his suggestion is open to almost all the objections that can be urged against our Big Hide, for he seems prepared to give the normal household of the oldest day its 120 acres. Mr Seebohm’s adhesion to the party of the Big Hide is of importance, for I can not but think that a small hide (which afterwards was called a virgate) would have assorted better with his general theory. Conversely, it is curious that Kemble, the champion of the free ceorls, was also the champion, if not the inventor, of the Little Hide. [1620] D. B. i. 32 b. [1621] K. 812 (iv. 151). [1622] K. 986–988 (v. 14–21); B. i. 55–9, 64. [1623] Plummer, Bede, ii. 217. [1624] K. 917 (iv. 165). [1625] D. B. i. 66 b, 67. [1626] K. 355 (ii. 179). [1627] K. 263 (ii. 35). Accepted by Kemble. [1628] K. 174 (i. 209). [1629] K. 24 (i. 28). [1630] It is fair to say that the instances here given are picked instances and that the Malmesbury title to some other lands is not so exceedingly neat. [1632] This is so even in the case of the Kentish churches, see above, p. 466. The Chronicle of Abingdon affords good materials for comparison with D. B. As a general rule the charters will account for just about the right number of manses, if the manses are to be the hides. There are exceptions; but not more than might be fairly explained by changes such as those recorded in the following words (Chron. Abingd. i. 270):—‘Fuerunt autem Witham, Seouecurt, Henstesie, Eatun membra de Cumenora temporibus Eadgari regis Angliae, habentes cassatos xxv; nunc vero Hensteseie membrum est de Bertona; Witheham et Seouecurt militibus datae; Eatun omnÌmodo ablata.’ See also an excellent paper by Mr C. S. Taylor, The Pre-Domesday Hide of Gloucestershire, Trans. Brist, and Glouc. ArchÆol. Soc. vol. xvÍii. [1633] Round, Feudal England, 44 ff. [1634] Nasse, Agricultural Community, Engl. transl., 23–5. Seebohm, Village Community. 111. [1635] K. 552 (iii. 35). [1636] K. 617 (iii. 164). [1637] Charter of Æthelwulf, K. 1057 (v. 113); T. p. 115; H. & S. 646. We should not be surprised if at least one part of the mysterious ‘decimation’ turned out to be an early act of ‘beneficial hidation.’ [1638] Charter of Edward, K. 342 (ii. 153). [1639] Charter of Æthelstan, K. 1113 (v. 224). [1640] Charters of Edgar, K. 512 (ii. 401); K. 583 (iii. 111). [1641] Writ of Æthelred, K. 642 (iii. 203). [1642] D. B. i. 40–41. [1643] Kitchin, Winchester, 7: ‘Cenwalh built the church, the parent of Winchester cathedral ... The monks at once set themselves to ennoble toil, to wed tillage with culture; and it is interesting to note that the first endowment of the Church in Wessex fell to them in the form of a great grant of all the land for some leagues around the city, given for the building of the church.’ Did the monks till the land for some leagues around the city? I think not. Was it all occupied by their serfs? I think not. What was given was a superiority. One last question:—Did the monks really ennoble toil by appropriating its proceeds? [1644] D. B. i. 65 b: ‘Episcopus Wintoniensis tenet Duntone. T. R. E. geldavit pro 100 hidis tribus minus. Duae ex his non sunt episcopi, quia ablatae fuerunt cum aliis tribus de aecclesia et de manu episcopi tempore Cnut Regis.’ [1645] K. 985 (v. 12). [1646] K. 1036 (v. 80). [1647] K. 342 (ii. 153). [1648] K. 1108 (v. 211). [1649] K. 421 (ii. 287). [1650] K. 599 (iii. 139). [1651] K. 698 (iii. 299). [1652] As to the limits of Downton, see W. H. Jones, Domesday for Wiltshire, 213. [1653] D. B. i. 31; K. 1058 (v. 114); 1093 (v. 176); 605 (iii. 149). [1654] D. B. i. 40. Forty hides said to have been given by Cenwealla. K. 997 (v. 39); 1039 (v. 85); 1086 (v. 162); 1090 (v. 162); 601 (iii. 144). [1655] D. B. i. 42 b. This belongs to the New Minster. In K. 336 (ii. 144) Edward the Elder is made to give ‘quendam fundum quem indigenae Myceldefer appellant cum suo hundredo et appendicibus, habens centum cassatos et aecclesiam.’ The territory has 100 hides and is a ‘hundred.’ [1656] D. B. i. 87 b. K. 1002 (v. 44); 1051–2 (v. 99, 101); 1084 (v. 157); 374 (ii. 209); 598 (iii. 136). [1657] They are hardly the worse witnesses about this matter for having been much ‘improved.’ They do not look like late forgeries. Those which bear the earliest dates seem to be treated as genuine in charters of the tenth century which are not (if anything that comes from Winchester is not) suspected. [1658] Kemble, Saxons, i. 487; D. B. i. 87 b. [1659] Eyton, Somerset, ii. 34. [1660] See above, p. 499, note 1656. [1661] Compare, for instance, the account of the estates of the Bishop of Wells, D. B. i. 89, with the charter ascribed to the Confessor, K. 816 (iv. 163). In the former we read of 50 hides at Wells; in the latter we see that these hides cover 24 villages or hamlets, each of which has its name. According to Eyton (Somerset, 24) this estate extends over nearly 22,000 acres. The Malmesbury charter, K. 817 (iv. 165) is another good illustration. Kemble’s identifications were hasty and have fared ill at the hands of those who have made local researches. A few examples follow:—Keynsham, 50 H. = 3330 A. (Kemble), 11,138 A. and more (Eyton). Dowlish, 9 H. = 680 A. (Kemble), 1282 (Eyton). Road, 9 H. = 1010 A. (Kemble), 1664 (Eyton). Portishead, 11 H. = 1610 (Kemble), 2093 (Eyton). The instances that Kemble gives (vol. i. p. 106) from the A.-S. land-books are equally unfortunate. Thus he reads of 50 H. at Brokenborough, Wilts, and seeks for them all in a modern parish which has 2950 A.; but the Domesday manor of this name covered ‘at least 6000 or perhaps 7000 acres’ (W. H. Jones, Domesday for Wilts, p. xxvii.). In several instances Kemble tries to force into a single parish all the hides of a hundred which takes its name from that parish. [1662] Hanssen, Abhandlungen, i. 499. [1663] See above, p. 229, and Mr Taylor’s paper there mentioned. [1664] Napier and Stevenson, Crawford Charters, 43. Compare D. B. i. 101 b. In the Confessor’s time ‘Crediton’ gelded for 15 hides. There was land for 185 teams, and teams to that number existed. There were 264 villeins, 73 bordiers and 40 serfs. Æthelheard’s charter suggests either that in his day this part of Devon was very sparsely peopled, or that already, under a system of partitionary taxation, a small number of fiscal units had been cast upon a poor district. When at a later time Eadnoth bishop of Crediton mortgages a yardland for 30 mancuses of gold (Ibid. p. 5), this yardland will be a fiscal virgate of wide extent. See above, p. 467, note 1531. [1669] Birch, Cart. Sax. iii. 671; Munimenta Gildhallae, ii. 627; Gale, Scriptores xv., i. 748; Liebermann, Leges Anglorum, 9. 10. [1670] This we can not find. If Kent were included in the scheme, we should read of Canterbury, Rochester etc. Therefore we probably start in Sussex, but at some point east of Hastings. In any case, unless a name has dropped out, we can not make the five Sussex burgs correspond to the six rapes of a later day, which, going from east to west, are Hastings, Pevensey, Lewes, Bramber, Arundel, Chichester. [1671] See the LÆwe, LÆwes of K. 499, 1237. [1672] A confusion of P and W is common. [1673] Tisbury lies between Wilton and Shaftesbury. See K. 104, 641. Mr Stevenson suggests that the word may be Cysanbyrig, thereby being meant Chiselbury Camp. This also lies in the right quarter. [1674] Tweoxneam, A.-S. Chron. ann. 901. [1675] See Bridian in K. 656. Bredy lies about eight miles west of Dorchester. It seems to contain a ‘Kingston.’ [1676] There is a Halwell a little to the south of Totness. Already in 1018 (Crawford Charters, pp. 9, 79) the Devonshire burgs are Exeter, Lidford, Totness and Barnstaple. [1677] Pilton lies close to Barnstaple. [1678] A.-S. Chron. ann. 915: ‘be eastan Weced.’ [1679] A little to the west of Langport; close to Athelney. A.-S. Chron. ann. 878: ‘And ÞÆs on Eastron worhte Ælfred cyning lytle werede geweorc Æt ÆÞelinga eigge.’ Green, Conquest of England, 110. Observe that a very small district is assigned to Lyng. [1680] After seeing Oxford and Wallingford together, we should naturally expect Bedford with Buckingham. See A.-S. Chron. ann. 918–9. Or we might look for Hertford. Ibid. ann. 913. [1681] Eashing is a tithing in the parish of Godalming. See King Alfred’s will (K. 314): ‘Æt Æscengum.’ Eashing may have been supplanted by Guildford. [1682] Taking in the particulars the figures which seem the more probable, we make a larger total. [1683] If Essex is meant this figure seems impossibly small. Gale gives ‘Ast Saxhum et Wygeaceastrum 1200 hidas.’ This may give Essex and Worcester 1200 hides apiece. [1684] Mr Stevenson tells me that, though the document is very corrupt, some of the verbal forms seem to speak of this date. [1685] Such a document is apt to be tampered with. Some bits of it may be older than other bits, but the reign of Edward the Elder seems the latest to which we could ascribe its core. If we compare it with the list of Domesday boroughs we shall be struck by the absence of Dorchester, Bridport, Ilchester, Totness, Hertford, Bedford and Guildford, as well as by the appearance of Burpham, Tisbury, Bredy, Halwell, Watchet, Lyng and Eashing. [1686] See above, p. 189, note 747. [1687] ‘Heorepeburan,’ Hastings, Lewes, Burpham, Chichester. [1688] Eashing, Southwark. [1689] Porchester, Southampton, Winchester, Twyneham. [1690] Wallingford. [1691] Wilton, Tisbury, Shaftesbury, Malmesbury, Cricklade. [1692] Wareham, Bredy. [1693] Watchet, Axbridge, Lyng, Langport, Bath. [1694] Exeter, Halwell, Lidford, Barnstaple. [1695] A good deal of doubt hangs over the entries touching Buckingham, Essex and Warwick. [1696] Birch, Cartularium, i. 414; Birch, Journal Brit. ArchÆol. Assoc. xl. 29 (1884); Earle, Land Charters, 458; Liebermann, Leges Anglorum, 8; Stevenson, Engl. Hist. Rev., 1889, 354. [1697] Unless the mention of Wessex is interpolated (and if it be interpolated then the grand total has been tampered with) it is difficult to suppose that ‘Wiht gara 600’ points to the Isle of Wight, ‘Gifla 300’ to the district round Ilchester, or the like. I owe this observation to Mr W. J. Corbett. [1698] It is a little curious that if we multiply the 244,100 hides by 120 we obtain 29,292,000, a figure which is not very far off from the 32,543,890 which gives the total acreage (tidal water excepted) of modern England. However, it is in the highest degree improbable that the computer of hides was aiming at pure areal measurement. Nor could his credit be saved in that way, for the area of Kent is to that of Sussex as 975:932, not as 15:7. The total of ‘cultivated land’ in England is less than 25 million acres, that of arable is less than 12 million. [1699] Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 9 (ed. Plummer, i. 97): ‘... Meuanias insulas ... quarum prior ... nongentarum lx. familiarum mensuram iuxta aestimationem Anglorum, secunda trecentarum et ultra spatium tenet.’ Ibid. iii. 24 (p. 180): ‘... regnum Australium Merciorum, qui sunt, ut dicunt, familiarum quinque millium ... Aquilonaribus Merciis quorum terra est familiarum vii. milium.’ Ibid. i. 25 (p. 45): ‘Est autem ad orientalem Cantiae plagam Tanatos insula non modica, id est, magnitudinis iuxta consuetudinem aestimationis Anglorum familiarum sexcentarum (ÞÆt is syx hund hida micel Æfter Angel cynnes Æhta).’ Ibid. iv. 13 (p. 230): ‘ad provinciam Australium Saxonum, quae post Cantuarios ad austrum et ad occidentem usque ad Occidentales Saxones pertingit, habens terram familiarum septem millium (is ÞÆs landes seofen Þusendo [hida]).’ Ibid. iv. 14 (p. 237): ‘Est autem mensura eiusdem insulae [Vectae] iuxta aestimationem Anglorum mille ducentarum familiarum: unde data est episcopo possessio terrae trecentarum familiarum (Æfter Angel cynnes Æhta twelf hund hida, and he Þa Þam biscop gesealde on Æht Þreo hund hida).’ Ibid. iv. 17 (p. 246): ‘Est autem Elge in provincia Orientalium Anglorum regio familiarum circiter sexcentarum (six hund hida) in similitudinem insulae.’ Ibid. iii. 25 (pp. 182–3): ‘donaverat monasterium quadraginta familiarum in loco qui dicitur Inrhypum.’ Ibid. v. 19: ‘mox donavit terram decem familiarum in loco qui dicitur Stanford, et non multo post monasterium triginta familiarum in loco qui vocatur Inrhypum (tyn hiwisca landes on ÞÆre stowe Þe is cweÐon Stanford ... minster xxx. hiwisca.)’ Ibid. iv. 13 (p. 232): ‘donavit ... Uilfrido terram lxxxvii. familiarum (seofan and hund eahtig hida landes) ... vocabulo SelÆseu.’ Historia Abbatum (p. 380): ‘terram octo familiarum iuxta fluvium Fresca ab Aldfrido rege ... comparavit ... terram xx. familiarum in loco qui incolarum lingua Ad villam Sambuce vocatur ... accepit ... Terram decem familiarum quam ab Aldfrido rege in possessionem aceeperat in loco villae quae Daltun nuncupatur ...’ Hist. Eccl. iv. 21 (p. 253): ‘accepit locum unius familiae ad septentrionalem plagam Uiuri fluminis (onfeng heo anes hiwscipes stowe to norÐ dÆle Wire ÐÆre ea).’ Ibid. iii. 4 (p. 133): ‘Neque enim magna est [Iona] sed quasi familiarum quinque, iuxta aestimationem Anglorum.’ Ibid. iii. 24 (p. 178): ‘Singulae vero possessiones x. erant familiarum, id est simul omnes cxx.’ [1700] If the ‘Wiht gara 600’ of The Tribal Hidage refers to Wight, we have here a discord, for Bede gives the Island 1200. The North and South Mercians have together but 1200 according to Bede; the Mercians have 30,000 according to The Tribal Hidage: but the territory of ‘the Mercians’ is a variable. [1701] B. i. 4 b, 12; Elton, Tenures of Kent, 135. [1703] Round, Feudal England, 289. [1704] Stubbs, Const. Hist. ii. 422—3; Rot. Parl. ii. 302. [1705] Bright, Hist. Engl. ii. 386; Hall’s Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 656. [1706] Some of them seem to start from The Tribal Hidage and take the number of hides to be 303,201 (Liebermann, Leges Anglorum, 10). Divide this by 5 to find the knight’s fees. You have 60,640. In MS. Camb. Univ. Ii. vi. 25, f. 108 we find 60,215 knight’s fees, 45,011 parish churches, 52,080 vills. Another note, printed by Hearne, Rob. of Avesbury, 264, gives 53,215 knight’s fees, 46,822 parish churches, 52,285 vills. [1707] Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 24 (p. 178): ‘donatis insuper xii. possessiunculis terrarum, in quibus ablato studio militiae terrestris, ad exercendam militiam caelestem, supplicandumque pro pace gentis eius aeterna, devotioni sedulae monachorum locus facultasque suppeteret ... Singulae vero possessiones x. erant familiarum, id est simul omnes cxx.’ In these villages there have been men who owed military service; they are not being ousted from their homes; they are being turned over as tenants to the church; henceforth they will no longer be bound to fight, and in consideration of this precious immunity, they will have to supply the monks with provender. That is how I read this passage. Others can and will read it to mean something very different. But if Bede were speaking of decuriae of slaves, how could there be talk of military service? The slaves would not fight, and if the slaves belonged to eorls who fought, then how comes it that Oswy can expropriate his nobles? [1708] Hist. Eccl. iii. 4 (p. 133). [1709] Keith Johnston, Gazetteer. [1710] I do not suggest, nor does Bede suggest, that Hii was laid out in hides. He is speaking only of size. [1711] Bede gives to Anglesey the size of 960 families, to Man that of 300 ‘or more.’ Anglesey has 175,836 acres; Man 145,011. Anglesey in 1895 had ‘under all kinds of crops, bare fallow and grass (mountain and heath land excluded)’ 152,004 acres. Man 96,098. Anglesey had 24,798 acres growing corn crops and 9,305 growing green crops, while the corresponding figures for Man were 22,666 and 11,580. Rationalistic explanation of Bede’s statements would be useless. He is reporting vague guesses. [1712] Hist. Eccl. iv. 13 (p. 232): ‘Quo tempore Rex Ædilualch donavit reverentissimo antistiti Vilfrido terram lxxxvii familiarum, ubi suos homines, qui exules vagabantur, recipere posset, vocabulo SelÆsu, quod dicitur Latine Insula Vituli Marini.’ Bede goes on to describe the Selsey peninsula and Wilfrid’s foundation of a monastery. Wilfrid proceeded to convert the men who were given him. They included two hundred and fifty male and female slaves whom he set at liberty. [1713] K. 992 (v. 32); B. i. 98. [1714] K. 464 (ii. 341). The 55 hides are reduced to 42, no mention is made of Medemenige, Egesauude or Bessanheie, and the 32 hides are somewhat differently distributed. [1715] D. B. i. 17. The Bp of Chichester has 24 hides at Amberley. [1716] I infer this from the thorough discrepancy that there is between these charters and D. B. A forger at work after or soon before the Conquest would have arranged the church’s estates in a manner similar to that which we see in King William’s record. [1717] As a matter of fact, however, it is not very easy to reconcile the earlier charter with Bede’s story. The charter makes the land proceed from the West-Saxon Ceadwealla and says nothing of Æthelwealh, who, according to Bede, was the donor. Mr Plummer, Bedae Opera, ii. 226, says that the forger betrays his hand by calling Wilfrid archbishop. Really he seems to cut Wilfrid into two, making of him (1) an archbishop, and (2) a bishop of the South Saxons. See the attestations. [1718] In D. B. i. 17 the bishop’s manor at Selsey has but 10 hides and but 7 teamlands. [1720] Meitzen, op. cit. ii. 563. [1721] Meitzen, op. cit., ii. 553–69; iii. 557–61; Lamprecht, Deutsches Wirtschaftsleben, i. 348. [1722] Meitzen, op. cit. ii. 566. The Kalenberger Hufe was a measure prevalent in the district of Braunschweig-LÜneberg. It contained 180 Morgen or 47.147 hectares. A hide made of 120 statute acres would contain about 48.56 hectares. Apparently Dr Meitzen (ii. 113) has found no difficulty in accepting a hide of 120 acres as the normal share of the English settler. See also Lamprecht, Deutsches Wirtschaftsleben, i. 348. [1723] Polyptyque de l’abbaye de S. Germain des PrÉs, ed. Longnon, i. 102. [1724] Pertz, Leges, i. 536; Ann. Bertin. (ed. Waitz) 81, 135; Richter, Annalen, ii. 400, 443; DÜmmler, Gesch. d. OstfrÄnk. Reichs, i. 585. [1725] Meitzen, op. cit. ii. 592–3. [1727] Tacitus, Germania, c. 15, 23. The very lenient treatment by Abp Theodore of the monk who gets drunk upon a festival tells a curious tale: Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, iii. 177; Robertson, Hist. Essays, 68. [1728] Thus, e.g., D. B. i. 127, Fuleham: ‘ibi 5 villani, quisque 1 hidam.’ There are numerous technical terms employed. Most terms, when being discussed as such, were italicized, and are tagged as Anglo-Saxon, Latin, French, etc. But where the terms are employed in the author's voice, without emphasis, in otherwise English passages, no tags were added. Hence, ‘soke’, ‘sake’, ‘hide’, ‘carucate’, ‘villein’, ‘geld’, and certain others are, in effect, accepted as English. Extended Latin, French and Anglo-Saxon phrases are always tagged as such. The 3rd note on p. 79 is referenced twice on the page. Only the second reference seems pertinent. The first instance has been removed. In footnote 1448 there is an unexplained asterisk: “St. Paul’s, 164*” Punctuation which was obviously missing has been supplied. The following table lists any corrections made or possible printer errors that should be noted. The bracketed text indicates what has been removed, added or noted.
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will be renamed. 1.F. 1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem. 1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. 1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate. International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org |
|
