“Nor, to content thy marrow’s covatice, Put not thyself in perrell for to pereis.” | | 19– | Hess, Life of Zuingle, p.201–207. Gerdes. i.309. | | 20– | See Note B. | | 21– | See vol.i. p.321. | | 22– | Row’s MS. Historie, ut sup. p.308, 356,372. See also NoteC. | | 23– | See Note D. | | 24– | Hume, History of England, vol.v. chap.38, p.51. Lond.1807. | | 25– | Row’s MS. p. 372. | | 26– | See Note E. | | 27– | Buik of the Universal Kirk, p.2. MS. Adv. Lib. Keith,498. | | 28– | See Note F. | | 29– | Knox, Historie, p.260. | | 30– | Preface to a Letter, added to An Answer to a Letter of a Jesuit, named Tyrie, he Johne Knox.—Sanctandrois—Anno Do.1572. | | 31– | Calvini EpistolÆ, p.150: Oper. tom.ix. “Viduitas tua mihi, ut debet, tristis et acerba est. Uxorem nactus eras cui non reperiuntur passim similes,”&c. In a letter to Christopher Goodman, written at the same time, Calvin says, “Fratrem nostrum Knoxum, etsi non parum doleo suavissima uxore fuisse privatum, gaudeo tamen ejus morte non ita fuisse afflictum, quin strenue operam suam Christo et ecclesiÆ impendat.” Ibid. Calvin had lost his own wife in1549. EpistolÆ et Responsa, p.212–3,225. Hanov.1597. | | 32– | See Note G. | | 33– | Knox, 257,258. Buchanan, i.326,327. Spotswood, 150,151. Keith, 154,157. | | 34– | Knox,260. | | 35– | MrHume’s letter, printed in the Life of DrRobertson: History of Scotland, vol.i.25. Lond.1809. Anderson’s Collections, vol.iv. parti. p.71, 72, 74,79. | | 36– | “How sone that ever her French fillokes, fidlars, and utheris of that band, gat the hous alone, thair mycht be sene skipping not veray comelie for honest women. Her comune talk was in secrete, that sche saw nothing in Scotland but gravity, quhilk repugned altogidder to her nature, for sche was brocht up in joyeusetie.” Knox, Historie, p.294. | | 37– | See Note H. | | 38– | Knox, Historie, p.284–287. | | 39– | See Note I. | | 40– | Knox, Historie, p.341. | | 41– | Knox, Historie, p.282, 283, 285,287. | | 42– | Several of the above considerations, along with others, are forcibly stated in a letter of Maitland to Cecil, written a short time before Queen Mary’s arrival in Scotland. Keith, App.92–95. That sagacious, but supple politician was among the first to verify some of his own predictions. That such fears were very general in the nation appears also from a letter of Randolph. Robertson, Append. No.5. | | 43– | Histoire du Calvinisme et celle du Papisme mises en Parellele; ou Apologie pour les Reformateurs, pour la Reformation, et pour les Reformez, tomei. p.334. A Rotterdam,1683, 4to. The affirmation of this writer is completely supported by the well-known history of HenryIV. of France, (not to mention other instances,) whose recantation of Calvinism, although it smoothed his way to the throne, could not efface the indelible stigma of his former heresy, secure the affections of his Roman catholic subjects, or avert from his breast the consecrated poniard of the assassin. | | 44– | Randolph to Cecil, 9th Aug.1561, apud Robertson’s Scotland, Appendix, No.5, and Keith, p.190. A letter of Maitland to Cecil, of the same date with the above, seems to refer to the same design; and I shall take the opportunity of correcting (what appears to me) an error in the transcription of this letter. “I wish to God,” says Maitland, “the first warre may be planely intended against them by Knox, for so shold it be manifest that the suppressing of religion was ment; but I fear more she will proceed tharunto by indirect means. And nothing for us so dangerouse as temporising.” Haynes, p.367. This seems altogether unintelligible; but if the words which I have printed in Italics be transposed, and read thus, “by them against Knox,” they will make sense, and correspond with the strain of the letter, and with the fact mentioned by Randolph, in his letter to Cecil written on the same day. Maitland expresses his fears that Mary would have recourse to crafty measures for undermining their cause, instead of persevering in the design which she had avowed of prosecuting Knox. | | 45– | Knox, Historie, p. 269. | | 46– | Ibid. p. 262. | | 47– | Keith, 188. | | 48– | Knox, Historie, p. 287–292. | | 49– | Ibid. p. 292. | | 50– | Knox, Historie, p.292. Keith,197. | | 51– | Letter, Knox to Cecil, 7th October,1561: Haynes, State Papers, p.372. | | 52– | Randolph’s letter, in Keith,188. In this letter, the ambassador states some circumstances as to the first interview between the queen and the Reformer, which are not mentioned in Knox’s History. He “knocked so hastily upon her heart, that he made her to weep, as well you know there be some of that sex that will do that as well for anger as for grief; though in this the lord James will disagree with me. He concluded so in the end with her, that he hath liberty to speak his conscience, [and] to give unto her such reverence as becometh the ministers of God unto the superior powers.” | | 53– | Haynes,372. An epistolary correspondence was at this time maintained between secretary Cecil and our Reformer. Keith,191, 192,194. Robertson, Append. No.5. | | 54– | Knox, Historie, p. 295–6. | | 55– | Keith, App. 175–179. Knox, 296–300. | | 56– | The privy council appointed certain persons to fix the sums which were to be appropriated to the court and to the ministry, and also the particular salaries which were to be allotted to individual ministers, according to the circumstances in which they were placed. The officers appointed for this purpose composed a board or court, under the privy council, and was called the court of modification. | | 57– | “So busie,” says he, “and circumspect wer the modificators, (because it was a new office, the terme must also be new,) that the ministers should not be over-wantoun, that an hundred merks was sufficient to an single man, being a commone minister: thre hundreth merks was the hiest apoynted to any, except the superintendents and a few utheris.” Historie,301. “MrKnox is not at all here diminishing the sum,” says Keith; “for the original books of assignation to the ministers, which now ly before me, ascertain the truth of what he says,” p.508. Wishart of Pittarrow, who was comptroller of the modification, pinched the ministers so much that it became a proverb—“The gude laird of Petarro was an ernest professour of Christ, bot the mekill devill receave the comptroller.” Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, was appointed comptroller on the 1st of March,1561. Reg. Sigil. Secr. lib. xxi.5. | | 58– | Knox, Historie, p. 201–2. | | 59– | See Extracts from the Records of the Town Council in NoteK. | | 60– | Keith, p. 498. | | 61– | The form observed on that occasion, which was followed in the admission or ordination of all the superintendents and other ministers, is inserted at length in Knox’s Historie, p.263–266; and in Dunlop’s Confessions, ii.627–636. | | 62– | Knox, Historie, p.270. | | 63– | Ibid. p. 328–9. | | 64– | See Note L. | | 65– | Keith, 215. | | 66– | Knox, Historie,305–308, and letter to Locke, 6th May,1562, in Cald. MS. i.755,756. Spotswood,184. | | 67– | Histoire des Martyrs, fol.558,559. Anno1597. | | 68– | Knox, Historie, 308–311. | | 69– | StCuthberts, or the West Church, was at that time (as it is at present) a distinct parish, of which William Harlow was minister. There was also a minister in Canongate or Holyroodhouse. | | 70– | Cald. MS. ii. 157. | | 71– | Records of Town Council, 26th October,1561. | | 72– | Ibid. 10th April,1562. | | 73– | The number of elders in the session of Edinburgh was twelve, and of deacons sixteen. Dunlop’s Confessions, ii.638. | | 74– | Calderwood, apud Keith,514. | | 75– | See Note M. | | 76– | Row, MS. Historie of the Kirk, p.47. Spotswood, p.463–4. I have chiefly followed Row’s narrative. By comparing it with Spotswood’s, the reader will perceive that they differ in a few unimportant circumstances. Row mentions that he had his information from several persons who had heard Craig himself relate the story, and particularly from his widow, “dame Craig,” who survived her husband, and lived in Edinburgh until1630. MrJohn Craig, minister, his wife, Marion Small, and his eldest son, MrWilliam, are mentioned, under the date 16th August,1594, in Burgh Sas. ix.60. | | 77– | Keith, p. 226. | | 78– | Knox, Historie, p. 302. | | 79– | Keith, 230. Knox,321. | | 80– | Knox, 316–318. | | 81– | The historian of the family of Gordon expressly says, that “her majesty thought, by the earle of Huntlie his power in the north, to get herselff fred from the hands of her bastard brother, James, earle of Morray;” and that “the earle of Huntlie (at the quein’s own desyre) did gather some forces, to get her out of the earle of Murraye’s power.” Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, by Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun, p.140,141. | | 82– | Spotswood, 185. | | 83– | Knox, Historie, p. 316, 318. | | 84– | The Reasoning betwixt Jo.Knox and the abbote of Crossraguell, fol.4. Edinburgh,1563. | | 85– | Kennedy, Compendius Tractive, A,iiij. | | 86– | Ibid. D, vii. | | 87– | Keith, App. 195–199. Kennedy, in a letter to the archbishop of Glasgow, says, “Willock, and the rest of his counsell, labourit earnestlie to sie gif I wald admitt the scripture onlye juge, and, be that meines, to haif maid me contrarry to my awin buke; bot thair labouris wes in waist.—I held me evir fast at ane grounde.” And he triumphs, that he “draif the lymmar—to refuse the interpretation of the doctoris allegeit be him and all utheris, bot so far as he thocht they war agreable with the worde of God, quhilk was as rycht nocht.” Ibid.193,194. | | 88– | See Note N. | | 89– | Without farther plea. | | 90– | Crawford’s Peerage of Scotland, p.75. | | 91– | “Augustus 22—Monasterio Crucis regalis obitus Beati Quintini Kennedii abbatis, Comitis Cassilii fratris, qui admiranda constantia sex annis totis, cum hÆresi nascente, et jam confirmata conflixit, ad extremum lento veneno consumptus, corruptoque sanguine excessit.” Dempsteri Menologium Scotorum, p.20. BononiÆ,1622. | | 92– | See Calendar, by “M.Adam King, profeseur of philosophie and Mathimatikis at Paris,” prefixed to a Scottish translation of Canisius’s Catechism, printed in1587. | | 93– | Knox gives merely a general notice of this dispute in his Historie, p.318. Keith, who was very industrious in collecting whatever referred to the ecclesiastical history of that period, could not obtain a copy of the printed disputation, and had heard of but one imperfect copy. History, App.255. The only copy known to exist at present, is in the library of Alexander Boswell,Esq. of Auchinleck.—Since the publication of the first edition of this Life, MrBoswell has printed a small impression of this unique, being an exact fac simile of the original edition, for the gratification of the curious. | | 94– | Lesley, apud Keith, p.501. App.223. Lesley speaks of a dispute between Knox and Wingate, but that historian is often incorrect in his details. The dispute between the doctors of Aberdeen and the ministers, which took place in the beginning of1561, is mentioned by Knox, Historie, p.261,262. It would seem from a letter of Randolph, that there was a dispute in the end of1561, between some of the ministers and a Parisian divine, who had accompanied the queen. Keith,208. Wingate published at Antwerp, his “Buke of Fourscoir Three Questionis,” in1563. Keith has reprinted this, along with his “Tractatis,” originally printed at Edinburgh. He calls them “very rare and much noted pieces.” History, App.203. In point of argument or sentiment, they are certainly not noted; but they contain a strong proof of the extreme corruption which prevailed among the superior popish clergy, against which Wingate inveighs as keenly as any reformer. His second book concludes with this exclamation, “Och, for mair paper or pennyis!” Wingate translated several works of the Fathers into the Scottish language, some of which are mentioned by him in his Tractatis. Keith, App.226,227. He was made abbot of a Scottish monastery at Ratisbon. Mackenzie’s Lives, vol.iii. p.149. | | 95– | See Note O. | | 96– | Knox, Historie, p.323,324. Keith,522. | | 97– | Keith, p. 538. | | 98– | Buik of the Universal Kirk, p.23. Keith, 559,560. | | 99– | Knox, Historie, p. 398. | | 100– | See Note P. | | 101– | Comp. Knox, Historie,327, with Keith, Append.125. | | 102– | In Knox’s Historie, it is printed Cathenis, by mistake, instead of Athenis. The person referred to is Alexander Gordon, brother to George, earl of Huntly, who was slain at Corrichie in1562. Scarcely any Scottish prelate ever occupied so many different sees, or occupied them for so short a time. He was bishop of Caithness, archbishop of Glasgow, bishop of the Isles, and bishop of Galloway. When he was deprived of the see of Glasgow, the pope, as a recompense, created him titular archbishop of Athens. Gordon’s Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, p.111–12, 137,290. Keith’s Scottish Bishops, p.128, 153, 166,175. | | 103– | Knox, Historie, p. 326–328. | | 104– | Knox, Historie, p. 327–329. | | 105– | Ibid. p. 330–334. | | 106– | Spotswood, 188. “We are very much obliged to the information of archbishop Spotswood” for this, says honest Keith. History,240. | | 107– | Act. Parl. Scot. ii.536–8. Knox,331. Keith,240. | | 108– | I have not been able to ascertain the time at which the acquaintance between the earl of Murray and the Reformer commenced. It was probably soon after Knox came into England, in the reign of EdwardVI. A popish writer has mentioned their meeting, and grafted upon it the calumny, current among the party, that the earl had formed the ambitious project of wresting the crown
from his sister, and placing it on his own head. “Johann Kmnox deceavit him,” says he, “in S.Paules kirk in Londone, bringand him in consait, that God had chosen him extraordinarilie as ane Josias, to be king of Scotland, to rute out idolatrie, and to plant the licht of the new evangel: quhair thay convenit in this manner, That the prior of StAndrois, erl of Murray, sould mentene the new Elias againis the priestes of Baal, (for sua blasphemouslie he namit the priestes of Christ Jesus.) And the neu Elias sould fortifie the new Josias, be procuring the favour of the people againis Iesabel, blaspheming maist impudentlie the quenis M.” Nicol Burne’s Disputation, p.156. Knox was at least better acquainted with scripture?history than to make Josias contemporary with Elias and Jesabel. | | 109– | Knox, Historie, p. 331. | | 110– | Referring to the critical circumstances in which the lords of the Congregation had been situated at these places, when the queen regent threatened to attack them with superior forces. See vol.i. p.260, 267,277. | | 111– | See vol.i. p.312–3. | | 112– | Knox, Historie, p. 332–334. | | 113– | These are the words of MrHume, who holds a distinguished place among the writers who have excited prejudices against our Reformer on the score of cruelty to Mary. The reader will find some remarks on the statements of that able but artful historian in Note Q. | | 114– | See Note R. | | 115– | See Note S. | | 116– | Spotswood gives a different account of this affair, which has been adopted by several writers. He not only says that the protestants “forced the gates; but that some [of the papists] were taken and carried to prison, many escaped the back way with the priest himself.” History, p.188. But he could not have the opportunity of being so well acquainted with the circumstances as Knox, whose account is totally irreconcilable with the archbishop’s. Knox expressly says, that, besides entering the chapel, and addressing the priest as above mentioned, “no farther was done or said.” Historie, p.335,336. Had some of the papists been carried to prison, he never could have given such an account as he has done, not only in his history, but also in his circular letter, which was produced at his trial, without any allegation that it contained an unfair or partial statement of facts. | | 117– | Knox, Historie, p.336,337. | | 118– | It has been doubted, whether this meeting acted as a court of judicature in trying Knox, or was called to determine whether he should be brought to a judicial trial. Dalyell’s Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems, vol.i. p.72. The justice?general, the lord advocate, and the other law?lords, were present; but they had seats in the privy council. Upon the whole, I am inclined to think that this was an extraordinary meeting of the privy council, to which other noblemen, besides the counsellors, were called, to give the proceedings greater weight with the public. The object of the queen was, in the first place, to procure the imprisonment of Knox, after which she might proceed against him as she thought most prudent. Knox, Historie, p.339,340. Spotswood, p.188. | | 119– | Knox, Historie, p. 238–343. Spotswood, p.188. The account of the trial given by Calderwood, in his MS., has been compared with that of Knox, and exactly agrees with it. | | 120– | Keith, 248, 251. | | 121– | Sir Thomas Randolph, in a letter, dated 27th Feb.1564, mentions “some unkindness between Murray and the queen, about Knox, whose parte he taketh.” Keith,249. | | 122– | Keith, 527, 528. Knox, 344,345. | | 123– | Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, 18th March,1563/4, says:—“Knox askt in church to be marryed to Margrett Steward, the daughter of the Lord Ochiltre;” referring to the proclamation of banns. Keith,251. Lord Ochiltree was descended from Robert, duke of Albany, second son of King RobertII. His father exchanged the lands and title of Evandale for those of Ochiltree. Douglas’s Peerage,522. Crawfurd’s Renfrew, and Royal House of Stewart, by Semple, parti. p.92–94. The second son of lord Ochiltree, and brother?in?law of the Reformer, was Sir James Stewart of Bothwellmuir, afterwards the infamous favourite of JamesVI. who created him Earl of Arran. Crawfurd, in his Officers of State, (p.488,) has published a protestation which Arran made of his lineage, and title of priority to the duke of Lennox, his rival in James’s favour. The Reformer’s father?in?law was usually called the good lord Ochiltree; and was “a man rather borne to mak peace than to brag upon the calsey.” Knox’s Historie, p.304. | | 124– | See Note T. | | 125– | Robertson’s History of Scotland, vol.ii.108. Lond.1809. | | 126– | In a letter to the Council of Trent, dated 18th March1563/4, Mary laments “that the situation of her affairs—hujus temporis tanta injuria,” did not permit her to send some of her prelates to that council; and assures them of her great and unalterable devotion to the Apostolic see
h-5.htm.html#pg_b155" class="pginternal">184– | Keith, 581–583. Knox,411. Spotswood, 209,210. | | 185– | Knox, 412. Buchanan calls it luculentam concionem. Hist. lib.xviii. Oper. tom.i. p.366. | | 186– | Cald. MS. ii. 67,68. Anderson’s Collections, ii.249. One author says that Knox was employed in putting the crown on the king’s head. “Diadema Joannis Knoxii manibus capiti regio impositum.” Archibaldus Simsonus, Annales Eccles. Scotican. p.9. MS. in the possession of Thomas Thomson,Esq. | | 187– | Keith, 439. Keith expresses his surprise at Knox’s taking instruments in the name of the estates, as he “could properly belong to no estate at all.” Hist. p.440. But the record does not say that he took instruments in the name of the estates. It is evident that he acted in the name of the church, which was considered as having an interest in the transaction, as by one clause of the coronation oath, the king engaged to maintain the reformed religion, and the privileges of the protestant church. Ibid. p.438. | | 188– | Keith, 421, 422, 423. Throkmorton’s Letters, 14th and 18thJuly: Robertson, Append. No.21. “The women,” says the ambassador, “be most furious and impudent against the queen, and yet the men be mad enough.” | | 189– | Cald. MS. ii.73. Bannatyne’s Journal, p.113. | | 190– | See Note V. | | 191– | Act. Parl. Scot. iii. p.14–25. Cald. MS. ad ann.1567. | | 192– | Cald. ut supra. Keith, 585,586. | | 193– | DrRobertson says, that the regulation respecting the thirds, made by the parliament in December1567, did not produce any considerable change in the situation of the clergy, and speaks of them as still “groaning under extreme poverty, unable to obtain any thing but fair words and liberal promises.” History of Scotland, ii.250,312. Lond.1809. But the law which gave power to the collectors appointed by the church to uplift the thirds, and to pay the stipends, before any thing was allowed to the court, was certainly a very considerable benefit. The church herself viewed it in this light. Calderwood says, that “the ministers were now refreshed with the allowance made by the last parliament.” MS. ad ann.1567. And the Assembly, in their letter inviting Willock to return from England, expressly say, “Our enemies, praised be God, are dashed; religion established; sufficient provision made for ministers,”&c. Keith,590. The account which I have given in the text is, I think, supported by the register of the five general assemblies which were held during the regency of Murray. | | 194– | Letter from the Regent to the General Assembly, ult. June,1569, in Appendix. Buik of Universal Kirk, p.45–47. | | 195– | Cald. MS. ii. 108. | | 196– | Letter to John Wood, 14th of February,1568; Cald. MS. ii.91. | | 197– | Throkmorton to Elizabeth, 22d August,1567; Keith,450. | | 198– | Throkmorton’s letters of 14th, 16th, 18th, and 19th July,1567: Robertson, Append. No.21. Laing, ii.Append. No.31, p.125. Keith, p.423. The protestation taken, at the coronation of JamesVI. by Arthur Hamilton of Meriton, in the name of the duke, is confined to the point of his succession to the crown, and does not allude in the slightest degree to the right of the queen. Keith,437. Of the same strain was the protest which was intended to have been made at the parliament held in December1567; a copy of which, and a minute of a conversation on the subject between the regent and Arthur Hamilton, are preserved among the HamiltonMSS. | | 199– | Buchanan. Oper. i. 346. Keith,407. | | 200– | Spotswood, 216. Letter, Knox to Wood, 10th September,1568, published in the Appendix. | | 201– | The Hist. of King James the Sext, p.48. Birrel’s Diary,17, in Dalyell’s Fragments of Scottish History. Laing, ii.269. See also Letter, Knox to Wood, 10th September,1568, ut supra. | | 202– | Hist. of King James the Sext, p.43,63. | | 203– | This story is related in very different ways. One account makes the revenge to turn solely upon the treatment of his wife, who, expecting to be allowed to remain in her house of “Woodislie,” was “uncourtouslie and unmercifullie put thairfra, all her gudis tane fra hir, and schoe left stark naked. The gentilwoman, quhat for grief of mynd and exceeding cald, that schoe had then contractit, conceaved sic madness as was almost incredible.” Historie of King James the Sext, p.74. Spotswood’s account is different. He says, that Bothwellhaugh had redeemed his life by yielding up the lands of Woodhouselie, which were given to the Justice Clerk, and he refusing to part with them, Bothwellhaugh “made his quarrel to the regent, [i.e. revenged himself upon the regent,] who was most innocent, and had restored him to life and liberty.” Spotsw. History, p.233. Crawfurd, in his Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland, p.140, 1stedit., says, that “Murray sent some officers to take possession of the house, who not only turned the gentlewoman out of doors, but,”&c. This is the authority which has been relied upon by all those writers who have charged the regent with cruel
nberg@html@files@52940@52940-h@52940-h-9.htm.html#pg_b233a" class="pginternal">298– | Cald. MS. ad ann.1572. Bannatyne,429. Spotswood,267. The area of the Parliament Square was formerly the churchyard of StGiles. Some think that he was buried in one of the aisles of his own church. The place where the Reformer preached is that which is now called the Old Church. It has, however, undergone a great change since his time. The space now occupied by the pulpit and the greater part of the seats, was then an aisle; and the church was considerably more to the north of the building than at present. The small church fitted up for him a few weeks before his death is called, by Bannatyne, the Tolbooth. Whether it was exactly that part of the building now called the Tolbooth church I do not know. | | 299– | Some verses to the Reformer’s memory may be seen in NoteAA. | | 300– | See Note BB. | | 301– | Senelier, Hist. Lit. de Geneve, i.377. | | 302– | The reader should observe, that the word servant, or servitor, was then used with greater latitude than it is now, and in old writings often signifies the person whom we call by the more honourable names of clerk, secretary, or man of business. As the drawing of the principal ecclesiastical papers, and the compiling of the history of public proceedings, were committed to our Reformer, from the time of his last return to Scotland, he kept a person of this description in his family, and Bannatyne held the situation. | | 303– | Journal, 104, 105. | | 304– | i.e. labour. | | 305– | Bannatyne, 427, 429. | | 306– | Smetoni Resp. ad Hamilt. Dial. p.95,115. | | 307– | Calfhill’s Answere to the Treatise of the Crosse: Preface to the Readers, fol.18,a. Lond.1565. This writer was cousin to Toby Matthews, archbishop of York; and in the Convocation which met in1562, sat as a representative of the clergy of London, and the canons of Oxford. Strype, Annals, i.289,292–3. | | 308– | See vol. i. 236, 387–8. | | 309– | Harborowe for faithful and Trewe Subjects, B.B.2. C.C.2. Strype’s Life of Aylmer, p.238. | | 310– | Strype’s Life of Grindal, p.19,20. | | 311– | Burnet, vol. ii. Appendix, partiii. B.vi. p.351,352. | | 312– | In a dedication of Knox’s “Exposition of the Temptation of Christ,” John Field, the publisher, says: “If ever God shall vouchsafe the church so great a benefite; when his infinite letters, and sundry other treatises shall be gathered together, it shall appear what an excellent man he was, and what a wonderfull losse that church of Scotland susteined when that worthie man was taken from them.—If, by yourselfe or others, you can procure any other his writings or letters here at home, or abroad in Scotland, be a meane that we may receive them. It were great pittie that any the least of his writinges should be lost: for he evermore wrote both godly and diligently, in questions of divinitie, and also of church policie; and his letters being had togeather, would togeather set out an whole historie of the churches where he lived.” | | 313– | In a sermon preached by him at Paul’s Cross, before the Parliament of England, Feb.9,1588, on 1John iv.1, printed in1588, and reprinted in1636. He enlarged on the subject in two posterior treatises, the one entitled, “Dangerous Positions; or Scottish Genevating, and English Scottizing:” The other, “A Survey of the Pretended Holy Discipline.” | | 314– | John Davidson, minister first at Libberton, and afterwards at Prestonpans, answered Bancroft in a book entitled, “DrBancroft’s Rashnes in Rayling against the Church of Scotland;” printed at Edinburgh,1590. | | 315– | Cald. MS. ad an.1570; quarto copy in Advocates’ Library, vol.ii. p.260,261. | | 316– | De Thuani Histor. Successu apud Jacobum I. Mag. Brit. Regem: Thuani Hist. tom.vii. parsv. edit. Buckley,1733. Laing’s Hist. of Scotland, i.228–241. 2ndedit. | | 317– | History, 261. | | 318– | Whitaker’s Vindication of Queen Mary, passim. The same writer designs Buchanan “a serpent—daring calumniator—leviathan of slander—the second of all human forgers, and the first of all human slanderers.” DrRobertson he calls “a disciple of the old school of slander—a liar—and one for whom bedlam is no bedlam.” | | 319– | See Extracts from his Letters to “MrsLocke, 6th April,1559,” and to “A Friend in England, 19th August,1569;” published in the Appendix. | | 320– | Ro
r disgraced. | | 393– | conceal. | | 394– | beat, or scourged. | | 395– | Sir Wink?at?vice, an allegorical character. | | 396– | described in this work. | | 397– | probably, waynd ane wee, i.e. swerve a little. | | 398– | curtail. | | 399– | a hotch?potch. | | 400– | one thing. | | 401– | the hostility of strangers, and anger of relations. | | 402– | conceal the truth. | | 403– | anxiety. | | 404– | plainly tell. | | 405– | injure. | | 406– | run mad. | | 407– | without hinderance, when ye least think. | | 408– | barter. | | 409– | gainze signifies sometimes an engine for throwing weapons, and sometimes the weapon thrown. | | 410– | lay or song. | | 411– | shining, blazing. | | 412– | good fellow, bon vivant. | | 413– | thought nothing too much. | | 414– | ragamuffin, vagabond. | | 415– | fraternity, alluding to the fastings of the friars. | | 416– | treasure. | | 417– | attempts to meddle. | | 418– | smoke. | | 419– | above. | | 420– | trouble, contention. | | 421– | bugle?horn. | | 422– | Thou knowest he loved thee above the rest. | | 423– | pull. | | 424– | repent. | | 425– | but shipwrecked without rescue. | | 426– | See vol. i. p. 28. | | 427– | See vol. i. 357. | | 428– | See vol. i. 356. | | 429– | See vol. i. p. 51, 67. | | 430– | See vol. i. p. 40. | | 431– | See vol. i. p. 41. | | 432– | See vol. i. p. 362, 364. | |
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