PRINCIPLES OF GEOLOGY. BOOK I. CHAPTER I. Geology defined--Compared to History--Its relation to other Physical Sciences--Not to be confounded with Cosmogony. Geology is the science which investigates the successive changes that have taken place in the organic and inorganic kingdoms of nature; it inquires into the causes of these changes, and the influence which they have exerted in modifying the surface and external structure of our planet. By these researches into the state of the earth and its inhabitants at former periods, we acquire a more perfect knowledge of its present condition, and more comprehensive views concerning the laws now governing its animate and inanimate productions. When we study history, we obtain a more profound insight into human nature, by instituting a comparison between the present and former states of society. We trace the long series of events which have gradually led to the actual posture of affairs; and by connecting effects with their causes, we are enabled to classify and retain in the memory a multitude of complicated relations—the various peculiarities of national character—the different degrees of moral and intellectual refinement, and numerous other circumstances, which, without historical associations, would be uninteresting or imperfectly understood. As the present condition of nations is the result of many antecedent changes, some extremely remote, and others recent, some gradual, others sudden and violent; so the state, of the natural world is the result of a long succession of events; and if we would enlarge our experience of the present economy of nature, we must investigate the effects of her operations in former epochs. We often discover with surprise, on looking back into the chronicles of nations, how the fortune of some battle has influenced the fate of millions of our contemporaries, when it has long been forgotten by the mass of the population. With this remote event we may find inseparably connected the geographical boundaries of a great state, the language now spoken by the inhabitants, their peculiar manners, laws, and religious opinions. But far more astonishing and unexpected are the connections brought to light, when we carry back our researches into the history of nature. The form of a coast, the configuration of the interior of a country, the existence and extent of lakes, valleys, and mountains, can often be traced to the former prevalence of earthquakes and volcanoes in regions which have long been undisturbed. To these remote convulsions the present fertility of some districts, the sterile character of others, the elevation of land above the sea, the climate, and various peculiarities, may be distinctly referred. On the other hand, many distinguishing features of the surface may often be ascribed to the operation, at a remote era, of slow and tranquil causes—to the gradual deposition of sediment in a lake or in the ocean, or to the prolific increase of testacea and corals. To select another example, we find in certain localities subterranean deposits of coal, consisting of vegetable matter, formerly drifted into seas and lakes. These seas and lakes have since been filled up, the lands whereon the forests grew have disappeared or changed their form, the rivers and currents which floated the vegetable masses can no longer be traced, and the plants belonged to species which for ages have passed away from the surface of our planet. Yet the commercial prosperity, and numerical strength of a nation, may now be mainly dependent on the local distribution of fuel determined by that ancient state of things. Geology is intimately related to almost all the physical sciences, as history is to the moral. An historian should, if possible, be at once profoundly acquainted with ethics, politics, jurisprudence, the military art, theology; in a word, with all branches of knowledge by which any insight into human affairs, or into the moral and intellectual nature of man, can be obtained. It would be no less desirable that a geologist should be well versed in chemistry, natural philosophy, mineralogy, zoology, comparative anatomy, botany; in short, in every science relating to organic and inorganic nature. With these accomplishments, the historian and geologist would rarely fail to draw correct and philosophical conclusions from the various monuments transmitted to them of former occurrences. They would know to what combination of causes analogous effects were referable, and they would often be enabled to supply, by inference, information concerning many events unrecorded in the defective archives of former ages. But as such extensive acquisitions are scarcely within the reach of any individual, it is necessary that men who have devoted their lives to different departments should unite their efforts; and as the historian receives assistance from the antiquary, and from those who have cultivated different branches of moral and political science, so the geologist should avail himself of the aid of many naturalists, and particularly of those who have studied the fossil remains of lost species of animals and plants. The analogy, however, of the monuments consulted in geology, and those available in history, extends no farther than to one class of historical monuments—those which may be said to be undesignedly commemorative of former events. The canoes, for example, and stone hatchets found in our peat bogs, afford an insight into the rude arts and manners of the earliest inhabitants of our island; the buried coin fixes the date of the reign of some Roman emperor; the ancient encampment indicates the districts once occupied by invading armies, and the former method of constructing military defences; the Egyptian mummies throw light on the art of embalming, the rites of sepulture, or the average stature of the human race in ancient Egypt. This class of memorials yields to no other in authenticity, but it constitutes a small part only of the resources on which the historian relies, whereas in geology it forms the only kind of evidence which is at our command. For this reason we must not expect to obtain a full and connected account of any series of events beyond the reach of history. But the testimony of geological monuments, if frequently imperfect, possesses at least the advantage of being free from all intentional misrepresentation. We may be deceived in the inferences which we draw, in the same manner as we often mistake the nature and import of phenomena observed in the daily course of nature; but our liability to err is confined to the interpretation, and, if this be correct, our information is certain. It was long before the distinct nature and legitimate objects of geology were fully recognized, and it was at first confounded with many other branches of inquiry, just as the limits of history, poetry, and mythology were ill-defined in the infancy of civilization. Even in Werner's time, or at the close of the eighteenth century, geology appears to have been regarded as little other than a subordinate department of mineralogy; and Desmarest included it under the head of Physical Geography. But the most common and serious source of confusion arose from the notion, that it was the business of geology to discover the mode in which the earth originated, or, as some imagined, to study the effects of those cosmological causes which were employed by the Author of Nature to bring this planet out of a nascent and chaotic state into a more perfect and habitable condition. Hutton was the first who endeavored to draw a strong line of demarcation between his favorite science and cosmogony, for he declared that geology was in nowise concerned "with questions as to the origin of things." An attempt will be made in the sequel of this work to demonstrate that geology differs as widely from cosmogony, as speculations concerning the mode of the first creation of man differ from history. But, before entering more at large on this controverted question, it will be desirable to trace the progress of opinion on this topic, from the earliest ages to the commencement of the present century.
CHAPTER II. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE PROGRESS OF GEOLOGY. Oriental Cosmogony—Hymns of the Vedas—Institutes of MenÙ—Doctrine of the successive destruction and renovation of the world—Origin of this doctrine—Common to the Egyptians—Adopted by the Greeks—System of Pythagoras—Of Aristotle—Dogmas concerning the extinction and reproduction of genera and species—Strabo's theory of elevation by earthquakes—Pliny—Concluding Remarks on the knowledge of the Ancients. Oriental Cosmogony.—The earliest doctrines of the Indian and Egyptian schools of philosophy agreed in ascribing the first creation of the world to an omnipotent and infinite Being. They concurred also in representing this Being, who had existed from all eternity, as having repeatedly destroyed and reproduced the world and all its inhabitants. In the sacred volume of the Hindoos, called the Ordinances of MenÙ, comprising the Indian system of duties religious and civil, we find a preliminary chapter treating of the Creation, in which the cosmogony is known to have been derived from earlier writings and traditions; and principally from certain hymns of high antiquity, called the Vedas. These hymns were first put together, according to Mr. Colebrooke,1 in a connected series, about thirteen centuries before the Christian era, but they appear from internal evidence to have been written at various antecedent periods. In them, as we learn from the researches of Professor Wilson, the eminent Sanscrit scholar, two distinct philosophical systems are discoverable. According to one of them, all things were originally brought into existence by the sole will of a single First Cause, which existed from eternity; according to the other, there have always existed two principles, the one material, but without form, the other spiritual and capable of compelling "inert matter to develop its sensible properties." This development of matter into "individual and visible existences" is called creation, and is assigned to a subordinate agent, or the creative faculty of the Supreme Being embodied in the person of Brahma. In the first chapter of the Ordinances of MenÙ above alluded to, we meet with the following passages relating to former destructions and renovations of the world:— "The Being, whose powers are incomprehensible, having created me (MenÙ) and this universe, again became absorbed in the supreme spirit, changing the time of energy for the hour of repose. "When that Power awakes, then has this world its full expansion; but when he slumbers with a tranquil spirit, then the whole system fades away..... For while he reposes, as it were, embodied spirits endowed with principles of action depart from their several acts, and the mind itself becomes inert." The absorption of all beings into the Supreme essence is then described, and the Divine soul itself is said to slumber, and to remain for a time immersed in "the first idea, or in darkness." After which the text thus proceeds (verse fifty-seven), "Thus that immutable power by waking and reposing alternately, revivifies and destroys, in eternal succession, this whole assemblage of locomotive and immovable creatures." It is then declared that there has been a long succession of manwantaras, or periods, each of the duration of many thousand ages, and— "There are creations also, and destructions of worlds innumerable: the Being, supremely exalted, performs all this with as much ease as if in sport, again and again, for the sake of conferring happiness."2 No part of the Eastern cosmogony, from which these extracts are made, is more interesting to the geologist than the doctrine, so frequently alluded to, of the reiterated submersion of the land beneath the waters of a universal ocean. In the beginning of things, we are told, the First Sole Cause "with a thought created the waters," and then moved upon their surface in the form of Brahma the creator, by whose agency the emergence of the dry land was effected, and the peopling of the earth with plants, animals, celestial creatures, and man. Afterwards, as often as a general conflagration at the close of each manwantara had annihilated every visible and existing thing, Brahma, on awaking from his sleep, finds the whole world a shapeless ocean. Accordingly, in the legendary poems called the Puranas, composed at a later date than the Vedas, the three first Avatars or descents of the Deity upon earth have for their object to recover the land from the waters. For this purpose Vishnu is made successively to assume the form of a fish, a tortoise, and a boar. Extravagant as may be some of the conceits and fictions which disfigure these pretended revelations, we can by no means look upon them as a pure effort of the unassisted imagination, or believe them to have been composed without regard to opinions and theories founded on the observation of Nature. In astronomy, for instance, it is declared that, at the North Pole, the year was divided into a long day and night, and that their long day was the northern, and their night the southern course of the sun; and to the inhabitants of the moon, it is said one day is equal in length to one month of mortals.3 If such statements cannot be resolved into mere conjectures, we have no right to refer to mere chance the prevailing notion that the earth and its inhabitants had formerly undergone a succession of revolutions and aqueous catastrophes interrupted by long intervals of tranquillity. Now there are two sources in which such a theory may have originated. The marks of former convulsions on every part of the surface of our planet are obvious and striking. The remains of marine animals imbedded in the solid strata are so abundant, that they may be expected to force themselves on the attention of every people who have made some progress in refinement; and especially where one class of men are expressly set apart from the rest, like the ancient priesthoods of India and Egypt, for study and contemplation. If these appearances are once recognized, it seems natural that the mind should conclude in favor, not only of mighty changes in past ages, but of alternate periods of repose and disorder;—of repose, when the animals now fossil lived, grew, and multiplied—of disorder, when the strata in which they were buried became transferred from the sea to the interior of continents, and were uplifted so as to form part of high mountain-chains. Those modern writers, who are disposed to disparage the former intellectual advancement and civilization of Eastern nations, may concede some foundation of observed facts for the curious theories now under consideration, without indulging in exaggerated opinions of the progress of science; especially as universal catastrophes of the world, and exterminations of organic beings, in the sense in which they were understood by the Brahmins, are untenable doctrines. We know that the Egyptian priests were aware, not only that the soil beneath the plains of the Nile, but that also the hills bounding the great valley, contained marine shells; and Herodotus inferred from these facts, that all lower Egypt, and even the high lands above Memphis, had once been covered by the sea.4 As similar fossil remains occur in all parts of Asia hitherto explored, far in the interior of the continent as well as near the sea, they could hardly have escaped detection by some Eastern sages not less capable than the Greek historian of reasoning philosophically on natural phenomena. We also know that the rulers of Asia were engaged in very remote eras in executing great national works, such as tanks and canals, requiring extensive excavations. In the fourteenth century of our era (in the year 1360), the removal of soil necessary for such undertakings brought to light geological facts, which attracted the attention of a people less civilized than were many of the older nations of the East. The historian Ferishta relates that fifty thousand laborers were employed in cutting through a mound, so as to form a junction between the rivers Selima and Sutlej; and in this mound were found the bones of elephants and men, some of them petrified, and some of them resembling bone. The gigantic dimensions attributed to the human bones show them to have belonged to some of the larger pachydermata.5 But, although the Brahmins, like the priests of Egypt, may have been acquainted with the existence of fossil remains in the strata, it is possible that the doctrine of successive destructions and renovations of the world, merely received corroboration from such proofs; and that it may have been originally handed down, like the religious traditions of most nations, from a ruder state of society. The system may have had its source, in part at least, in exaggerated accounts of those dreadful catastrophes which are occasioned by particular combinations of natural causes. Floods and volcanic eruptions, the agency of water and fire, are the chief instruments of devastation on our globe. We shall point out in the sequel the extent of many of these calamities, recurring at distant intervals of time, in the present course of nature; and shall only observe here, that they are so peculiarly calculated to inspire a lasting terror, and are so often fatal in their consequences to great multitudes of people, that it scarcely requires the passion for the marvellous, so characteristic of rude and half-civilized nations, still less the exuberant imagination of Eastern writers, to augment them into general cataclysms and conflagrations. The great flood of the Chinese, which their traditions carry back to the period of Yaou, something more than 2000 years before our era, has been identified by some persons with the universal deluge described in the Old Testament; but according to Mr. Davis, who accompanied two of our embassies to China, and who has carefully examined their written accounts, the Chinese cataclysm is therein described as interrupting the business of agriculture, rather than as involving a general destruction of the human race. The great Yu was celebrated for having "opened nine channels to draw off the waters," which "covered the low hills and bathed the foot of the highest mountains." Mr. Davis suggests that a great derangement of waters of the Yellow River, one of the largest in the world, might even now cause the flood of Yaou to be repeated, and lay the most fertile and populous plains of China under water. In modern times the bursting of the banks of an artificial canal, into which a portion of the Yellow River has been turned, has repeatedly given rise to the most dreadful accidents, and is a source of perpetual anxiety to the government. It is easy, therefore, to imagine how much greater may have been the inundation, if this valley was ever convulsed by a violent earthquake.6 Humboldt relates the interesting fact that, after the annihilation of a large part of the inhabitants of Cumana, by an earthquake in 1766, a season of extraordinary fertility ensued, in consequence of the great rains which accompanied the subterranean convulsions. "The Indians," he says, "celebrated, after the ideas of an antique superstition, by festivals and dancing, the destruction of the world and the approaching epoch of its regeneration."7 The existence of such rites among the rude nations of South America is most important, as showing what effects may be produced by local catastrophes, recurring at distant intervals of time, on the minds of a barbarous and uncultivated race. I shall point out in the sequel how the tradition of a deluge among the Araucanian Indians may be explained, by reference to great earthquake-waves which have repeatedly rolled over part of Chili since the first recorded flood of 1590. (See chap. 29, Book II.) The legend also of the ancient Peruvians of an inundation many years before the reign of the Incas, in which only six persons were saved on a float, relates to a region which has more than once been overwhelmed by inroads of the ocean since the days of Pizarro. (Chap. 29, Book II.) I might refer the reader to my account of the submergence of a wide area in Cutch so lately as the year 1819, when a single tower only of the fort of Sindree appeared above the waste of waters (see Chap. 28, Book II.), if it were necessary, to prove how easily the catastrophes of modern times might give rise to traditionary narratives, among a rude people, of floods of boundless extent. Nations without written records, and who are indebted for all their knowledge of past events exclusively to oral tradition, are in the habit of confounding in one legend a series of incidents which have happened at various epochs; nor must we forget that the superstitions of a savage tribe are transmitted through all the progressive stages of society, till they exert a powerful influence on the mind of the philosopher. He may find, in the monuments of former changes on the earth's surface, an apparent confirmation of tenets handed down through successive generations, from the rude hunter, whose terrified imagination drew a false picture of those awful visitations of floods and earthquakes, whereby the whole earth as known to him was simultaneously devastated. Egyptian Cosmogony.—Respecting the cosmogony of the Egyptian priests, we gather much information from writers of the Grecian sects, who borrowed almost all their tenets from Egypt, and amongst others that of the former successive destruction and renovation of the world.8 We learn from Plutarch, that this was the theme of one of the hymns of Orpheus, so celebrated in the fabulous ages of Greece. It was brought by him from the banks of the Nile; and we even find in his verses, as in the Indian systems, a definite period assigned for the duration of each successive world.9 The returns of great catastrophes were determined by the period of the Annus Magnus, or great year,—a cycle composed of the revolutions of the sun, moon, and planets, and terminating when these return together to the same sign whence they were supposed at some remote epoch to have set out. The duration of this great cycle was variously estimated. According to Orpheus, it was 120,000 years; according to others, 300,000; and by Cassander it was taken to be 360,000 years.10We learn particularly from the TimÆus of Plato, that the Egyptians believed the world to be subject to occasional conflagrations and deluges, whereby the gods arrested the career of human wickedness, and purified the earth from guilt. After each regeneration, mankind were in a state of virtue and happiness, from which they gradually degenerated again into vice and immorality. From this Egyptian doctrine, the poets derived the fable of the decline from the golden to the iron age. The sect of Stoics adopted most fully the system of catastrophes destined at certain intervals to destroy the world. Those they taught were of two kinds;—the Cataclysm, or destruction by water, which sweeps away the whole human race, and annihilates all the animal and vegetable productions of nature; and the Ecpyrosis, or destruction by fire, which dissolves the globe itself. From the Egyptians also they derived the doctrine of the gradual debasement of man from a state of innocence. Towards the termination of each era, the gods could no longer bear with the wickedness of men, and a shock of the elements or a deluge overwhelmed them; after which calamity, Astrea again descended on the earth to renew the golden age.11 The connection between the doctrine of successive catastrophes and repeated deteriorations in the moral character of the human race is more intimate and natural than might at first be imagined. For, in a rude state of society, all great calamities are regarded by the people as judgments of God on the wickedness of man. Thus, in our own time, the priests persuaded a large part of the population of Chili, and perhaps believed themselves, that the fatal earthquake of 1822 was a sign of the wrath of Heaven for the great political revolution just then consummated in South America. In like manner, in the account given to Solon by the Egyptian priests, of the submersion of the island of Atlantis under the waters of the ocean, after repeated shocks of an earthquake, we find that the event happened when Jupiter had seen the moral depravity of the inhabitants.12 Now, when the notion had once gained ground, whether from causes before suggested or not, that the earth had been destroyed by several general catastrophes, it would next be inferred that the human race had been as often destroyed and renovated. And since every extermination was assumed to be penal, it could only be reconciled with divine justice, by the supposition that man, at each successive creation, was regenerated in a state of purity and innocence. A very large portion of Asia, inhabited by the earliest nations, whose traditions have come down to us, has been always subject to tremendous earthquakes. Of the geographical boundaries of these, and their effects, I shall speak in the proper place. Egypt has, for the most part, been exempt from this scourge, and the Egyptian doctrine of great catastrophes was probably derived in part, as before hinted, from early geological observations, and in part from Eastern nations. Pythagorean Doctrines.—Pythagoras, who resided for more than twenty years in Egypt, and, according to Cicero, had visited the East, and conversed with the Persian philosophers, introduced into his own country, on his return, the doctrine of the gradual deterioration of the human race from an original state of virtue and happiness; but if we are to judge of his theory concerning the destruction and renovation of the earth from the sketch given by Ovid, we must concede it to have been far more philosophical than any known version of the cosmogonies of Oriental or Egyptian sects. Although Pythagoras is introduced by the poet as delivering his doctrine in person, some of the illustrations are derived from natural events which happened after the death of the philosopher. But notwithstanding these anachronisms, we may regard the account as a true picture of the tenets of the Pythagorean school in the Augustan age; and although perhaps partially modified, it must have contained the substance of the original scheme. Thus considered, it is extremely curious and instructive; for we here find a comprehensive summary of almost all the great causes of change now in activity on the globe, and these adduced in confirmation of a principle of a perpetual and gradual revolution inherent in the nature of our terrestrial system. These doctrines, it is true, are not directly applied to the explanation of geological phenomena; or, in other words, no attempt is made to estimate what may have been in past ages, or what may hereafter be, the aggregate amount of change brought about by such never-ending fluctuations. Had this been the case, we might have been called upon to admire so extraordinary an anticipation with no less interest than astronomers, when they endeavor to define by what means the Samian philosopher came to the knowledge of the Copernican system. Let us now examine the celebrated passages to which we have been adverting:13 "Nothing perishes in this world; but things merely vary and change their form. To be born, means simply that a thing begins to be something different from what it was before; and dying, is ceasing to be the same thing. Yet, although nothing retains long the same image, the sum of the whole remains constant." These general propositions are then confirmed by a series of examples, all derived from natural appearances, except the first, which refers to the golden age giving place to the age of iron. The illustrations are thus consecutively adduced. 1. Solid land has been converted into sea. 2. Sea has been changed into land. Marine shells lie far distant from the deep, and the anchor has been found on the summit of hills. 3. Valleys have been excavated by running water, and floods have washed down hills into the sea.14 4. Marshes have become dry ground. 5. Dry lands have been changed into stagnant pools. 6. During earthquakes some springs have been closed up, and new ones have broken out. Rivers have deserted their channels, and have been re-born elsewhere, as the Erasinus in Greece, and Mysus in Asia. 7. The waters of some rivers, formerly sweet, have become bitter; as those of the Anigris, in Greece, &c.15 8. Islands have become connected with the mainland by the growth of deltas and new deposits; as in the case of Antissa joined to Lesbos, Pharos to Egypt, &c. 9. Peninsulas have been divided from the main land, and have become islands, as Leucadia; and according to tradition, Sicily, the sea having carried away the isthmus. 10. Land has been submerged by earthquakes; the Grecian cities of Helice and Buris, for example, are to be seen under the sea, with their walls inclined. 11. Plains have been upheaved into hills by the confined air seeking vent; as at Troezene in the Peloponnesus. 12. The temperature of some springs varies at different periods. The waters of others are inflammable.16 13. There are streams which have a petrifying power, and convert the substances which they touch into marble. 14. Extraordinary medicinal and deleterious effects are produced by the water of different lakes and springs.17 15. Some rocks and islands, after floating and having been subject to violent movements, have at length become stationary and immovable; as Delos and the Cyanean Isles.18 16. Volcanic vents shift their position; there was a time when Etna was not a burning mountain, and the time will come when it will cease to burn. Whether it be that some caverns become closed up by the movements of the earth, and others opened, or whether the fuel is finally exhausted, &c., &c. The various causes of change in the inanimate world having been thus enumerated, the doctrine of equivocal generation is next propounded, as illustrating a corresponding perpetual flux in the animate creation.19In the Egyptian and Eastern cosmogonies, and in the Greek version of them, no very definite meaning can, in general, be attached to the term "destruction of the world;" for sometimes it would seem almost to imply the annihilation of our planetary system, and at others a mere revolution of the surface of the earth. Opinions of Aristotle.—From the works now extant of Aristotle, and from the system of Pythagoras, as above exposed, we might certainly infer that these philosophers considered the agents of change now operating in nature, as capable of bringing about in the lapse of ages a complete revolution; and the Stagyrite even considers occasional catastrophes, happening at distant intervals of time, as part of the regular and ordinary course of nature. The deluge of Deucalion, he says, affected Greece only, and principally the part called Hellas, and it arose from great inundations of rivers, during a rainy winter. But such extraordinary winters, he says, though after a certain period they return, do not always revisit the same places.20 Censorinus quotes it as Aristotle's opinion that there were general inundations of the globe, and that they alternated with conflagrations; and that the flood constituted the winter of the great year, or astronomical cycle, while the conflagration, or destruction by fire, is the summer, or period of greatest heat.21 If this passage, as Lipsius supposes, be an amplification, by Censorinus, of what is written in "the Meteorics," it is a gross misrepresentation of the doctrine of the Stagyrite, for the general bearing of his reasoning in that treatise tends clearly in an opposite direction. He refers to many examples of changes now constantly going on, and insists emphatically on the great results which they must produce in the lapse of ages. He instances particular cases of lakes that had dried up, and deserts that had at length become watered by rivers and fertilized. He points to the growth of the Nilotic Delta since the time of Homer, to the shallowing of the Palus MÆotis within sixty years from his own time; and although, in the same chapter he says nothing of earthquakes, yet in others of the same treatise he shows himself not unacquainted with their effects.22 He alludes, for example, to the upheaving of one of the Eolian islands previous to a volcanic eruption. "The changes of the earth," he says, "are so slow in comparison to the duration of our lives, that they are overlooked (?a??a?e?): and the migrations of people after great catastrophes, and their removal to other regions, cause the event to be forgotten."23When we consider the acquaintance displayed by Aristotle, in his various works, with the destroying and renovating powers of Nature, the introductory and concluding passages of the twelfth chapter of his "Meteorics" are certainly very remarkable. In the first sentence he says, "The distribution of land and sea in particular regions does not endure throughout all time, but it becomes sea in those parts where it was land, and again it becomes land where it was sea: and there is reason for thinking that these changes take place according to a certain system, and within a certain period." The concluding observation is as follows:—"As time never fails, and the universe is eternal, neither the TÀnais, nor the Nile, can have flowed forever. The places where they rise were once dry, and there is a limit to their operations; but there is none to time. So also of all other rivers; they spring up, and they perish; and the sea also continually deserts some lands and invades others. The same tracts, therefore, of the earth are not, some always sea, and others always continents, but every thing changes in the course of time." It seems, then, that the Greeks had not only derived from preceding nations, but had also, in some slight degree, deduced from their own observations, the theory of periodical revolutions in the inorganic world: there is, however, no ground for imagining that they contemplated former changes in the races of animals and plants. Even the fact that marine remains were inclosed in solid rocks, although observed by some, and even made the groundwork of geological speculation, never stimulated the industry or guided the inquiries of naturalists. It is not impossible that the theory of equivocal generation might have engendered some indifference on this subject, and that a belief in the spontaneous production of living beings from the earth or corrupt matter, might have caused the organic world to appear so unstable and fluctuating, that phenomena indicative of former changes would not awaken intense curiosity. The Egyptians, it is true, had taught, and the Stoics had repeated, that the earth had once given birth to some monstrous animals, which existed no longer; but the prevailing opinion seems to have been, that after each great catastrophe the same species of animals were created over again. This tenet is implied in a passage of Seneca, where, speaking of a future deluge, he says, "Every animal shall be generated anew, and man free from guilt shall be given to the earth."24 An old Arabian version of the doctrine of the successive revolutions of the globe, translated by Abraham Ecchellensis,25 seems to form a singular exception to the general rule, for here we find the idea of different genera and species having been created. The Gerbanites, a sect of astronomers who flourished some centuries before the Christian era, taught as follows:—"That after every period of thirty-six thousand four hundred and twenty-five years, there were produced a pair of every species of animal, both male and female, from whom animals might be propagated and inhabit this lower world. But when a circulation of the heavenly orbs was completed, which is finished in that space of years, other genera and species of animals are propagated, as also of plants and other things, and the first order is destroyed, and so it goes on forever and ever."26 Theory of Strabo.—As we learn much of the tenets of the Egyptian and Oriental schools in the writings of the Greeks, so, many speculations of the early Greek authors are made known to us in the works of the Augustan and later ages. Strabo, in particular, enters largely, in the second book of his Geography, into the opinions of Eratosthenes and other Greeks on one of the most difficult problems in geology, viz., by what causes marine shells came to be plentifully buried in the earth at such great elevations and distances from the sea. He notices, amongst others, the explanation of Xanthus the Lydian, who said that the seas had once been more extensive, and that they had afterwards been partially dried up, as in his own time many lakes, rivers, and wells in Asia had failed during a season of drought. Treating this conjecture with merited disregard, Strabo passes on to the hypothesis of Strato, the natural philosopher, who had observed that the quantity of mud brought down by rivers into the Euxine was so great, that its bed must be gradually raised, while the rivers still continue to pour in an undiminished quantity of water. He, therefore, conceived that, originally, when the Euxine was an inland sea, its level had by this means become so much elevated that it burst its barrier near Byzantium, and formed a communication with the Propontis; and this partial drainage, he supposed, had already converted the left side into marshy ground, and thus, at last, the whole would be choked up with soil. So, it was argued, the Mediterranean had once opened a passage for itself by the Columns of Hercules into the Atlantic; and perhaps the abundance of sea-shells in Africa, near the Temple of Jupiter Ammon, might also be the deposit of some former inland sea, which had at length forced a passage and escaped.But Strabo rejects this theory, as insufficient to account for all the phenomena, and he proposes one of his own, the profoundness of which modern geologists are only beginning to appreciate. "It is not," he says, "because the lands covered by seas were originally at different altitudes, that the waters have risen, or subsided, or receded from some parts and inundated others. But the reason is, that the same land is sometimes raised up and sometimes depressed, and the sea also is simultaneously raised and depressed, so that it either overflows or returns into its own place again. We must, therefore, ascribe the cause to the ground, either to that ground which is under the sea, or to that which becomes flooded by it, but rather to that which lies beneath the sea, for this is more movable and, on account of its humidity, can be altered with greater celerity.27 "It is proper," he observes in continuation, "to derive our explanations from things which are obvious, and in some measure of daily occurrence, such as deluges, earthquakes, and volcanic eruptions,28 and sudden swellings of the land beneath the sea; for the last raise up the sea also; and when the same lands subside again, they occasion the sea to be let down. And it is not merely the small, but the large islands also, and not merely the islands, but the continents which can be lifted up together with the sea; and both large and small tracts may subside, for habitations and cities, like Bure, Bizona, and many others, have been engulphed by earthquakes." In another place, this learned geographer, in alluding to the tradition that Sicily had been separated by a convulsion from Italy, remarks, that at present the land near the sea in those parts was rarely shaken by earthquakes, since there were now open orifices whereby fire and ignited matters, and waters escape; but formerly, when the volcanoes of Etna, the Lipari Islands, Ischia, and others, were closed up, the imprisoned fire and wind might have produced far more vehement movements.29 The doctrine, therefore, that volcanoes are safety-valves, and that the subterranean convulsions are probably most violent when first the volcanic energy shifts itself to a new quarter, is not modern. We learn from a passage in Strabo,30 that it was a dogma of the Gaulish Druids that the universe was immortal, but destined to survive catastrophes both of fire and water. That this doctrine was communicated to them from the East, with much of their learning, cannot be doubted. CÆsar, it will be remembered, says that they made use of Greek letters in arithmetical computations.31Pliny.—This philosopher had no theoretical opinions of his own concerning changes of the earth's surface; and in this department, as in others, he restricted himself to the task of a compiler, without reasoning on the facts stated by him, or attempting to digest them into regular order. But his enumeration of the new islands which had been formed in the Mediterranean, and of other convulsions, shows that the ancients had not been inattentive observers of the changes which had taken place within the memory of man. Such, then, appear to have been the opinions entertained before the Christian era, concerning the past revolutions of our globe. Although no particular investigations had been made for the express purpose of interpreting the monuments of ancient changes, they were too obvious to be entirely disregarded; and the observation of the present course of nature presented too many proofs of alterations continually in progress on the earth to allow philosophers to believe that nature was in a state of rest, or that the surface had remained, and would continue to remain unaltered. But they had never compared attentively the results of the destroying and reproductive operations of modern times with those of remote eras, nor had they ever entertained so much as a conjecture concerning the comparative antiquity of the human race, or of living species of animals and plants, with those belonging to former conditions of the organic world. They had studied the movements and positions of the heavenly bodies with laborious industry, and made some progress in investigating the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms; but the ancient history of the globe was to them a sealed book, and, although written in characters of the most striking and imposing kind, they were unconscious even of its existence.
CHAPTER III. HISTORY OF THE PROGRESS OF GEOLOGY—continued. Arabian writers of the tenth century—Avicenna—Omar—Cosmogony of the Koran—Kazwini—Early Italian writers—Leonardo da Vinci—Fracastoro—Controversy as to the real nature of fossils—Attributed to the Mosaic deluge— Palissy—Steno—Scilla—Quirini—Boyle—Lister—Leibnitz—Hooke's Theory of Elevation by Earthquakes—Of lost species of animals—Ray—Physico-theological writers—Woodward's Diluvial Theory—Burnet—Whiston—Vallisneri—Lazzaro Moro—Generelli—Buffon—His theory condemned by the Sorbonne as unorthodox—His declaration—Targioni—Arduino—Michell—Catcott—Raspe Fuchsel—Fortis—Testa—Whitehurst—Pallas—Saussure. Arabian writers.—After the decline of the Roman empire, the cultivation of physical science was first revived with some success by the Saracens, about the middle of the eighth century of our era. The works of the most eminent classic writers were purchased at great expense from the Christians, and translated into Arabic; and Al MamÛn, son of the famous HarÛn-al-Rashid, the contemporary of Charlemagne, received with marks of distinction, at his court at Bagdad, astronomers and men of learning from different countries. This caliph, and some of his successors, encountered much opposition and jealousy from the doctors of the Mahometan law, who wished the Moslems to confine their studies to the Koran, dreading the effects of the diffusion of a taste for the physical sciences.32 Avicenna.—Almost all the works of the early Arabian writers are lost. Amongst those of the tenth century, of which fragments are now extant, is a short treatise, "On the Formation and Classification of Minerals," by Avicenna, a physician, in whose arrangement there is considerable merit. The second chapter, "On the Cause of Mountains," is remarkable; for mountains, he says, are formed, some by essential, others by accidental causes. In illustration of the essential, he instances "a violent earthquake, by which land is elevated, and becomes a mountain;" of the accidental, the principal, he says, is excavation by water, whereby cavities are produced, and adjoining lands made to stand out and form eminences.33 Omar—Cosmogony of the Koran.—In the same century, also, Omar, surnamed "El Aalem," or "The Learned," wrote a work on "The Retreat of the Sea." It appears that on comparing the charts of his own time with those made by the Indian and Persian astronomers two thousand years before, he had satisfied himself that important changes had taken place since the times of history in the form of the coasts of Asia, and that the extension of the sea had been greater at some former periods. He was confirmed in this opinion by the numerous salt springs and marshes in the interior of Asia,—a phenomenon from which Pallas, in more recent times, has drawn the same inference. Von Hoff has suggested, with great probability, that the changes in the level of the Caspian (some of which there is reason to believe have happened within the historical era), and the geological appearances in that district, indicating the desertion by that sea of its ancient bed, had probably led Omar to his theory of a general subsidence. But whatever may have been the proofs relied on, his system was declared contradictory to certain passages in the Koran, and he was called upon publicly to recant his errors; to avoid which persecution he went into voluntary banishment from Samarkand.34 The cosmological opinions expressed in the Koran are few, and merely introduced incidentally: so that it is not easy to understand how they could have interfered so seriously with free discussion on the former changes of the globe. The Prophet declares that the earth was created in two days, and the mountains were then placed on it; and during these, and two additional days, the inhabitants of the earth were formed; and in two more the seven heavens.35 There is no more detail of circumstances; and the deluge, which is also mentioned, is discussed with equal brevity. The waters are represented to have poured out of an oven; a strange fable, said to be borrowed from the Persian Magi, who represented them as issuing from the oven of an old woman.36 All men were drowned, save Noah and his family; and then God said, "O earth, swallow up thy waters; and thou, O heaven, withhold thy rain;" and immediately the waters abated.37 We may suppose Omar to have represented the desertion of the land by the sea to have been gradual, and that his hypothesis required a greater lapse of ages than was consistent with Moslem orthodoxy; for it is to be inferred from the Koran, that man and this planet were created at the same time; and although Mahomet did not limit expressly the antiquity of the human race, yet he gave an implied sanction to the Mosaic chronology, by the veneration expressed by him for the Hebrew Patriarchs.38A manuscript work, entitled the "Wonders of Nature," is preserved in the Royal Library at Paris, by an Arabian writer, Mohammed Kazwini, who flourished in the seventh century of the Hegira, or at the close of the thirteenth century of our era.39 Besides several curious remarks on aerolites, earthquakes, and the successive changes of position which the land and sea have undergone, we meet with the following beautiful passage which is given as the narrative of Kidhz, an allegorical personage:—"I passed one day by a very ancient and wonderfully populous city, and asked one of its inhabitants how long it had been founded. 'It is indeed a mighty city,' replied he; 'we know not how long it has existed, and our ancestors were on this subject as ignorant as ourselves.' Five centuries afterwards, as I passed by the same place, I could not perceive the slightest vestige of the city. I demanded of a peasant, who was gathering herbs upon its former site, how long it had been destroyed. 'In sooth a strange question!' replied he. 'The ground here has never been different from what you now behold it.'—'Was there not of old,' said I, 'a splendid city here?'—'Never,' answered he, 'so far as we have seen, and never did our fathers speak to us of any such.' On my return there 500 years afterwards, I found the sea in the same place, and on its shores were a party of fishermen, of whom I inquired how long the land had been covered by the waters? 'Is this a question,' said they, 'for a man like you? this spot has always been what it is now.' I again returned, 500 years afterwards, and the sea had disappeared; I inquired of a man who stood alone upon the spot, how long ago this change had taken place, and he gave me the same answer as I had received before. Lastly, on coming back again after an equal lapse of time, I found there a flourishing city, more populous and more rich in beautiful buildings, than the city I had seen the first time, and when I would fain have informed myself concerning its origin, the inhabitants answered me, 'Its rise is lost in remote antiquity: we are ignorant how long it has existed, and our fathers were on this subject as ignorant as ourselves.'" Early Italian writers.—It was not till the earlier part of the sixteenth century that geological phenomena began to attract the attention of the Christian nations. At that period a very animated controversy sprang up in Italy, concerning the true nature and origin of marine shells, and other organized fossils, found abundantly in the strata of the peninsula. The celebrated painter Leonardo da Vinci, who in his youth had planned and executed some navigable canals in the north of Italy, was one of the first who applied sound reasoning to these subjects. The mud of rivers, he said, had covered and penetrated into the interior of fossil shells at a time when these were still at the bottom of the sea near the coast. "They tell us that these shells were formed in the hills by the influence of the stars; but I ask where in the hills are the stars now forming shells of distinct ages and species? and how can the stars explain the origin of gravel, occurring at different heights and composed of pebbles rounded as if by the motion of running water; or in what manner can such a cause account for the petrifaction in the same places of various leaves, sea-weeds, and marine-crabs?"40 The excavations made in 1517, for repairing the city of Verona, brought to light a multitude of curious petrifactions, and furnished matter for speculation to different authors, and among the rest to Fracastoro,41 who declared his opinion, that fossil shells had all belonged to living animals, which had formerly lived and multiplied where there exuviÆ are now found. He exposed the absurdity of having recourse to a certain "plastic force," which it was said had power to fashion stones into organic forms; and with no less cogent arguments, demonstrated the futility of attributing the situation of the shells in question to the Mosaic deluge, a theory obstinately defended by some. That inundation, he observed, was too transient; it consisted principally of fluviatile waters; and if it had transported shells to great distances, must have strewed them over the surface, not buried them at vast depths in the interior of mountains. His clear exposition of the evidence would have terminated the discussion forever, if the passions of mankind had not been enlisted in the dispute; and even though doubts should for a time have remained in some minds, they would speedily have been removed by the fresh information obtained almost immediately afterwards, respecting the structure of fossil remains, and of their living analogues. But the clear and philosophical views of Fracastoro were disregarded, and the talent and argumentative powers of the learned were doomed for three centuries to be wasted in the discussion of these two simple and preliminary questions: first, whether fossil remains had ever belonged to living creatures; and, secondly, whether, if this be admitted, all the phenomena could not be explained by the deluge of Noah. It had been the general belief of the Christian world down to the period now under consideration, that the origin of this planet was not more remote than a few thousand years; and that since the creation the deluge was the only great catastrophe by which considerable change had been wrought on the earth's surface. On the other hand, the opinion was scarcely less general, that the final dissolution of our system was an event to be looked for at no distant period. The era, it is true, of the expected millennium had passed away; and for five hundred years after the fatal hour when the annihilation of the planet had been looked for, the monks remained in undisturbed enjoyment of rich grants of land bequeathed to them by pious donors, who, in the preamble of deeds beginning "appropinquante mundi termino"——"appropinquante magno judicii die," left lasting monuments of the popular delusion.42 But although in the sixteenth century it had become necessary to interpret certain prophecies respecting the millennium more liberally, and to assign a more distant date to the future conflagration of the world, we find, in the speculations of the early geologists, perpetual allusion to such an approaching catastrophe; while in all that regarded the antiquity of the earth, no modification whatever of the opinions of the dark ages had been effected. Considerable alarm was at first excited when the attempt was made to invalidate, by physical proofs, an article of faith so generally received; but there was sufficient spirit of toleration and candor amongst the Italian ecclesiastics, to allow the subject to be canvassed with much freedom. They even entered warmly into the controversy themselves, often favoring different sides of the question; and however much we may deplore the loss of time and labor devoted to the defence of untenable positions, it must be conceded that they displayed far less polemic bitterness than certain writers who followed them "beyond the Alps," two centuries and a half later. CONTROVERSY AS TO THE REAL NATURE OF FOSSIL ORGANIC REMAINS. Mattioli—Falloppio.—The system of scholastic disputations, encouraged in the universities of the middle ages, had unfortunately trained men to habits of indefinite argumentation; and they often preferred absurd and extravagant propositions, because greater skill was required to maintain them; the end and object of these intellectual combats being victory, and not truth. No theory could be so far-fetched or fantastical as not to attract some followers, provided it fell in with popular notions; and as cosmogonists were not at all restricted, in building their systems, to the agency of known causes, the opponents of Fracastoro met his arguments by feigning imaginary causes, which differed from each other rather in name than in substance. Andrea Mattioli, for instance, an eminent botanist, the illustrator of Dioscorides, embraced the notion of Agricola, a skilful German miner, that a certain "materia pinguis," or "fatty matter," set into fermentation by heat, gave birth to fossil organic shapes. Yet Mattioli had come to the conclusion, from his own observations, that porous bodies, such as bones and shells, might be converted into stone, as being permeable to what he termed the "lapidifying juice." In like manner, Falloppio of Padua conceived that petrified shells were generated by fermentation in the spots where they are found, or that they had in some cases acquired their form from "the tumultuous movements of terrestrial exhalations." Although celebrated as a professor of anatomy, he taught that certain tusks of elephants, dug up in his time in Apulia, were mere earthy concretions; and, consistently with these principles, he even went so far as to consider it probable, that the vases of Monte Testaceo at Rome were natural impressions stamped in the soil.43 In the same spirit, Mercati, who published, in 1574, faithful figures of the fossil shells preserved by Pope Sixtus V. in the Museum of the Vatican, expressed an opinion that they were mere stones, which had assumed their peculiar configuration from the influence of the heavenly bodies; and Olivi of Cremona, who described the fossil remains of a rich museum at Verona, was satisfied with considering them as mere "sports of nature." Some of the fanciful notions of those times were deemed less unreasonable, as being somewhat in harmony with the Aristotelian theory of spontaneous generation, then taught in all the schools.44 For men who had been taught in early youth, that a large proportion of living animals and plants was formed from the fortuitous concourse of atoms, or had sprung from the corruption of organic matter, might easily persuade themselves that organic shapes, often imperfectly preserved in the interior of solid rocks, owed their existence to causes equally obscure and mysterious. Cardano, 1552.—But there were not wanting some who, during the progress of this century, expressed more sound and sober opinions. The title of a work of Cardano's, published in 1552, "De Subtilitate" (corresponding to what would now be called Transcendental Philosophy), would lead us to expect, in the chapter on minerals, many far-fetched theories characteristic of that age; but when treating of petrified shells, he decided that they clearly indicated the former sojourn of the sea upon the mountains.45 Cesalpino—Majoli, 1597.—Cesalpino, a celebrated botanist, conceived that fossil shells had been left on the land by the retiring sea, and had concreted into stone during the consolidation of the soil;46 and in the following year (1597), Simeone Majoli47 went still farther; and, coinciding for the most part with the views of Cesalpino, suggested that the shells and submarine matter of the Veronese, and other districts, might have been cast up upon the land by volcanic explosions, like those which gave rise, in 1538, to Monte Nuovo, near Puzzuoli. This hint seems to have been the first imperfect attempt to connect the position of fossil shells with the agency of volcanoes, a system afterwards more fully developed by Hooke, Lazzaro Moro, Hutton, and other writers. Two years afterwards, Imperati advocated the animal origin of fossilized shells, yet admitted that stones could vegetate by force of "an internal principle;" and, as evidence of this, he referred to the teeth of fish and spines of echini found petrified.48Palissy, 1580.—Palissy, a French writer on "The Origin of Springs from Rain-water," and of other scientific works, undertook, in 1580, to combat the notions of many of his contemporaries in Italy, that petrified shells had all been deposited by the universal deluge. "He was the first," said Fontenelle, when, in the French Academy, he pronounced his eulogy, nearly a century and a half later, "who dared assert," in Paris, that fossil remains of testacea and fish had once belonged to marine animals. Fabio Colonna.—To enumerate the multitude of Italian writers, who advanced various hypotheses, all equally fantastical, in the early part of the seventeenth century, would be unprofitably tedious; but Fabio Colonna deserves to be distinguished; for, although he gave way to the dogma, that all fossil remains were to be referred to the deluge of Noah, he resisted the absurd theory of Stelluti, who taught that fossil wood and ammonites were mere clay, altered into such forms by sulphureous waters and subterranean heat; and he pointed out the different states of shells buried in the strata, distinguishing between, first, the mere mould or impression; second, the cast or nucleus; and, thirdly, the remains of the shell itself. He had also the merit of being the first to point out that some of the fossils had belonged to marine and some to terrestrial testacea.49 Steno, 1669.—But the most remarkable work of that period was published by Steno, a Dane, once professor of anatomy at Padua, and who afterwards resided many years at the court of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. His treatise bears the quaint title of "De Solido intra Solidum naturaltier contento (1669)," by which the author intended to express, "On Gems, Crystals, and organic Petrifactions inclosed within solid Rocks." This work attests the priority of the Italian school in geological research; exemplifying at the same time the powerful obstacles opposed, in that age, to the general reception of enlarged views in the science. It was still a favorite dogma, that the fossil remains of shells and marine creatures were not of animal origin; an opinion adhered to by many from their extreme reluctance to believe, that the earth could have been inhabited by living beings before a great part of the existing mountains were formed. In reference to this controversy, Steno had dissected a shark recently taken from the Mediterranean, and had demonstrated that its teeth and bones were identical with many fossils found in Tuscany. He had also compared the shells discovered in the Italian strata with living species, pointed out their resemblance, and traced the various gradations from shells merely calcined, or which had only lost their animal gluten, to those petrifactions in which there was a perfect substitution of stony matter. In his division of mineral masses, he insisted on the secondary origin of those deposits in which the spoils of animals or fragments of older rocks were inclosed. He distinguished between marine formations and those of a fluviatile character, the last containing reeds, grasses, or the trunks and branches of trees. He argued in favor of the original horizontality of sedimentary deposits, attributing their present inclined and vertical position sometimes to the escape of subterranean vapors heaving the crust of the earth from below upwards, and sometimes to the falling in of masses overlying subterranean cavities. He declared that he had obtained proof that Tuscany must successively have acquired six distinct configurations, having been twice covered by water, twice laid dry with a level, and twice with an irregular and uneven surface.50 He displayed great anxiety to reconcile his new views with Scripture, for which purpose he pointed to certain rocks as having been formed before the existence of animals and plants: selecting unfortunately as examples certain formations of limestone and sandstone in his own country, now known to contain, though sparingly, the remains of animals and plants,—strata which do not even rank as the oldest part of our secondary series. Steno suggested that Moses, when speaking of the loftiest mountains as having been covered by the deluge, meant merely the loftiest of the hills then existing, which may not have been very high. The diluvian waters, he supposed, may have issued from the interior of the earth into which they had retired, when in the beginning the land was separated from the sea. These, and other hypotheses on the same subject, are not calculated to enhance the value of the treatise, and could scarcely fail to detract from the authority of those opinions which were sound and legitimate deductions from fact and observation. They have served, nevertheless, as the germs of many popular theories of later times, and in an expanded form have been put forth as original inventions by some of our contemporaries. Scilla, 1670.—Scilla, a Sicilian painter, published, in 1670, a treatise, in Latin, on the fossils of Calabria, illustrated by good engravings. This work proves the continued ascendancy of dogmas often refuted; for we find the wit and eloquence of the author chiefly directed against the obstinate incredulity of naturalists as to the organic nature of fossil shells.51 Like many eminent naturalists of his day, Scilla gave way to the popular persuasion, that all fossil shells were the effects and proofs of the Mosaic deluge. It may be doubted whether he was perfectly sincere, and some of his contemporaries who took the same course were certainly not so. But so eager were they to root out what they justly considered an absurd prejudice respecting the nature of organized fossils, that they seem to have been ready to make any concessions, in order to establish this preliminary point. Such a compromising policy was short-sighted, since it was to little purpose that the nature of the documents should at length be correctly understood, if men were to be prevented from deducing fair conclusions from them. Diluvial Theory.—The theologians who now entered the field in Italy, Germany, France, and England, were innumerable; and henceforward, they who refused to subscribe to the position, that all marine organic remains were proofs of the Mosaic deluge, were exposed to the imputation of disbelieving the whole of the sacred writings. Scarcely any step had been made in approximating to sound theories since the time of Fracastoro, more than a hundred years having been lost, in writing down the dogma that organized fossils were mere sports of nature. An additional period of a century and a half was now destined to be consumed in exploding the hypothesis, that organized fossils had all been buried in the solid strata by Noah's flood. Never did a theoretical fallacy, in any branch of science, interfere more seriously with accurate observation and the systematic classification of facts. In recent times, we may attribute our rapid progress chiefly to the careful determination of the order of succession in mineral masses, by means of their different organic contents, and their regular superposition. But the old diluvialists were induced by their system to confound all the groups of strata together instead of discriminating,—to refer all appearances to one cause and to one brief period, not to a variety of causes acting throughout a long succession of epochs. They saw the phenomena only as they desired to see them, sometimes misrepresenting facts, and at other times deducing false conclusions from correct data. Under the influence of such prejudices, three centuries were of as little avail as a few years in our own times, when we are no longer required to propel the vessel against the force of an adverse current. It may be well, therefore, to forewarn the reader, that in tracing the history of geology from the close of the seventeenth to the end of the eighteenth century, he must expect to be occupied with accounts of the retardation, as well as of the advance, of the science. It will be necessary to point out the frequent revival of exploded errors, and the relapse from sound to the most absurd opinions; and to dwell on futile reasoning and visionary hypothesis, because some of the most extravagant systems were invented or controverted by men of acknowledged talent. In short, a sketch of the progress of geology is the history of a constant and violent struggle of new opinions against doctrines sanctioned by the implicit faith of many generations, and supposed to rest on scriptural authority. The inquiry, therefore, although highly interesting to one who studies the philosophy of the human mind, is too often barren of instruction to him who searches for truths in physical science. Quirini, 1676.—Quirini, in 1676,52 contended, in opposition to Scilla, that the diluvian waters could not have conveyed heavy bodies to the summit of mountains, since the agitation of the sea never (as Boyle had demonstrated) extended to great depths;53 and still less could the testacea, as some pretended, have lived in these diluvian waters; for "the duration of the flood was brief, and the heavy rains must have destroyed the saltness of the sea!" He was the first writer who ventured to maintain that the universality of the Mosaic cataclysm ought not to be insisted upon. As to the nature of petrified shells, he conceived that as earthy particles united in the sea to form the shells of mollusca, the same crystallizing process might be effected on the land; and that, in the latter case, the germs of the animals might have been disseminated through the substance of the rocks, and afterwards developed by virtue of humidity. Visionary as was this doctrine, it gained many proselytes even amongst the more sober reasoners of Italy and Germany; for it conceded that the position of fossil bodies could not be accounted for by the diluvial theory. Plot—Lister, 1678.—In the mean time, the doctrine that fossil shells had never belonged to real animals maintained its ground in England, where the agitation of the question began at a much later period. Dr. Plot, in his "Natural History of Oxfordshire" (1677), attributed to a "plastic virtue latent in the earth" the origin of fossil shells and fishes; and Lister, to his accurate account of British shells, in 1678, added the fossil species, under the appellation of turbinated and bivalve stones. "Either," said he, "these were terriginous, or, if otherwise, the animals they so exactly represent have become extinct." This writer appears to have been the first who was aware of the continuity over large districts of the principal groups of strata in the British series, and who proposed the construction of regular geological maps.54 Leibnitz, 1680.—The great mathematician Leibnitz published his "Protogoea" in 1680. He imagined this planet to have been originally a burning luminous mass, which ever since its creation has been undergoing refrigeration. When the outer crust had cooled down sufficiently to allow the vapors to be condensed, they fell, and formed a universal ocean, covering the loftiest mountains, and investing the whole globe. The crust, as it consolidated from a state of fusion, assumed a vesicular and cavernous structure; and being rent in some places, allowed the water to rush into the subterranean hollows, whereby the level of the primeval ocean was lowered. The breaking in of these vast caverns is supposed to have given rise to the dislocated and deranged position of the strata "which Steno had described," and the same disruptions communicated violent movements to the incumbent waters, whence great inundations ensued. The waters, after they had been thus agitated, deposited their sedimentary matter during intervals of quiescence, and hence the various stony and earthy strata. "We may recognize, therefore," says Leibnitz, "a double origin of primitive masses, the one by refrigeration from igneous fusion, the other by concretion from aqueous solution."55 By the repetition of similar causes (the disruption of the crust and consequent floods), alternations of new strata were produced, until at length these causes were reduced to a condition of quiescent equilibrium, and a more permanent state of things was established.56 Hooke, 1688.—The "Posthumous Works of Robert Hooke, M. D.," well known as a great mathematician and natural philosopher, appeared in 1705, containing "A Discourse of Earthquakes," which, we are informed by his editor, was written in 1668, but revised at subsequent periods.57 Hooke frequently refers to the best Italian and English authors who wrote before his time on geological subjects; but there are no passages in his works implying that he participated in the enlarged views of Steno and Lister, or of his contemporary, Woodward, in regard to the geographical extent of certain groups of strata. His treatise, however, is the most philosophical production of that age, in regard to the causes of former changes in the organic and inorganic kingdoms of nature. "However trivial a thing," he says, "a rotten shell may appear to some, yet these monuments of nature are more certain tokens of antiquity than coins or medals, since the best of those may be counterfeited or made by art and design, as may also books, manuscripts, and inscriptions, as all the learned are now sufficiently satisfied has often been actually practised," &c.; "and though it must be granted that it is very difficult to read them (the records of nature) and to raise a chronology out of them, and to state the intervals of the time wherein such or such catastrophes and mutations have happened, yet it is not impossible."58 Respecting the extinction of species, Hooke was aware that the fossil ammonites, nautili, and many other shells and fossil skeletons found in England, were of different species from any then known; but he doubted whether the species had become extinct, observing that the knowledge of naturalists of all the marine species, especially those inhabiting the deep sea, was very deficient. In some parts of his writings, however, he leans to the opinion that species had been lost; and in speculating on this subject, he even suggests that there might be some connection between the disappearance of certain kinds of animals and plants, and the changes wrought by earthquakes in former ages. Some species, he observes, with great sagacity, are "peculiar to certain places, and not to be found elsewhere. If, then, such a place had been swallowed up, it is not improbable but that those animate beings may have been destroyed with it; and this may be true both of aerial and aquatic animals; for those animated bodies, whether vegetables or animals, which were naturally nourished or refreshed by the air, would be destroyed by the water," &c.59 Turtles, he adds, and such large ammonites as are found in Portland, seem to have been the productions of hotter countries; and it is necessary to suppose that England once lay under the sea within the torrid zone! To explain this and similar phenomena, he indulges in a variety of speculations concerning changes in the position of the axis of the earth's rotation, "a shifting of the earth's centre of gravity, analogous to the revolutions of the magnetic pole," &c. None of these conjectures, however, are proposed dogmatically, but rather in the hope of promoting fresh inquiries and experiments. In opposition to the prejudices of his age, we find him arguing against the idea that nature had formed fossil bodies "for no other end than to play the mimic in the mineral kingdom;"—maintaining that figured stones were "really the several bodies they represent, or the mouldings of them petrified," and not, as some have imagined, 'a lusus naturÆ,' sporting herself in the needless formation of useless beings."60 It was objected to Hooke, that his doctrine of the extinction of species derogated from the wisdom and power of the omnipotent Creator; but he answered, that, as individuals die, there may be some termination to the duration of a species; and his opinions, he declared, were not repugnant to Holy Writ: for the Scriptures taught that our system was degenerating, and tending to its final dissolution; "and as, when that shall happen, all the species will be lost, why not some at one time and some at another?"61 But his principal object was to account for the manner in which shells had been conveyed into the higher parts of "the Alps, Apennines, and Pyrenean hills, and the interior of continents in general." These and other appearances, he said, might have been brought about by earthquakes, "which have turned plains into mountains, and mountains into plains, seas into land, and land into seas, made rivers where there were none before, and swallowed up others that formerly were, &c., &c.; and which, since the creation of the world, have wrought many great changes on the superficial parts of the earth, and have been the instruments of placing shells, bones, plants, fishes, and the like, in those places where, with much astonishment, we find them."62 This doctrine, it is true, had been laid down in terms almost equally explicit by Strabo, to explain the occurrence of fossil shells in the interior of continents, and to that geographer, and other writers of antiquity, Hooke frequently refers; but the revival and development of the system was an important step in the progress of modern science. Hooke enumerated all the examples known to him of subterranean disturbance, from "the sad catastrophe of Sodom and Gomorrah," down to the Chilian earthquake of 1646. The elevating of the bottom of the sea, the sinking and submersion of the land, and most of the inequalities of the earth's surface, might, he said, be accounted for by the agency of these subterranean causes. He mentions that the coast near Naples was raised during the eruption of Monte Nuovo; and that, in 1591, land rose in the island of St. Michael, during an eruption: and although it would be more difficult, he says, to prove, he does not doubt but that there had been as many earthquakes in the parts of the earth under the ocean, as in the parts of the dry land; in confirmation of which, he mentions the immeasurable depth of the sea near some volcanoes. To attest the extent of simultaneous subterranean movements, he refers to an earthquake in the West Indies, in the year 1690, where the space of earth raised, or "struck upwards," by the shock, exceeded, he affirms, the length of the Alps and Pyrenees. Hooke's diluvial Theory.—As Hooke declared the favorite hypothesis of the day, "that marine fossil bodies were to be referred to Noah's flood," to be wholly untenable, he appears to have felt himself called upon to substitute a diluvial theory of his own, and thus he became involved in countless difficulties and contradictions. "During the great catastrophe," he said, "there might have been a changing of that part which was before dry land into sea by sinking, and of that which was sea into dry land by raising, and marine bodies might have been buried in sediment beneath the ocean, in the interval between the creation and the deluge."63 Then follows a disquisition on the separation of the land from the waters, mentioned in Genesis; during which operation some places of the shell of the earth were forced outwards, and others pressed downwards or inwards, &c. His diluvial hypothesis very much resembled that of Steno, and was entirely opposed to the fundamental principles professed by him, that he would explain the former changes of the earth in a more natural manner than others had done. When, in despite of this declaration, he required a former "crisis of nature," and taught that earthquakes had become debilitated, and that the Alps, Andes, and other chains, had been lifted up in a few months, he was compelled to assume so rapid a rate of change, that his machinery appeared scarcely less extravagant than that of his most fanciful predecessors. For this reason, perhaps, his whole theory of earthquakes met with undeserved neglect. Ray, 1692.—One of his contemporaries, the celebrated naturalist, Ray, participated in the same desire to explain geological phenomena by reference to causes less hypothetical than those usually resorted to.64 In his essay on "Chaos and Creation," he proposed a system, agreeing in its outline, and in many of its details, with that of Hooke; but his knowledge of natural history enabled him to elucidate the subject with various original observations. Earthquakes, he suggested, might have been the second causes employed at the creation, in separating the land from the waters, and in gathering the waters together into one place. He mentions, like Hooke, the earthquake of 1646, which had violently shaken the Andes for some hundreds of leagues, and made many alterations therein. In assigning a cause for the general deluge, he preferred a change in the earth's centre of gravity to the introduction of earthquakes. Some unknown cause, he said, might have forced the subterranean waters outwards, as was, perhaps, indicated by "the breaking up of the fountains of the great deep." Ray was one of the first of our writers who enlarged upon the effects of running water upon the land, and of the encroachment of the sea upon the shores. So important did he consider the agency of these causes, that he saw in them an indication of the tendency of our system to its final dissolution; and he wondered why the earth did not proceed more rapidly towards a general submersion beneath the sea, when so much matter was carried down by rivers, or undermined in the sea-cliffs. We perceive clearly from his writings, that the gradual decline of our system, and its future consummation by fire, was held to be as necessary an article of faith by the orthodox, as was the recent origin of our planet. His discourses, like those of Hooke, are highly interesting, as attesting the familiar association in the minds of philosophers, in the age of Newton, of questions in physics and divinity. Ray gave an unequivocal proof of the sincerity of his mind, by sacrificing his preferment in the church, rather than take an oath against the Covenanters, which he could not reconcile with his conscience. His reputation, moreover, in the scientific world placed him high above the temptation of courting popularity, by pandering to the physico-theological taste of his age. It is, therefore, curious to meet with so many citations from the Christian fathers and prophets in his essays on physical science—to find him in one page proceeding, by the strict rules of induction, to explain the former changes of the globe, and in the next gravely entertaining the question, whether the sun and stars, and the whole heavens, shall be annihilated, together with the earth, at the era of the grand conflagration. Woodward, 1695.—Among the contemporaries of Hooke and Ray, Woodward, a professor of medicine, had acquired the most extensive information respecting the geological structure of the crust of the earth. He had examined many parts of the British strata with minute attention; and his systematic collection of specimens, bequeathed to the University of Cambridge, and still preserved there as arranged by him, shows how far he had advanced in ascertaining the order of superposition. From the great number of facts collected by him, we might have expected his theoretical views to be more sound and enlarged than those of his contemporaries; but in his anxiety to accommodate all observed phenomena to the scriptural account of the Creation and Deluge, he arrived at most erroneous results. He conceived "the whole terrestrial globe to have been taken to pieces and dissolved at the flood, and the strata to have settled down from this promiscuous mass as any earthy sediment from a fluid."65 In corroboration of these views he insisted upon the fact, that "marine bodies are lodged in the strata according to the order of their gravity, the heavier shells in stone, the lighter in chalk, and so of the rest."66 Ray immediately exposed the unfounded nature of this assertion, remarking truly that fossil bodies "are often mingled, heavy with light, in the same stratum;" and he even went so far as to say, that Woodward "must have invented the phenomena for the sake of confirming his bold and strange hypothesis"67—a strong expression from the pen of a contemporary. Burnet, 1690.—At the same time Burnet published his "Theory of the Earth."68 The title is most characteristic of the age,—"The Sacred Theory of the Earth; containing an Account of the Original of the Earth, and of all the general Changes which it hath already undergone, or is to undergo, till the Consummation of all Things." Even Milton had scarcely ventured in his poem to indulge his imagination so freely in painting scenes of the Creation and Deluge, Paradise and Chaos. He explained why the primeval earth enjoyed a perpetual spring before the flood! showed how the crust of the globe was fissured by "the sun's rays," so that it burst, and thus the diluvial waters were let loose from a supposed central abyss. Not satisfied with these themes, he derived from the books of the inspired writers, and even from heathen authorities, prophetic views of the future revolutions of the globe, gave a most terrific description of the general conflagration, and proved that a new heaven and a new earth will rise out of a second chaos—after which will follow the blessed millennium. The reader should be informed, that, according to the opinion of many respectable writers of that age, there was good scriptural ground for presuming that the garden bestowed upon our first parents was not on the earth itself, but above the clouds, in the middle region between our planet and the moon. Burnet approaches with becoming gravity the discussion of so important a topic. He was willing to concede that the geographical position of Paradise was not in Mesopotamia, yet he maintained that it was upon the earth, and in the southern hemisphere, near the equinoctial line. Butler selected this conceit as a fair mark for his satire, when, amongst the numerous accomplishments of Hudibras, he says,— "He knew the seat of Paradise, Could tell in what degree it lies; And, as he was disposed, could prove it Below the moon, or else above it." Yet the same monarch, who is said never to have slept without Butler's poem under his pillow, was so great an admirer and patron of Burnet's book, that he ordered it to be translated from the Latin into English. The style of the "Sacred Theory" was eloquent, and the book displayed powers of invention of no ordinary stamp. It was, in fact, a fine historical romance, as Buffon afterwards declared; but it was treated as a work of profound science in the time of its author, and was panegyrized by Addison in a Latin ode, while Steele praised it in the "Spectator." Whiston, 1696.—Another production of the same school, and equally characteristic of the time, was that of Whiston, entitled, "A New Theory of the Earth; wherein the Creation of the world in Six Days, the Universal Deluge, and the General Conflagration, as laid down in the Holy Scriptures, are shown to be perfectly agreeable to Reason and Philosophy." He was at first a follower of Burnet; but his faith in the infallibility of that writer was shaken by the declared opinion of Newton, that there was every presumption in astronomy against any former change in the inclination of the earth's axis. This was a leading dogma in Burnet's system, though not original, for it was borrowed from an Italian, Alessandro degli Alessandri, who had suggested it in the beginning of the fifteenth century, to account for the former occupation of the present continents by the sea. La Place has since strengthened the arguments of Newton, against the probability of any former revolution of this kind. The remarkable comet of 1680 was fresh in the memory of every one when Whiston first began his cosmological studies; and the principal novelty of his speculations consisted in attributing the deluge to the near approach to the earth of one of these erratic bodies. Having ascribed an increase of the waters to this source, he adopted Woodward's theory, supposing all stratified deposits to have resulted from the "chaotic sediment of the flood." Whiston was one of the first who ventured to propose that the text of Genesis should be interpreted differently from its ordinary acceptation, so that the doctrine of the earth having existed long previous to the creation of man might no longer be regarded as unorthodox. He had the art to throw an air of plausibility over the most improbable parts of his theory, and seemed to be proceeding in the most sober manner, and, by the aid of mathematical demonstration, to the establishment of his various propositions. Locke pronounced a panegyric on his theory, commending him for having explained so many wonderful and before inexplicable things. His book, as well as Burnet's, was attacked and refuted by Keill.69 Like all who introduced purely hypothetical causes to account for natural phenomena, Whiston retarded the progress of truth, diverting men from the investigation of the laws of sublunary nature, and inducing them to waste time in speculations on the power of comets to drag the waters of the ocean over the land—on the condensation of the vapors of their tails into water, and other matters equally edifying. Hutchinson, 1724.—John Hutchinson, who had been employed by Woodward in making his collection of fossils, published afterwards, in 1724, the first part of his "Moses's Principia," wherein he ridiculed Woodward's hypothesis. He and his numerous followers were accustomed to declaim loudly against human learning; and they maintained that the Hebrew Scriptures, when rightly translated, comprised a perfect system of natural philosophy, for which reason they objected to the Newtonian theory of gravitation. Celsius.—Andrea Celsius, the Swedish astronomer, published about this time his remarks on the gradual diminution and sinking of the waters in the Baltic, to which I shall have occasion to advert more particularly in the sequel (ch. 29). Scheuchzer, 1708.—In Germany, in the mean time, Scheuchzer published his "Complaint and Vindication of the Fishes" (1708), "Piscium QuerelÆ et VindiciÆ," a work of zoological merit, in which he gave some good plates and descriptions of fossil fish. Among other conclusions he labored to prove that the earth had been remodelled at the deluge. Pluche, also, in 1732, wrote to the same effect; while Holbach, in 1753, after considering the various attempts to refer all the ancient formations to the flood of Noah, exposed the inadequacy of this cause. Italian Geologists—Vallisneri.—I return with pleasure to the geologists of Italy, who preceded, as has been already shown, the naturalists of other countries in their investigations into the ancient history of the earth, and who still maintained a decided pre-eminence. They refuted and ridiculed the physico-theological systems of Burnet, Whiston, and Woodward;70 while Vallisneri,71 in his comments on the Woodwardian theory, remarked how much the interests of religion, as well as those of sound philosophy, had suffered by perpetually mixing up the sacred writings with questions in physical science. The works of this author were rich in original observations. He attempted the first general sketch of the marine deposits of Italy, their geographical extent, and most characteristic organic remains. In his treatise "On the Origin of Springs," he explained their dependence on the order, and often on the dislocations, of the strata, and reasoned philosophically against the opinions of those who regarded the disordered state of the earth's crust as exhibiting signs of the wrath of God for the sins of man. He found himself under the necessity of contending, in his preliminary chapter, against St. Jerome, and four other principal interpreters of Scripture, besides several professors of divinity, "that springs did not flow by subterranean siphons and cavities from the sea upwards, losing their saltness in the passage," for this theory had been made to rest on the infallible testimony of Holy Writ. Although reluctant to generalize on the rich materials accumulated in his travels, Vallisneri had been so much struck with the remarkable continuity of the more recent marine strata, from one end of Italy to the other, that he came to the conclusion that the ocean formerly extended over the whole earth, and after abiding there for a long time, had gradually subsided. This opinion, however untenable, was a great step beyond Woodward's diluvian hypothesis, against which Vallisneri, and after him all the Tuscan geologists, uniformly contended, while it was warmly supported by the members of the Institute of Bologna.72 Among others of that day, Spada, a priest of Grezzana, in 1737, wrote to prove that the petrified marine bodies near Verona were not diluvian.73 Mattani drew a similar inference from the shells of Volterra and other places; while Costantini, on the other hand, whose observations on the valley of the Brenta and other districts were not without value, undertook to vindicate the truth of the deluge, as also to prove that Italy had been peopled by the descendants of Japhet.74 Moro, 1740.—Lazzaro Moro, in his work (published in 1740) "On the Marine Bodies which are found in the Mountains,"75 attempted to apply the theory of earthquakes, as expounded by Strabo, Pliny, and other ancient authors, with whom he was familiar, to the geological phenomena described by Vallisneri.76 His attention was awakened to the elevating power of subterranean forces by a remarkable phenomenon which happened in his own time, and which had also been noticed by Vallisneri in his letters. A new island rose in 1707 from deep water in the Gulf of Santorin, in the Mediterranean, during continued shocks of an earthquake, and, increasing rapidly in size, grew in less than a month to be half a mile in circumference, and about twenty-five feet above high-water mark. It was soon afterwards covered by volcanic ejections, but, when first examined, it was found to be a white rock, bearing on its surface living oysters and crustacea. In order to ridicule the various theories then in vogue, Moro ingeniously supposes the arrival on this new island of a party of naturalists ignorant of its recent origin. One immediately points to the marine shells, as proofs of the universal deluge; another argues that they demonstrate the former residence of the sea upon the mountains; a third dismisses them as mere sports of nature; while a fourth affirms that they were born and nourished within the rock in ancient caverns, into which salt water had been raised in the shape of vapor by the action of subterranean heat. Moro pointed with great judgment to the faults and dislocations of the strata described by Vallisneri, in the Alps and other chains, in confirmation of his doctrine, that the continents had been heaved up by subterranean movements. He objected, on solid grounds, to the hypothesis of Burnet and of Woodward; yet he ventured so far to disregard the protest of Vallisneri, as to undertake the adaptation of every part of his own system to the Mosaic account of the creation. On the third day, he said, the globe was everywhere covered to the same depth by fresh water; and when it pleased the Supreme Being that the dry land should appear, volcanic explosions broke up the smooth and regular surface of the earth composed of primary rocks. These rose in mountain masses above the waves, and allowed melted metals and salts to ascend through fissures. The sea gradually acquired its saltness from volcanic exhalations, and, while it became more circumscribed in area, increased in depth. Sand and ashes ejected by volcanoes were regularly disposed along the bottom of the ocean, and formed the secondary strata, which in their turn were lifted up by earthquakes. We need not follow this author in tracing the progress of the creation of vegetables and animals on the other days of creation; but, upon the whole, it may be remarked, that few of the old cosmological theories had been conceived with so little violation of known analogies. Generelli's illustrations of Moro, 1749.—The style of Moro was extremely prolix, and, like Hutton, who, at a later period, advanced many of the same views, he stood in need of an illustrator. The Scotch geologist was hardly more fortunate in the advocacy of Playfair, than was Moro in numbering amongst his admirers Cirillo Generelli, who, nine years afterwards, delivered at a sitting of Academicians at Cremona a spirited exposition of his theory. This learned Carmelitan friar does not pretend to have been an original observer, but he had studied sufficiently to enable him to confirm the opinions of Moro by arguments from other writers; and his selection of the doctrines then best established is so judicious, that a brief abstract of them cannot fail to be acceptable, as illustrating the state of geology in Europe, and in Italy in particular, before the middle of the last century. The bowels of the earth, says he, have carefully preserved the memorials of past events, and this truth the marine productions so frequent in the hills attest. From the reflections of Lazzaro Moro, we may assure ourselves that these are the effects of earthquakes in past times, which have changed vast spaces of sea into terra firma, and inhabited lands into seas. In this, more than in any other department of physics, are observations and experiments indispensable, and we must diligently consider facts. The land is known, wherever we make excavations, to be composed of different strata or soils placed one above the other, some of sand, some of rock, some of chalk, others of marl, coal, pummice, gypsum, lime, and the rest. These ingredients are sometimes pure, and sometimes confusedly intermixed. Within are often imprisoned different marine fishes, like dried mummies, and more frequently shells, crustacea, corals, plants, &c., not only in Italy, but in France, Germany, England, Africa, Asia, and America;—sometimes in the lowest, sometimes in the loftiest beds of the earth, some upon the mountains, some in deep mines, others near the sea, and others hundreds of miles distant from it. Woodward conjectured that these marine bodies might be found everywhere; but there are rocks in which none of them occur, as is sufficiently attested by Vallisneri and Marsilli. The remains of fossil animals consist chiefly of their more solid parts, and the most rocky strata must have been soft when such exuviÆ were inclosed in them. Vegetable productions are found in different states of maturity, indicating that they were imbedded in different seasons. Elephants, elks, and other terrestrial quadrupeds, have been found in England and elsewhere, in superficial strata, never covered by the sea. Alternations are rare, yet not without example, of marine strata, with those which contain marshy and terrestrial productions. Marine animals are arranged in the subterraneous beds with admirable order, in distinct groups, oysters here, dentalia or corals there, &c., as now, according to Marsilli,77 on the shores of the Adriatic. We must abandon the doctrine, once so popular, which denies that organized fossils were derived from living beings, and we cannot account for their present position by the ancient theory of Strabo, nor by that of Leibnitz, nor by the universal deluge, as explained by Woodward and others; "nor is it reasonable to call the Deity capriciously upon the stage, and to make him work miracles for the sake of confirming our preconceived hypothesis."—"I hold in utter abomination, most learned Academicians! those systems which are built with their foundations in the air, and cannot be propped up without a miracle; and I undertake, with the assistance of Moro, to explain to you how these marine animals were transported into the mountains by natural causes."78 A brief abstract then follows of Moro's theory, by which, says Generelli, we may explain all the phenomena, as Vallisneri so ardently desired, "without violence, without fictions, without hypothesis, without miracles."79 The Carmelitan then proceeds to struggle against an obvious objection to Moro's system, considered as a method of explaining the revolutions of the earth, naturally. If earthquakes have been the agents of such mighty changes, how does it happen that their effects since the times of history have been so inconsiderable? This same difficulty had, as we have seen, presented itself to Hooke, half a century before, and forced him to resort to a former "crisis of nature:" but Generelli defended his position by showing how numerous were the accounts of eruptions and earthquakes, of new islands, and of elevations and subsidences of land, and yet how much greater a number of like events must have been unattested and unrecorded during the last six thousand years. He also appealed to Vallisneri as an authority to prove that the mineral masses containing shells, bore, upon the whole, but a small proportion to those rocks which were destitute of organic remains; and the latter, says the learned monk, might have been created as they now exist, in the beginning. Generelli then describes the continual waste of mountains and continents, by the action of rivers and torrents, and concludes with these eloquent and original observations:—"Is it possible that this waste should have continued for six thousand, and perhaps a greater number of years, and that the mountains should remain so great, unless their ruins have been repaired? Is it credible that the Author of Nature should have founded the world upon such laws, as that the dry land should forever be growing smaller, and at last become wholly submerged beneath the waters? Is it credible that, amid so many created things, the mountains alone should daily diminish in number and bulk, without there being any repair of their losses? This would be contrary to that order of Providence which is seen to reign in all other things in the universe. Wherefore I deem it just to conclude, that the same cause which, in the beginning of time, raised mountains from the abyss, has down to the present day continued to produce others, in order to restore from time to time the losses of all such as sink down in different places, or are rent asunder, or in other way suffer disintegration. If this be admitted, we can easily understand why there should now be found upon many mountains so great a number of crustacea and other marine animals." In the above extract, I have not merely enumerated the opinions and facts which are confirmed by recent observation, suppressing all that has since proved to be erroneous, but have given a faithful abridgment of the entire treatise, with the omission only of Moro's hypothesis, which Generelli adopted, with all its faults and excellences. The reader will therefore remark, that although this admirable essay embraces so large a portion of the principal objects of geological research, it makes no allusion to the extinction of certain classes of animals; and it is evident that no opinions on this head had, at that time, gained a firm footing in Italy. That Lister and other English naturalists should long before have declared in favor of the loss of species, while Scilla and most of his countrymen hesitated, was perhaps natural, since the Italian museums were filled with fossil shells belonging to species of which a great portion did actually exist in the Mediterranean; whereas the English collectors could obtain no recent species from such of their own strata as were then explored. The weakest point in Moro's system consisted in deriving all the stratified rocks from volcanic ejections; an absurdity which his opponents took care to expose, especially Vito Amici.80 Moro seems to have been misled by his anxious desire to represent the formation of secondary rocks as having occupied an extremely short period, while at the same time he wished to employ known agents in nature. To imagine torrents, rivers, currents, partial floods, and all the operations of moving water, to have gone on exerting an energy many thousand times greater than at present, would have appeared preposterous and incredible, and would have required a hundred violent hypotheses; but we are so unacquainted with the true sources of subterranean disturbances, that their former violence may in theory be multiplied indefinitely, without its being possible to prove the same manifest contradiction or absurdity in the conjecture. For this reason, perhaps, Moro preferred to derive the materials of the strata from volcanic ejections, rather than from transportation by running water. Marsilli.—Marsilli, whose work is alluded to by Generelli, had been prompted to institute inquiries into the bed of the Adriatic, by discovering, in the territory of Parma (what Spada had observed near Verona, and Schiavo in Sicily), that fossil shells were not scattered through the rocks at random, but disposed in regular order, according to certain genera and species. Vitaliano Donati, 1750.—But with a view of throwing further light upon these questions, Donati, in 1750, undertook a more extensive investigation of the Adriatic, and discovered, by numerous soundings, that deposits of sand, marl, and tufaceous incrustations, most strictly analogous to those of the Subapennine hills, were in the act of accumulating there. He ascertained that there were no shells in some of the submarine tracts, while in other places they lived together in families, particularly the genera Arca, Pecten, Venus, Murex, and some others. He also states that in divers localities he found a mass composed of corals, shells, and crustaceous bodies of different species, confusedly blended with earth, sand, and gravel. At the depth of a foot or more, the organic substances were entirely petrified and reduced to marble; at less than a foot from the surface, they approached nearer to their natural state; while at the surface they were alive, or, if dead, in a good state of preservation. Baldassari.—A contemporary naturalist, Baldassari, had shown that the organic remains in the tertiary marls of the Siennese territory were grouped in families, in a manner precisely similar to that above alluded to by Donati. Buffon, 1749.—Buffon first made known his theoretical views concerning the former changes of the earth, in his Natural History, published in 1749. He adopted the theory of an original volcanic nucleus, together with the universal ocean of Leibnitz. By this aqueous envelope the highest mountains were once covered. Marine currents then acted violently, and formed horizontal strata, by washing away solid matter in some parts, and depositing it in others; they also excavated deep submarine valleys. The level of the ocean was then depressed by the entrance of a part of its waters into subterranean caverns, and thus some land was left dry. Buffon seems not to have profited, like Leibnitz and Moro, by the observations of Steno, or he could not have imagined that the strata were generally horizontal, and that those which contain organic remains had never been disturbed since the era of their formation. He was conscious of the great power annually exerted by rivers and marine currents in transporting earthy materials to lower levels, and he even contemplated the period when they would destroy all the present continents. Although in geology he was not an original observer, his genius enabled him to render his hypothesis attractive; and by the eloquence of his style, and the boldness of his speculations, he awakened curiosity, and provoked a spirit of inquiry amongst his countrymen. Soon after the publication of his "Natural History," in which was included his "Theory of the Earth," he received an official letter (dated January, 1751) from the Sorbonne, or Faculty of Theology in Paris, informing him that fourteen propositions in his works "were reprehensible, and contrary to the creed of the church." The first of these obnoxious passages, and the only one relating to geology, was as follows:—"The waters of the sea have produced the mountains and valleys of the land—the waters of the heavens, reducing all to a level, will at last deliver the whole land over to the sea, and the sea successively prevailing over the land, will leave dry new continents like those which we inhabit." Buffon was invited by the College, in very courteous terms, to send in an explanation, or rather a recantation of his unorthodox opinions. To this he submitted; and a general assembly of the Faculty having approved of his "Declaration," he was required to publish it in his next work. The document begins with these words:—"I declare that I had no intention to contradict the text of Scripture; that I believe most firmly all therein related about the creation, both as to order of time and matter of fact; and I abandon every thing in my book respecting the foundation of the earth, and, generally, all which may be contrary to the narration of Moses."81 The grand principle which Buffon was called upon to renounce was simply this,—that the present mountains and valleys of the earth are due to secondary causes, and that the same causes will in time destroy all the continents, hills, and valleys, and reproduce others like them. Now, whatever may be the defects of many of his views, it is no longer controverted that the present continents are of secondary origin. The doctrine is as firmly established as the earth's rotation on its axis; and that the land now elevated above the level of the sea will not endure forever, is an opinion which gains ground daily, in proportion as we enlarge our experience of the changes now in progress. Targioni, 1751.—Targioni, in his voluminous "Travels in Tuscany, 1751 and 1754," labored to fill up the sketch of the geology of that region left by Steno sixty years before. Notwithstanding a want of arrangement and condensation in his memoirs, they contained a rich store of faithful observations. He has not indulged in many general views, but in regard to the origin of valleys, he was opposed to the theory of Buffon, who attributed them principally to submarine currents. The Tuscan naturalist labored to show that both the larger and smaller valleys of the Apennines were excavated by rivers and floods, caused by the bursting of the barriers of lakes, after the retreat of the ocean. He also maintained that the elephants and other quadrupeds, so frequent in the lacustrine and alluvial deposits of Italy, had inhabited that peninsula; and had not been transported thither, as some had conceived, by Hannibal or the Romans, nor by what they were pleased to term "a catastrophe of nature." Lehman, 1756.—In the year 1756 the treatise of Lehman, a German mineralogist, and director of the Prussian mines, appeared, who also divided mountains into three classes: the first, those formed with the world, and prior to the creation of animals, and which contained no fragments of other rocks; the second class, those which resulted from the partial destruction of the primary rocks by a general revolution; and a third class, resulting from local revolutions, and in part from the deluge of Noah. A French translation of this work appeared in 1759, in the preface of which, the translator displays very enlightened views respecting the operations of earthquakes, as well as of the aqueous causes.82Gesner, 1758.—In this year Gesner, the botanist, of Zurich, published an excellent treatise on petrifactions, and the changes of the earth which they testify.83 After a detailed enumeration of the various classes of fossils of the animal and vegetable kingdoms, and remarks on the different states in which they are found petrified, he considers the geological phenomena connected with them; observing, that some, like those of Œningen, resembled the testacea, fish, and plants indigenous in the neighboring region;84 while some, such as ammonites, gryphites, belemnites, and other shells, are either of unknown species, or found only in the Indian and other distant seas. In order to elucidate the structure of the earth, he gives sections, from Verenius, Buffon, and others, obtained in digging wells; distinguishes between horizontal and inclined strata; and, in speculating on the causes of these appearances, mentions Donati's examination of the bed of the Adriatic; the filling up of lakes and seas by sediment; the imbedding of shells now in progress; and many known effects of earthquakes, such as the sinking down of districts, or the heaving up of the bed of the sea, so as to form new islands, and lay dry strata containing petrifactions. The ocean, he says, deserts its shores in many countries, as on the borders of the Baltic; but the rate of recession has been so slow in the last 2000 years, that to allow the Apennines, whose summits are filled with marine shells, to emerge to their present height, would have required about 80,000 years,—a lapse of time ten times greater, or more, than the age of the universe. We must therefore refer the phenomenon to the command of the Deity, related by Moses, that "the waters should be gathered together in one place, and the dry land appear." Gesner adopted the views of Leibnitz, to account for the retreat of the primeval ocean: his essay displays much erudition; and the opinions of preceding writers of Italy, Germany, and England, are commented upon with fairness and discrimination. Arduino, 1759.—In the year following, Arduino,85 in his memoirs on the mountains of Padua, Vicenza, and Verona, deduced, from original observations, the distinction of rocks into primary, secondary, and tertiary, and showed that in those districts there had been a succession of submarine volcanic eruptions. Michell, 1760.—In the following year (1760) the Rev. John Michell, Woodwardian Professor of Mineralogy at Cambridge, published in the Philosophical Transactions, an Essay on the Cause and Phenomena of Earthquakes.86 His attention had been drawn to this subject by the great earthquake of Lisbon in 1755. He advanced many original and philosophical views respecting the propagation of subterranean movements, and the caverns and fissures wherein steam might be generated. In order to point out the application of his theory to the structure of the globe, he was led to describe the arrangement and disturbance of the strata, their usual horizontality in low countries, and their contortions and fractured state in the neighborhood of mountain chains. He also explained, with surprising accuracy, the relations of the central ridges of older rocks to the "long narrow slips of similar earth, stones, and minerals," which are parallel to these ridges. In his generalizations, derived in great part from his own observations on the geological structure of Yorkshire, he anticipated many of the views more fully developed by later naturalists. Catcott, 1761.—Michell's papers were entirely free from all physico-theological disquisitions, but some of his contemporaries were still earnestly engaged in defending or impugning the Woodwardian hypothesis. We find many of these writings referred to by Catcott, a Hutchinsonian, who published a "Treatise on the Deluge" in 1761. He labored particularly to refute an explanation offered by his contemporary, Bishop Clayton, of the Mosaic writings. That prelate had declared that the deluge "could not be literally true, save in respect to that part where Noah lived before the flood." Catcott insisted on the universality of the deluge, and referred to traditions of inundations mentioned by ancient writers, or by travellers, in the East Indies, China, South America, and other countries. This part of his book is valuable, although it is not easy to see what bearing the traditions have, if admitted to be authentic, on the Bishop's argument, since no evidence is adduced to prove that the catastrophes were contemporaneous events, while some of them are expressly represented by ancient authors to have occurred in succession. Fortis—Odoardi, 1761.—The doctrines of Arduino, above adverted to, were afterwards confirmed by Fortis and Desmarest, in their travels in the same country; and they, as well as Baldassari, labored to complete the history of the Subapennine strata. In the work of Odoardi,87 there was also a clear argument in favor of the distinct ages of the older Apennine strata, and the Subapennine formations of more recent origin. He pointed out that the strata of these two groups were unconformable, and must have been the deposits of different seas at distant periods of time. Raspe, 1763.—A history of the new islands, by Raspe, a Hanoverian, appeared in 1763, in Latin.88 In this work, all the authentic accounts of earthquakes which had produced permanent changes on the solid parts of the earth were collected together and examined with judicious criticism. The best systems which had been proposed concerning the ancient history of the globe, both by ancient and modern writers, are reviewed; and the merits and defects of the doctrines of Hooke, Ray, Moro, Buffon, and others, fairly estimated. Great admiration is expressed for the hypothesis of Hooke, and his explanation of the origin of the strata is shown to have been more correct than Moro's, while their theory of the effects of earthquakes was the same. Raspe had not seen Michell's memoirs, and his views concerning the geological structure of the earth were perhaps less enlarged; yet he was able to add many additional arguments in favor of Hook's theory, and to render it, as he said, a nearer approach to what Hooke would have written had he lived in later times. As to the periods wherein all the earthquakes happened, to which we owe the elevation of various parts of our continents and islands, Raspe says he pretends not to assign their duration, still less to defend Hooke's suggestion, that the convulsions almost all took place during the deluge of Noah. He adverts to the apparent indications of the former tropical heat of the climate of Europe, and the changes in the species of animals and plants, as among the most obscure and difficult problems in geology. In regard to the islands raised from the sea, within the times of history or tradition, he declares that some of them were composed of strata containing organic remains, and that they were not, as Buffon had asserted, made of mere volcanic matter. His work concludes with an eloquent exhortation to naturalists to examine the isles which rose, in 1707, in the Grecian Archipelago, and, in 1720, in the Azores, and not to neglect such splendid opportunities of studying nature "in the act of parturition." That Hooke's writings should have been neglected for more than half a century, was matter of astonishment to Raspe; but it is still more wonderful that his own luminous exposition of that theory should, for more than another half century, have excited so little interest. Fuchsel, 1762 and 1773.—Fuchsel, a German physician, published, in 1762, a geological description of the country between the Thuringerwald and the Hartz, and a memoir on the environs of Rudelstadt;89 and afterwards, in 1773, a theoretical work on the ancient history of the earth and of man.90 He had evidently advanced considerably beyond his predecessor Lehman, and was aware of the distinctness, both as to position and fossil contents, of several groups of strata of different ages, corresponding to the secondary formations now recognized by geologists in various parts of Germany. He supposed the European continents to have remained covered by the sea until the formation of the marine strata, called in Germany "muschelkalk," at the same time that the terrestrial plants of many European deposits, attested the existence of dry land which bordered the ancient sea; land which, therefore, must have occupied the place of the present ocean. The pre-existing continent had been gradually swallowed up by the sea, different parts having subsided in succession into subterranean caverns. All the sedimentary strata were originally horizontal, and their present state of derangement must be referred to subsequent oscillations of the ground. As there were plants and animals in the ancient periods, so also there must have been men, but they did not all descend from one pair, but were created at various points on the earth's surface; and the number of these distinct birth-places was as great as are the original languages of nations. In the writings of Fuchsel we see a strong desire manifested to explain geological phenomena as far as possible by reference to the agency of known causes; and although some of his speculations were fanciful, his views coincide much more nearly with those now generally adopted, than the theories afterwards promulgated by Werner and his followers. Brander, 1766.—Gustavus Brander published, in 1766, his "Fossilia Hantoniensia," containing excellent figures of fossil shells from the more modern (or Eocene) marine strata of Hampshire. "Various opinions," he says in the preface, "had been entertained concerning the time when and how these bodies became deposited. Some there are who conceive that it might have been effected in a wonderful length of time by a gradual changing and shifting of the sea," &c. But the most common cause assigned is that of "the deluge." This conjecture, he says, even if the universality of the flood be not called in question, is purely hypothetical. In his opinion, fossil animals and testacea were, for the most part, of unknown species; and of such as were known, the living analogues now belonged to southern latitudes. Soldani, 1780.—Soldani applied successfully his knowledge of zoology to illustrate the history of stratified masses. He explained that microscopic testacea and zoophytes inhabited the depths of the Mediterranean; and that the fossil species were, in like manner, found in those deposits wherein the fineness of their particles, and the absence of pebbles, implied that they were accumulated in a deep sea, or far from shore. This author first remarked the alternation of marine and freshwater strata in the Paris basin.91 Fortis—Testa, 1793.—A lively controversy arose between Fortis and another Italian naturalist, Testa, concerning the fish of Monte Bolca, in 1793. Their letters,92 written with great spirit and elegance, show that they were aware that a large proportion of the Subapennine shells were identical with living species, and some of them with species now living in the torrid zone. Fortis proposed a somewhat fanciful conjecture, that when the volcanoes of the Vicentin were burning, the waters of the Adriatic had a higher temperature; and in this manner, he said, the shells of warmer regions may once have peopled their own seas. But Testa was disposed to think that these species of testacea were still common to their own and to equinoctial seas; for many, he said, once supposed to be confined to hotter regions, had been afterwards discovered in the Mediterranean.93 Cortesi—Spallanzani—Wallerius—Whitehurst.—While these Italian naturalists, together with Cortesi and Spallanzani, were busily engaged in pointing out the analogy between the deposits of modern and ancient seas, and the habits and arrangement of their organic inhabitants, and while some progress was making, in the same country, in investigating the ancient and modern volcanic rocks, some of the most original observers among the English and German writers, Whitehurst94 and Wallerius, were wasting their strength in contending, according to the old Woodwardian hypothesis, that all the strata were formed by Noah's deluge. But Whitehurst's description of the rocks of Derbyshire was most faithful; and he atoned for false theoretical views, by providing data for their refutation. Pallas—Saussure.—Towards the close of the eighteenth century, the idea of distinguishing the mineral masses on our globe into separate groups, and studying their relations, began to be generally diffused. Pallas and Saussure were among the most celebrated whose labors contributed to this end. After an attentive examination of the two great mountain chains of Siberia, Pallas announced the result, that the granitic rocks were in the middle, the schistose at their sides, and the limestones again on the outside of these; and this he conceived would prove a general law in the formation of all chains composed chiefly of primary rocks.95 In his "Travels in Russia," in 1793 and 1794, he made many geological observations on the recent strata near the Wolga and the Caspian, and adduced proofs of the greater extent of the latter sea at no distant era in the earth's history. His memoir on the fossil bones of Siberia attracted attention to some of the most remarkable phenomena in geology. He stated that he had found a rhinoceros entire in the frozen soil, with its skin and flesh: an elephant, found afterwards in a mass of ice on the shore of the North Sea, removed all doubt as to the accuracy of so wonderful a discovery.96 The subjects relating to natural history which engaged the attention of Pallas, were too multifarious to admit of his devoting a large share of his labors exclusively to geology. Saussure, on the other hand, employed the chief portion of his time in studying the structure of the Alps and Jura, and he provided valuable data for those who followed him. He did not pretend to deduce any general system from his numerous and interesting observations; and the few theoretical opinions which escaped from him, seem, like those of Pallas, to have been chiefly derived from the cosmological speculations of preceding writers.
CHAPTER IV. HISTORY OF THE PROGRESS OF GEOLOGY—continued. Werner's application of geology to the art of mining—Excursive character of his lectures—Enthusiasm of his pupils—His authority—His theoretical errors—Desmarest's Map and Description of Auvergne—Controversy between the Vulcanists and Neptunists—Intemperance of the rival sects—Hutton's Theory of the earth—His discovery of granite veins—Originality of his views—Why opposed—Playfair's illustrations—Influence of Voltaire's writings on geology—Imputations cast on the Huttonians by Williams, Kirwan, and De Luc—Smith's Map of England—Geological Society of London—Progress of the science in France—Growing importance of the study of organic remains. Werner.—The art of mining has long been taught in France, Germany, and Hungary, in scientific institutions established for that purpose, where mineralogy has always been a principal branch of instruction. Werner was named, in 1775, professor of that science in the "School of Mines," at Freyberg, in Saxony. He directed his attention not merely to the composition and external characters of minerals, but also to what he termed "geognosy," or the natural position of minerals in particular rocks, together with the grouping of those rocks, their geographical distribution, and various relations. The phenomena observed in the structure of the globe had hitherto served for little else than to furnish interesting topics for philosophical discussion; but when Werner pointed out their application to the practical purposes of mining, they were instantly regarded by a large class of men as an essential part of their professional education, and from that time the science was cultivated in Europe more ardently and systematically. Werner's mind was at once imaginative and richly stored with miscellaneous knowledge. He associated every thing with his favorite science, and in his excursive lectures, he pointed out all the economical uses of minerals, and their application to medicine; the influence of the mineral composition of rocks upon the soil, and of the soil upon the resources, wealth, and civilization of man. The vast sandy plains of Tartary and Africa, he would say, retained their inhabitants in the shape of wandering shepherds; the granitic mountains and the low calcareous and alluvial plains gave rise to different manners, degrees of wealth, and intelligence. The history even of languages, and the migration of tribes, had been determined by the direction of particular strata. The qualities of certain stones used in building would lead him to descant on the architecture of different ages and nations; and the physical geography of a country frequently invited him to treat of military tactics. The charm of his manners and his eloquence kindled enthusiasm in the minds of his pupils; and many, who had intended at first only to acquire a slight knowledge of mineralogy, when they had once heard him, devoted themselves to it as the business of their lives. In a few years, a small school of mines, before unheard of in Europe, was raised to the rank of a great university; and men already distinguished in science studied the German language, and came from the most distant countries to hear the great oracle of geology.97 Werner had a great antipathy to the mechanical labor of writing, and, with the exception of a valuable treatise on metalliferous veins, he could never be persuaded to pen more than a few brief memoirs, and those containing no development of his general views. Although the natural modesty of his disposition was excessive, approaching even to timidity, he indulged in the most bold and sweeping generalizations, and he inspired all his scholars with a most implicit faith in his doctrines. Their admiration of his genius, and the feelings of gratitude and friendship which they all felt for him, were not undeserved; but the supreme authority usurped by him over the opinions of his contemporaries, was eventually prejudicial to the progress of the science; so much so, as greatly to counterbalance the advantages which it derived from his exertions. If it be true that delivery be the first, second, and third requisite in a popular orator, it is no less certain, that to travel is of first, second, and third importance to those who desire to originate just and comprehensive views concerning the structure of our globe. Now Werner had not travelled to distant countries; he had merely explored a small portion of Germany, and conceived, and persuaded others to believe, that the whole surface of our planet, and all the mountain chains in the world, were made after the model of his own province. It became a ruling object of ambition in the minds of his pupils to confirm the generalizations of their great master, and to discover in the most distant parts of the globe his "universal formations," which he supposed had been each in succession simultaneously precipitated over the whole earth from a common menstruum, or "chaotic fluid." It now appears that the Saxon professor had misinterpreted many of the most important appearances even in the immediate neighborhood of Freyberg. Thus, for example, within a day's journey of his school, the porphyry, called by him primitive, has been found not only to send forth veins or dikes through strata of the coal formation, but to overlie them in mass. The granite of the Hartz mountains, on the other hand, which he supposed to be the nucleus of the chain, is now well known to traverse the other beds, as near Goslar; and still nearer Freyberg, in the Erzgebirge, the mica slate does not mantle round the granite as was supposed, but abuts abruptly against it. Fragments, also, of the greywackÉ slate, containing organic remains, have recently been found entangled in the granite of the Hartz, by M. de Seckendorf.98 The principal merit of Werner's system of instruction consisted in steadily directing the attention of his scholars to the constant relations of superposition of certain mineral groups; but he had been anticipated, as has been shown in the last chapter, in the discovery of this general law, by several geologists in Italy and elsewhere; and his leading divisions of the secondary strata were at the same time, and independently, made the basis of an arrangement of the British strata by our countryman, William Smith, to whose work I shall refer in the sequel. Controversy between the Vulcanists and Neptunists.—In regard to basalt and other igneous rocks, Werner's theory was original, but it was also extremely erroneous. The basalts of Saxony and Hesse, to which his observations were chiefly confined, consisted of tabular masses capping the hills, and not connected with the levels of existing valleys, like many in Auvergne and the Vivarais. These basalts, and all other rocks of the same family in other countries, were, according to him, chemical precipitates from water. He denied that they were the products of submarine volcanoes; and even taught that, in the primeval ages of the world, there were no volcanoes. His theory was opposed, in a twofold sense, to the doctrine of the permanent agency of the same causes in nature; for not only did he introduce, without scruple, many imaginary causes supposed to have once effected great revolutions in the earth, and then to have become extinct, but new ones also were feigned to have come into play in modern times; and, above all, that most violent instrument of change, the agency of subterranean heat. So early as 1768, before Werner had commenced his mineralogical studies, Raspe had truly characterized the basalts of Hesse as of igneous origin. Arduino, we have seen, had pointed out numerous varieties of trap-rock in the Vicentin as analogous to volcanic products, and as distinctly referable to ancient submarine eruptions. Desmarest, as before stated, had, in company with Fortis, examined the Vicentin in 1766, and confirmed Arduino's views. In 1772, Banks, Solander, and Troil compared the columnar basalt of Hecla with that of the Hebrides. Collini, in 1774, recognized the true nature of the igneous rocks on the Rhine, between Andernach and Bonn. In 1775, Guettard visited the Vivarais, and established the relation of basaltic currents to lavas. Lastly, in 1779, Faujas published his description of the volcanoes of the Vivarais and Velay, and showed how the streams of basalt had poured out from craters which still remain in a perfect state.99 Desmarest.—When sound opinions had thus for twenty years prevailed in Europe concerning the true nature of the ancient trap-rocks, Werner by his simple dictum caused a retrograde movement, and not only overturned the true theory, but substituted for it one of the most unphilosophical that can well be imagined. The continued ascendancy of his dogmas on this subject was the more astonishing, because a variety of new and striking facts were daily accumulated in favor of the correct opinions previously entertained. Desmarest, after a careful examination of Auvergne, pointed out, first, the most recent volcanoes which had their craters still entire, and their streams of lava conforming to the level of the present river-courses. He then showed that there were others of an intermediate epoch, whose craters were nearly effaced, and whose lavas were less intimately connected with the present valleys; and, lastly, that there were volcanic rocks, still more ancient, without any discernible craters or scoriÆ, and bearing the closest analogy to rocks in other parts of Europe, the igneous origin of which was denied by the school of Freyberg.100 Desmarest's map of Auvergne was a work of uncommon merit. He first made a trigonometrical survey of the district, and delineated its physical geography with minute accuracy and admirable graphic power. He contrived, at the same time, to express without the aid of colors, many geological details, including the different ages and sometimes even the structure, of the volcanic rocks, and distinguishing them from the fresh-water and the granitic. They alone who have carefully studied Auvergne, and traced the different lava streams from their craters to their termination,—the various isolated basaltic cappings,—the relation of some lavas to the present valleys,—-the absence of such relations in others,—can appreciate the extraordinary fidelity of this elaborate work. No other district of equal dimensions in Europe exhibits, perhaps, so beautiful and varied a series of phenomena; and, fortunately, Desmarest possessed at once the mathematical knowledge required for the construction of a map, skill in mineralogy, and a power of original generalization. Dolomieu—Montlosier.—Dolomieu, another of Werner's contemporaries, had found prismatic basalt among the ancient lavas of Etna; and, in 1784, had observed the alternations of submarine lavas and calcareous strata in the Val di Noto, in Sicily.101 In 1790, also, he described similar phenomena in the Vicentin and in the Tyrol.102 Montlosier published, in 1788, an essay on the theories of volcanoes of Auvergne, combining accurate local observations with comprehensive views. Notwithstanding this mass of evidence the scholars of Werner were prepared to support his opinions to their utmost extent; maintaining, in the fulness of their faith, that even obsidian was an aqueous precipitate. As they were blinded by their veneration for the great teacher, they were impatient of opposition, and soon imbibed the spirit of a faction; and their opponents, the Vulcanists, were not long in becoming contaminated with the same intemperate zeal. Ridicule and irony were weapons more frequently employed than argument by the rival sects, till at last the controversy was carried on with a degree of bitterness almost unprecedented in questions of physical science. Desmarest alone, who had long before provided ample materials for refuting such a theory, kept aloof from the strife; and whenever a zealous Neptunist wished to draw the old man into an argument, he was satisfied with replying, "Go and see."103 Hutton, 1788.—It would be contrary to all analogy, in matters of graver import, that a war should rage with such fury on the Continent, and that the inhabitants of our island should not mingle in the affray. Although in England the personal influence of Werner was wanting to stimulate men to the defence of the weaker side of the question, they contrived to find good reason for espousing the Wernerian errors with great enthusiasm. In order to explain the peculiar motives which led many to enter, even with party feeling, into this contest, it will be necessary to present the reader with a sketch of the views unfolded by Hutton, a contemporary of the Saxon geologist. The former naturalist had been educated as a physician, but declining the practice of medicine, he resolved, when young, to remain content with the small independence inherited from his father, and thenceforth to give his undivided attention to scientific pursuits. He resided at Edinburgh, where he enjoyed the society of many men of high attainments, who loved him for the simplicity of his manners, and the sincerity of his character. His application was unwearied; and he made frequent tours through different parts of England and Scotland, acquiring considerable skill as a mineralogist, and consequently arriving at grand and comprehensive views in geology. He communicated the results of his observations unreservedly, and with the fearless spirit of one who was conscious that love of truth was the sole stimulus of his exertions. When at length he had matured his views, he published, in 1788, his "Theory of the Earth,"104 and the same, afterwards more fully developed in a separate work, in 1795. This treatise was the first in which geology was declared to be in no way concerned about "questions as to the origin of things;" the first in which an attempt was made to dispense entirely with all hypothetical causes, and to explain the former changes of the earth's crust by reference exclusively to natural agents. Hutton labored to give fixed principles to geology, as Newton had succeeded in doing to astronomy; but, in the former science, too little progress had been made towards furnishing the necessary data, to enable any philosopher, however great his genius, to realize so noble a project. Huttonian theory.—"The ruins of an older world," said Hutton, "are visible in the present structure of our planet; and the strata which now compose our continents have been once beneath the sea, and were formed out of the waste of pre-existing continents. The same forces are still destroying, by chemical decomposition or mechanical violence, even the hardest rocks, and transporting the materials to the sea, where they are spread out, and form strata analogous to those of more ancient date. Although loosely deposited along the bottom of the ocean, they become afterwards altered and consolidated by volcanic heat, and then heaved up, fractured, and contorted." Although Hutton had never explored any region of active volcanoes, he had convinced himself that basalt and many other trap-rocks were of igneous origin, and that many of them had been injected in a melted state through fissures in the older strata. The compactness of these rocks, and their different aspect from that of ordinary lava, he attributed to their having cooled down under the pressure of the sea; and in order to remove the objections started against this theory, his friend, Sir James Hall, instituted a most curious and instructive series of chemical experiments, illustrating the crystalline arrangement and texture assumed by melted matter cooled under high pressure. The absence of stratification in granite, and its analogy, in mineral character, to rocks which he deemed of igneous origin, led Hutton to conclude that granite also must have been formed from matter in fusion; and this inference he felt could not be fully confirmed, unless he discovered at the contact of granite and other strata a repetition of the phenomena exhibited so constantly by the trap-rocks. Resolved to try his theory by this test, he went to the Grampians, and surveyed the line of junction of the granite and superincumbent stratified masses, until he found in Glen Tilt, in 1785, the most clear and unequivocal proofs in support of his views. Veins of red granite are there seen branching out from the principal mass, and traversing the black micaceous schist and primary limestone. The intersected stratified rocks are so distinct in color and appearance as to render the example in that locality most striking, and the alteration of the limestone in contact was very analogous to that produced by trap veins on calcareous strata. This verification of his system filled him with delight, and called forth such marks of joy and exultation, that the guides who accompanied him, says his biographer, were convinced that he must have discovered a vein of silver or gold.105 He was aware that the same theory would not explain the origin of the primary schists, but these he called primary, rejecting the term primitive, and was disposed to consider them as sedimentary rocks altered by heat, and that they originated in some other form from the waste of previously existing rocks. By this important discovery of granite veins, to which he had been led by fair induction from an independent class of facts, Hutton prepared the way for the greatest innovation of the systems of his predecessors. Vallisneri had pointed out the general fact that there were certain fundamental rocks which contained no organic remains, and which he supposed to have been formed before the creation of living beings. Moro, Generelli, and other Italian writers, embraced the same doctrine; and Lehman regarded the mountains called by him primitive, as parts of the original nucleus of the globe. The same tenet was an article of faith in the school of Freyberg; and if any one ventured to doubt the possibility of our being enabled to carry back our researches to the creation of the present order of things, the granitic rocks were triumphantly appealed to. On them seemed written, in legible characters, the memorable inscription— "Dinanzi a me non fur cose create Se non eterne;"106 and no small sensation was excited when Hutton seemed, with unhallowed hand, desirous to erase characters already regarded by many as sacred. "In the economy of the world," said the Scotch geologist, "I can find no traces of a beginning, no prospect of an end;" a declaration the more startling when coupled with the doctrine, that all past ages on the globe had been brought about by the slow agency of existing causes. The imagination was first fatigued and overpowered by endeavoring to conceive the immensity of time required for the annihilation of whole continents by so insensible a process; and when the thoughts had wandered through these interminable periods, no resting-place was assigned in the remotest distance. The oldest rocks were represented to be of a derivative nature, the last of an antecedent series, and that, perhaps, one of many pre-existing worlds. Such views of the immensity of past time, like those unfolded by the Newtonian philosophy in regard to space, were too vast to awaken ideas of sublimity unmixed with a painful sense of our incapacity to conceive a plan of such infinite extent. Worlds are seen beyond worlds immeasurably distant from each other, and, beyond them all, innumerable other systems are faintly traced on the confines of the visible universe. The characteristic feature of the Huttonian theory was, as before hinted, the exclusion of all causes not supposed to belong to the present order of nature. But Hutton had made no step beyond Hooke, Moro, and Raspe, in pointing out in what manner the laws now governing subterranean movements might bring about geological changes, if sufficient time be allowed. On the contrary, he seems to have fallen far short of some of their views, especially when he refused to attribute any part of the external configuration of the earth's crust to subsidence. He imagined that the continents were first gradually destroyed by aqueous degradation; and when their ruins had furnished materials for new continents, they were upheaved by violent convulsions. He therefore required alternate periods of general disturbance and repose; and such he believed had been, and would forever be, the course of nature. Generelli, in his exposition of Moro's system, had made a far nearer approximation towards reconciling geological appearances with the state of nature as known to us; for while he agreed with Hutton, that the decay and reproduction of rocks were always in progress, proceeding with the utmost uniformity, the learned Carmelite represented the repairs of mountains by elevation from below to be effected by an equally constant and synchronous operation. Neither of these theories, considered singly, satisfies all the conditions of the great problem, which a geologist, who rejects cosmological causes, is called upon to solve; but they probably contain together the germs of a perfect system. There can be no doubt, that periods of disturbance and repose have followed each other in succession in every region of the globe; but it may be equally true, that the energy of the subterranean movements has been always uniform as regards the whole earth. The force of earthquakes may for a cycle of years have been invariably confined, as it is now, to large but determinate spaces, and may then have gradually shifted its position, so that another region, which had for ages been at rest, became in its turn the grand theatre of action. Playfair's illustrations of Hutton.—The explanation proposed by Hutton, and by Playfair, the illustrator of his theory, respecting the origin of valleys and of alluvial accumulations, was also very imperfect. They ascribed none of the inequalities of the earth's surface to movements which accompanied the upheaving of the land, imagining that valleys in general were formed in the course of ages by the rivers now flowing in them; while they seem not to have reflected on the excavating and transporting power which the waves of the ocean might exert on land during its emergence. Although Hutton's knowledge of mineralogy and chemistry was considerable, he possessed but little information concerning organic remains; they merely served him, as they did Werner, to characterize certain strata, and to prove their marine origin. The theory of former revolutions in organic life was not yet fully recognized; and without this class of proofs in support of the antiquity of the globe, the indefinite periods demanded by the Huttonian hypothesis appeared visionary to many; and some, who deemed the doctrine inconsistent with revealed truths, indulged very uncharitable suspicions of the motives of its author. They accused him of a deliberate design of reviving the heathen dogma of an "eternal succession," and of denying that this world ever had a beginning. Playfair, in the biography of his friend, has the following comment on this part of their theory:—"In the planetary motions, where geometry has carried the eye so far, both into the future and the past, we discover no mark either of the commencement or termination of the present order. It is unreasonable, indeed, to suppose that such marks should anywhere exist. The Author of Nature has not given laws to the universe, which, like the institutions of men, carry in themselves the elements of their own destruction. He has not permitted in His works any symptom of infancy or of old age, or any sign by which we may estimate either their future or their past duration. He may put an end, as he no doubt gave a beginning, to the present system, at some determinate period of time; but we may rest assured that this great catastrophe will not be brought about by the laws now existing, and that it is not indicated, by any thing which we perceive."107 The party feeling excited against the Huttonian doctrines, and the open disregard of candor and temper in the controversy, will hardly be credited by the reader, unless he recalls to his recollection that the mind of the English public was at that time in a state of feverish excitement. A class of writers in France had been laboring industriously for many years, to diminish the influence of the clergy, by sapping the foundations of the Christian faith; and their success, and the consequences of the Revolution, had alarmed the most resolute minds, while the imagination of the more timid was continually haunted by dread of innovation, as by the phantom of some fearful dream. Voltaire.—Voltaire had used the modern discoveries in physics as one of the numerous weapons of attack and ridicule directed by him against the Scriptures. He found that the most popular systems of geology were accommodated to the sacred writings, and that much ingenuity had been employed to make every fact coincide exactly with the Mosaic account of the creation and deluge. It was, therefore, with no friendly feelings that he contemplated the cultivators of geology in general, regarding the science as one which had been successfully enlisted by theologians as an ally in their cause.108 He knew that the majority of those who were aware of the abundance of fossil shells in the interior of continents, were still persuaded that they were proofs of the universal deluge; and as the readiest way of shaking this article of faith, he endeavored to inculcate skepticism as to the real nature of such shells, and to recall from contempt the exploded dogma of the sixteenth century, that they were sports of nature. He also pretended that vegetable impressions were not those of real plants.109 Yet he was perfectly convinced that the shells had really belonged to living testacea, as may be seen in his essay "On the formation of Mountains."110 He would sometimes, in defiance of all consistency, shift his ground when addressing the vulgar; and, admitting the true nature of the shells collected in the Alps and other places, pretend that they were Eastern species, which had fallen from the hats of pilgrims coming from Syria. The numerous essays written by him on geological subjects were all calculated to strengthen prejudices, partly because he was ignorant of the real state of the science, and partly from his bad faith.111 On the other hand, they who knew that his attacks were directed by a desire to invalidate Scripture, and who were unacquainted with the true merits of the question, might well deem the old diluvian hypothesis incontrovertible, if Voltaire could adduce no better argument against it than to deny the true nature of organic remains. It is only by careful attention to impediments originating in extrinsic causes, that we can explain the slow and reluctant adoption of the simplest truths in geology. First, we find many able naturalists adducing the fossil remains of marine animals as proofs of an event related in Scripture. The evidence is deemed conclusive by the multitude for a century or more; for it favors opinions which they entertained before, and they are gratified by supposing them confirmed by fresh and unexpected proofs. Many who see through the fallacy have no wish to undeceive those who are influenced by it, approving the effect of the delusion, and conniving at it as a pious fraud; until, finally, an opposite party, who are hostile to the sacred writings, labor to explode the erroneous opinion, by substituting for it another dogma, which they know to be equally unsound. The heretical Vulcanists were soon after openly assailed in England, by imputations of the most illiberal kind. We cannot estimate the malevolence of such a persecution, by the pain which similar insinuations might now inflict; for although charges of infidelity and atheism must always be odious, they were injurious in the extreme at that moment of political excitement; and it was better, perhaps, for a man's good reception in society, that his moral character should have been traduced, than that he should become a mark for these poisoned weapons. I shall pass over the works of numerous divines, who may be excused for sensitiveness on points which then excited so much uneasiness in the public mind; and shall say nothing of the amiable poet Cowper,112 who could hardly be expected to have inquired into the merit of doctrines in physics. But in the foremost ranks of the intolerant are found several laymen who had high claims to scientific reputation. Among these appears Williams, a mineral surveyor of Edinburgh, who published a "Natural History of the Mineral Kingdom," in 1789; a work of great merit, for that day, and of practical utility, as containing the best account of the coal strata. In his preface he misrepresents Hutton's theory altogether, and charges him with considering all rocks to be lavas of different colors and structure; and also with "warping every thing to support the eternity of the world."113 He descants on the pernicious influence of such skeptical notions, as leading to downright infidelity and atheism, "and as being nothing less than to depose the Almighty Creator of the universe from his office."114 Kirwan—De Luc.—Kirwan, president of the Royal Academy of Dublin, a chemist and mineralogist of some merit, but who possessed much greater authority in the scientific world than he was entitled by his talents to enjoy, said, in the introduction to his "Geological Essays, 1799," "that sound geology graduated into religion, and was required to dispel certain systems of atheism or infidelity, of which they had had recent experience."115 He was an uncompromising defender of the aqueous theory of all rocks, and was scarcely surpassed by Burnet and Whiston, in his desire to adduce the Mosaic writings in confirmation of his opinions. De Luc, in the preliminary discourse to his Treatise on Geology,116 says, "The weapons have been changed by which revealed religion is attacked; it is now assailed by geology, and the knowledge of this science has become essential to theologians." He imputes the failure of former geological systems to their having been anti-Mosaical, and directed against a "sublime tradition." These and similar imputations, reiterated in the works of De Luc, seem to have been taken for granted by some modern writers: it is therefore necessary to state, in justice to the numerous geologists of different nations, whose works have been considered, that none of them were guilty of endeavoring, by arguments drawn from physics, to invalidate scriptural tenets. On the contrary, the majority of those who were fortunate enough "to discover the true causes of things," rarely deserved another part of the poet's panegyric, "Atque metus omnes subjecit pedibus." The caution and even timid reserve, of many eminent Italian authors of the earlier period is very apparent; and there can hardly be a doubt, that they subscribed to certain dogmas, and particularly to the first diluvian theory, out of deference to popular prejudices, rather than from conviction. If they were guilty of dissimulation, we may feel regret, but must not blame their want of moral courage, reserving rather our condemnation for the intolerance of the times, and that inquisitorial power which forced Galileo to abjure, and the two Jesuits to disclaim the theory of Newton.117 Hutton answered Kirwan's attacks with great warmth, and with the indignation justly excited by unmerited reproach. "He had always displayed," says Playfair, "the utmost disposition to admire the beneficent design manifested in the structure of the world; and he contemplated with delight those parts of his theory which made the greatest additions to our knowledge of final causes." We may say with equal truth, that in no scientific works in our language can more eloquent passages be found, concerning the fitness, harmony, and grandeur of all parts of the creation, than in those of Playfair. They are evidently the unaffected expressions of a mind, which contemplated the study of nature, as best calculated to elevate our conceptions of the attributes of the First Cause. At any other time the force and elegance of Playfair's style must have insured popularity to the Huttonian doctrines; but by a singular coincidence, Neptunianism and orthodoxy were now associated in the same creed; and the tide of prejudice ran so strong, that the majority were carried far away into the chaotic fluid, and other cosmological inventions of Werner. These fictions the Saxon professor had borrowed with little modification, and without any improvement, from his predecessors. They had not the smallest foundation either in Scripture or in common sense, and were probably approved of by many as being so ideal and unsubstantial, that they could never come into violent collision with any preconceived opinions. According to De Luc, the first essential distinction to be made between the various phenomena exhibited on the surface of the earth was, to determine which were the results of causes still in action, and which had been produced by causes that had ceased to act. The form and composition of the mass of our continents, he said, and their existence above the level of the sea, must be ascribed to causes no longer in action. These continents emerged, at no very remote period, on the sudden retreat of the ocean, the waters of which made their way into subterranean caverns. The formation of the rocks which enter into the crust of the earth began with the precipitation of granite from a primordial liquid, after which other strata containing the remains of organized bodies were deposited, till at last the present sea remained as the residuum of the primordial liquid, and no longer continued to produce mineral strata.118 William Smith, 1790.—While the tenets of the rival schools of Freyberg and Edinburgh were warmly espoused by devoted partisans, the labors of an individual, unassisted by the advantages of wealth or station in society, were almost unheeded. Mr. William Smith, an English surveyor, published his "Tabular View of the British Strata" in 1790, wherein he proposed a classification of the secondary formations in the West of England. Although he had not communicated with Werner, it appeared by this work that he had arrived at the same views respecting the laws of superposition of stratified rocks; that he was aware that the order of succession of different groups was never inverted; and that they might be identified at very distant points by their peculiar organized fossils. From the time of the appearance of the "Tabular View," the author labored to construct a geological map of the whole of England; and with the greatest disinterestedness of mind, communicated the results of his investigations to all who desired information, giving such publicity to his original views, as to enable his contemporaries almost to compete with him in the race. The execution of his map was completed in 1815, and remains a lasting monument of original talent and extraordinary perseverance; for he had explored the whole country on foot, without the guidance of previous observers, or the aid of fellow-laborers, and had succeeded in throwing into natural divisions the whole complicated series of British rocks. D'Aubuisson, a distinguished pupil of Werner, paid a just tribute of praise to this remarkable performance, observing, that "what many celebrated mineralogists had only accomplished for a small part of Germany in the course of half a century, had been effected by a single individual for the whole of England."119 Werner invented a new language to express his divisions of rocks, and some of his technical terms, such as grauwacke, gneiss, and others, passed current in every country in Europe. Smith adopted for the most part English provincial terms, often of barbarous sound, such as gault, cornbrash, clunch clay; and affixed them to subdivisions of the British series. Many of these still retain their place in our scientific classifications, and attest his priority of arrangement. MODERN PROGRESS OF GEOLOGY. The contention of the rival factions of the Vulcanists and Neptunists had been carried to such a height, that these names had become terms of reproach; and the two parties had been less occupied in searching for truth, than for such arguments as might strengthen their own cause or serve to annoy their antagonists. A new school at last arose, who professed the strictest neutrality, and the utmost indifference to the systems of Werner and Hutton, and who resolved diligently to devote their labors to observation. The reaction, provoked by the intemperance of the conflicting parties, now produced a tendency to extreme caution. Speculative views were discountenanced, and, through fear of exposing themselves to the suspicion of a bias towards the dogmas of a party, some geologists became anxious to entertain no opinion whatever on the causes of phenomena, and were inclined to skepticism even where the conclusions deducible from observed facts scarcely admitted of reasonable doubt. Geological Society of London.—But although the reluctance to theorize was carried somewhat to excess, no measure could be more salutary at such a moment than a suspension of all attempts to form what were termed "theories of the earth." A great body of new data were required; and the Geological Society of London, founded in 1807, conduced greatly to the attainment of this desirable end. To multiply and record observations, and patiently to await the result at some future period, was the object proposed by them; and it was their favorite maxim that the time was not yet come for a general system of geology, but that all must be content for many years to be exclusively engaged in furnishing materials for future generalizations. By acting up to these principles with consistency, they in a few years disarmed all prejudice, and rescued the science from the imputation of being a dangerous, or at best but a visionary pursuit. A distinguished modern writer has with truth remarked, that the advancement of three of the main divisions of geological inquiry have during the last half century been promoted successively by three different nations of Europe,—the Germans, the English, and the French.120 We have seen that the systematic study of what may be called mineralogical geology had its origin and chief point of activity in Germany, where Werner first described with precision the mineral characters of rocks. The classification of the secondary formations, each marked by their peculiar fossils, belongs, in a great measure, to England, where the labors before alluded to of Smith, and those of the most active members of the Geological Society of London, were steadily directed to these objects. The foundation of the third branch, that relating to the tertiary formations, was laid in France by the splendid work of Cuvier and Brongniart, published in 1808, "On the Mineral Geography and Organic Remains of the Neighborhood of Paris." We may still trace, in the language of the science and our present methods of arrangement, the various countries where the growth of these several departments of geology was at different times promoted. Many names of simple minerals and rocks remain to this day German; while the European divisions of the secondary strata are in great part English, and are, indeed, often founded too exclusively on English types. Lastly, the subdivisions first established of the succession of strata in the Paris basin have served as normal groups to which other tertiary deposits throughout Europe have been compared, even in cases where this standard was wholly inapplicable. No period could have been more fortunate for the discovery, in the immediate neighborhood of Paris, of a rich store of well-preserved fossils, than the commencement of the present century; for at no former era had Natural history been cultivated with such enthusiasm in the French metropolis. The labors of Cuvier in comparative osteology, and of Lamarck in recent and fossil shells, had raised these departments of study to a rank of which they had never previously been deemed susceptible. Their investigations had eventually a powerful effect in dispelling the illusion which had long prevailed concerning the absence of analogy between the ancient and modern state of our planet. A close comparison of the recent and fossil species and the inferences drawn in regard to their habits, accustomed the geologist to contemplate the earth as having been at successive periods the dwelling-place of animals and plants of different races, some terrestrial, and others aquatic—some fitted to live in seas, others in the waters of lakes and rivers. By the consideration of these topics, the mind was slowly and insensibly withdrawn from imaginary pictures of catastrophes and chaotic confusion, such as haunted the imagination of the early cosmogonists. Numerous proofs were discovered of the tranquil deposition of sedimentary matter, and the slow development of organic life. If many writers, and Cuvier himself in the number, still continued to maintain, that "the thread of induction was broken,"121 yet, in reasoning by the strict rules of induction from recent to fossil species, they in a great measure disclaimed the dogma which in theory they professed. The adoption of the same generic, and, in some cases, even of the same specific, names for the exuviÆ of fossil animals and their living analogues, was an important step towards familiarizing the mind with the idea of the identity and unity of the system in distant eras. It was an acknowledgment, as it were, that part at least of the ancient memorials of nature were written in a living language. The growing importance, then, of the natural history of organic remains may be pointed out as the characteristic feature of the progress of the science during the present century. This branch of knowledge has already become an instrument of great utility in geological classification, and is continuing daily to unfold new data for grand and enlarged views respecting the former changes of the earth. When we compare the result of observations in the last fifty years with those of the three preceding centuries, we cannot but look forward with the most sanguine expectations to the degree of excellence to which geology may be carried, even by the labors of the present generation. Never, perhaps, did any science, with the exception of astronomy, unfold, in an equally brief period, so many novel and unexpected truths, and overturn so many preconceived opinions. The senses had for ages declared the earth to be at rest, until the astronomer taught that it was carried through space with inconceivable rapidity. In like manner was the surface of this planet regarded as having remained unaltered since its creation, until the geologist proved that it had been the theatre of reiterated change, and was still the subject of slow but never-ending fluctuations. The discovery of other systems in the boundless regions of space was the triumph of astronomy; to trace the same system through various transformations—to behold it at successive eras adorned with different hills and valleys, lakes and seas, and peopled with new inhabitants, was the delightful meed of geological research. By the geometer were measured the regions of space, and the relative distances of the heavenly bodies;—by the geologist myriads of ages were reckoned, not by arithmetical computation, but by a train of physical events—a succession of phenomena in the animate and inanimate worlds—signs which convey to our minds more definite ideas than figures can do of the immensity of time. Whether our investigation of the earth's history and structure will eventually be productive of as great practical benefits to mankind as a knowledge of the distant heavens, must remain for the decision of posterity. It was not till astronomy had been enriched by the observations of many centuries, and had made its way against popular prejudices to the establishment of a sound theory, that its application to the useful arts was most conspicuous. The cultivation of geology began at a later period; and in every step which it has hitherto made towards sound theoretical principles, it had to contend against more violent prepossessions. The practical advantages already derived from it have not been inconsiderable; but our generalizations are yet imperfect, and they who come after us may be expected to reap the most valuable fruits of our labor. Meanwhile, the charm of first discovery is our own; and, as we explore this magnificent field of inquiry, the sentiment of a great historian of our times may continually be present to our minds, that "he who calls what has vanished back again into being, enjoys a bliss like that of creating."122
CHAPTER V PREJUDICES WHICH HAVE RETARDED THE PROGRESS OF GEOLOGY Prepossessions in regard to the duration of past time—Prejudices arising from our peculiar position as inhabitants of the land—Of those occasioned by our not seeing subterranean changes now in progress—All these causes combine to make the former course of Nature appear different from the present—Objections to the doctrine, that causes similar in kind and energy to those now acting, have produced the former changes of the earth's surface, considered. If we reflect on the history of the progress of geology, as explained in the preceding chapters, we perceive that there have been great fluctuations of opinion respecting the nature of the causes to which all former changes of the earth's surface are referable. The first observers conceived the monuments which the geologist endeavors to decipher to relate to an original state of the earth, or to a period when there were causes in activity, distinct, in kind and degree, from those now constituting the economy of nature. These views were gradually modified, and some of them entirely abandoned, in proportion as observations were multiplied, and the signs of former mutations more skilfully interpreted. Many appearances, which had for a long time been regarded as indicating mysterious and extraordinary agency, were finally recognized as the necessary result of the laws now governing the material world; and the discovery of this unlooked-for conformity has at length induced some philosophers to infer, that, during the ages contemplated in geology, there has never been any interruption to the agency of the same uniform laws of change. The same assemblage of general causes, they conceive, may have been sufficient to produce, by their various combinations, the endless diversity of effects, of which the shell of the earth has preserved the memorials; and, consistently with these principles, the recurrence of analogous changes is expected by them in time to come. Whether we coincide or not in this doctrine, we must admit that the gradual progress of opinion concerning the succession of phenomena in very remote eras, resembles, in a singular manner, that which has accompanied the growing intelligence of every people, in regard to the economy of nature in their own times. In an early state of advancement, when a great number of natural appearances are unintelligible, an eclipse, an earthquake, a flood, or the approach of a comet, with many other occurrences afterwards found to belong to the regular course of events, are regarded as prodigies. The same delusion prevails as to moral phenomena, and many of these are ascribed to the intervention of demons, ghosts, witches, and other immaterial and supernatural agents. By degrees, many of the enigmas of the moral and physical world are explained, and, instead of being due to extrinsic and irregular causes, they are found to depend on fixed and invariable laws. The philosopher at last becomes convinced of the undeviating uniformity of secondary causes; and, guided by his faith in this principle, he determines the probability of accounts transmitted to him of former occurrences, and often rejects the fabulous tales of former times, on the ground of their being irreconcilable with the experience of more enlightened ages. Prepossessions in regard to the duration of past time.—As a belief in the want of conformity in the causes by which the earth's crust has been modified in ancient and modern periods was, for a long time, universally prevalent, and that, too, amongst men who were convinced that the order of nature had been uniform for the last several thousand years, every circumstance which could have influenced their minds and given an undue bias to their opinions deserves particular attention. Now the reader may easily satisfy himself, that, however undeviating the course of nature may have been from the earliest epochs, it was impossible for the first cultivators of geology to come to such a conclusion, so long as they were under a delusion as to the age of the world, and the date of the first creation of animate beings. However fantastical some theories of the sixteenth century may now appear to us,—however unworthy of men of great talent and sound judgment,—we may rest assured that, if the same misconception now prevailed in regard to the memorials of human transactions, it would give rise to a similar train of absurdities. Let us imagine, for example, that Champollion, and the French and Tuscan literati lately engaged in exploring the antiquities of Egypt, had visited that country with a firm belief that the banks of the Nile were never peopled by the human race before the beginning of the nineteenth century, and that their faith in this dogma was as difficult to shake as the opinion of our ancestors that the earth was never the abode of living beings until the creation of the present continents, and of the species now existing,—it is easy to perceive what extravagant systems they would frame, while under the influence of this delusion, to account for the monuments discovered in Egypt. The sight of the pyramids, obelisks, colossal statues, and ruined temples, would fill them with such astonishment, that for a time they would be as men spell-bound—wholly incapable of reasoning with sobriety. They might incline at first to refer the construction of such stupendous works to some superhuman powers of a primeval world. A system might be invented resembling that so gravely advanced by Manetho, who relates that a dynasty of gods originally ruled in Egypt, of whom Vulcan, the first monarch, reigned nine thousand years; after whom came Hercules and other demigods, who were at last succeeded by human kings. When some fanciful speculations of this kind had amused their imaginations for a time, some vast repository of mummies would be discovered, and would immediately undeceive those antiquaries who enjoyed an opportunity of personally examining them; but the prejudices of others at a distance, who were not eye-witnesses of the whole phenomena, would not be so easily overcome. The concurrent report of many travellers would, indeed, render it necessary for them to accommodate ancient theories to some of the new facts, and much wit and ingenuity would be required to modify and defend their old positions. Each new invention would violate a greater number of known analogies; for if a theory be required to embrace some false principle, it becomes more visionary in proportion as facts are multiplied, as would be the case if geometers were now required to form an astronomical system on the assumption of the immobility of the earth. Amongst other fanciful conjectures concerning the history of Egypt, we may suppose some of the following to be started. "As the banks of the Nile have been so recently colonized for the first time, the curious substances called mummies could never in reality have belonged to men. They may have been generated by some plastic virtue residing in the interior of the earth, or they may be abortions of Nature produced by her incipient efforts in the work of creation. For if deformed beings are sometimes born even now, when the scheme of the universe is fully developed, many more may have been 'sent before their time, scarce half made up,' when the planet itself was in the embryo state. But if these notions appear to derogate from the perfection of the Divine attributes, and if these mummies be in all their parts true representations of the human form, may we not refer them to the future rather than the past?—May we not be looking into the womb of Nature, and not her grave? May not these images be like the shades of the unborn in Virgil's Elysium—the archetypes of men not yet called into existence?" These speculations, if advocated by eloquent writers, would not fail to attract many zealous votaries, for they would relieve men from the painful necessity of renouncing preconceived opinions. Incredible as such skepticism may appear, it has been rivalled by many systems of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and among others by that of the learned Falloppio, who regarded the tusks of fossil elephants as earthy concretions, and the pottery or fragments of vases in the Monte Testaceo, near Rome, as works of nature, and not of art. But when one generation had passed away, and another, not compromised to the support of antiquated dogmas, had succeeded, they would review the evidence afforded by mummies more impartially, and would no longer controvert the preliminary question, that human beings had lived in Egypt before the nineteenth century: so that when a hundred years perhaps had been lost, the industry and talents of the philosopher would be at last directed to the elucidation of points of real historical importance. But the above arguments are aimed against one only of many prejudices with which the earlier geologists had to contend. Even when they conceded that the earth had been peopled with animate beings at an earlier period than was at first supposed, they had no conception that the quantity of time bore so great a proportion to the historical era as is now generally conceded. How fatal every error as to the quantity of time must prove to the introduction of rational views concerning the state of things in former ages, may be conceived by supposing the annals of the civil and military transactions of a great nation to be perused under the impression that they occurred in a period of one hundred instead of two thousand years. Such a portion of history would immediately assume the air of a romance; the events would seem devoid of credibility, and inconsistent with the present course of human affairs. A crowd of incidents would follow each other in thick succession. Armies and fleets would appear to be assembled only to be destroyed, and cities built merely to fall in ruins. There would be the most violent transitions from foreign or intestine war to periods of profound peace, and the works effected during the years of disorder or tranquillity would appear alike superhuman in magnitude. He who should study the monuments of the natural world under the influence of a similar infatuation, must draw a no less exaggerated picture of the energy and violence of causes, and must experience the same insurmountable difficulty in reconciling the former and present state of nature. If we could behold in one view all the volcanic cones thrown up in Iceland, Italy, Sicily, and other parts of Europe, during the last five thousand years, and could see the lavas which have flowed during the same period; the dislocations, subsidences, and elevations caused during earthquakes; the lands added to various deltas, or devoured by the sea, together with the effects of devastation by floods, and imagine that all these events had happened in one year, we must form most exalted ideas of the activity of the agents, and the suddenness of the revolutions. Were an equal amount of change to pass before our eyes in the next year, could we avoid the conclusion that some great crisis of nature was at hand? If geologists, therefore, have misinterpreted the signs of a succession of events, so as to conclude that centuries were implied where the characters imported thousands of years, and thousands of years where the language of Nature signified millions, they could not, if they reasoned logically from such false premises, come to any other conclusion than that the system of the natural world had undergone a complete revolution. We should be warranted in ascribing the erection of the great pyramid to superhuman power, if we were convinced that it was raised in one day; and if we imagine, in the same manner, a continent or mountain-chain to have been elevated during an equally small fraction of the time which was really occupied in upheaving it, we might then be justified in inferring, that the subterranean movements were once far more energetic than in our own times. We know that during one earthquake the coast of Chili may be raised for a hundred miles to the average height of about three feet. A repetition of two thousand shocks, of equal violence, might produce a mountain-chain one hundred miles long, and six thousand feet high. Now, should one or two only of these convulsions happen in a century, it would be consistent with the order of events experienced by the Chilians from the earliest times; but if the whole of them were to occur in the next hundred years, the entire district must be depopulated, scarcely any animals or plants could survive, and the surface would be one confused heap of ruin and desolation. One consequence of undervaluing greatly the quantity of past time, is the apparent coincidence which it occasions of events necessarily disconnected, or which are so unusual, that it would be inconsistent with all calculation of chances to suppose them to happen at one and the same time. When the unlooked-for association of such rare phenomena is witnessed in the present course of nature, it scarcely ever fails to excite a suspicion of the preternatural in those minds which are not firmly convinced of the uniform agency of secondary causes;—as if the death of some individual in whose fate they are interested happens to be accompanied by the appearance of a luminous meteor, or a comet, or the shock of an earthquake. It would be only necessary to multiply such coincidences indefinitely, and the mind of every philosopher would be disturbed. Now it would be difficult to exaggerate the number of physical events, many of them most rare and unconnected in their nature, which were imagined by the Woodwardian hypothesis to have happened in the course of a few months; and numerous other examples might be found of popular geological theories, which require us to imagine that a long succession of events happened in a brief and almost momentary period. Another liability to error, very nearly allied to the former, arises from the frequent contact of geological monuments referring to very distant periods of time. We often behold, at one glance, the effects of causes which have acted at times incalculably remote, and yet there may be no striking circumstances to mark the occurrence of a great chasm in the chronological series of Nature's archives. In the vast interval of time which may really have elapsed between the results of operations thus compared, the physical condition of the earth may, by slow and insensible modifications, have become entirely altered; one or more races of organic beings may have passed away, and yet have left behind, in the particular region under contemplation, no trace of their existence. To a mind unconscious of these intermediate events, the passage from one state of things to another must appear so violent, that the idea of revolutions in the system inevitably suggests itself. The imagination is as much perplexed by the deception, as it might be if two distant points in space were suddenly brought into immediate proximity. Let us suppose, for a moment, that a philosopher should lie down to sleep in some arctic wilderness, and then be transferred by a power, such as we read of in tales of enchantment, to a valley in a tropical country, where, on awaking, he might find himself surrounded by birds of brilliant plumage, and all the luxuriance of animal and vegetable forms of which Nature is so prodigal in those regions. The most reasonable supposition, perhaps, which he could make, if by the necromancer's art he were placed in such a situation, would be, that he was dreaming; and if a geologist form theories under a similar delusion, we cannot expect him to preserve more consistency in his speculations than in the train of ideas in an ordinary dream. It may afford, perhaps, a lively illustration of the principle here insisted upon, if I recall to the reader's recollection the legend of the Seven Sleepers. The scene of that popular fable was placed in the two centuries which elapsed between the reign of the emperor Decius and the death of Theodosius the younger. In that interval of time (between the years 249 and 450 of our era) the union of the Roman Empire had been dissolved, and some of its fairest provinces overrun by the barbarians of the north. The seat of government had passed from Rome to Constantinople, and the throne from a pagan persecutor to a succession of Christian and orthodox princes. The genius of the empire had been humbled in the dust, and the altars of Diana and Hercules were on the point of being transferred to Catholic saints and martyrs. The legend relates, "that when Decius was still persecuting the Christians, seven noble youths of Ephesus concealed themselves in a spacious cavern in the side of an adjacent mountain, where they were doomed to perish by the tyrant, who gave orders that the entrance should be firmly secured with a pile of huge stones. They immediately fell into a deep slumber, which was miraculously prolonged, without injuring the powers of life, during a period of 187 years. At the end of that time the slaves of Adolius, to whom the inheritance of the mountain had descended, removed the stones to supply materials for some rustic edifice: the light of the sun darted into the cavern, and the Seven Sleepers were permitted to awake. After a slumber, as they thought, of a few hours, they were pressed by the calls of hunger, and resolved that Jamblichus, one of their number, should secretly return to the city to purchase bread for the use of his companions. The youth could no longer recognize the once familiar aspect of his native country, and his surprise was increased by the appearance of a large cross triumphantly erected over the principal gate of Ephesus. His singular dress and obsolete language confounded the baker, to whom he offered an ancient medal of Decius as the current coin of the empire; and Jamblichus, on the suspicion of a secret treasure, was dragged before the judge. Their mutual inquiries produced the amazing discovery, that two centuries were almost elapsed since Jamblichus and his friends had escaped from the rage of a pagan tyrant."123 This legend was received as authentic throughout the Christian world before the end of the sixth century, and was afterwards introduced by Mahomet as a divine revelation into the Koran, and from hence was adopted and adorned by all the nations from Bengal to Africa who professed the Mahometan faith. Some vestiges even of a similar tradition have been discovered in Scandinavia. "This easy and universal belief," observes the philosophical historian of the Decline and Fall, "so expressive of the sense of mankind, may be ascribed to the genuine merit of the fable itself. We imperceptibly advance from youth to age, without observing the gradual, but incessant, change of human affairs; and even, in our larger experience of history, the imagination is accustomed, by a perpetual series of causes and effects, to unite the most distant revolutions. But if the interval between two memorable eras could be instantly annihilated; if it were possible, after a momentary slumber of two hundred years, to display the new world to the eyes of a spectator who still retained a lively and recent impression of the old, his surprise and his reflections would furnish the pleasing subject of a philosophical romance."124 Prejudices arising from our peculiar position as inhabitants of the land.—The sources of prejudice hitherto considered may be deemed peculiar for the most part to the infancy of the science, but others are common to the first cultivators of geology and to ourselves, and are all singularly calculated to produce the same deception, and to strengthen our belief that the course of nature in the earlier ages differed widely from that now established. Although these circumstances cannot be fully explained without assuming some things as proved, which it will be the object of another part of this work to demonstrate, it may be well to allude to them briefly in this place. The first and greatest difficulty, then, consists in an habitual unconsciousness that our position as observers is essentially unfavorable, when we endeavor to estimate the nature and magnitude of the changes now in progress. In consequence of our inattention to this subject, we are liable to serious mistakes in contrasting the present with former states of the globe. As dwellers on the land, we inhabit about a fourth part of the surface; and that portion is almost exclusively a theatre of decay, and not of reproduction. We know, indeed, that new deposits are annually formed in seas and lakes, and that every year some new igneous rocks are produced in the bowels of the earth, but we cannot watch the progress of their formation; and as they are only present to our minds by the aid of reflection, it requires an effort both of the reason and the imagination to appreciate duly their importance. It is, therefore, not surprising that we estimate very imperfectly the result of operations thus invisible to us; and that, when analogous results of former epochs are presented to our inspection, we cannot immediately recognize the analogy. He who has observed the quarrying of stone from a rock, and has seen it shipped for some distant port, and then endeavors to conceive what kind of edifice will be raised by the materials, is in the same predicament as a geologist, who, while he is confined to the land, sees the decomposition of rocks, and the transportation of matter by rivers to the sea, and then endeavors to picture to himself the new strata which Nature is building beneath the waters. Prejudices arising from our not seeing subterranean changes.—Nor is his position less unfavorable when, beholding a volcanic eruption, he tries to conceive what changes the column of lava has produced, in its passage upwards, on the intersected strata; or what form the melted matter may assume at great depths on cooling; or what may be the extent of the subterranean rivers and reservoirs of liquid matter far beneath the surface. It should, therefore, be remembered, that the task imposed on those who study the earth's history requires no ordinary share of discretion; for we are precluded from collating the corresponding parts of the system of things as it exists now, and as it existed at former periods. If we were inhabitants of another element—if the great ocean were our domain, instead of the narrow limits of the land, our difficulties would be considerably lessened; while, on the other hand, there can be little doubt, although the reader may, perhaps, smile at the bare suggestion of such an idea, that an amphibious being, who should possess our faculties, would still more easily arrive at sound theoretical opinions in geology, since he might behold, on the one hand, the decomposition of rocks in the atmosphere, or the transportation of matter by running water; and, on the other, examine the deposition of sediment in the sea, and the imbedding of animal and vegetable remains in new strata. He might ascertain, by direct observation, the action of a mountain torrent, as well as of a marine current; might compare the products of volcanoes poured out upon the land with those ejected beneath the waters; and might mark, on the one hand, the growth of the forest, and, on the other, that of the coral reef. Yet, even with these advantages, he would be liable to fall into the greatest errors, when endeavoring to reason on rocks of subterranean origin. He would seek in vain, within the sphere of his observation, for any direct analogy to the process of their formation, and would therefore be in danger of attributing them, wherever they are upraised to view, to some "primeval state of nature." But if we may be allowed so far to indulge the imagination, as to suppose a being entirely confined to the nether world—some "dusky melancholy sprite," like Umbriel, who could "flit on sooty pinions to the central earth," but who was never permitted to "sully the fair face of light," and emerge into the regions of water and of air; and if this being should busy himself in investigating the structure of the globe, he might frame theories the exact converse of those usually adopted by human philosophers. He might infer that the stratified rocks, containing shells and other organic remains, were the oldest of created things, belonging to some original and nascent state of the planet. "Of these masses," he might say, "whether they consist of loose incoherent sand, soft clay, or solid stone, none have been formed in modern times. Every year some part of them are broken and shattered by earthquakes, or melted by volcanic fire; and when they cool down slowly from a state of fusion, they assume a new and more crystalline form, no longer exhibiting that stratified disposition and those curious impressions and fantastic markings, by which they were previously characterized. This process cannot have been carried on for an indefinite time, for in that case all the stratified rocks would long ere this have been fused and crystallized. It is therefore probable that the whole planet once consisted of these mysterious and curiously bedded formations at a time when the volcanic fire had not yet been brought into activity. Since that period there seems to have been a gradual development of heat; and this augmentation we may expect to continue till the whole globe shall be in a state of fluidity and incandescence." Such might be the system of the Gnome at the very time that the followers of Leibnitz, reasoning on what they saw on the outer surface, might be teaching the opposite doctrine of gradual refrigeration, and averring that the earth had begun its career as a fiery comet, and might be destined hereafter to become a frozen mass. The tenets of the schools of the nether and of the upper world would be directly opposed to each other, for both would partake of the prejudices inevitably resulting from the continual contemplation of one class of phenomena to the exclusion of another. Man observes the annual decomposition of crystalline and igneous rocks, and may sometimes see their conversion into stratified deposits; but he cannot witness the reconversion of the sedimentary into the crystalline by subterranean fire. He is in the habit of regarding all the sedimentary rocks as more recent than the unstratified, for the same reason that we may suppose him to fall into the opposite error if he saw the origin of the igneous class only. It was not an impossible contingency, that astronomers might have been placed at some period in a situation much resembling that in which the geologist seems to stand at present. If the Italians, for example, in the early part of the twelfth century, had discovered at Amalfi, instead of the pandects of Justinian, some ancient manuscripts filled with astronomical observations relating to a period of three thousand years, and made by some ancient geometers who possessed optical instruments as perfect as any in modern Europe, they would probably, on consulting these memorials, have come to a conclusion that there had been a great revolution in the solar and sidereal systems. "Many primary and secondary planets," they might say, "are enumerated in these tables, which exist no longer. Their positions are assigned with such precision that we may assure ourselves that there is nothing in their place at present but the blue ether. Where one star is visible to us, these documents represent several thousands. Some of those which are now single consisted then of two separate bodies, often distinguished by different colors, and revolving periodically round a common centre of gravity. There is nothing analogous to them in the universe at present; for they were neither fixed stars nor planets, but seem to have stood in the mutual relation of sun and planet to each other. We must conclude, therefore, that there has occurred, at no distant period, a tremendous catastrophe, whereby thousands of worlds have been annihilated at once, and some heavenly bodies absorbed into the substance of others." When such doctrines had prevailed for ages, the discovery of some of the worlds, supposed to have been lost (the satellites of Jupiter, for example), by aid of the first rude telescope invented after the revival of science, would not dissipate the delusion, for the whole burden of proof would now be thrown on those who insisted on the stability of the system from a remote period, and these philosophers would be required to demonstrate the existence of all the worlds said to have been annihilated. Such popular prejudices would be most unfavorable to the advancement of astronomy; for, instead of persevering in the attempt to improve their instruments, and laboriously to make and record observations, the greater number would despair of verifying the continued existence of the heavenly bodies not visible to the naked eye. Instead of confessing the extent of their ignorance, and striving to remove it by bringing to light new facts, they would indulge in the more easy and indolent employment of framing imaginary theories concerning catastrophes and mighty revolutions in the system of the universe. For more than two centuries the shelly strata of the Subapennine hills afforded matter of speculation to the early geologists of Italy, and few of them had any suspicion that similar deposits were then forming in the neighboring sea. They were as unconscious of the continued action of causes still producing similar effects, as the astronomers, in the case above supposed, of the existence of certain heavenly bodies still giving and reflecting light, and performing their movements as of old. Some imagined that the strata, so rich in organic remains, instead of being due to secondary agents, had been so created in the beginning of things by the fiat of the Almighty. Others, as we have seen, ascribed the imbedded fossil bodies to some plastic power which resided in the earth in the early ages of the world. In what manner were these dogmas at length exploded? The fossil relics were carefully compared with their living analogues, and all doubts as to their organic origin were eventually dispelled. So, also, in regard to the nature of the containing beds of mud, sand, and limestone: those parts of the bottom of the sea were examined where shells are now becoming annually entombed in new deposits. Donati explored the bed of the Adriatic, and found the closest resemblance between the strata there forming, and those which constituted hills above a thousand feet high in various parts of the Italian peninsula. He ascertained by dredging that living testacea were there grouped together in precisely the same manner as were their fossil analogues in the inland strata; and while some of the recent shells of the Adriatic were becoming incrusted with calcareous rock, he observed that others had been newly buried in sand and clay, precisely as fossil shells occur in the Subapennine hills. This discovery of the identity of modern and ancient submarine operations was not made without the aid of artificial instruments, which, like the telescope, brought phenomena into view not otherwise within the sphere of human observation. In like manner, the volcanic rocks of the Vicentin had been studied in the beginning of the last century; but no geologist suspected, before the time of Arduino, that these were composed of ancient submarine lavas. During many years of controversy, the popular opinion inclined to a belief that basalt and rocks of the same class had been precipitated from a chaotic fluid, or an ocean which rose at successive periods over the continents, charged with the component elements of the rocks in question. Few will now dispute that it would have been difficult to invent a theory more distant from the truth; yet we must cease to wonder that it gained so many proselytes, when we remember that its claims to probability arose partly from the very circumstance of its confirming the assumed want of analogy between geological causes and those now in action. By what train of investigations were geologists induced at length to reject these views, and to assent to the igneous origin of the trappean formations? By an examination of volcanoes now active, and by comparing their structure and the composition of their lavas with the ancient trap-rocks. The establishment, from time to time, of numerous points of identification, drew at length from geologists a reluctant admission, that there was more correspondence between the condition of the globe at remote eras and now, and more uniformity in the laws which have regulated the changes of its surface, than they at first imagined. If, in this state of the science, they still despaired of reconciling every class of geological phenomena to the operations of ordinary causes, even by straining analogy to the utmost limits of credibility, we might have expected, at least, that the balance of probability would now have been presumed to incline towards the close analogy of the ancient and modern causes. But, after repeated experience of the failure of attempts to speculate on geological monuments, as belonging to a distinct order of things, new sects continued to persevere in the principles adopted by their predecessors. They still began, as each new problem presented itself, whether relating to the animate or inanimate world, to assume an original and dissimilar order of nature; and when at length they approximated, or entirely came round to an opposite opinion, it was always with the feeling, that they were conceding what they had been justified À priori in deeming improbable. In a word, the same men who, as natural philosophers, would have been most incredulous respecting any extraordinary deviations from the known course of nature, if reported to have happened in their own time, were equally disposed, as geologists, to expect the proofs of such deviations at every period of the past. I shall proceed in the following chapters to enumerate some of the principal difficulties still opposed to the theory of the uniform nature and energy of the causes which have worked successive changes in the crust of the earth, and in the condition of its living inhabitants. The discussion of so important a question on the present occasion may appear premature, but it is one which naturally arises out of a review of the former history of the science. It is, of course, impossible to enter into such speculative topics, without occasionally carrying the novice beyond his depth, and appealing to facts and conclusions with which he will be unacquainted, until he has studied some elementary work on geology, but it may be useful to excite his curiosity, and lead him to study such works by calling his attention at once to some of the principal points of controversy.125
CHAPTER VI. DOCTRINE OF THE DISCORDANCE OF THE ANCIENT AND MODERN CAUSES OF CHANGE CONTROVERTED. Climate of the Northern Hemisphere formerly different—Direct proofs from the organic remains of the Italian strata—Proofs from analogy derived from extinct quadrupeds—Imbedding of animals in icebergs—Siberian mammoths—Evidence in regard to temperature, from the fossils of tertiary and secondary rocks—From the plants of the coal formation—Northern limit of these fossils—Whether such plants could endure the long continuance of an arctic night. Climate of the Northern hemisphere formerly different.—Proofs of former revolutions in climate, as deduced from fossil remains, have afforded one of the most popular objections to the theory which endeavors to explain all geological changes by reference to those now in progress on the earth. The probable causes, therefore, of fluctuations in climate, may first be treated of. That the climate of the Northern hemisphere has undergone an important change, and that its mean annual temperature must once have more nearly resembled that now experienced within the tropics, was the opinion of some of the first naturalists who investigated the contents of the ancient strata. Their conjecture became more probable when the shells and corals of the older tertiary and many secondary rocks were carefully examined; for the organic remains of these formations were found to be intimately connected by generic affinity with species now living in warmer latitudes. At a later period, many reptiles, such as turtles, tortoises, and large saurian animals, were discovered in European formations in great abundance; and they supplied new and powerful arguments, from analogy, in support of the doctrine, that the heat of the climate had been great when our secondary strata were deposited. Lastly, when the botanist turned his attention to the specific determination of fossil plants, the evidence acquired still fuller confirmation; for the flora of a country is peculiarly influenced by temperature: and the ancient vegetation of the earth might have been expected more readily than the forms of animals, to have afforded conflicting proofs, had the popular theory been without foundation. When the examination of fossil remains was extended to rocks in the most northern parts of Europe and North America, and even to the Arctic regions, indications of the same revolution in climate were discovered. It cannot be said, that in this, as in many other departments of geology, we have investigated the phenomena of former eras, and neglected those of the present state of things. On the contrary, since the first agitation of this interesting question, the accessions to our knowledge of living animals and plants have been immense, and have far surpassed all the data previously obtained for generalizing on the relation of certain types of organization to particular climates. The tropical and temperate zones of South America and of Australia have been explored; and, on close comparison, it has been found that scarcely any of the species of the animate creation in these extensive continents are identical with those inhabiting the old world. Yet the zoologist and botanist, well acquainted with the geographical distribution of organic beings in other parts of the globe, would have been able, if distinct groups of species had been presented to them from these regions, to recognize those which had been collected from latitudes within, and those which were brought from without the tropics. Before I attempt to explain the probable causes of great vicissitudes of temperature on the earth's surface, I shall take a rapid view of some of the principal data which appear to support the popular opinions now entertained on the subject. To insist on the soundness of these inferences, is the more necessary, because some zoologists have undertaken to vindicate the uniformity of the laws of nature, not by accounting for former fluctuations in climate, but by denying the value of the evidence in their favor.126 Proofs from fossil shells in tertiary strata.—In Sicily, Calabria, and in the neighborhood of Naples, the fossil testacea of the most modern tertiary formations belong almost entirely to species now inhabiting the Mediterranean; but as we proceed northwards in the Italian peninsula we find in the strata called Subapennine an assemblage of fossil shells departing somewhat more widely from the type of the neighboring seas. The proportion of species identifiable with those now living in the Mediterranean is still considerable; but it no longer predominates, as in the South of Italy and part of Sicily, over the unknown species. Although occurring in localities which are removed several degrees farther from the equator (as at Sienna, Parma, Asti, &c.), the shells yield clear indications of a warmer climate. This evidence is of great weight, and is not neutralized by any facts of a conflicting character; such, for instance, as the association, in the same group, of individuals referable to species now confined to arctic regions. Whenever any of the fossil shells are identified with living species foreign to the Mediterranean, it is not in the Northern Ocean, but nearer the tropics, that they must be sought: on the other hand, the associated unknown species belong, for the most part, to genera which are now most largely developed in equinoctial regions, as, for example, the genera Cancellaria, Cassidaria, Pleurotoma, Conus, and CyprÆa. On comparing the fossils of the tertiary deposits of Paris and London with those of Bourdeaux, and these again with the more modern strata of Sicily, we should at first expect that they would each indicate a higher temperature in proportion as they are situated farther to the south. But the contrary is true; of the shells belonging to these several groups, whether freshwater or marine, some are of extinct, others of living species. Those found in the older, or Eocene, deposits of Paris and London, although six or seven degrees to the north of the Miocene strata at Bourdeaux, afford evidence of a warmer climate; while those of Bourdeaux imply that the sea in which they lived was of a higher temperature than that of Sicily, where the shelly strata were formed six or seven degrees nearer to the equator. In these cases the greater antiquity of the several formations (the Parisian being the oldest and the Sicilian the newest) has more than counterbalanced the influence which latitude would otherwise exert, and this phenomenon clearly points to a gradual and successive refrigeration of climate. Siberian Mammoths.—It will naturally be asked, whether some recent geological discoveries bringing evidence to light of a colder, or as it has been termed "glacial epoch," towards the close of the tertiary periods throughout the northern hemisphere, does not conflict with the theory above alluded to, of a warmer temperature having prevailed in the eras of the Eocene, Miocene, and Pliocene formations. In answer to this inquiry, it may certainly be affirmed, that an oscillation of climate has occurred in times immediately antecedent to the peopling of the earth by man; but proof of the intercalation of a less genial climate at an era when nearly all the marine and terrestrial testacea had already become specifically the same as those now living, by no means rebuts the conclusion previously drawn, in favor of a warmer condition of the globe, during the ages which elapsed while the tertiary strata were deposited. In some of the most superficial patches of sand, gravel, and loam, scattered very generally over Europe, and containing recent shells, the remains of extinct species of land quadrupeds have been found, especially in places where the alluvial matter appears to have been washed into small lakes, or into depressions in the plains bordering ancient rivers. Similar deposits have also been lodged in rents and caverns of rocks, where they may have been swept in by land floods, or introduced by engulphed rivers during changes in the physical geography of these countries. The various circumstances under which the bones of animals have been thus preserved, will be more fully considered hereafter;127 I shall only state here, that among the extinct mammalia thus entombed, we find species of the elephant, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, bear, hyÆna, lion, tiger, monkey (macacus128), and many others; consisting partly of genera now confined to warmer regions. It is certainly probable that when some of these quadrupeds abounded in Europe, the climate was milder than that now experienced. The hippopotamus, for example, is now only met with where the temperature of the water is warm and nearly uniform throughout the year, and where the rivers are never frozen over. Yet when the great fossil species (Hippopotamus major, Cuv.) inhabited England, the testacea of our country were nearly the same as those now existing, and the climate cannot be supposed to have been very hot. The bones of this animal have lately been found by Mr. Strickland, together with those of a bear and other mammalia, at Cropthorn, near Evesham, in Worcestershire, in alluvial sand, together with twenty-three species of terrestrial and freshwater shells, all, with two exceptions, of British species. The bed of sand, containing the shells and bones, reposes on lias, and is covered with alternating strata of gravel, sand, and loam.129 The mammoth also appears to have existed in England when the temperature of our latitudes could not have been very different from that which now prevails; for remains of this animal have been found at North Cliff, in the county of York, in a lacustrine formation, in which all the land and freshwater shells, thirteen in number, can be identified with species and varieties now existing in that county. Bones of the bison, also, an animal now inhabiting a cold or temperate climate, have been found in the same place. That these quadrupeds, and the indigenous species of testacea associated with them, were all contemporary inhabitants of Yorkshire, has been established by unequivocal proof. The Rev. W. V. Vernon Harcourt caused a pit to be sunk to the depth of twenty-two feet through undisturbed strata, in which the remains of the mammoth were found imbedded, together with the shells, in a deposit which had evidently resulted from tranquil waters.130 In the valley of the Thames, as at Ilford and Grays, in Essex, bones of the elephant and rhinoceros occur in strata abounding in freshwater shells of the genera Unio, Cyclas, Paludina, Valvata, Ancylus, and others. These fossil shells belong for the most part to species now living in the same district, yet some few of them are extinct, as, for example, a species of Cyrena, a genus no longer inhabiting Europe, and now entirely restricted to warmer latitudes. When reasoning on such phenomena, the reader must always bear in mind that the fossil individuals belonged to species of elephant, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, bear, tiger, and hyÆna, distinct from those which now dwell within or near the tropics. Dr. Fleming, in a discussion on this subject, has well remarked that a near resemblance in form and osteological structure is not always followed, in the existing creation, by a similarity of geographical distribution; and we must therefore be on our guard against deciding too confidently, from mere analogy of anatomical structure, respecting the habits and physiological peculiarities of species now no more. "The zebra delights to roam over the tropical plains, while the horse can maintain its existence throughout an Iceland winter. The buffalo, like the zebra, prefers a high temperature, and cannot thrive even where the common ox prospers. The musk-ox, on the other hand, though nearly resembling the buffalo, prefers the stinted herbage of the arctic regions, and is able, by its periodical migrations, to outlive a northern winter. The jackal (Canis aureus) inhabits Africa, the warmer parts of Asia, and Greece; while the isatis (Canis lagopus) resides in the arctic regions. The African hare and the polar hare have their geographical distribution expressed in their trivial names;"131 and different species of bears thrive in tropical, temperate, and arctic latitudes. Recent investigations have placed beyond all doubt the important fact that a species of tiger, identical with that of Bengal, is common in the neighborhood of Lake Aral, near Sussac, in the forty-fifth degree of north latitude; and from time to time this animal is now seen in Siberia, in a latitude as far north as the parallel of Berlin and Hamburgh.132 Humboldt remarks that the part of Southern Asia now inhabited by this Indian species of tiger is separated from the Himalaya by two great chains of mountains, each covered with perpetual snow,—the chain of Kuenlun, lat. 35° N., and that of Mouztagh, lat. 42°,—so that it is impossible that these animals should merely have made excursions from India, so as to have penetrated in summer to the forty-eighth and fifty-third degrees of north latitude. They must remain all the winter north of the Mouztagh, or Celestial Mountains. The last tiger killed, in 1828, on the Lena, in lat. 52-1/4°, was in a climate colder than that of Petersburg and Stockholm.133 We learn from Mr. Hodgson's account of the mammalia of Nepal, that the tiger is sometimes found at the very edge of perpetual snow in the Himalaya;134 and Pennant mentions that it is found among the snows of Mount Ararat in Armenia. The jaguar, also, has been seen in America, wandering from Mexico, as far north as Kentucky, lat. 37° N.,135 and even as far as 42° S. in South America,—a latitude which corresponds to that of the Pyrenees in the northern hemisphere.136 The range of the puma is still wider, for it roams from the equator to the Straits of Magellan, being often seen at Port Famine, in lat. 53° 38' S. A new species of panther (Felis irbis), covered with long hair, has been discovered in Siberia, evidently inhabiting, like the tiger, a region north of the Celestial Mountains, which are in lat. 42°.137 The two-horned African rhinoceros occurs without the tropics at the Cape of Good Hope, in lat. 34° 29' S., where it is accompanied by the elephant, hippopotamus, and hyÆna. Here the migration of all these species towards the south is arrested by the ocean; but if the continent had been prolonged still farther, and the land had been of moderate elevation, it is very probable that they might have extended their range to a greater distance from the tropics. Now, if the Indian tiger can range in our own times to the southern borders of Siberia, or skirt the snows of the Himalaya, and if the puma can reach the fifty-third degree of latitude in South America, we may easily understand how large species of the same genera may once have inhabited our temperate climates. The mammoth (E. primigenius), already alluded to, as occurring fossil in England, was decidedly different from the two existing species of elephants, one of which is limited to Asia, south of the 31° of N. lat., the other to Africa, where it extends, as before stated, as far south as the Cape of Good Hope. The bones of the great fossil species are very widely spread over Europe and North America; but are nowhere in such profusion as in Siberia, particularly near the shores of the Frozen Ocean. Are we, then, to conclude that this animal preferred a polar climate? If so, it may well be asked, by what food was it sustained, and why does it not still survive near the arctic circle?138 Pallas and other writers describe the bones of the mammoth as abounding throughout all the Lowlands of Siberia, stretching in a direction west and east, from the borders of Europe to the extreme point nearest America, and south and north, from the base of the mountains of Central Asia to the shores of the Arctic Sea. (See map, fig. 1.) Within this space, scarcely inferior in area to the whole of Europe, fossil ivory has been collected almost everywhere, on the banks of the Irtish, Obi, Yenesei, Lena, and other rivers. The elephantine remains do not occur in the marshes and low plains, but where the banks of the rivers present lofty precipices of sand and clay, from which circumstance Pallas very justly inferred that, if sections could be obtained, similar bones might be found in all the elevated lands intervening between the great rivers. Strahlenberg, indeed, had stated, before the time of Pallas, that wherever any of the great rivers overflowed and cut out fresh channels during floods, more fossil remains of the same kind were invariably disclosed. Fig. 1. Map showing the course of the Siberian rivers from south to north, from temperate to arctic regions, in the country where the fossil bones of the Mammoth abound. As to the position of the bones, Pallas found them in some places imbedded together with marine remains; in others, simply with fossil wood, or lignite, such as, he says, might have been derived from carbonized peat. On the banks of the Yenesei, below the city of Krasnojarsk, in lat. 56°, he observed grinders, and bones of elephants, in strata of yellow and red loam, alternating with coarse sand and gravel, in which was also much petrified wood of the willow and other trees. Neither here nor in the neighboring country were there any marine shells, but merely layers of black coal.139 But grinders of the mammoth were collected much farther down the same river, near the sea, in lat. 70°, mixed with marine petrifactions.140 Many other places in Siberia are cited by Pallas, where sea shells and fishes' teeth accompany the bones of the mammoth, rhinoceros, and Siberian buffalo, or bison (Bos priscus). But it is not on the Obi nor the Yenesei, but on the Lena, farther to the east, where, in the same parallels of latitude, the cold is far more intense, that fossil remains have been found in the most wonderful state of preservation. In 1772, Pallas obtained from Wiljuiskoi, in lat. 64°, from the banks of the Wiljui, a tributary of the Lena, the carcass of a rhinoceros (R. tichorhinus), taken from the sand in which it must have remained congealed for ages, the soil of that region being always frozen to within a slight depth of the surface. This carcass was compared to a natural mummy, and emitted an odor like putrid flesh, part of the skin being still covered with black and gray hairs. So great, indeed, was the quantity of hair on the foot and head conveyed to St. Petersburg, that Pallas asked whether the rhinoceros of the Lena might not have been an inhabitant of the temperate regions of middle Asia, its clothing being so much warmer than that of the African rhinoceros.141 Professor Brandt, of St. Petersburg, in a letter to Baron Alex. Von Humboldt, dated 1846, adds the following particulars respecting this wonderful fossil relic:—"I have been so fortunate as to extract from cavities in the molar teeth of the Wiljui rhinoceros a small quantity of its half-chewed food, among which fragments of pine leaves, one-half of the seed of a polygonaceous plant, and very minute portions of wood with porous cells (or small fragments of coniferous wood), were still recognizable. It was also remarkable, on a close investigation of the head, that the blood-vessels discovered in the interior of the mass appeared filled, even to the capillary vessels, with a brown mass (coagulated blood), which in many places still showed the red color of blood."142 After more than thirty years, the entire carcass of a mammoth (or extinct species of elephant) was obtained in 1803, by Mr. Adams, much farther to the north. It fell from a mass of ice, in which it had been encased, on the banks of the Lena, in lat. 70°; and so perfectly had the soft parts of the carcass been preserved, that the flesh, as it lay, was devoured by wolves and bears. This skeleton is still in the museum of St. Petersburg, the head retaining its integument and many of the ligaments entire. The skin of the animal was covered, first, with black bristles, thicker than horse hair, from twelve to sixteen inches in length; secondly, with hair of a reddish brown color, about four inches long; and thirdly, with wool of the same color as the hair, about an inch in length. Of the fur, upwards of thirty pounds' weight were gathered from the wet sand-bank. The individual was nine feet high and sixteen feet long, without reckoning the large curved tusks: a size rarely surpassed by the largest living male elephants.143 It is evident, then, that the mammoth, instead of being naked, like the living Indian and African elephants, was enveloped in a thick shaggy covering of fur, probably as impenetrable to rain and cold as that of the musk ox.144 The species may have been fitted by nature to withstand the vicissitudes of a northern climate; and it is certain that, from the moment when the carcasses, both of the rhinoceros and elephant, above described, were buried in Siberia, in latitudes 64° and 70° N., the soil must have remained frozen, and the atmosphere nearly as cold as at this day. The most recent discoveries made in 1843 by Mr. Middendorf, a distinguished Russian naturalist, and which he communicated to me in September, 1846, afford more precise information as to the climate of the Siberian lowlands, at the period when the extinct quadrupeds were entombed. One elephant was found on the Tas, between the Obi and Yenesei, near the arctic circle, about lat. 66° 30' N., with some parts of the flesh in so perfect a state that the bulb of the eye is now preserved in the museum at Moscow. Another carcass, together with a young individual of the same species, was met with in the same year, 1843, in lat. 75° 15' N., near the river Taimyr, with the flesh decayed. It was imbedded in strata of clay and sand, with erratic blocks, at about 15 feet above the level of the sea. In the same deposit Mr. Middendorf observed the trunk of a larch tree (Pinus larix), the same wood as that now carried down in abundance by the Taimyr to the Arctic Sea. There were also associated fossil shells of living northern species, and which are moreover characteristic of the drift or glacial deposits of Europe. Among these Nucula pygmÆa, Tellina calcarea, Mya truncata, and Saxicava rugosa were conspicuous. So fresh is the ivory throughout northern Russia, that, according to Tilesius, thousands of fossil tusks have been collected and used in turning; yet others are still procured and sold in great plenty. He declares his belief that the bones still left in northern Russia must greatly exceed in number all the elephants now living on the globe. We are as yet ignorant of the entire geographical range of the mammoth; but its remains have been recently collected from the cliffs of frozen mud and ice on the east side of Behring's Straits, in Eschscholtz's Bay, in Russian America, lat. 66° N. As the cliffs waste away by the thawing of the ice, tusks and bones fall out, and a strong odor of animal matter is exhaled from the mud.145 On considering all the facts above enumerated, it seems reasonable to imagine that a large region in central Asia, including, perhaps, the southern half of Siberia, enjoyed, at no very remote period in the earth's history, a temperate climate, sufficiently mild to afford food for numerous herds of elephants and rhinoceroses, of species distinct from those now living. It has usually been taken for granted that herbivorous animals of large size require a very luxuriant vegetation for their support; but this opinion is, according to Mr. Darwin, completely erroneous:—"It has been derived," he says, "from our acquaintance with India and the Indian islands, where the mind has been accustomed to associate troops of elephants with noble forests and impenetrable jungles. But the southern parts of Africa, from the tropic of Capricorn to the Cape of Good Hope, although sterile and desert, are remarkable for the number and great bulk of the indigenous quadrupeds. We there meet with an elephant, five species of rhinoceros, a hippopotamus, a giraffe, the bos caffer, the elan, two zebras, the quagga, two gnus, and several antelopes. Nor must we suppose, that while the species are numerous, the individuals of each kind are few. Dr. Andrew Smith saw, in one day's march, in lat. 24° S., without wandering to any great distance on either side, about 150 rhinoceroses, with several herds of giraffes, and his party had killed, on the previous night, eight hippopotamuses. Yet the country which they inhabited was thinly covered with grass and bushes about four feet high, and still more thinly with mimosa-trees, so that the wagons of the travellers were not prevented from proceeding in a nearly direct line."146 In order to explain how so many animals can find support in this region, it is suggested that the underwood, of which their food chiefly consists, may contain much nutriment in a small bulk, and also that the vegetation has a rapid growth; for no sooner is a part consumed than its place, says Dr. Smith, is supplied by a fresh stock. Nevertheless, after making every allowance for this successive production and consumption, it is clear, from the facts above cited, that the quantity of food required by the larger herbivora is much less than we have usually imagined. Mr. Darwin conceives that the amount of vegetation supported at any one time by Great Britain may exceed, in a ten-fold ratio, the quantity existing on an equal area in the interior parts of Southern Africa.147 It is remarked, moreover, in illustration of the small connection discoverable between abundance of food and the magnitude of indigenous mammalia, that while in the desert part of Southern Africa there are so many huge animals; in Brazil, where the splendor and exuberance of the vegetation are unrivalled, there is not a single wild quadruped of large size.148 It would doubtless be impossible for herds of mammoths and rhinoceroses to subsist, at present, throughout the year, even in the southern part of Siberia, covered as it is with snow during winter; but there is no difficulty in supposing a vegetation capable of nourishing these great quadrupeds to have once flourished between the latitudes 40° and 60° N. Dr. Fleming has hinted, that "the kind of food which the existing species of elephant prefers, will not enable us to determine, or even to offer a probable conjecture, concerning that of the extinct species. No one acquainted with the gramineous character of the food of our fallow-deer, stag, or roe, would have assigned a lichen to the reindeer." Travellers mention that, even now, when the climate of eastern Asia is so much colder than the same parallels of latitude farther west, there are woods not only of fir, but of birch, poplar, and alder, on the banks of the Lena, as far north as latitude 60°. It has, moreover, been suggested, that as, in our own times, the northern animals migrate, so the Siberian elephant and rhinoceros may have wandered towards the north in summer. The musk oxen annually desert their winter quarters in the south, and cross the sea upon the ice, to graze for four months, from May to September, on the rich pasturage of Melville Island, in lat. 75°. The mammoths, without passing so far beyond the arctic circle, may nevertheless have made excursions, during the heat of a brief northern summer, from the central or temperate parts of Asia to the sixtieth parallel of latitude. Now, in this case, the preservation of their bones, or even occasionally of their entire carcasses, in ice or frozen soil, may be accounted for, without resorting to speculations concerning sudden revolutions in the former state and climate of the earth's surface. We are entitled to assume, that, in the time of the extinct elephant and rhinoceros, the Lowland of Siberia was less extensive towards the north than now; for we have seen (p. 80) that the strata of this Lowland, in which the fossil bones lie buried, were originally deposited beneath the sea; and we know, from the facts brought to light in Wrangle's Voyage, in the years 1821, 1822, and 1823, that a slow upheaval of the land along the borders of the Icy Sea is now constantly taking place, similar to that experienced in part of Sweden. In the same manner, then, as the shores of the Gulf of Bothnia are extended, not only by the influx of sediment brought down by rivers, but also by the elevation and consequent drying up of the bed of the sea, so a like combination of causes may, in modern times, have been extending the low tract of land where marine shells and fossil bones occur in Siberia.149 Such a change in the physical geography of that region, implying a constant augmentation in the quantity of arctic land, would, according to principles to be explained in the next chapter, tend to increase the severity of the winters. We may conclude, therefore, that, before the land reached so far to the north, the temperature of the Siberian winter and summer was more nearly equalized; and a greater degree of winter's cold may, even more than a general diminution of the mean annual temperature, have finally contributed to the extermination of the mammoth and its contemporaries. On referring to the map (p. 79), the reader will see how all the great rivers of Siberia flow at present from south to north, from temperate to arctic regions, and they are all liable, like the Mackenzie, in North America, to remarkable floods, in consequence of flowing in this direction. For they are filled with running water in their upper or southern course when completely frozen over for several hundred miles near their mouths, where they remain blocked up by ice for six months in every year. The descending waters, therefore, finding no open channel, rush over the ice, often changing their direction, and sweeping along forests and prodigious quantities of soil and gravel mixed with ice. Now the rivers of Siberia are among the largest in the world, the Yenesei having a course of 2500, the Lena of 2000 miles; so that we may easily conceive that the bodies of animals which fall into their waters may be transported to vast distances towards the Arctic Sea, and, before arriving there, may be stranded upon and often frozen into thick ice. Afterwards, when the ice breaks up, they may be floated still farther towards the ocean, until at length they become buried in fluviatile and submarine deposits near the mouths of rivers. Humboldt remarks that near the mouths of the Lena a considerable thickness of frozen soil may be found at all seasons at the depth of a few feet; so that if a carcass be once imbedded in mud and ice in such a region and in such a climate, its putrefaction may be arrested for indefinite ages.150 According to Prof. Von Baer of St. Petersburg, the ground is now frozen permanently to the depth of 400 feet, at the town of Yakutzt, on the western bank of the Lena, in lat. 62° N., 600 miles distant from the polar sea. Mr. Hedenstrom tells us that, throughout a wide area in Siberia, the boundary cliffs of the lakes and rivers consist of alternate layers of earthy materials and ice, in horizontal stratification;151 and Mr. Middendorf informed us, in 1846, that, in his tour there three years before, he had bored in Siberia to the depth of seventy feet, and, after passing through much frozen soil mixed with ice, had come down upon a solid mass of pure transparent ice, the thickness of which, after penetrating two or three yards, they did not ascertain. We may conceive, therefore, that even at the period of the mammoth, when the Lowland of Siberia was less extensive towards the north, and consequently the climate more temperate than now, the cold may still have been sufficiently intense to cause the rivers flowing in their present direction to sweep down from south to north the bodies of drowned animals, and there bury them in drift ice and frozen mud. If it be true that the carcass of the mammoth was imbedded in pure ice, there are two ways in which it may have been frozen in. We may suppose the animal to have been overwhelmed by drift snow. I have been informed by Dr. Richardson, that, in the northern parts of America, comprising regions now inhabited by many herbivorous quadrupeds, the drift snow is often converted into permanent glaciers. It is commonly blown over the edges of steep cliffs, so as to form an inclined talus hundreds of feet high; and when a thaw commences, torrents rush from the land, and throw down from the top of the cliff alluvial soil and gravel. This new soil soon becomes covered with vegetation, and protects the foundation of snow from the rays of the sun. Water occasionally penetrates into the crevices and pores of the snow; but, as it soon freezes again, it serves the more rapidly to consolidate the mass into a compact iceberg. It may sometimes happen that cattle grazing in a valley at the base of such cliffs, on the borders of a sea or river, may be overwhelmed, and at length inclosed in solid ice, and then transported towards the polar regions. Or a herd of mammoths returning from their summer pastures in the north, may have been surprised, while crossing a stream, by the sudden congelation of the waters. The missionary Huc relates, in his travels in Thibet in 1846, that, after many of his party had been frozen to death, they pitched their tents on the banks of the Mouroui-Ousson (which lower down becomes the famous Blue River), and saw from their encampment "some black shapeless objects ranged in file across the stream. As they advanced nearer no change either in form or distinctness was apparent; nor was it till they were quite close, that they recognized in them a troop of the wild oxen, called Yak by the Thibetans.152 There were more than fifty of them incrusted in the ice. No doubt they had tried to swim across at the moment of congelation, and had been unable to disengage themselves. Their beautiful heads, surmounted by huge horns, were still above the surface, but their bodies were held fast in the ice, which was so transparent that the position of the imprudent beasts was easily distinguishable; they looked as if still swimming, but the eagles and ravens had pecked out their eyes."153 The foregoing investigations, therefore, lead us to infer that the mammoth, and some other extinct quadrupeds fitted to live in high latitudes, were inhabitants of Northern Asia at a time when the geographical conditions and climate of that continent were different from the present. But the age of this fauna was comparatively modern in the earth's history. It appears that when the oldest or eocene tertiary deposits were formed, a warm temperature pervaded the European seas and lands. Shells of the genus Nautilus and other forms characteristic of tropical latitudes; fossil reptiles, such as the crocodile, turtle, and tortoise; plants, such as palms, some of them allied to the cocoa-nut, the screw-pine, the custard-apple, and the acacia, all lead to this conclusion. This flora and fauna were followed by those of the miocene formation, in which indications of a southern, but less tropical climate are detected. Finally, the pliocene deposits, which come next in succession, exhibit in their organic remains a much nearer approach to the state of things now prevailing in corresponding latitudes. It was towards the close of this period that the seas of the northern hemisphere became more and more filled with floating icebergs often charged with erratic blocks, so that the waters and the atmosphere were chilled by the melting ice, and an arctic fauna enabled, for a time, to invade the temperate latitudes both of N. America and Europe. The extinction of a considerable number of land quadrupeds and aquatic mollusca was gradually brought about by the increasing severity of the cold; but many species survived this revolution in climate, either by their capacity of living under a variety of conditions, or by migrating for a time to more southern lands and seas. At length, by modifications in the physical geography of the northern regions, and the cessation of floating ice on the eastern side of the Atlantic, the cold was moderated, and a milder climate ensued, such as we now enjoy in Europe.154 Proofs from fossils in secondary and still older strata.—A great interval of time appears to have elapsed between the formation of the secondary strata, which constitute the principal portion of the elevated land in Europe, and the origin of the eocene deposits. If we examine the rocks from the chalk to the new red sandstone inclusive, we find many distinct assemblages of fossils entombed in them, all of unknown species, and many of them referable to genera and families now most abundant between the tropics. Among the most remarkable are reptiles of gigantic size; some of them herbivorous, others carnivorous, and far exceeding in size any now known even in the torrid zone. The genera are for the most part extinct, but some of them, as the crocodile and monitor, have still representatives in the warmer parts of the earth. Coral reefs also were evidently numerous in the seas of the same periods, composed of species often belonging to genera now characteristic of a tropical climate. The number of large chambered shells also, including the nautilus, leads us to infer an elevated temperature; and the associated fossil plants, although imperfectly known, tend to the same conclusion, the CycadeÆ constituting the most numerous family. But it is from the more ancient coal-deposits that the most extraordinary evidence has been supplied in proof of the former existence of a very different climate—a climate which seems to have been moist, warm, and extremely uniform, in those very latitudes which are now the colder, and in regard to temperature, the most variable regions of the globe. We learn from the researches of Adolphe Brongniart, Goeppert, and other botanists, that in the flora of the carboniferous era there was a great predominance of ferns, some of which were arborescent; as, for example, Caulopteris, Protopteris, and Psarronius; nor can this be accounted for, as some have supposed, by the greater power which ferns possess of resisting maceration in water.155 This prevalence of ferns indicates a moist, equable, and temperate climate, and the absence of any severe cold; for such are the conditions which, at the present day, are found to be most favorable to that tribe of plants. It is only in the islands of the tropical oceans, and of the southern temperate zone, such as Norfolk Island, Otaheite, the Sandwich Islands, Tristan d'Acunha, and New Zealand, that we find any near approach to that remarkable preponderance of ferns which is characteristic of the Carboniferous flora. It has been observed that tree ferns and other forms of vegetation which flourished most luxuriantly within the tropics, extend to a much greater distance from the equator in the southern hemisphere than in the northern, being found even as far as 46° S. latitude in New Zealand. There is little doubt that this is owing to the more uniform and moist climate occasioned by the greater proportional area of sea. Next to ferns and pines, the most abundant vegetable forms in the coal formation are the Calamites, Lepidodendra, SigillariÆ, and StigmariÆ. These were formerly considered to be so closely allied to tropical genera, and to be so much greater in size than the corresponding tribes now inhabiting equatorial latitudes, that they were thought to imply an extremely hot, as well as humid and equable climate. But recent discoveries respecting the structure and relations of these fossil plants, have shown that they deviated so widely from all existing types in the vegetable world, that we have more reason to infer from this evidence a widely different climate in the Carboniferous era, as compared to that now prevailing, than a temperature extremely elevated.156 Palms, if not entirely wanting when the strata of the carboniferous group were deposited, appear to have been exceedingly rare.157 The ConiferÆ, on the other hand, so abundantly met with in the coal, resemble AraucariÆ in structure, a family of the fir tribe, characteristic at present of the milder regions of the southern hemisphere, such as Chili, Brazil, New Holland, and Norfolk Island. "In regard to the geographical extent of the ancient vegetation, it was not confined," says M. Brongniart, "to a small space, as to Europe, for example; for the same forms are met with again at great distances. Thus, the coal-plants of North America are, for the most part, identical with those of Europe, and all belong to the same genera. Some specimens, also, from Greenland, are referable to ferns, analogous to those of our European coal-mines."158 The fossil plants brought from Melville Island, although in a very imperfect state, have been supposed to warrant similar conclusions;159 and assuming that they agree with those of Baffin's Bay, mentioned by M. Brongniart, how shall we explain the manner in which such a vegetation lived through an arctic night of several months' duration?160 It may seem premature to discuss this question until the true nature of the fossil flora of the arctic regions has been more accurately determined; yet, as the question has attracted some attention, let us assume for a moment that the coal-plants of Melville Island are strictly analogous to those of the strata of Northumberland—would such a fact present an inexplicable enigma to the vegetable physiologist?Plants, it is affirmed, cannot remain in darkness, even for a week, without serious injury, unless in a torpid state; and if exposed to heat and moisture they cannot remain torpid, but will grow, and must therefore perish. If, then, in the latitude of Melville Island, 75° N., a high temperature, and consequent humidity, prevailed at that period when we know the arctic seas were filled with corals and large multilocular shells, how could plants of tropical forms have flourished? Is not the bright light of equatorial regions as indispensable a condition of their well-being as the sultry heat of the same countries? and how could they annually endure a night prolonged for three months?161 Now, in reply to this objection, we must bear in mind, in the first place, that, so far as experiments have been made, there is every reason to conclude, that the range of intensity of light to which living plants can accommodate themselves is far wider than that of heat. No palms or tree ferns can live in our temperate latitudes without protection from the cold; but when placed in hot-houses they grow luxuriantly, even under a cloudy sky, and where much light is intercepted by the glass and frame-work. At St. Petersburg, in lat. 60° N., these plants have been successfully cultivated in hot-houses, although there they must exchange the perpetual equinox of their native regions, for days and nights which are alternately protracted to nineteen hours and shortened to five. How much farther towards the pole they might continue to live, provided a due quantity of heat and moisture were supplied, has not yet been determined; but St. Petersburg is probably not the utmost limit, and we should expect that in lat. 65° at least, where they would never remain twenty-four hours without enjoying the sun's light, they might still exist. It should also be borne in mind, in regard to tree ferns, that they grow in the gloomiest and darkest parts of the forests of warm and temperate regions, even extending to nearly the 46th degree of south latitude in New Zealand. In equatorial countries, says Humboldt, they abound chiefly in the temperate, humid, and shady parts of mountains. As we know, therefore, that elevation often compensates for the effect of latitude in the geographical distribution of plants, we may easily understand that a class of vegetables, which grows at a certain height in the torrid zone, would flourish on the plains at greater distances from the equator, if the temperature, moisture, and other necessary conditions, were equally uniform throughout the year. Nor must we forget that in all the examples above alluded to, we have been speaking of living species; but the coal-plants were of perfectly distinct species, nay, few of them except the ferns and pines can be referred to genera or even families of the existing vegetable kingdom. Having a structure, therefore, and often a form which appears to the botanist so anomalous, they may also have been endowed with a different constitution, enabling them to bear a greater variation of circumstances in regard to light. We find that particular species of plants and tree ferns require at present different degrees of heat; and that some species can thrive only in the immediate neighborhood of the equator, others only a distance from it. In the same manner the minimum of light, sufficient for the now existing species, cannot be taken as the standard for all analogous tribes that may ever have flourished on the globe. But granting that the extreme northern point to which a flora like that of the Carboniferous era could ever reach, may be somewhere between the latitudes of 65° and 70°, we should still have to inquire whether the vegetable remains might not have been drifted from thence, by rivers and currents, to the parallel of Melville Island, or still farther. In the northern hemisphere, at present, we see that the materials for future beds of lignite and coal are becoming amassed in high latitudes, far from the districts where the forests grew, and on shores where scarcely a stunted shrub can now exist. The Mackenzie, and other rivers of North America, carry pines with their roots attached for many hundred miles towards the north, into the Arctic Sea, where they are imbedded in deltas, and some of them drifted still farther by currents towards the pole. Before we can decide on this question of transportation, we must know whether the fossil coal-plants occurring in high latitudes bear the marks of friction and of having decayed previously to fossilization. Many appearances in our English coal-fields certainly prove that the plants were not floated from great distances; for the outline of the stems of succulent species preserve their sharp angles, and others have their surfaces marked with the most delicate lines and streaks. Long leaves, also, are attached in many instances to the trunks or branches;162 and leaves, we know, in general, are soon destroyed when steeped in water, although ferns will retain their forms after an immersion of many months.163 It seems fair to presume, that most of the coal-plants grew upon the same land which supplied materials for the sandstones and conglomerates of the strata in which they are imbedded. The coarseness of the particles of many of these rocks attests that they were not borne from very remote localities, and that there was land therefore in the vicinity wasting away by the action of moving waters. The progress also of modern discovery has led to the very general admission of the doctrine that beds of coal have for the most part been formed of the remains of trees and plants that grew on the spot where the coal now exists; the land having been successively submerged, so that a covering of mud and sand was deposited upon accumulations of vegetable mater. That such has been the origin of some coal-seams is proved by the upright position of fossil trees, both in Europe and America, in which the roots terminate downwards in beds of coal.164 To return, therefore, from this digression,—the flora of the coal appears to indicate a uniform and mild temperature in the air, while the fossils of the contemporaneous mountain-limestone, comprising abundance of lamelliferous corals, large chambered cephalopods, and crinoidea, naturally lead us to infer a considerable warmth in the waters of the northern sea of the Carboniferous period. So also in regard to strata older than the coal, they contain in high northern latitudes mountain masses of corals which must have lived and grown on the spot, and large chambered univalves, such as Orthocerata and Nautilus, all seeming to indicate, even in regions bordering on the arctic circle, the former prevalence of a temperature more elevated than that now prevailing. The warmth and humidity of the air, and the uniformity of climate, both in the different seasons of the year, and in different latitudes, appears to have been most remarkable when some of the oldest of the fossiliferous strata were formed. The approximation to a climate similar to that now enjoyed in these latitudes does not commence till the era of the formations termed tertiary; and while the different tertiary rocks were deposited in succession, from the eocene to the pliocene, the temperature seems to have been lowered, and to have continued to diminish even after the appearance upon the earth of a considerable number of the existing species, the cold reaching its maximum of intensity in European latitudes during the glacial epoch, or the epoch immediately antecedent to that in which all the species now contemporary with man were in being.
CHAPTER VII. FARTHER EXAMINATION OF THE QUESTION AS TO THE ASSUMED DISCORDANCE OF THE ANCIENT AND MODERN CAUSES OF CHANGE. On the causes of vicissitudes in climate—Remarks on the present diffusion of heat over the globe—On the dependence of the mean temperature on the relative position of land and sea—Isothermal Lines—Currents from equatorial regions—Drifting of icebergs—Different temperature of Northern and Southern hemispheres—Combination of causes which might produce the extreme cold of which the earth's surface is susceptible—Conditions necessary for the production of the extreme of heat, and its probable effects on organic life. Causes of Vicissitudes in Climate.165—As the proofs enumerated in the last chapter indicate that the earth's surface has experienced great changes of climate since the deposition of the older sedimentary strata, we have next to inquire how such vicissitudes can be reconciled with the existing order of nature. The cosmogonist has availed himself of this, as of every obscure problem in geology, to confirm his views concerning a period when the planet was in a nascent or half-formed state, or when the laws of the animate and inanimate world differed essentially from those now established; and he has in this, as in many other cases, succeeded so far, as to divert attention from that class of facts which, if fully understood, might probably lead to an explanation of the phenomena. At first it was imagined that the earth's axis had been for ages perpendicular to the plane of the ecliptic, so that there was a perpetual equinox, and uniformity of seasons throughout the year;—that the planet enjoyed this "paradisiacal" state until the era of the great flood; but in that catastrophe, whether by the shock of a comet, or some other convulsion, it lost its equal poise, and hence the obliquity of its axis, and with that the varied seasons of the temperate zone, and the long nights and days of the polar circles. When the progress of astronomical science had exploded this theory, it was assumed, that the earth at its creation was in a state of fluidity, and red-hot, and that ever since that era, it had been cooling down, contracting its dimensions, and acquiring a solid crust,—an hypothesis hardly less arbitrary, yet more calculated for lasting popularity; because, by referring the mind directly to the beginning of things, it requires no support from observation, nor from any ulterior hypothesis. But if, instead of forming vague conjectures as to what might have been the state of the planet at the era of its creation, we fix our thoughts on the connection at present existing between climate and the distribution of land and sea; and then consider what influence former fluctuations in the physical geography of the earth must have had on superficial temperature, we may perhaps approximate to a true theory. If doubts and obscurities still remain, they should be ascribed to our limited acquaintance with the laws of Nature, not to revolutions in her economy;—they should stimulate us to farther research, not tempt us to indulge our fancies respecting the imaginary changes of internal temperature in an embryo world. Diffusion of Heat over the Globe.—In considering the laws which regulate the diffusion of heat over the globe, we must be careful, as Humboldt well remarks, not to regard the climate of Europe as a type of the temperature which all countries placed under the same latitude enjoy. The physical sciences, observes this philosopher, always bear the impress of the places where they began to be cultivated; and as, in geology, an attempt was at first made to refer all the volcanic phenomena to those of the volcanoes in Italy, so in meteorology, a small part of the old world, the centre of the primitive civilization of Europe, was for a long time considered a type to which the climate of all corresponding latitudes might be referred. But this region, constituting only one-seventh of the whole globe, proved eventually to be the exception to the general rule. For the same reason, we may warn the geologist to be on his guard, and not hastily to assume that the temperature of the earth in the present era is a type of that which most usually obtains, since he contemplates far mightier alterations in the position of land and sea, at different epochs, than those which now cause the climate of Europe to differ from that of other countries in the same parallels. It is now well ascertained that zones of equal warmth, both in the atmosphere and in the waters of the ocean, are neither parallel to the equator nor to each other.166 It is also known that the mean annual temperature may be the same in two places which enjoy very different climates, for the seasons may be nearly uniform, or violently contrasted, so that the lines of equal winter temperature do not coincide with those of equal annual heat or isothermal lines. The deviations of all these lines from the same parallel of latitude are determined by a multitude of circumstances, among the principal of which are the position, direction, and elevation of the continents and islands, the position and depths of the sea, and the direction of currents and of winds. On comparing the two continents of Europe and America, it is found that places in the same latitudes have sometimes a mean difference of temperature amounting to 11°, or even in a few cases to 17° Fahr.; and some places on the two continents, which have the same mean temperature, differ from 7° to 17° in latitude. Thus, Cumberland House, in North America, having the same latitude (54° N.) as the city of York in England, stands on the isothermal line of 32°, which in Europe rises to the North Cape, in lat. 71°, but its summer heat exceeds that of Brussels or Paris.167 The principal cause of greater intensity of cold in corresponding latitudes of North America, as contrasted with Europe, is the connection of America with the polar circle, by a large tract of land, some of which is from three to five thousand feet in height; and, on the other hand, the separation of Europe from the arctic circle by an ocean. The ocean has a tendency to preserve everywhere a mean temperature, which it communicates to the contiguous land, so that it tempers the climate, moderating alike an excess of heat or cold. The elevated land, on the other hand, rising to the colder regions of the atmosphere, becomes a great reservoir of ice and snow, arrests, condenses, and congeals vapor, and communicates its cold to the adjoining country. For this reason, Greenland, forming part of a continent which stretches northward to the 82d degree of latitude, experiences under the 60th parallel a more rigorous climate than Lapland under the 72d parallel. But if land be situated between the 40th parallel and the equator, it produces, unless it be of extreme height, exactly the opposite effect; for it then warms the tracts of land or sea that intervene between it and the polar circle. For the surface being in this case exposed to the vertical, or nearly vertical rays of the sun, absorbs a large quantity of heat, which it diffuses by radiation into the atmosphere. For this reason, the western parts of the old continent derive warmth from Africa, "which, like an immense furnace, distributes its heat to Arabia, to Turkey in Asia, and to Europe."168 On the contrary, the northeastern extremity of Asia experiences in the same latitude extreme cold; for it has land on the north between the 60th and 70th parallel, while to the south it is separated from the equator by the Pacific Ocean. In consequence of the more equal temperature of the waters of the ocean, the climate of islands and of coasts differs essentially from that of the interior of continents, the more maritime climate being characterized by mild winters, and more temperate summers; for the sea-breezes moderate the cold of winter, as well as the heat of summer. When, therefore, we trace round the globe those belts in which the mean annual temperature is the same, we often find great differences in climate; for there are insular climates in which the seasons are nearly equalized, and excessive climates, as they have been termed, where the temperature of winter and summer is strongly contrasted. The whole of Europe, compared with the eastern parts of America and Asia, has an insular climate. The northern part of China, and the Atlantic region of the United States, exhibit "excessive climates." We find at New York, says Humboldt, the summer of Rome and the winter of Copenhagen; at Quebec, the summer of Paris and the winter of Petersburg. At Pekin, in China, where the mean temperature of the year is that of the coasts of Brittany, the scorching heats of summer are greater than at Cairo, and the winters as rigorous as at Upsala.169 If lines be drawn round the globe through all those places which have the same winter temperature, they are found to deviate from the terrestrial parallels much farther than the lines of equal mean annual heat. The lines of equal winter in Europe, for example, are often curved so as to reach parallels of latitude 9° or 10° distant from each other, whereas the isothermal lines, or those passing through places having the same mean annual temperature, differ only from 4° to 5° in Europe. Influence of currents and drift ice on temperature.—Among other influential causes, both of remarkable diversity in the mean annual heat, and of unequal division of heat in the different seasons, are the direction of currents and the accumulation and drifting of ice in high latitudes. The temperature of the Lagullas current is 10° or 12° Fahr. above that of the sea at the Cape of Good Hope; for it derives the greater part of its waters from the Mozambique channel, and southeast coast of Africa, and from regions in the Indian Ocean much nearer the line, and much hotter than the Cape.170 An opposite effect is produced by the "equatorial" current, which crosses the Atlantic from Africa to Brazil, having a breadth varying from 160 to 450 nautical miles. Its waters are cooler by 3° or 4° Fahr. than those of the ocean under the line, so that it moderates the heat of the tropics.171 But the effects of the Gulf stream on the climate of the North Atlantic Ocean are far more remarkable. This most powerful of known currents has its source in the Gulf or Sea of Mexico, which, like the Mediterranean and other close seas in temperate or low latitudes, is warmer than the open ocean in the same parallels. The temperature of the Mexican sea in summer is, according to Rennell, 86° Fahr., or at least 7° above that of the Atlantic in the same latitude.172 From this great reservoir or caldron of warm water, a constant current pours forth through the straits of Bahama at the rate of 3 or 4 miles an hour; it crosses the ocean in a northeasterly direction, skirting the great bank of Newfoundland, where it still retains a temperature of 8° above that of the surrounding sea. It reaches the Azores in about 78 days, after flowing nearly 3000 geographical miles, and from thence it sometimes extends its course a thousand miles farther, so as to reach the Bay of Biscay, still retaining an excess of 5° above the mean temperature of that sea. As it has been known to arrive there in the months of November and January, it may tend greatly to moderate the cold of winter in countries on the west of Europe. . There is a large tract in the centre of the North Atlantic, between the parallels of 33° and 45° N. lat., which Rennell calls the "recipient of the gulf water." A great part of it is covered by the weed called sargasso (Sargassum bacciferum), which the current floats in abundance from the Gulf of Mexico. This mass of water is nearly stagnant, is warmer by 7° or 10° than the waters of the Atlantic, and may be compared to the fresh water of a river overflowing the heavier salt water of the sea. Rennell estimates the area of the "recipient," together with that covered by the main current, as being 2000 miles in length from E. to W., and 350 in breadth from N. to S., which, he remarks, is a larger area than that of the Mediterranean. The heat of this great body of water is kept up by the incessant and quick arrivals of fresh supplies of warm water from the south; and there can be no doubt that the general climate of parts of Europe and America is materially affected by this cause. It is considered probable by Scoresby that the influence of the Gulf stream extends even to the sea near Spitzbergen, where its waters may pass under those of melted ice; for it has been found that in the neighborhood of Spitzbergen, the water is warmer by 6° or 7° at the depth of one hundred and two hundred fathoms than at the surface. This might arise from the known law that fresh water passes the point of greatest density when cooled down below 40°, and between that and the freezing point expands again. The water of melted ice might be lighter, both as being fresh (having lost its salt in the decomposing process of freezing), and because its temperature is nearer the freezing point than the inferior water of the Gulf stream. The great glaciers generated in the valleys of Spitzbergen, in the 79° of north latitude, are almost all cut off at the beach, being melted by the feeble remnant of heat still retained by the Gulf stream. In Baffin's Bay, on the contrary, on the west coast of Old Greenland, where the temperature of the sea is not mitigated by the same cause, and where there is no warmer under-current, the glaciers stretch out from the shore, and furnish repeated crops of mountainous masses of ice which float off into the ocean.173 The number and dimensions of these bergs is prodigious. Captain Sir John Ross saw several of them together in Baffin's Bay aground in water fifteen hundred feet deep! Many of them are driven down into Hudson's Bay, and accumulating there, diffuse excessive cold over the neighboring continent; so that Captain Franklin reports, that at the mouth of Hayes' River, which lies in the same latitude as the north of Prussia or the south of Scotland, ice is found everywhere in digging wells, in summer, at the depth of four feet! Other bergs have been occasionally met with, at midsummer, in a state of rapid thaw, as far south as lat. 40° and longitude about 60° west, where they cool the water sensibly to the distance of forty or fifty miles around, the thermometer sinking sometimes 17°, or even 18°, Fahrenheit, in their neighborhood.174 It is a well-known fact that every four or five years a large number of icebergs, floating from Greenland, double Cape Langaness, and are stranded on the west coast of Iceland. The inhabitants are then aware that their crops of hay will fail, in consequence of fogs which are generated almost incessantly; and the dearth of food is not confined to the land, for the temperature of the water is so changed that the fish entirely desert the coast. Difference of climate of the Northern and Southern hemispheres.—When we compare the climate of the northern and southern hemispheres, we obtain still more instruction in regard to the influence of the distribution of land and sea on climate. The dry land in the southern hemisphere is to that of the northern in the ratio only of one to three, excluding from our consideration that part which lies between the pole and the 78° of south latitude, which has hitherto proved inaccessible. And whereas in the northern hemisphere, between the pole and the thirtieth parallel of north latitude, the land and sea occupy nearly equal areas, the ocean in the southern hemisphere covers no less than fifteen parts in sixteen of the entire space included between the antarctic circle and the thirtieth parallel of south latitude. This great extent of sea gives a particular character to climates south of the equator, the winters being mild and the summers cool. Thus, in Van Dieman's Land, corresponding nearly in latitude to Rome, the winters are more mild than at Naples, and the summers not warmer than those at Paris, which is 7° farther from the equator.175 The effects on animal and vegetable life are remarkable. Capt. King observed large shrubs of Fuchsia and Veronica, which in England are treated as tender plants, thriving and in full flower in Tierra del Fuego with the temperature at 36°. He states also that humming birds were seen sipping the sweets of the flowers "after two or three days of constant rain, snow, and sleet, during which time the thermometer had been at the freezing point." Mr. Darwin also saw parrots feeding on the seeds of a tree called the winter's bark, south of lat. 55°, near Cape Horn.176 So the orchideous plants which are parasitical on trees, and are generally characteristic of the tropics, advance to the 38th and 42d degree of S. lat., and even beyond the 45th degree in New Zealand, where they were found by Forster. In South America also arborescent grasses abound in the dense forests of Chiloe, in lat. 42° S., where "they entwine the trees into one entangled mass to the height of thirty or forty feet above the ground. Palm-trees in the same quarter of the globe grow in lat. 37°, an arborescent grass very like a bamboo in 40°, and another closely allied kind, of great length, but not erect, even as far south as 45°."177 It has long been supposed that the general temperature of the southern hemisphere was considerably lower than that of the northern, and that the difference amounted to at least 10° Fahrenheit. Baron Humboldt, after collecting and comparing a great number of observations, came to the conclusion that even a much larger difference existed, but that none was to be observed within the tropics, and only a small difference as far as the thirty-fifth and fortieth parallel. Captain Cook was of opinion that the ice of the antarctic predominated greatly over that of the arctic region, that encircling the southern pole coming nearer to the equator by 10° than the ice around the north pole. All the recent voyages of discovery have tended to confirm this opinion, although Capt. Weddel penetrated, in 1823, three degrees farther south than Capt. Cook, reaching lat. 74° 15' South, long. 34° 17' West, and Sir James Ross, in 1842, arrived at lat. 78° 10' S., as high a latitude, within three degrees, as the farthest point attained by Captain Parry in the arctic circle, or lat. 81° 12' North. The description given by ancient as well as modern navigators of the sea and land in high southern latitudes, clearly attests the greater severity of the climate as compared to arctic regions. In Sandwich Land, in lat. 59° S., or in nearly the same parallel as the north of Scotland, Capt. Cook found the whole country, from the summits of the mountains down to the very brink of the sea-cliffs, "covered many fathoms thick with everlasting snow," and this on the 1st of February, the hottest time of the year; and what is still more astonishing, in the island of S. Georgia, which is in the 54° south latitude, or the same parallel as Yorkshire, the line of perpetual snow descends to the level of the ocean.178 When we consider this fact, and then recollect that the highest mountains in Scotland, which ascend to an elevation of nearly 5000 feet, and are four degrees farther to the north, do not attain the limit of perpetual snow on our side of the equator, we learn that latitude is one only of many powerful causes, which determine the climate of particular regions of the globe. Capt. Sir James Ross, in his exploring expedition in 1841-3, found that the temperature south of the 60th degree of latitude seldom rose above 32° Fahr. During the two summer months of the year 1841 (January and February) the range of the thermometer was between 11° and 32° Fahr.; and scarcely once rose above the freezing point. The permanence of snow in the southern hemisphere, is in this instance partly due to the floating ice, which chills the atmosphere and condenses the vapor, so that in summer the sun cannot pierce through the foggy air. But besides the abundance of ice which covers the sea to the south of Georgia and Sandwich Land, we may also, as Humboldt suggests, ascribe the cold of those countries in part to the absence of land between them and the tropics. If Africa and New Holland extended farther to the south, a diminution of ice would take place in consequence of the radiation of heat from these continents during summer, which would warm the contiguous sea and rarefy the air. The heated aerial currents would then ascend and flow more rapidly towards the south pole, and moderate the winter. In confirmation of these views, it is stated that the ice, which extends as far as the 68° and 71° of south latitude, advances more towards the equator whenever it meets an open sea; that is, where the extremities of the present continents are not opposite to it; and this circumstance seems explicable only on the principle above alluded to, of the radiation of heat from the lands so situated. The cold of the antarctic regions was conjectured by Cook to be due to the existence of a large tract of land between the seventieth degree of south latitude and the pole. The justness of these and other speculations of that great navigator have since been singularly confirmed by the investigation made by Sir James Ross in 1841. He found Victoria Land, extending from 71° to 79° S. latitude, skirted by a great barrier of ice, the height of the land ranging from 4000 to 14,000 feet, the whole entirely covered with snow, except a narrow ring of black earth surrounding the huge crater of the active volcano of Mount Erebus, rising 12,400 feet above the level of the sea. The position of a mountainous territory of such altitude, so near the pole, and so obvious a source of intense cold, fully explains why Graham's and Enderby's Land, discovered by Captain Biscoe in 1831-2 (between lat. 64° and 68° S.), presented a most wintry aspect, covered even in summer with ice and snow, and nearly destitute of animal life. In corresponding latitudes of the northern hemisphere we not only meet with herds of wild herbivorous animals, but with land which man himself inhabits, and where he has even built ports and inland villages.179 The distance to which icebergs float from the polar regions on the opposite sides of the line is, as might have been anticipated, very different. Their extreme limit in the northern hemisphere is lat. 40°, as before mentioned, and they are occasionally seen in lat. 42° N., near the termination of the great bank of Newfoundland, and at the Azores, lat. 42° N., to which they are sometimes drifted from Baffin's Bay. But in the other hemisphere they have been seen, within the last few years, at different points off the Cape of Good Hope, between lat. 36° and 39°.180 One of these (see fig. 2.) was two miles in circumference, and 150 feet high, appearing like chalk when the sun was obscured, and having the lustre of refined sugar when the sun was shining on it. Others rose from 250 to 300 feet above the level of the sea, and were therefore of great volume below; since it is ascertained by experiments on the buoyancy of ice floating in sea-water, that for every cubic foot seen above, there must at least be eight cubic feet below water.181 If ice islands from the north polar regions floated as far, they might reach Cape St. Vincent, and there, being drawn by the current that always sets in from the Atlantic through the Straits of Gibraltar, be drifted into the Mediterranean, so that the serene sky of that delightful region might soon be deformed by clouds and mists. Iceberg seen off the Cape of Good Hope, April, 1829. Lat. 89º 18' S. Long. 48° 46' E. Before the amount of difference between the temperature of the two hemispheres was ascertained, it was referred by many astronomers to the precession of the equinoxes, or the acceleration of the earth's motion in its perihelium; in consequence of which the spring and summer of the southern hemisphere are now shorter, by nearly eight days, than those seasons north of the equator. But Sir J. Herschel reminds us that the excess of eight days in the duration of the sun's presence in the northern hemisphere is not productive of an excess of annual light and heat; since, according to the laws of elliptic motion, it is demonstrable that whatever be the ellipticity of the earth's orbit, the two hemispheres must receive equal absolute quantities of light and heat per annum, the proximity of the sun in perigee exactly compensating the effect of its swifter motion.182 Humboldt, however, observes, that there must be a greater loss of heat by radiation in the southern hemisphere during a winter longer by eight days than that on the other side of the equator.183 Perhaps no very sensible effect may be produced by this source of disturbance; yet the geologist should bear in mind that to a certain extent it operates alternately on each of the two hemispheres for a period of upwards of 10,000 years, dividing unequally the times during which the annual supply of solar light and heat is received. This cause may sometimes tend to counterbalance inequalities of temperature resulting from other far more influential circumstances; but, on the other hand, it must sometimes tend to increase the extreme of deviation arising from particular combinations of causes. But whatever may be at present the inferiority of heat in the temperate and frigid zones south of the line, it is quite evident that the cold would be far more intense if there happened, instead of open sea, to be tracts of elevated land between the 55th and 70th parallel; and, on the other hand, the cold would be moderated if there were more land between the line and the forty-fifth degree of south latitude. Changes in the position of land and sea may give rise to vicissitudes in climate.—Having offered these brief remarks on the diffusion of heat over the globe in the present state of the surface, I shall now proceed to speculate on the vicissitudes of climate, which must attend those endless variations in the geographical features of our planet which are contemplated in geology. That our speculations may be confined within the strict limits of analogy, I shall assume, 1st, That the proportion of dry land to sea continues always the same. 2dly, That the volume of the land rising above the level of the sea is a constant quantity; and not only that its mean, but that its extreme height, is liable only to trifling variations. 3dly, That both the mean and extreme depth of the sea are invariable; and 4thly, It may be consistent with due caution to assume that the grouping together of the land in continents is a necessary part of the economy of nature; for it is possible that the laws which govern the subterranean forces, and which act simultaneously along certain lines, cannot but produce, at every epoch, continuous mountain-chains; so that the subdivision of the whole land into innumerable islands may be precluded. If it be objected, that the maximum of elevation of land and depth of sea are probably not constant, nor the gathering together of all the land in certain parts, nor even perhaps the relative extent of land and water, I reply, that the arguments about to be adduced will be strengthened if, in these peculiarities of the surface, there be considerable deviations from the present type. If, for example, all other circumstances being the same, the land is at one time more divided into islands than at another, a greater uniformity of climate might be produced, the mean temperature remaining unaltered; or if, at another era, there were mountains higher than the Himalaya, these, when placed in high latitudes, would cause a greater excess of cold. Or, if we suppose that at certain periods no chain of hills in the world rose beyond the height of 10,000 feet, a greater heat might then have prevailed than is compatible with the existence of mountains thrice that elevation. However constant may be the relative proportion of sea and land, we know that there is annually some small variation in their respective geographical positions, and that in every century the land is in some parts raised, and in others depressed in level, and so likewise is the bed of the sea. By these and other ceaseless changes, the configuration of the earth's surface has been remodelled again and again, since it was the habitation of organic beings, and the bed of the ocean has been lifted up to the height of some of the loftiest mountains. The imagination is apt to take alarm when called upon to admit the formation of such irregularities in the crust of the earth, after it had once become the habitation of living creatures; but, if time be allowed, the operation need not subvert the ordinary repose of nature; and the result is in a general view insignificant, if we consider how slightly the highest mountain-chains cause our globe to differ from a perfect sphere. Chimborazo, though it rises to more than 21,000 feet above the sea, would be represented, on a globe of about six feet in diameter, by a grain of sand less than one-twentieth of an inch in thickness. The superficial inequalities of the earth, then, may be deemed minute in quantity, and their distribution at any particular epoch must be regarded in geology as temporary peculiarities, like the height and outline of the cone of Vesuvius in the interval between two eruptions. But although, in reference to the magnitude of the globe, the unevenness of the surface is so unimportant, it is on the position and direction of these small inequalities that the state of the atmosphere, and both the local and general climate, are mainly dependent. Before considering the effect which a material change in the distribution of land and sea must occasion, it may be well to remark, how greatly organic life may be affected by those minor variations, which need not in the least degree alter the general temperature. Thus, for example, if we suppose, by a series of convulsions, a certain part of Greenland to become sea, and, in compensation, a tract of land to rise and connect Spitzbergen with Lapland,—an accession not greater in amount than one which the geologist can prove to have occurred in certain districts bordering the Mediterranean, within a comparatively modern period,—this altered form of the land might cause an interchange between the climate of certain parts of North America and of Europe, which lie in corresponding latitudes. Many European species of plants and animals would probably perish in consequence, because the mean temperature would be greatly lowered; and others would fail in America, because it would there be raised. On the other hand, in places where the mean annual heat remained unaltered, some species which flourish in Europe, where the seasons are more uniform, would be unable to resist the greater heat of the North American summer, or the intenser cold of the winter; while others, now fitted by their habits for the great contrast of the American seasons, would not be fitted for the insular climate of Europe. The vine, for example, according to Humboldt, can be cultivated with advantage 10° farther north in Europe than in North America. Many plants endure severe frost, but cannot ripen their seeds without a certain intensity of summer heat and a certain quantity of light; others cannot endure a similar intensity either of heat or cold. It is now established that many of the existing species of animals have survived great changes in the physical geography of the globe. If such species be termed modern, in comparison to races which preceded them, their remains, nevertheless, enter into submarine deposits many hundred miles in length, and which have since been raised from the deep to no inconsiderable altitude. When, therefore, it is shown that changes in the temperature of the atmosphere may be the consequence of such physical revolutions of the surface, we ought no longer to wonder that we find the distribution of existing species to be local, in regard to longitude as well as latitude. If all species were now, by an exertion of creative power, to be diffused uniformly throughout those zones where there is an equal degree of heat, and in all respects a similarity of climate, they would begin from this moment to depart more and more from their original distribution. Aquatic and terrestrial species would be displaced, as Hooke long ago observed, so often as land and water exchanged places; and there would also, by the formation of new mountains and other changes, be transpositions of climate, contributing, in the manner before alluded to, to the local extermination of species.184 If we now proceed to consider the circumstances required for a general change of temperature, it will appear, from the facts and principles already laid down, that whenever a greater extent of high land is collected in the polar regions, the cold will augment; and the same result will be produced when there is more sea between or near the tropics; while, on the contrary, so often as the above conditions are reversed, the heat will be greater. (See figs. 5 and 6, p. 111.) If this be admitted, it will follow, that unless the superficial inequalities of the earth be fixed and permanent, there must be never-ending fluctuations in the mean temperature of every zone; and that the climate of one era can no more be a type of every other; than is one of our four seasons of all the rest. It has been well said, that the earth is covered by an ocean, in the midst of which are two great islands, and many smaller ones; for the whole of the continents and islands occupy an area scarcely exceeding one-fourth of the whole superficies of the spheroid. Now, according to this analogy, we may fairly speculate on the probability that there would not be usually, at any given epoch of the past, more than about one-fourth dry land in a particular region; as, for example, near the poles, or between them and the 75th parallels of N. and S. latitude. If, therefore, at present there should happen to be, in both these quarters of the globe, much more than this average proportion of land, some of it in the arctic region, being above, five thousand feet in height, and if in antarctic latitudes a mountainous country has been found varying from 4000 to 14,000 feet in height, this alone affords ground for concluding that, in the present state of things, the mean heat of the climate is below that which the earth's surface, in its more ordinary state, would enjoy. This presumption is heightened when we reflect on the results of the recent soundings made by Sir James Ross, in the Southern Ocean, and continued for four successive years, ending 1844, which seem to prove that the mean depth of the Atlantic and Pacific is as great as Laplace and other eminent astronomers had imagined;185 for then we might look not only for more than two-thirds sea in the frigid zones, but for water of great depth, which could not readily be reduced to the freezing point. The same opinion is confirmed, when we compare the quantity of land lying between the poles and the 30th parallels of north and south latitude, with the quantity placed between those parallels and the equator; for, it is clear, that we have at present not only more than the usual degree of cold in the polar regions, but also less than the average quantity of heat within the tropics.Position of land and sea which might produce the extreme of cold of which the earth's surface is susceptible.—To simplify our view of the various changes in climate, which different combinations of geographical circumstances may produce, we shall first consider the conditions necessary for bringing about the extreme of cold, or what would have been termed in the language of the old writers the winter of the "great year," or geological cycle, and afterwards, the conditions requisite to produce the maximum of heat, or the summer of the same year. To begin with the northern hemisphere. Let us suppose those hills of the Italian peninsula and of Sicily, which are of comparatively modern origin, and contain many fossil shells identical with living species, to subside again into the sea, from which they have been raised, and that an extent of land of equal area and height (varying from one to three thousand feet) should rise up in the Arctic Ocean between Siberia and the north pole. In speaking of such changes, I shall not allude to the manner in which I conceive it possible that they may be brought about, nor of the time required for their accomplishment—reserving for a future occasion, not only the proofs that revolutions of equal magnitude have taken place, but that analogous operations are still in gradual progress. The alteration now supposed in the physical geography of the northern regions, would cause additional snow and ice to accumulate where now there is usually an open sea; and the temperature of the greater part of Europe would be somewhat lowered, so as to resemble more nearly that of corresponding latitudes of North America: or, in other words, it might be necessary to travel about 10° farther south in order to meet with the same climate which we now enjoy. No compensation would be derived from the disappearance of land in the Mediterranean countries; but the contrary, since the mean heat of the soil in those latitudes probably exceeds that which would belong to the sea, by which we imagine it to be replaced. But let the configuration of the surface be still farther varied, and let some large district within or near the tropics, such as Brazil, with its plains and hills of moderate height, be converted into sea, while lands of equal elevation and extent rise up in the arctic circle. From this change there would, in the first place, result a sensible diminution of temperature near the tropic, for the Brazilian soil would no longer be heated by the sun; so that the atmosphere would be less warm, as also the neighboring Atlantic. On the other hand, the whole of Europe, Northern Asia, and North America, would be chilled by the enormous quantity of ice and snow, thus generated on the new arctic continent. If, as we have already seen, there are now some points in the southern hemisphere where snow is perpetual down to the level of the sea, in latitudes as low as central England, such might assuredly be the case throughout a great part of Europe, under the change of circumstances above supposed: and if at present the extreme range of drifted icebergs is the Azores, they might easily reach the equator after the assumed alteration. But to pursue the subject still farther, let the Himalaya mountains, with the whole of Hindostan, sink down, and their place be occupied by the Indian Ocean, while an equal extent of territory and mountains, of the same vast height, rise up between North Greenland and the Orkney Islands. It seems difficult to exaggerate the amount to which the climate of the northern hemisphere would then be cooled.186 But the refrigeration brought about at the same time in the southern hemisphere, would be nearly equal, and the difference of temperature between the arctic and equatorial latitudes would not be much greater than at present; for no important disturbance can occur in the climate of a particular region without its immediately affecting all other latitudes, however remote. The heat and cold which surround the globe are in a state of constant and universal flux and reflux. The heated and rarefied air is always rising and flowing from the equator towards the poles in the higher regions of the atmosphere; while in the lower, the colder air is flowing back to restore the equilibrium. That this circulation is constantly going on in the aerial currents is not disputed; it is often proved by the opposite course of the clouds at different heights, and the fact has been farther illustrated in a striking manner by two recent events. The trade wind continually blows with great force from the island of Barbadoes to that of St. Vincent; notwithstanding which, during the eruption of the volcano in the island of St. Vincent, in 1812, ashes fell in profusion from a great height in the atmosphere upon Barbadoes.187 In like manner, during the great eruption of Sumbawa, in 1815, ashes were carried to the islands of Amboyna and Banda, which last is about 800 miles east from the site of the volcano. Yet the southeast monsoon was then at its height.188 This apparent transposition of matter against the wind, confirmed the opinion of the existence of a counter-current in the higher regions, which had previously rested on theoretical conclusions only. That a corresponding interchange takes place in the seas, is demonstrated, according to Humboldt, by the cold which is found to exist at great depths within the tropics; and, among other proofs, may be mentioned the mass of warmer water which the Gulf stream is constantly bearing northwards, while a cooler current flows from the north along the coast of Greenland and Labrador, and helps to restore the equilibrium.189Currents of colder and therefore specifically heavier water pass from the poles towards the equator, which cool the inferior parts of the ocean; so that the heat of the torrid zone and the cold of the polar circle balance each other. The refrigeration, therefore, of the polar regions, resulting from the supposed alteration in the distribution of land and sea, would be immediately communicated to the tropics, and from them its influence would extend to the antarctic circle, where the atmosphere and the ocean would be cooled, so that ice and snow would augment. Although the mean temperature of higher latitudes in the southern hemisphere is, as before stated, for the most part, lower than that of the same parallels in the northern, yet, for a considerable space on each side of the line, the mean annual heat of the waters is found to be the same in corresponding parallels. If, therefore, by the new position of the land, the formation of icebergs had become of common occurrence in the northern temperate zone, and if these were frequently drifted as far as the equator, the same degree of cold which they generated would immediately be communicated as far as the tropic of Capricorn, and from thence to the lands or ocean to the south. The freedom, then, of the circulation of heat and cold from pole to pole being duly considered, it will be evident that the mean temperature which may prevail at the same point at two distinct periods, may differ far more widely than that of any two points in the same parallels of latitude, at one and the same period. For the range of temperature, or in other words, the curvature of the isothermal lines in a given zone, and at a given period, must always be circumscribed within narrow limits, the climate of each place in that zone being controlled by the combined influence of the geographical peculiarities of all other parts of the earth. Whereas, if we compare the state of things at two distinct and somewhat distant epochs, a particular zone may at one time be under the influence of one class of disturbing causes, and at another time may be affected by an opposite combination. The lands, for example, to the north of Greenland cause the present climate of North America to be colder than that of Europe in the same latitudes; but the excess of cold is not so great as it would have been if the western hemisphere had been entirely isolated, or separated from the eastern like a distinct planet. For not only does the refrigeration produced by Greenland chill to a certain extent the atmosphere of northern and western Europe, but the mild climate of Europe reacts also upon North America, and moderates the chilling influence of the adjoining polar lands. To return to the state of the earth after the changes above supposed, we must not omit to dwell on the important effects to which a wide expanse of perpetual snow would give rise. It is probable that nearly the whole sea, from the poles to the parallels of 45°, would be frozen over; for it is well known that the immediate proximity of land is not essential to the formation and increase of field ice, provided there be in some part of the same zone a sufficient quantity of glaciers generated on or near the land, to cool down the sea. Captain Scoresby, in his account of the arctic regions, observes, that when the sun's rays "fall upon the snow-clad surface of the ice or land, they are in a great measure reflected, without producing any material elevation of temperature; but when they impinge on the black exterior of a ship, the pitch on one side occasionally becomes fluid while ice is rapidly generated at the other."190 Now field ice is almost always covered with snow;191 and thus not only land as extensive as our existing continents, but immense tracts of sea in the frigid and temperate zones, might present a solid surface covered with snow, and reflecting the sun's rays for the greater part of the year. Within the tropics, moreover, where the ocean now predominates, the sky would no longer be serene and clear, as in the present era; but masses of floating ice would cause quick condensations of vapor, so that fogs and clouds would deprive the vertical rays of the sun of half their power. The whole planet, therefore, would receive annually a smaller portion of the solar influence, and the external crust would part, by radiation, with some of the heat which had been accumulated in it, during a different state of the surface. This heat would be dissipated in the spaces surrounding our atmosphere, which, according to the calculations of M. Fourier, have a temperature much inferior to that of freezing water. After the geographical revolution above assumed, the climate of equinoctial lands might be brought at last to resemble that of the present temperate zone, or perhaps be far more wintry. They who should then inhabit such small isles and coral reefs as are now seen in the Indian Ocean and South Pacific, would wonder that zoophytes of large dimensions had once been so prolific in their seas; or if, perchance, they found the wood and fruit of the cocoa-nut tree or the palm silicified by the waters of some ancient mineral spring, or incrusted with calcareous matter, they would muse on the revolutions which had annihilated such genera, and replaced them by the oak, the chestnut, and the pine. With equal admiration would they compare the skeletons of their small lizards with the bones of fossil alligators and crocodiles more than twenty feet in length, which, at a former epoch, had multiplied between the tropics: and when they saw a pine included in an iceberg, drifted from latitudes which we now call temperate, they would be astonished at the proof thus afforded, that forests had once grown where nothing could be seen in their own times but a wilderness of snow. If the reader hesitate to suppose so extensive an alteration of temperature as the probable consequence of geographical changes, confined to one hemisphere, he should remember how great are the local anomalies in climate now resulting from the peculiar distribution of land and sea in certain regions. Thus, in the island of South Georgia, before mentioned (p. 98), Captain Cook found the everlasting snows descending to the level of the sea, between lat. 54° and 55° S.; no trees or shrubs were to be seen, and in summer a few rocks only, after a partial melting of the ice and snow, were scantily covered with moss and tufts of grass. If such a climate can now exist at the level of the sea in a latitude corresponding to that of Yorkshire in spite of all those equalizing causes before enumerated, by which the mixture of the temperatures of distant regions is facilitated throughout the globe, what rigors might we not anticipate in a winter generated by the transfer of the mountains of India to our arctic circle! But we have still to contemplate the additional refrigeration which might be effected by changes in the relative position of land and sea in the southern hemisphere. If the remaining continents were transferred from the equatorial and contiguous latitudes to the south polar regions, the intensity of cold produced might, perhaps, render the globe uninhabitable. We are too ignorant of the laws governing the direction of subterranean forces, to determine whether such a crisis be within the limits of possibility. At the same time, it may be observed, that no distribution of land can well be imagined more irregular, or, as it were, capricious, than that which now prevails; for at present, the globe may be divided into two equal parts, in such a manner, that one hemisphere shall be almost entirely covered with water, while the other shall contain less water than land (see figs. 3 and 4);192 and, what is still more extraordinary, on comparing the extratropical lands in the northern and southern hemispheres, the lands in the northern are found to be to those in the southern in the proportion of thirteen to one!193 To imagine all the lands, therefore, in high, and all the sea in low latitudes, as delineated in fig. 6. p. 111, would scarcely be a more anomalous state of the surface. Map showing the present unequal Distribution of Land and Water on the Surface of the Globe. | Fig. 3. | Map showing the present unequal Distribution of Land and Water. | | Fig. 4. | Map showing the present unequal Distribution of Land and Water. | Fig. 3. Here London is taken as a centre, and we behold the greatest quantity of land existing in one hemisphere. Fig. 4. Here the centre is the antipodal point to London, and we see the greatest quantity of water existing in one hemisphere. The black shading expresses land having land opposite or antipodal to it.
Maps showing the position of Land and Sea which might produce the Extremes of Heat and Cold in the Climates of the Globe. Fig. 5.Map showing the present unequal Distribution of Land and Water. Extreme of Heat. Fig. 6.Map showing the present unequal Distribution of Land and Water. Extreme of Cold. Observations.—These maps are intended to show that continents and islands having the same shape and relative dimensions as those now existing, might be placed so as to occupy either the equatorial or polar regions. In fig. 5, scarcely any of the land extends from the equator towards the poles beyond the 30th parallel of latitude; and fig. 6, a very small proportion of it extends from the poles towards the Equator beyond the 40th parallel of latitude. Position of land and sea which might give rise to the extreme of heat.—Let us now turn from the contemplation of the winter of the "great year," and consider the opposite train of circumstances which would bring on the spring and summer. To imagine all the lands to be collected together in equatorial latitudes, and a few promontories only to project beyond the thirtieth parallel, as represented in the annexed maps (figs. 5 and 6), would be undoubtedly to suppose an extreme result of geological change. But if we consider a mere approximation to such a state of things, it would be sufficient to cause a general elevation of temperature. Nor can it be regarded as a visionary idea, that amidst the revolutions of the earth's surface, the quantity of land should, at certain periods, have been simultaneously lessened in the vicinity of both the poles, and increased within the tropics. We must recollect that even now it is necessary to ascend to the height of fifteen thousand feet in the Andes under the line, and in the Himalaya mountains, which are without the tropic, to seventeen thousand feet, before we reach the limit of perpetual snow. On the northern slope, indeed, of the Himalaya range, where the heat radiated from a great continent moderates the cold, there are meadows and cultivated land at an elevation equal to the height of Mont Blanc.194 If then there were no arctic lands to chill the atmosphere, and freeze the sea, and if the loftiest chains were near the line, it seems reasonable to imagine that the highest mountains might be clothed with a rich vegetation to their summits, and that nearly all signs of frost would disappear from the earth. When the absorption of the solar rays was in no region impeded, even in winter, by a coat of snow, the mean heat of the earth's crust would augment to considerable depths, and springs, which we know to be in general an index of the mean temperature of the climate, would be warmer in all latitudes. The waters of lakes, therefore, and rivers, would be much hotter in winter, and would be never chilled in summer by melted snow and ice. A remarkable uniformity of climate would prevail amid the archipelagoes of the temperate and polar oceans, where the tepid waters of equatorial currents would freely circulate. The general humidity of the atmosphere would far exceed that of the present period, for increased heat would promote evaporation in all parts of the globe. The winds would be first heated in their passage over the tropical plains, and would then gather moisture from the surface of the deep, till, charged with vapor, they arrived at extreme northern and southern regions, and there encountering a cooler atmosphere, discharged their burden in warm rain. If, during the long night of a polar winter, the snows should whiten the summits of some arctic islands, they would be dissolved as rapidly by the returning sun, as are the snows of Etna by the blasts of the sirocco. We learn from those who have studied the geographical distribution of plants, that in very low latitudes, at present, the vegetation of small islands remote from continents has a peculiar character; the ferns and allied families, in particular, bearing a great proportion to the total number of other plants. Other circumstances being the same, the more remote the isles are from the continents, the greater does this proportion become. Thus, in the continent of India, and the tropical parts of New Holland, the proportion of ferns to the phÆnogamous plants is only as one to twenty-six; whereas, in the South-Sea Islands, it is as one to four, or even as one to three.195We might expect, therefore, in the summer of the "great year," or cycle of climate, that there would be a predominance of tree ferns and plants allied to genera now called tropical, in the islands of the wide ocean, while many forms now confined to arctic and temperate regions, or only found near the equator on the summit of the loftiest mountains, would almost disappear from the earth. Then might those genera of animals return, of which the memorials are preserved in the ancient rocks of our continents. The pterodactyle might flit again through the air, the huge iguanodon reappear in the woods, and the ichthyosaurs swarm once more in the sea. Coral reefs might be prolonged again beyond the arctic circle, where the whale and the narwal now abound; and droves of turtles might begin again to wander through regions now tenanted by the walrus and the seal. But not to indulge too far in these speculations, I may observe, in conclusion, that however great, during the lapse of ages, may be the vicissitudes of temperature in every zone, it accords with this theory that the general climate should not experience any sensible change in the course of a few thousand years; because that period is insufficient to affect the leading features of the physical geography of the globe. Notwithstanding the apparent uncertainty of the seasons, it is found that the mean temperature of particular localities is very constant, when observations made for a sufficient series of years are compared. Yet there must be exceptions to this rule; and even the labors of man have, by the drainage of lakes and marshes, and the felling of extensive forests, caused such changes in the atmosphere as greatly to raise our conception of the more important influence of those forces to which, in certain latitudes, even the existence of land or water, hill or valley, lake or sea, must be ascribed. If we possessed accurate information of the amount of local fluctuation in climate in the course of twenty centuries, it would often, undoubtedly, be considerable. Certain tracts, for example, on the coast of Holland and of England consisted of cultivated land in the time of the Romans, which the sea, by gradual encroachments, has at length occupied. Here, at least, a slight alteration has been effected; for neither the distribution of heat in the different seasons, nor the mean annual temperature of the atmosphere investing the sea, is precisely the same as that which rests upon the land. In those countries, also, where earthquakes and volcanoes are in full activity, a much shorter period may produce a sensible variation. The climate of the great table-land of Malpais in Mexico, must differ materially from that which prevailed before the middle of the last century; for, since that time, six mountains, the highest of them rising sixteen hundred feet above the plateau, have been thrown up by volcanic eruptions. It is by the repetition of an indefinite number of such local revolutions, and by slow movements extending simultaneously over wider areas, as will be afterwards shown, that a general change of climate may finally be brought about.
CHAPTER VIII. ON FORMER CHANGES IN PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE. Geographical features of the northern hemisphere, at the period of the oldest fossiliferous strata—State of the surface when the mountain limestone and coal were deposited—Changes in physical geography, between the carboniferous period and the chalk—Abrupt transition from the secondary to the tertiary fossils—Accession of land, and elevation of mountain chains, after the consolidation of the secondary rocks—Explanation of Map, showing the area covered by sea, since the commencement of the tertiary period—Astronomical theories of the causes of variations in climate—Theory of the diminution of the supposed primitive heat of the globe. In the sixth chapter, I stated the arguments derived from organic remains for concluding that in the period when the carboniferous strata were deposited, the temperature of the ocean and the air was more uniform in the different seasons of the year, and in different latitudes, than at present, and that there was a remarkable absence of cold as well as great moisture in the atmosphere. It was also shown that the climate had been modified more than once since that epoch, and that it had been reduced, by successive changes, more and more nearly to that now prevailing in the same latitudes. Farther, I endeavored, in the last chapter, to prove that vicissitudes in climate of no less importance may be expected to recur in future, if it be admitted that causes now active in nature have power, in the lapse of ages, to produce considerable variations in the relative position of land and sea. It remains to inquire whether the alterations, which the geologist can prove to have actually taken place at former periods, in the geographical features of the northern hemisphere, coincide in their nature, and in the time of their occurrence, with such revolutions in climate as might naturally have resulted, according to the meteorological principles already explained. Period of the primary fossiliferous rocks.—The oldest system of strata which afford by their organic remains any evidence as to climate, or the former position of land and sea, are those formerly known as the transition rocks, or what have since been termed Lower Silurian or "primary fossiliferous" formations. These have been found in England, France, Germany, Sweden, Russia, and other parts of central and northern Europe, as also in the great Lake district of Canada and the United States. The multilocular or chambered univalves, including the Nautilus, and the corals, obtained from the limestones of these ancient groups, have been compared to forms now most largely developed in tropical seas. The corals, however, have been shown by M. Milne Edwards to differ generally from all living zoophytes; so that conclusions as to a warmer climate drawn from such remote analogies must be received with caution. Hitherto, few, if any, contemporaneous vegetable remains have been noticed; but such as are mentioned agree more nearly with the plants of the carboniferous era than any other, and would therefore imply a warm and humid atmosphere entirely free from intense cold throughout the year. This absence or great scarcity of plants as well as of freshwater shells and other indications of neighboring land, coupled with the wide extent of marine strata of this age in Europe and North America, are facts which imply such a state of physical geography (so far at least as regards the northern hemisphere) as would, according to the principles before explained, give rise to such a moist and equable climate. (See p. 109, and fig. 5, p. 111.) Carboniferous group.—This group comes next in the order of succession; and one of its principal members, the mountain limestone, was evidently a marine formation, as is shown by the shells and corals which it contains. That the ocean of that period was of considerable extent in our latitudes, we may infer from the continuity of these calcareous strata over large areas in Europe, Canada, and the United States. The same group has also been traced in North America, towards the borders of the arctic sea.196 There are also several regions in Scotland, and in the central and northern parts of England, as well as in the United States, where marine carboniferous limestones alternate with strata containing coal, in such a manner as to imply the drifting down of plants by rivers into the sea, and the alternate occupation of the same space by fresh and salt water. Since the time of the earlier writers, no strata have been more extensively investigated, both in Europe and North America, than those of the ancient carboniferous group, and the progress of science has led to a general belief that a large portion of the purest coal has been formed, not, as was once imagined, by vegetable matter floated from a distance, but by plants which grew on the spot, and somewhat in the manner of peat on the spaces now covered by the beds of coal. The former existence of land in some of these spaces has been proved, as already stated, by the occurrence of numerous upright fossil trees, with their roots terminating downwards in seams of coal; and still more generally by the roots of trees (stigmariÆ) remaining in their natural position in the clays which underlie almost every layer of coal. As some nearly continuous beds of such coal have of late years been traced in North America, over areas 100 or 200 miles and upwards in diameter, it may be asked whether the large tracts of ancient land implied by this fact are not inconsistent with the hypothesis of the general prevalence of islands at the period under consideration? In reply, I may observe that the coal-fields must originally have been low alluvial grounds, resembling in situation the cypress-swamps of the Mississippi, or the sunderbunds of the Ganges, being liable like them to be inundated at certain periods by a river or by the sea, if the land should be depressed a few feet. All the phenomena, organic and inorganic, imply conditions nowhere to be met with except in the deltas of large rivers. We have to account for an abundant supply of fluviatile sediment, carried for ages towards one and the same region, and capable of forming strata of mud and sand thousands of feet, or even fathoms, in thickness, many of them consisting of laminated shale, inclosing the leaves of ferns and other terrestrial plants. We have also to explain the frequent intercalations of root-beds, and the interposition here and there of brackish and marine deposits, demonstrating the occasional presence of the neighboring sea. But these forest-covered deltas could only have been formed at the termination of large hydrographical basins, each drained by a great river and its tributaries; and the accumulation of sediment bears testimony to contemporaneous denudation on a large scale, and, therefore, to a wide area of land, probably containing within it one or more mountain chains. In the case of the great Ohio or Appalachian coal-field, the largest in the world, it seems clear that the uplands drained by one or more great rivers were chiefly to the eastward, or they occupied a space now filled by part of the Atlantic Ocean, for the mechanical deposits of mud and sand increase greatly in thickness and coarseness of material as we approach the eastern borders of the coal-field, or the southeast flanks of the Alleghany mountains, near Philadelphia. In that region numerous beds of pebbles, often of the size of a hen's egg, are seen to alternate with beds of pure coal. But the American coal-fields are all comprised within the 30th and 50th degrees of north latitude; and there is no reason to presume that the lands at the borders of which they originated ever penetrated so far or in such masses into the colder and arctic regions, so as to generate a cold climate. In the southern hemisphere, where the predominance of sea over land is now the distinguishing geographical feature, we nevertheless find a large part of the continent of Australia, as well as New Zealand, placed between the 30th and 50th degrees of S. latitude. The two islands of New Zealand taken together, are between 800 and 900 miles in length, with a breadth in some parts of ninety miles, and they stretch as far south as the 46th degree of latitude. They afford, therefore, a wide area for the growth of a terrestrial vegetation, and the botany of this region is characterized by abundance of ferns, one hundred and forty species of which are already known, some of them attaining the size of trees. In this respect the southern shores of New Zealand in the 46th degree of latitude almost vie with tropical islands. Another point of resemblance between the Flora of New Zealand and that of the ancient carboniferous period is the prevalence of the fir tribe or of coniferous wood. An argument of some weight in corroboration of the theory above explained respecting the geographical condition of the temperate and arctic latitudes of the northern hemisphere in the carboniferous period may also be derived from ah examination of those groups of strata which immediately preceded the coal. The fossils of the Devonian and Silurian strata in Europe and North America have led to the conclusion, that they were formed for the most part in deep seas, far from land. In those older strata land plants are almost as rare as they are abundant or universal in the coal measures. Those ancient deposits, therefore, may be supposed to have belonged to an epoch when dry land had only just begun to be upraised from the deep; a theory which would imply the existence during the carboniferous epoch of islands, instead of an extensive continent, in the area where the coal was formed. Such a state of things prevailing in the north, from the pole to the 30th parallel of latitude, if not neutralized by circumstances of a contrary tendency in corresponding regions south of the line, would give rise to a general warmth and uniformity of climate throughout the globe. Changes in physical geography between the formation of the carboniferous strata and the chalk.—We have evidence in England that the strata of the ancient carboniferous group, already adverted to, were, in many instances, fractured and contorted, and often thrown into a vertical position, before the deposition of some even of the oldest known secondary rocks, such as the new red sandstone. Fragments of the older formations are sometimes included in the conglomerates of the more modern; and some of these fragments still retain their fossil shells and corals, so as to enable us to determine the parent rocks from whence they were derived. There are other proofs of the disturbance at successive epochs of different secondary rocks before the deposition of others; and satisfactory evidence that, during these reiterated convulsions, the geographical features of the northern hemisphere were frequently modified, and that from time to time new lands emerged from the deep. The vegetation, during some parts of the period in question (from the lias to the chalk inclusive), when genera allied to Cycas and Zamia were abundant, appears to have approached to that of the larger islands of the equatorial zone; such, for example, as we now find in the West Indian archipelago.197 These islands appear to have been drained by rivers of considerable size, which were inhabited by crocodiles and gigantic oviparous reptiles, both herbivorous and carnivorous, belonging for the most part to extinct genera. Of the contemporary inhabitants of the land we have as yet acquired but scanty information, but we know that there were flying reptiles, insects, and small mammifers, allied to the marsupial tribes. A freshwater deposit, called the Wealden, occurs in the upper part of the secondary series of the south of England, which, by its extent and fossils, attests the existence in that region of a large river draining a continent or island of considerable dimensions. We know that this land was clothed with wood, and inhabited by huge terrestrial reptiles and birds. Its position so far to the north as the counties of Surrey and Sussex, at a time when the mean temperature of the climate is supposed to have been much hotter than at present, may at first sight appear inconsistent with the theory before explained, that the heat was caused by the gathering together of all the great masses of land in low latitudes, while the northern regions were almost entirely sea. But it must not be taken for granted that the geographical conditions already described (p. 109, and fig. 5, p. 111) as capable of producing the extreme of heat were ever combined at any geological period of which we have yet obtained information. It is more probable, from what has been stated in the preceding chapters, that a slight approximation to such an extreme state of things would be sufficient; in other words, if most of the dry land were tropical, and scarcely any of it arctic or antarctic, a prodigious elevation of temperature must ensue, even though a part of some continents should penetrate far into the temperate zones. Changes during the tertiary periods.—The secondary and tertiary formations of Europe, when considered separately, may be contrasted as having very different characters; the secondary appearing to have been deposited in open seas, the tertiary in regions where dry land, lakes, bays, and perhaps inland seas, abounded. The secondary series is almost exclusively marine; the tertiary, even the oldest part, contains lacustrine strata, and not unfrequently freshwater and marine beds alternating. In fact there is evidence of important geographical changes having occurred between the deposition of the cretaceous system, or uppermost of the secondary series, and that of the oldest tertiary group, and still more between the era of the latter and that of the newer tertiary formations. This change in the physical geography of Europe and North America was accompanied by an alteration no less remarkable in organic life, scarcely any species being common both to the secondary and tertiary rocks, and the fossils of the latter affording evidence of a different climate. On the other hand, when we compare the tertiary formations of successive ages, we trace a gradual approximation in the imbedded fossils, from an assemblage in which extinct species predominate, to one where the species agree for the most part with those now existing. In other words, we find a gradual increase of animals and plants fitted for our present climates, in proportion as the strata which we examine are more modern. Now, during all these successive tertiary periods, there are signs of a great increase of land in European and North American latitudes. By reference to the map (Pl. 1), and its description, p. 121. the reader will see that about two-thirds of the present European lands have emerged since the earliest tertiary group originated. Nor is this the only revolution which the same region has undergone within the period alluded to, some tracts which were previously land having gained in altitude, others, on the contrary, having sunk below their former level. That the existing lands were not all upheaved at once into their present position is proved by the most striking evidence. Several Italian geologists, even before the time of Brocchi, had justly inferred that the Apennines were elevated several thousand feet above the level of the Mediterranean before the deposition of the modern Subapennine beds which flank them on either side. What now constitutes the central calcareous chain of the Apennines must for a long time have been a narrow ridgy peninsula, branching off, at its northern extremity, from the Alps near Savona. This peninsula has since been raised from one to two thousand feet, by which movement the ancient shores, and, for a certain extent, the bed of the contiguous sea, have been laid dry, both on the side of the Mediterranean and the Adriatic. The nature of these vicissitudes will be explained by the accompanying diagram, which represents a transverse section across the Italian peninsula. The inclined strata A are the disturbed formations of the Apennines, into which the ancient igneous rocks a are supposed to have intruded themselves. At a lower level on each flank of the chain are the more recent shelly beds b b, which often contain rounded pebbles derived from the waste of contiguous parts of the older Apennine limestone. These, it will be seen, are horizontal, and lie in what is termed "unconformable stratification" on the more ancient series. They now constitute a line of hills of moderate elevation between the sea and the Apennines, but never penetrate to the higher and more ancient valleys of that chain. The same phenomena are exhibited in the Alps on a much grander scale; those mountains being composed in some even of their higher regions of the newer secondary and oldest tertiary formations, while they are encircled by a great zone of more modern tertiary rocks both on their southern flank towards the plains of the Po, and on the side of Switzerland and Austria, and at their eastern termination towards Styria and Hungary.198 This newer tertiary zone marks the position of former seas or gulfs, like the Adriatic, wherein masses of strata accumulated, some single groups of which are not inferior in thickness to the most voluminous of our secondary formations in England. Some even of these newer groups have been raised to the height of three or four thousand feet, and in proportion to their antiquity, they generally rise to greater heights, the older of them forming interior zones nearest to the central ridges of the Alps. We have already ascertained that the Alps gained accessions to their height and width at several successive periods, and that the last series of improvements occurred when the seas were inhabited by many existing species of animals. We may imagine some future series of convulsions once more to heave up this stupendous chain, together with the adjoining bed of the sea, so that the mountains of Europe may rival the Andes in elevation; in which case the deltas of the Po, Adige, and Brenta, now encroaching upon the Adriatic, might be uplifted so as to form another exterior belt of considerable height around the southeastern flank of the Alps. The Pyrenees, also, have acquired their present altitude, which in Mont Perdu exceeds eleven thousand feet, since the deposition of the nummulitic or Eocene division of the tertiary series. Some of the tertiary strata at the base of the chain are raised to the height of only a few hundred feet above the sea, and retain a horizontal position, without partaking in general in the disturbance to which the older series has been subjected; so that the great barrier between France and Spain was almost entirely upheaved in the interval between the deposition of certain groups of tertiary strata. The remarkable break between the most modern of the known secondary rocks and the oldest tertiary, may be apparent only, and ascribable to the present deficiency of our information. Already the marles and green sand of Heers near Tongres, in Belgium, observed by M. Dumont, and the "pisolitic limestone" of the neighborhood of Paris, both intermediate in age between the Maestricht chalk and the lower Eocene strata, begin to afford us signs of a passage from one state of things to another. Nevertheless, it is far from impossible that the interval between the chalk and tertiary formations constituted an era in the earth's history, when the transition from one class of organic beings to another was, comparatively speaking, rapid. For if the doctrines above explained in regard to vicissitudes of temperature are sound, it will follow that changes of equal magnitude in the geographical features of the globe may at different periods produce very unequal effects on climate; and, so far as the existence of certain animals and plants depends on climate, the duration of species would be shortened or protracted, according to the rate at which the change of temperature proceeded. For even if we assume that the intensity of the subterranean disturbing forces is uniform and capable of producing nearly equal amounts of alteration on the surface of the planet, during equal periods of time, still the rate of alteration in climate would be by no means uniform. Let us imagine the quantity of land between the equator and the tropic in one hemisphere to be to that in the other as thirteen to one, which, as before stated, represents the unequal proportion of the extra-tropical lands in the two hemispheres at present. (See figs. 3 and 4, p. 110.) Then let the first geographical change consist in the shifting of this preponderance of land from one side of the line to the other; from the southern hemisphere, for example, to the northern. Now this need not affect the general temperature of the earth. But if, at another epoch, we suppose a continuance of the same agency to transfer an equal volume of land from the torrid zone to the temperate and arctic regions of the northern and southern hemispheres, or into one of them, there might be so great a refrigeration of the mean temperature in all latitudes, that scarcely any of the pre-existing races of animals would survive; and, unless it pleased the Author of Nature that the planet should be uninhabited, new species, and probably of widely different forms, would then be substituted in the room of the extinct. We ought not, therefore, to infer that equal periods of time are always attended by an equal amount of change in organic life, since a great fluctuation in the mean temperature of the earth, the most influential cause which can be conceived in exterminating whole races of animals and plants, must, in different epochs, require unequal portions of time for its completion. Plate I. Map showing the extent of surface in Europe which has at one period or another been covered by the sea since the commencement of the deposition of the older or Eocene Tertiary strata. This map will enable the reader to perceive at a glance the great extent of change in the physical geography of Europe, which can be proved to have taken place since some of the older tertiary strata began to be deposited. The proofs of submergence, during some part or other of this period, in all the districts distinguished by ruled lines, are of a most unequivocal character; for the area thus described is now covered by deposits containing the fossil remains of animals which could only have lived in salt water. The most ancient part of the period referred to cannot be deemed very remote, considered geologically; because the deposits of the Paris and London basins, and many other districts belonging to the older tertiary epoch, are newer than the greater part of the sedimentary rocks (those commonly called secondary and primary fossiliferous or paleozoic) of which the crust of the globe is composed. The species, moreover, of marine testacea, of which the remains are found in these older tertiary formations, are not entirely distinct from such as now live. Yet, notwithstanding the comparatively recent epoch to which this retrospect is carried, the variations in the distribution of land and sea depicted on the map form only a part of those which must have taken place during the period under consideration. Some approximation has merely been made to an estimate of the amount of sea converted into land in parts of Europe best known to geologists; but we cannot determine how much land has become sea during the same period; and there may have been repeated interchanges of land and water in the same places, changes of which no account is taken in the map, and respecting the amount of which little accurate information can ever be obtained. I have extended the sea in some instances beyond the limits of the land now covered by tertiary formations, and marine drift, because other geological data have been obtained for inferring the submergence of these tracts after the deposition of the Eocene strata had begun. Thus, for example, there are good reasons for concluding that part of the chalk of England (the North and South Downs, for example, together with the intervening secondary tracts) continued beneath the sea until the oldest tertiary beds had begun to accumulate. A strait of the sea separating England and Wales has also been introduced, on the evidence afforded by shells of existing species found in a deposit of gravel, sand, loam, and clay, called the northern drift, by Sir R. Murchison.199 And Mr. Trimmer has discovered similar recent marine shells on the northern coast of North Wales, and on Moel Tryfane, near the Menai Straits, at the height of 1392 feet above the level of the sea! Some raised sea-beaches, and drift containing marine shells, which I examined in 1843, between Limerick and Dublin, and which have been traced over other parts of Ireland by different geologists, have required an extension of the dark lines so as to divide that island into several. In improving this part of my map I have been especially indebted to the assistance of Mr. Oldham, who in 1843 announced to the British Association at Cork the fact that at the period when the drift or glacial beds were deposited, Ireland must have formed an archipelago such as is here depicted. A considerable part of Scotland might also have been represented in a similar manner as under water when the drift originated. A portion of Brittany is divided into islands, because it is known to be covered with patches of marine tertiary strata chiefly miocene. When I examined these in 1830 and 1843, I convinced myself that the sea must have covered much larger areas than are now occupied by these small and detached deposits. The former connection of the White Sea and the Gulf of Finland is proved by the fact that a multitude of huge erratic blocks extend over the intervening space, and a large portion of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, as well as Germany and Russia, are represented as sea, on the same evidence, strengthened by the actual occurrence of fossil sea-shells, of recent species, in the drift of various portions of those countries. The submergence of considerable areas under large bodies of fresh water, during the tertiary period, of which there are many striking geological proofs in Auvergne, and elsewhere, has not been expressed by ruled lines. They bear testimony to the former existence of neighboring lands, and a certain elevation of the areas where they occur above the level of the ocean; they are therefore left blank, together with all the space that cannot be demonstrated to have been part of the sea at some time or other, since the commencement of the Eocene epoch. In compiling this map, which has been entirely recast since the first edition, I have availed myself of the latest geological maps of the British isles, and north of Europe; also of those published by the government surveyors of France, MM. de Beaumont and Dufresnoy; the map of Germany and part of Europe, by Von Dechen, and that of Italy by M. Tchihatchoff (Berlin, 1842). Lastly, Sir R. Murchison's important map of Russia, and the adjoining countries, has enabled me to mark out not only a considerable area, previously little known, in which tertiary formations occur; but also a still wider expanse, over which the northern drift, and erratic blocks with occasional marine shells, are traceable. The southern limits of these glacial deposits in Russia and Germany indicate the boundary, so far as we can now determine it, of the northern ocean, at a period immediately antecedent to that of the human race. I was anxious, even in the title of this map, to guard the reader against the supposition that it was intended to represent the state of the physical geography of part of Europe at any one point of time. The difficulty, or rather the impossibility, of restoring the geography of the globe as it may have existed at any former period, especially a remote one, consists in this, that we can only point out where part of the sea has been turned into land, and are almost always unable to determine what land may have become sea. All maps, therefore, pretending to represent the geography of remote geological epochs must be ideal. The map under consideration is not a restoration of a former state of things, at any particular moment of time, but a synoptical view of a certain amount of one kind of change (the conversion of sea into land) known to have been brought about within a given period. It may be proper to remark that the vertical movements to which the land is subject in certain regions, occasion alternately the subsidence and the uprising of the surface; and that, by such oscillations at successive periods, a great area may have been entirely covered with marine deposits, although the whole may never have been beneath the waters at one time; nay, even though the relative proportion of land and sea may have continued unaltered throughout the whole period. I believe, however, that since the commencement of the tertiary period, the dry land in the northern hemisphere has been continually on the increase, both because it is now greatly in excess beyond the average proportion which land generally bears to water on the globe, and because a comparison of the secondary and tertiary strata affords indications, as I have already shown, of a passage from the condition of an ocean interspersed with islands to that of a large continent. But supposing it were possible to represent all the vicissitudes in the distribution of land and sea that have occurred during the tertiary period, and to exhibit not only the actual existence of land where there was once sea, but also the extent of surface now submerged which may once have been land, the map would still fail to express all the important revolutions in physical geography which have taken place within the epoch under consideration. For the oscillations of level, as was before stated, have not merely been such as to lift up the land from below the water, but in some cases to occasion a rise of many thousand feet above the sea. Thus the Alps have acquired an additional altitude of 4000, and even in some places 10,000 feet; and the Apennines owe a considerable part of their present height to subterranean convulsions which have happened within the tertiary epoch. On the other hand, some mountain chains may have been lowered during the same series of ages, in an equal degree, and shoals may have been converted into deep abysses.200 Since this map was recast in 1847, geologists have very generally come to the conclusion that the nummulitic limestone, together with the overlying fucoidal grit and shale, called "Flysch," in the Alps, belongs to the older tertiary or Eocene group. As these nummulitic rocks enter into the structure of some of the most lofty and disturbed parts of the Alps, Apennines, Carpathians, Pyrenees, and other mountain chains, and form many of the elevated lands of Africa and Asia, their position almost implies the ubiquity of the post-Eocene ocean, not, indeed, by the simultaneous, but by the successive, occupancy of the whole ground by its waters.201 Concluding remarks on changes in physical geography.—The foregoing observations, it may be said, are confined chiefly to Europe, and therefore merely establish the increase of dry land in a space which constitutes but a small portion of the northern hemisphere; but it was stated in the preceding chapter, that the great Lowland of Siberia, lying chiefly between the latitudes 55° and 75° N. (an area nearly equal to all Europe), is covered for the most part by marine strata, which, from the account given by Pallas, and more recently by Sir R. Murchison, belongs to a period when all or nearly all the shells were of a species still living in the north. The emergence, therefore, of this area from the deep is, comparatively speaking, a very modern event, and must, as before remarked, have caused a great increase of cold throughout the globe. Upon a review, then, of all the facts above enumerated, respecting the ancient geography of the globe as attested by geological monuments, there appear good grounds for inferring that changes of climate coincided with remarkable revolutions in the former position of sea and land. A wide expanse of ocean, interspersed with islands, seems to have pervaded the northern hemisphere at the periods when the Silurian and carboniferous rocks were formed, and a warm and very uniform temperature then prevailed. Subsequent modifications in climate accompanied the deposition of the secondary formations, when repeated changes were effected in the physical geography of our northern latitudes. Lastly, the refrigeration became most decided, and the climate most nearly assimilated to that now enjoyed, when the lands in Europe and northern Asia had attained their full extension, and the mountain chains their actual height. Soon after the first publication of this theory of climate, an objection was made by an anonymous German critic in 1833 that there are no geological proofs of the prevalence at any former period of a temperature lower than that now enjoyed; whereas, if the causes above assigned were the true ones, it might reasonably have been expected that fossil remains would sometimes indicate colder as well as hotter climates than those now established.202 In answer to this objection, I may suggest, that our present climates are probably far more distant from the extreme of possible heat than from its opposite extreme of cold. A glance at the map (fig. 6, p. 111) will show that all the existing lands might be placed between the 30th parallels of latitude on each side of the equator, and that even then they would by no means fill that space. In no other position would they give rise to so high a temperature. But the present geographical condition of the earth is so far removed from such a state of things, that the land lying between the poles and the parallels of 30, is in great excess; so much so that, instead of being to the sea in the proportion of 1 to 3, which is as near as possible the average general ratio throughout the globe, it is 9 to 23.203 Hence it ought not to surprise us if, in our geological retrospect, embracing perhaps a small part only of a complete cycle of change in the terrestrial climates, we should happen to discover everywhere the signs of a higher temperature. The strata hitherto examined may have originated when the quantity of equatorial land was always decreasing and the land in regions nearer the poles augmenting in height and area, until at length it attained its present excess in high latitudes. There is nothing improbable in supposing that the geographical revolutions of which we have hitherto obtained proofs had this general tendency; and in that case the refrigeration must have been constant, although, for reasons before explained, the rate of cooling may not have been uniform. It may, however, be as well to recall the reader's attention to what was before said of the indication brought to light of late years, of a considerable oscillation of temperature, in the period immediately preceding the human era. We have seen that on examining some of the most northern deposits, those commonly called the northern drift in Scotland, Ireland, and Canada, in which nearly all, in some cases, perhaps all, the fossil shells are of recent species, we discover the signs of a climate colder than that now prevailing in corresponding latitudes on both sides the Atlantic. It appears that an arctic fauna specifically resembling that of the present seas, extended farther to the south than now. This opinion is derived partly from the known habitations of the corresponding living species, and partly from the abundance of certain genera of shells and the absence of others.204 The date of the refrigeration thus inferred appears to coincide very nearly with the era of the dispersion of erratic blocks over Europe and North America, a phenomenon which will be ascribed in the sequel (ch. 16) to the cold then prevailing in the northern hemisphere. The force, moreover, of the German critic's objection has been since in a great measure destroyed, by the larger and more profound knowledge acquired in the last few years of the ancient carboniferous flora, which has led the ablest botanists to adopt the opinion, that the climate of the coal period was remarkable for its warmth, moisture, equability, and freedom from cold, rather than the intensity of its tropical heat. We are therefore no longer entitled to assume that there has been a constant and gradual decline in the absolute amount of heat formerly contained in the atmosphere and waters of the ocean, such as it was conjectured might have emanated from the incandescent central nucleus of a new and nearly fluid planet, before the interior had lost, by radiation into surrounding space, a great part of its original high temperature. Astronomical causes of fluctuations in climate.—Sir John Herschel has lately inquired, whether there are any astronomical causes which may offer a possible explanation of the difference between the actual climate of the earth's surface, and those which formerly appear to have prevailed. He has entered upon this subject, he says, "impressed with the magnificence of that view of geological revolutions, which regards them rather as regular and necessary effects of great and general causes, than as resulting from a series of convulsions and catastrophes, regulated by no laws, and reducible to no fixed principles." Geometers, he adds, have demonstrated the absolute invariability of the mean distance of the earth from the sun; whence it would at first seem to follow, that the mean annual supply of light and heat derived from that luminary would be alike invariable: but a closer consideration of the subject will show, that this would not be a legitimate conclusion; but that on the contrary, the mean amount of solar radiation is dependent on the eccentricity of the earth's orbit, and therefore liable to variation.205 Now the eccentricity of the orbit, he continues, is actually diminishing, and has been so for ages beyond the records of history. In consequence, the ellipse is in a state of approach to a circle, and the annual average of solar heat radiated to the earth is actually on the decrease. So far this is in accordance with geological evidence, which indicates a general refrigeration of climate; but the question remains, whether the amount of diminution which the eccentricity may have ever undergone can be supposed sufficient to account for any sensible refrigeration. The calculations necessary to determine this point, though practicable, have never yet been made, and would be extremely laborious; for they must embrace all the perturbations which the most influential planets, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, would cause in the earth's orbit, and in each other's movements round the sun. The problem is also very complicated, inasmuch as it depends not merely on the ellipticity of the earth's orbit, but on the assumed temperature of the celestial spaces beyond the earth's atmosphere; a matter still open to discussion, and on which M. Fourier and Sir J. Herschel have arrived at very different opinions. But if, says Herschel, we suppose an extreme case, as if the earth's orbit should ever become as eccentric as that of the planet Juno or Pallas, a great change of climate might be conceived to result, the winter and summer temperatures being sometimes mitigated, and at others exaggerated, in the same latitudes. It is much to be desired that the calculations alluded to were executed, as even if they should demonstrate, as M. Arago thinks highly probable,206 that the mean amount of solar radiation can never be materially affected by irregularities in the earth's motion, it would still be satisfactory to ascertain the point. Such inquiries, however, can never supersede the necessity of investigating the consequences of the varying position of continents, shifted as we know them to have been during successive epochs, from one part of the globe to the other. Another astronomical hypothesis respecting the possible cause of secular variations in climate, has been proposed by a distinguished mathematician and philosopher, M. Poisson. He begins by assuming, 1st, that the sun and our planetary system are not stationary, but carried onward by a common movement through space; 2dly, that every point in space receives heat as well as light from innumerable stars surrounding it on all sides, so that if a right line of indefinite length be produced in any direction from such a point, it must encounter a star either visible or invisible to us. 3dly, He then goes on to assume, that the different regions of space, which in the course of millions of years are traversed by our system, must be of very unequal temperature, inasmuch as some of them must receive a greater, others a less, quantity of radiant heat from the great stellary inclosure. If the earth, he continues, or any other large body, pass from a hotter to a colder region, it would not readily lose in the second all the heat which it has imbibed in the first region, but retain a temperature increasing downwards from the surface, as in the actual condition of our planet.207 Now the opinion originally suggested by Sir W. Herschel, that our sun and its attendant planets were all moving onward through space, in the direction of the constellation Hercules, is very generally thought by eminent astronomers to be confirmed. But even if its reality be no longer matter of doubt, conjectures as to its amount are still vague and uncertain; and great, indeed, must be the extent of the movement before this cause alone can work any material alteration in the terrestrial climates. Mr. Hopkins, when treating of this theory, remarked, that so far as we were acquainted with the position of the stars not very remote from the sun, they seem to be so distant from each other, that there are no points in space among them, where the intensity of radiating heat would be comparable to that which the earth derives from the sun, except at points very near to each star. Thus, in order that the earth should derive a degree of heat from stellar radiation comparable to that now derived from the sun, she must be in close proximity to some particular star, leaving the aggregate effect of radiation from the other stars nearly the same as at present. This approximation, however, to a single star could not take place consistently with the preservation of the motion of the earth about the sun, according to its present laws. Suppose our sun should approach a star within the present distance of Neptune. That planet could no longer remain a member of the solar system, and the motions of the other planets would be disturbed in a degree which no one has ever contemplated as probable since the existence of the solar system. But such a star, supposing it to be no larger than the sun, and to emit the same quantity of heat, would not send to the earth much more than one-thousandth part of the heat which she derives from the sun, and would therefore produce only a very small change in terrestrial temperature.208 Variable splendor of stars.—There is still another astronomical suggestion respecting the possible causes of secular variations in the terrestrial climates which deserves notice. It has long been known that certain stars are liable to great and periodical fluctuations in splendor, and Sir J. Herschel has lately ascertained (Jan. 1840), that a large and brilliant star, called alpha Orionis, sustained, in the course of six weeks, a loss of nearly half its light. "This phenomenon," he remarks, "cannot fail to awaken attention, and revive those speculations which were first put forth by my father Sir W. Herschel, respecting the possibility of a change in the lustre of our sun itself. If there really be a community of nature between the sun and fixed stars, every proof that we obtain of the extensive prevalence of such periodical changes in those remote bodies, adds to the probability of finding something of the kind nearer home." Referring then to the possible bearing of such facts on ancient revolutions, in terrestrial climates, he says, that "it is a matter of observed fact, that many stars have undergone, in past ages, within the records of astronomical history, very extensive changes in apparent lustre, without a change of distance adequate to producing such an effect. If our sun were even intrinsically much brighter than at present, the mean temperature of the surface of our globe would, of course, be proportionally greater. I speak now not of periodical, but of secular changes. But the argument is complicated with the consideration of the possibly imperfect transparency of the celestial spaces, and with the cause of that imperfect transparency, which may be due to material non-luminous particles diffused irregularly in patches analogous to nebulÆ, but of greater extent—to cosmical clouds, in short—of whose existence we have, I think, some indication in the singular and apparently capricious phenomena of temporary stars, and perhaps in the recent extraordinary sudden increase and hardly less sudden diminution of ? Argus."209 More recently (1852) Schwabe has observed that the spots on the sun alternately increase and decrease in the course of every ten years, and Captain Sabine has pointed out that this variable obscuration coincides in time both as to its maximum and minimum with changes in all those terrestrial magnetic variations which are caused by the sun. Hence he infers that the period of alteration in the spots is a solar magnetic period. Assuming such to be the case, the variable light of some stars may indicate a similar phenomenon, or they may be stellar magnetic periods, differing only in the degree of obscuration and its duration. And as hitherto we have perceived no fluctuation in the heat received by the earth from the sun coincident with the solar magnetic period, so the fluctuations in the brilliancy of the stars may not perhaps be attended with any perceptible alteration in their power of radiating heat. But before we can speculate with advantage in this new and interesting field of inquiry, we require more facts and observations. Supposed gradual diminution of the earth's primitive heat.—The gradual diminution of the supposed primitive heat of the globe has been resorted to by many geologists as the principal cause of alterations of climate. The matter of our planet is imagined, in accordance with the conjectures of Leibnitz, to have been originally in an intensely heated state, and to have been parting ever since with portions of its heat, and at the same time contracting its dimensions. There are, undoubtedly, good grounds for inferring from recent observation and experiment, that the temperature of the earth increases as we descend from the surface to that slight depth to which man can penetrate: but there are no positive proofs of a secular decrease of internal heat accompanied by contraction. On the contrary, La Place has shown, by reference to astronomical observations made in the time of Hipparchus, that in the last two thousand years at least there has been no sensible contraction of the globe by cooling; for had this been the case, even to an extremely small amount, the day would have been shortened, whereas its length has certainly not diminished during that period by 1/300th of a second. Baron Fourier, after making a curious series of experiments on the cooling of incandescent bodies, considers it to be proved mathematically, that the actual distribution of heat in the earth's envelope is precisely that which would have taken place if the globe had been formed in a medium of a very high temperature, and had afterwards been constantly cooled.210 He contends, that although no contraction can be demonstrated to have taken place within the historical period (the operation being slow and the time of observation limited), yet it is no less certain that heat is annually passing out by radiation from the interior of the globe into the planetary spaces. He even undertook to demonstrate that the quantity of heat thus transmitted into space in the course of every century, through every square metre of the earth's surface, would suffice to melt a column of ice having a square metre for its base, and being three metres (or 9 feet 10 inches) high. It is at the same time denied, that there is any assignable mode in which the heat thus lost by radiation can be again restored to the earth, and consequently the interior of our planet must, from the moment of its creation, have been subject to refrigeration, and is destined together with the sun and stars forever to grow colder. But I shall point out in the sequel (chapter 31) many objections to these views, and to the theory of the intense heat of the earth's central nucleus, and shall then inquire how far the observed augmentation of temperature, as we descend below the surface, may be referable to other causes unconnected with the supposed pristine fluidity of the entire globe.
CHAPTER IX. THEORY OF THE PROGRESSIVE DEVELOPMENT OF ORGANIC LIFE AT SUCCESSIVE GEOLOGICAL PERIODS. Theory of the progressive development of organic life—Evidence in its support inconclusive—Vertebrated animals, and plants of the most perfect organization, in strata of very high antiquity—Differences between the organic remains of successive formations—Comparative modern origin of the human race—The popular doctrine of successive development not established by the admission that man is of modern origin—Introduction of man, to what extent a change in the system. Progressive development of organic life.—In the preceding chapters I have considered whether revolutions in the general climate of the globe afford any just ground of opposition to the doctrine that the former changes of the earth which are treated of in geology belong to one uninterrupted series of physical events governed by ordinary causes. Against this doctrine some popular arguments have been derived from the great vicissitudes of the organic creation in times past; I shall therefore proceed to the discussion of such objections, which have been thus formally advanced by the late Sir Humphrey Davy. "It is impossible," he affirms, "to defend the proposition, that the present order of things is the ancient and constant order of nature, only modified by existing laws: in those strata which are deepest, and which must, consequently, be supposed to be the earliest deposited, forms even of vegetable life are rare; shells and vegetable remains are found in the next order; the bones of fishes and oviparous reptiles exist in the following class; the remains of birds, with those of the same genera mentioned before, in the next order; those of quadrupeds of extinct species in a still more recent class; and it is only in the loose and slightly consolidated strata of gravel and sand, and which are usually called diluvian formations, that the remains of animals such as now people the globe are found, with others belonging to extinct species. But, in none of these formations, whether called secondary, tertiary, or diluvial, have the remains of man, or any of his works, been discovered; and whoever dwells upon this subject must be convinced, that the present order of things, and the comparatively recent existence of man as the master of the globe, is as certain as the destruction of a former and a different order, and the extinction of a number of living forms which have no types in being. In the oldest secondary strata there are no remains of such animals as now belong to the surface; and in the rocks, which may be regarded as more recently deposited, these remains occur but rarely, and with abundance of extinct species;—there seems, as it were, a gradual approach to the present system of things, and a succession of destructions and creations preparatory to the existence of man."211 In the above passages, the author deduces two important conclusions from geological data: first, that in the successive groups of strata, from the oldest to the most recent, there is a progressive development of organic life, from the simplest to the most complicated forms;—secondly, that man is of comparatively recent origin, and these conclusions he regards as inconsistent with the doctrine, "that the present order of things is the ancient and constant order of nature only modified by existing laws." With respect, then, to the first of these propositions, we may ask whether the theory of the progressive development of animal and vegetable life, and their successive advancement from a simple to a more perfect state, has any secure foundation in fact? No geologists who are in possession of all the data now established respecting fossil remains, will for a moment contend for the doctrine in all its detail, as laid down by the distinguished philosopher to whose opinions we have referred: but naturalists, who are not unacquainted with recent discoveries, continue to defend it in a modified form. They say that in the first period of the world (by which they mean the earliest of which we have yet brought to light any memorials), the vegetation was characterized by a predominance of cryptogamic plants, while the animals which coexisted were almost entirely confined to zoophytes, testacea, and a few fish. Plants of a less simple structure, coniferÆ and cycadeÆ, flourished largely in the next epoch, when oviparous reptiles began also to abound. Lastly, the terrestrial flora became most diversified and most perfect when the highest orders of animals, the mammalia and birds, were called into existence. Now in the first place, it may be observed, that many naturalists are guilty of no small inconsistency in endeavoring to connect the phenomena of the earliest vegetation with a nascent condition of organic life, and at the same time to deduce from the numerical predominance of certain forms, the greater heat or uniformity of the ancient climate. The arguments in favor of the latter conclusion are without any force, unless we can assume that the rules followed by the Author of Nature in the creation and distribution of organic beings were the same formerly as now; and that, as certain families of animals and plants are now most abundant in, or exclusively confined to regions where there is a certain temperature, a certain degree of humidity, a certain intensity of light, and other conditions, so also analogous phenomena were exhibited at every former era. If this postulate be denied, and the prevalence of particular families be declared to depend on a certain order of precedence in the introduction of different classes into the earth, and if it be maintained that the standard of organization was raised successively, we must then ascribe the numerical preponderance, in the earlier ages, of plants of simpler structure, not to the heat, or other climatal conditions, but to those different laws which regulate organic life in newly created worlds. Before we can infer a warm and uniform temperature in high latitudes, from the presence of 250 species of ferns, some of them arborescent, accompanied by lycopadiacÆ of large size, and araucariÆ, we must be permitted to assume, that at all times, past, present, and future, a heated and moist atmosphere pervading the northern hemisphere has a tendency to produce in the vegetation a predominance of analogous forms. It should moreover be borne in mind, when we are considering the question of development from a botanical point of view, that naturalists are by no means agreed as to the existence of an ascending scale of organization in the vegetable world corresponding to that which is very generally recognized in animals. "From the sponge to man," in the language of De Blainville, there may be a progressive chain of being, although often broken and imperfect; but if we seek to classify plants according to a linear arrangement, ascending gradually from the lichen to the lily or the rose, we encounter incomparably greater difficulties. Yet the doctrine of a more highly developed organization in the plants created at successive periods presupposes the admission of such a graduated scale. We have as yet obtained but scanty information respecting the state of the terrestrial flora at periods antecedent to the coal. In the carboniferous epoch, about 500 species of fossil plants are enumerated by Adolphe Brongniart, which we may safely regard as a mere fragment of an ancient flora; since, in Europe alone, there are now no less than 11,000 living species. I have already hinted that the plants which produced coal were not drifted from a distance, but that nearly all of them grew on the spots where they became fossil. They appear to have belonged, as before explained (p. 115), to a peculiar class of stations,—to low level and swampy regions, in the deltas of large rivers, slightly elevated above the level of the sea. From the study, therefore, of such a vegetation, we can derive but little insight into the nature of the contemporaneous upland flora, still less of the plants of the mountainous or Alpine country; and if so, we are enabled to account for the apparent monotony of the vegetation, although its uniform character was doubtless in part owing to a greater uniformity of climate then prevailing throughout the globe. Some of the commonest trees of this period, such as the sigillariÆ, which united the structure of ferns and of cycadeÆ, departed very widely from all known living types. The coniferÆ and ferns, on the contrary, were very closely allied to living genera. It is remarkable that none of the exogens of Lindley (dicotyledonous angiosperms of Brongniart), which comprise four-fifths of the living flora of the globe, and include all the forest trees of Europe except the fir-tribe, have yet been discovered in the coal measures, and a very small number—fifteen species only—of monocotyledons. If several of these last are true plants, an opinion to which Messrs. Lindley, Unger, Corda, and other botanists of note incline, the question whether any of the most highly organized plants are to be met with in ancient strata is at once answered in the affirmative. But the determination of these palms being doubtful, we have as yet in the coal no positive proofs either of the existence of the most perfect, or of the most simple forms of flowering or flowerless vegetation. We have no fungi, lichens, hepatici or mosses: yet this latter class may have been as fully represented then as now. In the flora of the secondary eras, all botanists agree that palms existed, although in Europe plants of the family of zamia and cycas together with coniferÆ predominated, and must have given a peculiar aspect to the flora. As only 200 or 300 species of plants are known in all the rocks ranging from the Trias to the Oolite inclusive, our data are too scanty as yet to affirm whether the vegetation of this second epoch was or was not on the whole of a simpler organization than that of our own times. In the Lower Cretaceous formation, near Aix-la-Chapelle, the leaves of a great many dicotyledonous trees have lately been discovered by Dr. Debey, establishing the important fact of the coexistence of a large number of angiosperms with cycadeÆ, and with that rich reptilian fauna comprising the ichthyosaur, plesiosaur, and pterodactyl, which some had supposed to indicate a state of the atmosphere unfavorable to a dicotyledonous vegetation.The number of plants hitherto obtained from tertiary strata of different ages is very limited, but is rapidly increasing. They are referable to a much greater variety of families and classes than an equal number of fossil species taken from secondary or primary rocks, the angiosperms bearing the same proportion to the gymnosperms and acrogens as in the present flora of the globe. This greater variety may, doubtless, be partly ascribed to the greater diversity of stations in which the plants grew, as we have in this case an opportunity, rarely enjoyed in studying the secondary fossils, of investigating inland or lacustrine deposits accumulated at different heights above the sea, and containing the memorials of plants washed down from adjoining mountains. In regard, then, to the strata from the cretaceous to the uppermost tertiary inclusive, we may affirm that we find in them all the principal classes of living plants, and during this vast lapse of time four or five complete changes in the vegetation occurred, yet no step whatever was made in advance at any of these periods by the addition of more highly organized species. If we next turn to the fossils of the animal kingdom, we may inquire whether, when they are arranged by the geologists in a chronological series, they imply that beings of more highly developed structure and greater intelligence entered upon the earth at successive epochs, those of the simplest organization being the first created, and those more highly organized being the last. Our knowledge of the Silurian fauna is at present derived entirely from rocks of marine origin, no fresh-water strata of such high antiquity having yet been met with. The fossils, however, of these ancient rocks at once reduce the theory of progressive development to within very narrow limits, for already they comprise a very full representation of the radiata, mollusca, and articulata proper to the sea. Thus, in the great division of radiata, we find asteriod and helianthoid zoophytes, besides crinoid and cystidean echinoderms. In the mollusca, between 200 and 300 species of cephalopoda are enumerated. In the articulata we have the crustaceans represented by more than 200 species of trilobites, besides other genera of the same class. The remains of fish are as yet confined to the upper part of the Silurian series; but some of these belong to placoid fish, which occupy a high grade in the scale of organization. Some naturalists have assumed that the earliest fauna was exclusively marine, because we have not yet found a single Silurian helix, insect, bird, terrestrial reptile or mammifer; but when we carry back our investigation to a period so remote from the present, we ought not to be surprised if the only accessible strata should be limited to deposits formed far from land, because the ocean probably occupied then, as now, the greater part of the earth's surface. After so many entire geographical revolutions, the chances are nearly three to one in favor of our finding that such small portions of the existing continents and islands as expose Silurian strata to view, should coincide in position with the ancient ocean rather than the land. We must not, therefore, too hastily infer, from the absence of fossil bones of mammalia in the older rocks, that the highest class of vertebrated animals did not exist in remoter ages. There are regions at present, in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, coextensive in area with the continents of Europe and North America, where we might dredge the bottom and draw up thousands of shells and corals, without obtaining one bone of a land quadruped. Suppose our mariners were to report, that, on sounding in the Indian Ocean near some coral reefs, and at some distance from the land, they drew up on hooks attached to their line portions of a leopard, elephant, or tapir, should we not be skeptical as to the accuracy of their statements? and if we had no doubt of their veracity, might we not suspect them to be unskilful naturalists? or, if the fact were unquestioned, should we not be disposed to believe that some vessel had been wrecked on the spot? The casualties must always be rare by which land quadrupeds are swept by rivers far out into the open sea, and still rarer the contingency of such a floating body not being devoured by sharks or other predaceous fish, such as were those of which we find the teeth preserved in some of the carboniferous strata. But if the carcass should escape, and should happen to sink where sediment was in the act of accumulating, and if the numerous causes of subsequent disintegration should not efface all traces of the body, included for countless ages in solid rock, is it not contrary to all calculation of chances that we should hit upon the exact spot—that mere point in the bed of an ancient ocean, where the precious relic was entombed? Can we expect for a moment, when we have only succeeded, amidst several thousand fragments of corals and shells, in finding a few bones of aquatic or amphibious animals, that we should meet with a single skeleton of an inhabitant of the land? Clarence, in his dream, saw, "in the slimy bottom of the deep," Had he also beheld, amid "the dead bones that lay scattered by," the carcasses of lions, deer, and the other wild tenants of the forest and the plain, the fiction would have been deemed unworthy of the genius of Shakspeare. So daring a disregard of probability and violation of analogy would have been condemned as unpardonable, even where the poet was painting those incongruous images which present themselves to a disturbed imagination during the visions of the night. Until lately it was supposed that the old red sandstone, or Devonian rocks, contained no vertebrate remains except those of fish, but in 1850 the footprints of a chelonian, and in 1851 the skeleton of a reptile, allied both to the batrachians and lizards, were found in a sandstone of that age near Elgin in Scotland.212 Up to the year 1844 it was laid down as a received dogma in many works of high authority in geology, that reptiles were not created until after the close of the carboniferous epoch. In the course of that year, however, Hermann Von Meyer announced the discovery, in the coal measures of Rhenish Bavaria, of a reptile, called by him Apateon, related to the salamanders; and in 1847 three species of another genus, called archegosaurus by Goldfuss, were obtained from the coal of SaarbrÜck, between Treves and Strasburg. The footprints of a large quadruped, probably batrachian, had also been observed by Dr. King in the carboniferous rocks of Pennsylvania in 1844. The first example of the bones of a reptile in the Coal of North America was detected so lately as September, 1852, by Mr. G. W. Dawson and myself in Nova Scotia. These remains, referred by Messrs. Wyman and Owen to a perennibranchiate batrachian, were met with in the interior of an erect fossil tree, apparently a sigillaria. They seem clearly to have been introduced together with sediment into the tree, during its submergence and after it had decayed and was standing as a hollow cylinder of bark, this bark being now converted into coal. When Agassiz, in his great work on fossil fish, described 152 species of ichthyolites from the Coal, he found them to consist of 94 placoids, belonging to the families of shark and ray, and 58 ganoids. One family of the latter he called "sauroid fish," including the megalicthys and holoptychius, often of great size, and all predaceous. Although true fish, and not intermediate between that class and reptiles, they seem to have been more highly organized than any living fish, reminding us of the skeletons of saurians by the close suture of their cranial bones, their large conical teeth, striated longitudinally, and the articulation of the spinous processes with the vertebrÆ. Among living species they are most nearly allied to the lepidosteus, or bony pike of the North American rivers. Before the recent progress of discovery above alluded to had shown the fallacy of such ideas, it was imagined by some geologists that this ichthyic type was the more highly developed, because it took the lead at the head of nature before the class of reptiles had been created. The confident assumption indulged in till the year 1844, that reptiles were first introduced into the earth in the Permian period, shows the danger of taking for granted that the date of the creation of any family of animals or plants in past time coincides with the age of the oldest stratified rock in which the geologist has detected its remains. Nevertheless, after repeated disappointments, we find some naturalists as much disposed as ever to rely on such negative evidence, and to feel now as sure that reptiles were not introduced into the earth till after the Silurian epoch, as they were in 1844, that they appeared for the first time at an era subsequent to the carboniferous. Scanty as is the information hitherto obtained in regard to the articulata of the coal formation, we have at least ascertained that some insects winged their way through the ancient forests. In the ironstone of Coalbrook Dale, two species of coleoptera of the LinnÆan genus curculio have been met with: and a neuropterous insect resembling a corydalis, together with another of the same order related to the phasmidÆ. As an example of the insectivorous arachnidÆ, I may mention the scorpion of the Bohemian coal, figured by Count Sternberg, in which even the eyes, skin, and minute hairs were preserved.213 We need not despair, therefore, of obtaining eventually fossil representatives of all the principal orders of hexapods and arachnidÆ in carboniferous strata. Next in chronological order above the Coal comes the allied Magnesian Limestone, or Permian group, and the secondary formations from the Trias to the Chalk inclusive. These rocks comprise the monuments of a long series of ages in which reptiles of every variety of size, form, and structure peopled the earth; so that the whole period, and especially that of the Lias and Oolite, has been sometimes called "the age of reptiles." As there are now mammalia entirely confined to the land; others which, like the bat and vampire, fly in the air; others, again, of amphibious habits, frequenting rivers, like the hippopotamus, otter, and beaver; others exclusively aquatic and marine, like the seal, whale, and narwal; so in the early ages under consideration, there were terrestrial, winged, and aquatic reptiles. There were iguanodons walking on the land, pterodactyls winging their way through the air, monitors and crocodiles in the rivers, and ichthyosaurs and plesiosaurs in the ocean. It appears also that some of these ancient saurians approximated more nearly in their organization to the type of living mammalia than do any of the reptiles now existing.214 In the vast range of strata above alluded to, comprising the Permian, the Upper New Red Sandstone and Muschelkalk, the Lias, Oolite, Wealden, Green-sand, and Chalk, scarcely any well-authenticated instances of the occurrence of fossil birds in Europe are on record, and only two or three of fossil mammalia. In regard to the absence of birds, they are usually wanting, for reasons afterwards to be explained (see chap. 47), in deposits of all ages, even in the tertiary periods, where we know that birds as well as land quadrupeds abounded. Some at least of the fossil remains formerly referred to this class in the Wealden (a great freshwater deposit below the chalk), have been recently shown by Mr. Owen to belong to pterodactyls.215 But in North America still more ancient indications of the existence of the feathered tribe have been detected, the fossil foot-marks of a great variety of species, of various sizes, some larger than the ostrich, others smaller than the plover, having been observed. These bipeds have left marks of their footsteps on strata of an age decidedly intermediate between the Lias and the Coal.216 Thylacotherium Prevostii. Thylacotherium Prevostii (Valenciennes). Amphitherium (Owen). Lower jaw, from the slate of Stonesfield, near Oxford.218 The examples of mammalia, above alluded to, are confined to the Trias and the Oolite. In the former, the evidence is as yet limited to two small molar teeth, described by Professor Plieninger in 1847, under the generic name of Microlestes. They were found near Stuttgart, and possess the double fangs so characteristic of mammalia.217 The other fossil remains of the same class were derived from one of the inferior members of the oolitic series in Oxfordshire, and afford more full and satisfactory evidence, consisting of the lower jaws of three species of small quadrupeds about the size of a mole. Cuvier, when he saw one of them (during a visit to Oxford in 1818), referred it to the marsupial order, stating, however, that it differed from all known carnivora in having ten molar teeth in a row. Professor Owen afterwards pointed out that the jaw belonged to an extinct genus, having considerable affinity to a newly discovered Australian mammifer, the Myrmecobius of Waterhouse, which has nine molar teeth in the lower jaw. (Fig. 9.) A more perfect specimen Fig. 9.Myrmecobius fasciatus. Myrmecobius fasciatus (Waterhouse). Recent from Swan River. Lower jaw of the natural size. 219 enabled Mr. Owen in 1846 to prove that the inflection of the angular process of the lower jaw was not sufficiently marked to entitle the osteologist to infer that this quadruped was marsupial, as the process is not bent inwards in a greater degree than in the mole or hedgehog. Hence the genus amphitherium, of which there are two species from Stonesfield, must be referred to the ordinary or placental type of insectivorous mammals, although it approximates in some points of structure to the myrmecobius and allied marsupials of Australia. The other contemporary genus, called phascolotherium, agrees much more nearly in osteological character and precisely in the number of the teeth with the opossums; and is believed to have been truly marsupial. (Fig. 10.) Fig. 10.Phascolotherium Bucklandi, Natural size.
Phascolotherium Bucklandi, Owen. (Syn. Didelphis Bucklandi, Brod.) Lower jaw, from Stonesfield.220 1. The jaw magnified twice in length.2. The second molar tooth magnified six times. The occurrence of these most ancient memorials of the mammiferous type, in so low a member of the oolitic series, while no other representatives of the same class (if we except the microlestes) have yet been found in any other of the inferior or superior secondary strata, is a striking fact, and should serve as a warning to us against hasty generalizations, founded solely on negative evidence. So important an exception to a general rule may be perfectly consistent with the conclusion, that a small number only of mammalia inhabited European latitudes when our secondary rocks were formed; but it seems fatal to the theory of progressive development, or to the notion that the order of precedence in the creation of animals, considered chronologically, has precisely coincided with the order in which they would be ranked according to perfection or complexity of structure. It was for many years suggested that the marsupial order to which the fossil animals of Stonesfield were supposed exclusively to belong constitutes the lowest grade in the class Mammalia, and that this order, of which the brain is of more simple form, evinces an inferior degree of intelligence. If, therefore, in the oolitic period the marsupial tribes were the only warm-blooded quadrupeds which had as yet appeared upon our planet, the fact, it was said, confirmed the theory which teaches that the creation of the more simple forms in each division of the animal kingdom preceded that of the more complex. But on how slender a support, even if the facts had continued to hold true, did such important conclusions hang! The Australian continent, so far as it has been hitherto explored, contains no indigenous quadrupeds save those of the marsupial order, with the exception of a few small rodents, while some neighboring islands to the north, and even southern Africa, in the same latitude as Australia, abound in mammalia of every tribe except the marsupial. We are entirely unable to explain on what physiological or other laws this singular diversity in the habitations of living mammalia depends; but nothing is more clear than that the causes which stamp so peculiar a character on two different provinces of wide extent are wholly independent of time, or of the age or maturity of the planet. The strata of the Wealden, although of a later date than the oolite of Stonesfield, and although filled with the remains of large reptiles, both terrestrial and aquatic, have not yielded as yet a single marsupial bone. Were we to assume on such scanty data that no warm-blooded quadrupeds were then to be found throughout the northern hemisphere, there would still remain a curious subject of speculation, whether the entire suppression of one important class of vertebrata, such as the mammiferous, and the great development of another, such as the reptilian, implies a departure from fixed and uniform rules governing the fluctuations of the animal world; such rules, for example, as appear from one century to another to determine the growth of certain tribes of plants and animals in arctic, and of other tribes in tropical regions. In Australia, New Zealand, and many other parts of the southern hemisphere, where the indigenous land quadrupeds are comparatively few, and of small dimensions, the reptiles do not predominate in number or size. The deposits formed at the mouth of an Australian river, within the tropics, might contain the bones of only a few small marsupial animals, which, like those of Stonesfield, might hereafter be discovered with difficulty by geologists; but there would, at the same time, be no megalosauri and other fossil remains, showing that large saurians were plentiful on the land and in the waters at a time when mammalia were scarce. This example, therefore, would afford a very imperfect parallel to the state of the animal kingdom, supposed to have prevailed during the secondary periods, when a high temperature pervaded European latitudes. It may nevertheless be advantageous to point to some existing anomalies in the geographical development of distinct classes of vertebrata which may be comparable to former conditions of the animal creation brought to light by geology. Thus in the arctic regions, at present, reptiles are small, and sometimes wholly wanting, where birds, large land quadrupeds, and cetacea abound. We meet with bears, wolves, foxes, musk oxen, and deer, walruses, seals, whales, and narwals, in regions of ice and snow, where the smallest snakes, efts, and frogs are rarely, if ever, seen. A still more anomalous state of things presents itself in the southern hemisphere. Even in the temperate zone, between the latitudes 52° and 56° S., as, for example, in Tierra del Fuego, as well as in the woody region immediately north of the Straits of Magellan, and in the Falkland Islands, no reptiles of any kind are met with, not even a snake, lizard, or frog; but in these same countries we find the guanaco (a kind of llama), a deer, the puma, a large species of fox, many small rodentia, besides the seal and otter, together with the porpoise, whale, and other cetacea. On what grand laws in the animal physiology these remarkable phenomena depend, cannot in the present state of science be conjectured; nor could we predict whether any opposite condition of the atmosphere, in respect to heat, moisture, and other circumstances, would bring about a state of animal life which might be called the converse of that above described, namely, a state in which reptiles of every size and order might abound, and mammalia disappear. The nearest approximation to such a fauna is found in the Galapagos Archipelago. These islands, situated under the equator, and nearly 600 miles west of the coast of Peru, have been called "the land of reptiles," so great is the number of snakes, large tortoises, and lizards, which they support. Among the lizards, the first living species proper to the ocean has been discovered. Yet, although some of these islands are from 3000 to 4000 feet high, and one of them 75 miles long, they contain, with the exception of one small mouse, no indigenous mammifer. Even here, however, it is true that in the neighboring sea there are seals, and several kinds of cetacea.221 It may be unreasonable to look for a nearer analogy between the fauna now existing in any part of the globe, and that which we can show to have prevailed when our secondary strata were deposited, because we must always recollect that a climate like that now experienced at the equator, coexisting with the unequal days and nights of European latitudes, was a state of things to which there is now no counterpart on the globe. Consequently, the type of animal and vegetable existence required for such a climate might be expected to deviate almost as widely from that now established, as do the flora and fauna of our tropical differ from those of our arctic regions. In the Tertiary strata.—The tertiary formations were deposited when the physical geography of the northern hemisphere had been entirely altered. Large inland lakes had become numerous, as in central France and other countries. There were gulfs of the sea, into which considerable rivers emptied themselves, and where strata like those of the Paris basin were accumulated. There were also formations in progress, in shallow seas not far from shore, such as are indicated by portions of the Faluns of the Loire, and the English Crag. The proximity, therefore, of large tracts of dry land to the seas and lakes then existing, may, in a great measure, explain why the remains of land animals, so rare in the older strata, are not uncommon in these more modern deposits. Yet even these have sometimes proved entirely destitute of mammiferous relics for years after they had become celebrated for the abundance of their fossil testacea, fish, and reptiles. Thus the calcaire grossier, a marine limestone of the district round Paris, had afforded to collectors more than 1100 species of shells, besides many zoophytes, echinodermata, and the teeth of fish, before the bones of one or two land quadrupeds were met with in the same rock. The strata called London and Plastic clay in England have been studied for more than half a century, and about 400 species of shells, 50 or more of fish, besides several kinds of chelonian and saurian reptiles, were known before a single mammifer was detected. At length, in the year 1839, there were found in this formation the remains of a monkey, an opossum, a bat,222 and a species of the extinct genus Hyracotherium, allied to the Peccary or hog tribe. If we examine the strata above the London clay in England, we first meet with mammiferous remains in the Isle of Wight, in beds also belonging to the Eocene epoch, such as the remains of the PalÆotherium, Anoplotherium, and other extinct quadrupeds, agreeing very closely with those first found by Cuvier, near Paris, in strata of the same age, and of similar freshwater origin. In France we meet with another fauna, both conchological and mammalian in the Miocene "faluns" of the Loire; above which in the ascending series in Great Britain we arrive at the coralline crag of Suffolk, a marine formation which has yielded three or four hundred species of shells, very different from the Eocene testacea, and of which a large proportion, although a minority of the whole number, are recent, besides many corals, echini, foraminifera, and fish, but as yet no relic decidedly mammalian except the ear-bone of a whale. In the shelly sand, provincially termed "Red Crag," in Suffolk, which immediately succeeds the coralline, constituting a newer member of the same tertiary group, about 250 species of shells have been recognized, of which a still larger proportion are recent. They are associated with numerous teeth of fish; but no signs of a warm-blooded quadruped had been detected until 1839, when the teeth of a leopard, a bear, a hog, and a species of ruminant, were found at Newbourn, in Suffolk, and since that time, several other genera of mammalia have been met with in the same formation, or in the Red Crag.223 Of a still newer date is the Norwich Crag, a fluvio-marine deposit of the Pleiocene epoch, containing a mixture of marine, fluviatile, and land shells, of which 90 per cent. or more are recent. These beds, since the time of their first investigation, have yielded a supply of mammalian bones of the genera mastodon, elephant, rhinoceros, pig, horse, deer, ox, and others, the bodies of which may have been washed down into the sea by rivers draining land, of which the contiguity is indicated by the occasional presence of terrestrial and freshwater shells. Our acquaintance with the newer Pleiocene mammalia in Europe, South America, and Australia, is derived chiefly from cavern deposits, a fact which we ought never to forget if we desire to appreciate the superior facilities we enjoy for studying the more modern as compared to the more ancient terrestrial faunas. We know nothing of the fossil bones which must have been inclosed in the stalagmite of caverns in the older Pleiocene, or in the Miocene or Eocene epochs, much less can we derive any information respecting the inhabitants of the land from a similar source, when we carry back our inquiries to the Wealden or carboniferous epochs. We are as well assured that land and rivers then existed, as that they exist now; but it is evident that even a slight geographical revolution, accompanied by the submergence and denudation of land, would reduce to an extreme improbability the chance of our hitting on those minute points of space where caves may once have occurred in limestone rocks. Fossil quadrumana.—Until within a few years (1836, 1837), not a single bone of any quadrumanous animal, such as the orang, ape, baboon, and monkey, had been discovered in a fossil state, although so much progress had been made in bringing to light the extinct mammalia of successive tertiary eras, both carnivorous and herbivorous. The total absence of these anthropomorphous tribes among the records of a former world, had led some to believe that the type of organization most nearly resembling the human, came so late in the order of creation, as to be scarcely, if at all, anterior to that of man. That such generalizations were premature, I endeavored to point out in the first edition of this work,224 in which I stated that the bones of quadrupeds hitherto met with in tertiary deposits were chiefly those which frequent marshes, rivers, or the borders of lakes, as the elephant, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, tapir, hog, deer, and ox, while species which live in trees are extremely rare in a fossil state. I also hinted, that we had as yet no data for determining how great a number of the one kind we ought to find, before we have a right to expect a single individual of the other. Lastly, I observed that the climate of the more modern (or Post-Eocene) tertiary periods in England was not tropical, and that in regard to the London clay, of which the crocodiles, turtles, and fossil fruits implied a climate hot enough for the quadrumana, we had as yet made too little progress in ascertaining what were the Eocene pachydermata of England, to entitle us to expect to have discovered any quadrumana of the same date. Since those remarks were first written, in 1829, a great number of extinct species have been added to our collections of tertiary mammalia from Great Britain and other parts of the world. At length, between the years 1836 and 1839, a few remains of quadrumana were found in France and England, India and Brazil. Those of India, belonging to more than one extinct species of monkey, were first discovered near the Sutlej, in lat. 30° N., in tertiary strata, of which the age is not yet determined; the Brazilian fossil, brought from the basin of the Rio das Velhas, about lat. 18° S., is referable to a form now peculiar in America, allied to the genus Callithrix, the species being extinct. The skull and other bones met with in the South of France belong to a gibbon, or one of the tailless apes, which stand next in the scale of organization to the orang. It occurred at Sansan, about forty miles west of Toulouse, in lat. 43° 40' N., in freshwater strata, probably of the Miocene or middle tertiary period. Lastly, the English quadrumane first met with, occurred in a more ancient stratum than the rest, and at a point more remote from the equator. It belongs to the genus Macacus, is an extinct species, and was found in Suffolk, in lat. 52°,225 in the London clay, the fossils of which, such as crocodiles, turtles, shells of the genus Nautilus, and many curious fruits, had already led geologists to the conclusion that the climate of that era (the Eocene) was warm and nearly tropical. Some years later (in 1846) the jaw of another British species of fossil monkey, Macacus pliocenus, was announced by Mr. Owen as having been met with in the newer Pleiocene strata, on the banks of the Thames, at Grays, in Essex, accompanying the remains of hippopotamus, elephant, and other quadrupeds, and associated with freshwater and land shells, most of which are now inhabitants of the British Isles.226 When we consider the small area of the earth's surface hitherto explored geologically, and the new discoveries brought to light daily, even in the environs of great European capitals, we must feel that it would be rash to assume that the Lower Eocene deposits mark the era of the first creation of quadrumana. It would, however, be still more unphilosophical to infer, as some writers have done, from a single extinct species of this family obtained in a latitude far from the tropics, that the Eocene quadrumana did not attain as high a grade of organization as they do in our own times. What would the naturalist know of the apes and orangs now contemporary with man, if our investigations were restricted to such northern latitudes as those where alone the geologist has hitherto found all the fossil quadrumana of Europe? Cetacea.—The absence of Cetacea from rocks older than the Eocene has been frequently adduced as lending countenance to the theory of the very late appearance of the highest class of Vertebrata on the earth. Professor Sedgwick possesses in the Cambridge Museum a mass of anchylosed cervical vertebrÆ of a whale, which he found in drift clay near Ely, and which he has no doubt was washed out of the Kimmeridge clay, an upper member of the Oolite. According to Professor Owen, it exhibits well-marked specific characters, distinguishing it from all other known recent or fossil cetacea. Dr. Leidy, of Philadelphia, has lately described (1851) two species of cetacea of a new genus, which he has called Priscodelphinus from the green sand of New Jersey, which corresponds in age with the English Chalk or the cretaceous strata above the gault. The specimens consist of dorsal and cervical vertebrÆ.227 Even in the Eocene strata of Europe, the discovery of cetaceans has never kept pace with that of land quadrupeds. The only instance cited in Great Britain is a species of Monodon, from the London clay, of doubtful authenticity as to its geological position. On the other hand, the gigantic Zeuglodon of North America occurs abundantly in the Middle Eocene strata of Georgia and Alabama, from which as yet no bones of land quadrupeds have been obtained. In the present imperfect state then of our information, we can scarcely say more than that the cetacea seem to have been scarce in the secondary and primary periods. It is quite conceivable that when aquatic saurians, some of them carnivorous, like the Ichthyosaurus, were swarming in the sea, and when there were large herbivorous reptiles, like the Iguanodon, on the land, the class of reptiles may, to a certain extent, have superseded the cetacea, and discharged their functions in the animal economy. That mammalia had been created long before the epoch of the Kimmeridge clay, is shown by the Microlestes of the Trias before alluded to, and by the Stonesfield quadrupeds from the Inferior Oolite. And we are bound to remember, whenever we infer the poverty of the flora or fauna of any given period of the past, from the small number of fossils occurring in ancient rocks, that it has been evidently no part of the plan of Nature to hand down to us a complete or systematic record of the former history of the animate world. We may have failed to discover a single shell, marine or freshwater, or a single coral or bone in certain sandstones, such as that of the valley of the Connecticut, where the footprints of bipeds and quadrupeds abound; but such failure may have arisen, not because the population of the land or sea was scanty at that era, but because in general the preservation of any relics of the animals or plants of former times is the exception to a general rule. Time so enormous as that contemplated by the geologist may multiply exceptional cases till they seem to constitute the rule, and so impose on the imagination as to lead us to infer the non-existence of creatures of which no monuments happen to remain. Professor Forbes has remarked, that few geologists are aware how large a proportion of all known species of fossils are founded on single specimens, while a still greater number are founded on a few individuals discovered in one spot. This holds true not only in regard to animals and plants inhabiting the land, the lake, and the river, but even to a surprising number of the marine mollusca, articulata, and radiata. Our knowledge, therefore, of the living creation of any given period of the past may be said to depend in a great degree on what we commonly call chance, and the casual discovery of some new localities rich in peculiar fossils may modify or entirely overthrow all our previous generalizations. Upon the whole then we derive this result from a general review of the fossils of the successive tertiary strata, namely, that since the Eocene period, there have been several great changes in the land quadrupeds inhabiting Europe, probably not less than five complete revolutions, during which there has been no step whatever made in advance, no elevation in the scale of being; so that had man been created at the commencement of the Eocene era, he would not have constituted a greater innovation on the state of the animal creation previously established than now, when we believe him to have begun to exist at the close of the Pleiocene. The views, therefore, which I proposed in the first edition of this work, January, 1830, in opposition to the theory of progressive development, do not seem to me to require material modification, notwithstanding the large additions since made to our knowledge of fossil remains. These views may be thus briefly stated. From the earliest period at which plants and animals can be proved to have existed, there has been a continual change going on in the position of land and sea, accompanied by great fluctuations of climate. To these ever-varying geographical and climatal conditions the state of the animate world has been unceasingly adapted. No satisfactory proof has yet been discovered of the gradual passage of the earth from a chaotic to a more habitable state, nor of any law of progressive development governing the extinction and renovation of species, and causing the fauna and flora to pass from an embryonic to a more perfect condition, from a simple to a more complex organization. The principle of adaptation to which I have alluded, appears to have been analogous to that which now peoples the arctic, temperate, and tropical regions contemporaneously with distinct assemblages of species and genera, or which, independently of mere temperature, gives rise to a predominance of the marsupial or didelphous tribe of quadrupeds in Australia, of the placental or monodelphous tribe in Asia and Europe, or which causes a profusion of reptiles without mammalia in the Galapagos Archipelago, and of mammalia without reptiles in Greenland. Recent origin of man.—If, then, the popular theory of the successive development of the animal and vegetable world, from the simplest to the most perfect forms, rests on a very insecure foundation; it may be asked, whether the recent origin of man lends any support to the same doctrine, or how far the influence of man may be considered as such a deviation from the analogy of the order of things previously established, as to weaken our confidence in the uniformity of the course of nature. Antecedently to investigation, we might reasonably have anticipated that the vestiges of man would have been traced back at least as far as those modern strata in which all the testacea and a certain number of the mammalia are of existing species, for of all the mammalia the human species is the most cosmopolite, and perhaps more capable than any other of surviving considerable vicissitudes in climate, and in the physical geography of the globe. No inhabitant of the land exposes himself to so many dangers on the waters as man, whether in a savage or a civilized state;228 and there is no animal, therefore, whose skeleton is so liable to become imbedded in lacustrine or submarine deposits; nor can it be said that his remains are more perishable than those of other animals; for in ancient fields of battle, as Cuvier has observed, the bones of men have suffered as little decomposition as those of horses which were buried in the same grave.229 But even if the more solid parts of our species had disappeared, the impression of their form would have remained engraven on the rocks, as have the traces of the tenderest leaves of plants, and the soft integuments of many animals. Works of art, moreover, composed of the most indestructible materials, would have outlasted almost all the organic contents of sedimentary rocks. Edifices, and even entire cities, have, within the times of history, been buried under volcanic ejections, submerged beneath the sea, or engulfed by earthquakes; and had these catastrophes been repeated throughout an indefinite lapse of ages, the high antiquity of man would have been inscribed in far more legible characters on the framework of the globe than are the forms of the ancient vegetation which once covered the islands of the northern ocean, or of those gigantic reptiles which at still later periods peopled the seas and rivers of the northern hemisphere.230 Dr. Prichard has argued that the human race have not always existed on the surface of the earth, because "the strata of which our continents are composed were once a part of the ocean's bed"—"mankind had a beginning, since we can look back to the period when the surface on which they lived began to exist."231 This proof, however, is insufficient, for many thousands of human beings now dwell in various quarters of the globe where marine species lived within the times of history, and, on the other hand, the sea now prevails permanently over large districts once inhabited by thousands of human beings. Nor can this interchange of sea and land ever cease while the present causes are in existence. Terrestrial species, therefore, might be older than the continents which they inhabit, and aquatic species of higher antiquity than the lakes and seas which they now people. But so far as our interpretation of physical movements has yet gone, we have every reason to infer that the human race is extremely modern, even when compared to the larger number of species now our contemporaries on the earth, and we may, therefore, ask whether his creation can be considered as one step in a supposed progressive system, by which the organic world has advanced slowly from a more simple to a more complex and perfect state? If we concede, for a moment, the truth of the proposition, that the sponge, the cephalopod, the fish, the reptile, the bird, and the mammifer, have followed each other in regular chronological order, the creation of each class being separated from the other by vast intervals of time, should we be able to recognize, in man's entrance upon the earth, the last term of one and the same series of progressive developments? In reply to this question it should first be observed, that the superiority of man depends not on those faculties and attributes which he shares in common with the inferior animals, but on his reason, by which he is distinguished from them. When it is said that the human race is of far higher dignity than were any pre-existing beings on the earth, it is the intellectual and moral attributes of our race, rather than the physical, which are considered; and it is by no means clear that the organization of man is such as would confer a decided pre-eminence upon him, if, in place of his reasoning powers, he was merely provided with such instincts as are possessed by the lower animals. If this be admitted, it would not follow, even if there were sufficient geological evidence in favor of the theory of progressive development, that the creation of man was the last link in the same chain. For the sudden passage from an irrational to a rational animal, is a phenomenon of a distinct kind from the passage from the more simple to the more perfect forms of animal organization and instinct. To pretend that such a step, or rather leap, can be part of a regular series of changes in the animal world, is to strain analogy beyond all reasonable bounds. Introduction of man, to what extent a change in the system.—But setting aside the question of progressive development, another and a far more difficult one may arise out of the admission that man is comparatively of modern origin. Is not the interference of the human species, it may be asked, such a deviation from the antecedent course of physical events, that the knowledge of such a fact tends to destroy all our confidence in the uniformity of the order of nature, both in regard to time past and future? If such an innovation could take place after the earth had been exclusively inhabited for thousands of ages by inferior animals, why should not other changes as extraordinary and unprecedented happen from time to time? If one new cause was permitted to supervene, differing in kind and energy from any before in operation, why may not others have come into action at different epochs? Or what security have we that they may not arise hereafter? And if such be the case, how can the experience of one period, even though we are acquainted with all the possible effects of the then existing causes, be a standard to which we can refer all natural phenomena of other periods? Now these objections would be unanswerable, if adduced against one who was contending for the absolute uniformity throughout all time of the succession of sublunary events—if, for example, he was disposed to indulge in the philosophical reveries of some Egyptian and Greek sects, who represented all the changes both of the moral and material world as repeated at distant intervals, so as to follow each other in their former connection of place and time. For they compared the course of events on our globe to astronomical cycles; and not only did they consider all sublunary affairs to be under the influence of the celestial bodies, but they taught that on the earth, as well as in the heavens, the same identical phenomena recurred again and again in a perpetual vicissitude. The same individual men were doomed to be re-born, and to perform the same actions as before; the same arts were to be invented, and the same cities built and destroyed. The Argonautic expedition was destined to sail again with the same heroes, and Achilles with his Myrmidons to renew, the combat before the walls of Troy. Alter erit tum Tiphys, et altera quÆ vehat Argo Dilectos heroas; erunt etiam altera bella, Atque iterum ad Trojam magnus mittetur Achilles.232 The geologist, however, may condemn these tenets as absurd, without running into the opposite extreme, and denying that the order of nature has, from the earliest periods, been uniform in the same sense in which we believe it to be uniform at present, and expect it to remain so in future. We have no reason to suppose, that when man first became master of a small part of the globe, a greater change took place in its physical condition than is now experienced when districts, never before inhabited, become successively occupied by new settlers. When a powerful European colony lands on the shores of Australia, and introduces at once those arts which it has required many centuries to mature; when it imports a multitude of plants and large animals from the opposite extremity of the earth, and begins rapidly to extirpate many of the indigenous species, a mightier revolution is effected in a brief period than the first entrance of a savage horde, or their continued occupation of the country for many centuries, can possibly be imagined to have produced. If there be no impropriety in assuming that the system is uniform when disturbances so unprecedented occur in certain localities, we can with much greater confidence apply the same language to those primeval ages when the aggregate number and power of the human race, or the rate of their advancement in civilization, must be supposed to have been far inferior. In reasoning on the state of the globe immediately before our species was called into existence, we must be guided by the same rules of induction as when we speculate on the state of America in the interval that elapsed between the introduction of man into Asia, the supposed cradle of our race, and the arrival of the first adventurers on the shores of the New World. In that interval, we imagine the state of things to have gone on according to the order now observed in regions unoccupied by man. Even now, the waters of lakes, seas, and the great ocean, which teem with life, may be said to have no immediate relation to the human race—to be portions of the terrestrial system of which man has never taken, nor ever can take possession; so that the greater part of the inhabited surface of the planet may still remain as insensible to our presence as before any isle or continent was appointed to be our residence. If the barren soil around Sydney had at once become fertile upon the landing of our first settlers; if, like the happy isles whereof the poets have given such glowing descriptions, those sandy tracts had begun to yield spontaneously an annual supply of grain, we might then, indeed, have fancied alterations still more remarkable in the economy of nature to have attended the first coming of our species into the planet. Or if, when a volcanic island like Ischia was, for the first time, brought under cultivation by the enterprise and industry of a Greek colony, the internal fire had become dormant, and the earthquake had remitted its destructive violence, there would then have been some ground for speculating on the debilitation of the subterranean forces, when the earth was first placed under the dominion of man. But after a long interval of rest, the volcano bursts forth again with renewed energy, annihilates one half of the inhabitants, and compels the remainder to emigrate. The course of nature remains evidently unchanged; and, in like manner, we may suppose the general condition of the globe, immediately before and after the period when our species first began to exist, to have been the same, with the exception only of man's presence. The modifications in the system of which man is the instrument do not, perhaps, constitute so great a deviation from previous analogy as we usually imagine; we often, for example, form an exaggerated estimate of the extent of our power in extirpating some of the inferior animals, and causing others to multiply; a power which is circumscribed within certain limits, and which, in all likelihood, is by no means exclusively exerted by our species.233 The growth of human population cannot take place without diminishing the numbers, or causing the entire destruction, of many animals. The larger beasts of prey, in particular, give way before us; but other quadrupeds of smaller size, and innumerable birds, insects, and plants, which are inimical to our interests, increase in spite of us, some attacking our food, others our raiment and persons, and others interfering with our agricultural and horticultural labors. We behold the rich harvest which we have raised by the sweat of our brow, devoured by myriads of insects, and are often as incapable of arresting their depredations, as of staying the shock of an earthquake, or the course of a stream of lava. A great philosopher has observed, that we can command nature only by obeying her laws; and this principle is true even in regard to the astonishing changes which are superinduced in the qualities of certain animals and plants by domestication and garden culture. I shall point out in the third book that we can only effect such surprising alterations by assisting the development of certain instincts, or by availing ourselves of that mysterious law of their organization, by which individual peculiarities are transmissible from one generation to another.234 It is probable from these and many other considerations, that as we enlarge our knowledge of the system, we shall become more and more convinced, that the alterations caused by the interference of man deviate far less from the analogy of those effected by other animals than is usually supposed.235 We are often misled, when we institute such comparisons, by our knowledge of the wide distinction between the instincts of animals and the reasoning power of man; and we are apt hastily to infer, that the effects of a rational and irrational species, considered merely as physical agents, will differ almost as much as the faculties by which their actions are directed. It is not, however, intended that a real departure from the antecedent course of physical events cannot be traced in the introduction of man. If that latitude of action which enables the brutes to accommodate themselves in some measure to accidental circumstances could be imagined to have been at any former period so great, that the operations of instinct were as much diversified as are those of human reason, it might, perhaps, be contended, that the agency of man did not constitute an anomalous deviation from the previously established order of things. It might then have been said, that the earth's becoming at a particular period the residence of human beings, was an era in the moral, not in the physical world—that our study and contemplation of the earth, and the laws which govern its animate productions, ought no more to be considered in the light of a disturbance or deviation from the system, than the discovery of the satellites of Jupiter should be regarded as a physical event affecting those heavenly bodies. Their influence in advancing the progress of science among men, and in aiding navigation and commerce, was accompanied by no reciprocal action of the human mind upon the economy of nature in those distant planets; and so the earth might be conceived to have become, at a certain period, a place of moral discipline and intellectual improvement to man, without the slightest derangement of a previously existing order of change in its animate and inanimate productions. The distinctness, however, of the human from all other species, considered merely as an efficient cause in the physical world, is real; for we stand in a relation to contemporary species of animals and plants widely different from that which other irrational animals can ever be supposed to have held to each other. We modify their instincts, relative numbers, and geographical distribution, in a manner superior in degree, and in some respects very different in kind from that in which any other species can affect the rest. Besides, the progressive movement of each successive generation of men causes the human species to differ more from itself in power at two distant periods, than any one species of the higher order of animals differs from another. The establishment, therefore, by geological evidence, of the first intervention of such a peculiar and unprecedented agency, long after other parts of the animate and inanimate world existed, affords ground for concluding that the experience during thousands of ages of all the events which may happen on this globe, would not enable a philosopher to speculate with confidence concerning future contingencies. If, then, an intelligent being, after observing the order of events for an indefinite series of ages, had witnessed at last so wonderful an innovation as this, to what extent would his belief in the regularity of the system be weakened?—would he cease to assume that there was permanency in the laws of nature?—would he no longer be guided in his speculations by the strictest rules of induction? To these questions it may be answered, that, had he previously presumed to dogmatize respecting the absolute uniformity of the order of nature, he would undoubtedly be checked by witnessing this new and unexpected event, and would form a more just estimate of the limited range of his own knowledge, and the unbounded extent of the scheme of the universe. But he would soon perceive that no one of the fixed and constant laws of the animate or inanimate world was subverted by human agency, and that the modifications now introduced for the first time were the accompaniments of new and extraordinary circumstances, and those not of a physical but a moral nature. The deviation permitted would also appear to be as slight as was consistent with the accomplishment of the new moral ends proposed, and to be in a great degree temporary in its nature, so that, whenever the power of the new agent was withheld, even for a brief period, a relapse would take place to the ancient state of things; the domesticated animal, for example, recovering in a few generations its wild instinct, and the garden-flower and fruit-tree reverting to the likeness of the parent stock. Now, if it would be reasonable to draw such inferences with respect to the future, we cannot but apply the same rules of induction to the past. We have no right to anticipate any modifications in the results of existing causes in time to come, which are not conformable to analogy, unless they be produced by the progressive development of human power, or perhaps by some other new relations which may hereafter spring up between the moral and material worlds. In the same manner, when we speculate on the vicissitudes of the animate and inanimate creation in former ages, we ought not to look for any anomalous results, unless where man has interfered, or unless clear indications appear of some other moral source of temporary derangement.
CHAPTER X. SUPPOSED INTENSITY OF AQUEOUS FORCES AT REMOTE PERIODS. Intensity of aqueous causes—Slow accumulation of strata proved by fossils—Rate of denudation can only keep pace with deposition—Erratics, and effects of ice—Deluges, and the causes to which they are referred—Supposed universality of ancient deposits. Intensity of aqueous causes.—The great problem considered in the preceding chapters, namely, whether the former changes of the earth made known to us by geology, resemble in kind and degree those now in daily progress, may still be contemplated from several other points of view. We may inquire, for example, whether there are any grounds for the belief entertained by many, that the intensity both of aqueous and of igneous forces, in remote ages, far exceeded that which we witness in our own times. First, then, as to aqueous causes: it has been shown, in our history of the science, that Woodward did not hesitate, in 1695, to teach that the entire mass of fossiliferous strata contained in the earth's crust had been deposited in a few months; and, consequently, as their mechanical and derivative origin was already admitted, the reduction of rocky masses into mud, sand, and pebbles, the transportation of the same to a distance, and their accumulation elsewhere in regular strata, were all assumed to have taken place with a rapidity unparalleled in modern times. This doctrine was modified by degrees, in proportion as different classes of organic remains, such as shells, corals, and fossil plants, had been studied with attention. Analogy led every naturalist to assume, that each full-grown individual of the animal or vegetable kingdom, had required a certain number of months or years for the attainment of maturity, and the perpetuation of its species by generation; and thus the first approach was made to the conception of a common standard of time, without which there are no means whatever of measuring the comparative rate at which any succession of events has taken place at two distinct periods. This standard consisted of the average duration of the lives of individuals of the same genera or families in the animal and vegetable kingdoms; and the multitude of fossils dispersed through successive strata implied the continuance of the same species for many generations. At length the idea that species themselves had had a limited duration, arose out of the observed fact that sets of strata of different ages contained fossils of distinct species. Finally, the opinion became general, that in the course of ages, one assemblage of animals and plants had disappeared after another again and again, and new tribes had started into life to replace them. Denudation.—In addition to the proofs derived from organic remains, the forms of stratification led also, on a fuller investigation, to the belief that sedimentary rocks had been slowly deposited; but it was still supposed that denudation, or the power of running water, and the waves and currents of the ocean, to strip off superior strata, and lay bare the rocks below, had formerly operated with an energy wholly unequalled in our times. These opinions were both illogical and inconsistent, because deposition and denudation are parts of the same process, and what is true of the one must be true of the other. Their speed must be always limited by the same causes, and the conveyance of solid matter to a particular region can only keep pace with its removal from another, so that the aggregate of sedimentary strata in the earth's crust can never exceed in volume the amount of solid matter which has been ground down and washed away by running water. How vast, then, must be the spaces which this abstraction of matter has left vacant! how far exceeding in dimensions all the valleys, however numerous, and the hollows, however vast, which we can prove to have been cleared out by aqueous erosion! The evidences of the work of denudation are defective, because it is the nature of every destroying cause to obliterate the signs of its own agency; but the amount of reproduction in the form of sedimentary strata must always afford a true measure of the minimum of denudation which the earth's surface has undergone. Erratics.—The next phenomenon to which the advocates of the excessive power of running water in times past have appealed, is the enormous size of the blocks called erratic, which lie scattered over the northern parts of Europe and North America. Unquestionably a large proportion of these blocks have been transported far from their original position, for between them and the parent rocks we now find, not unfrequently, deep seas and valleys intervening, or hills more than a thousand feet high. To explain the present situation of such travelled fragments, a deluge of mud has been imagined by some to have come from the north, bearing along with it sand, gravel, and stony fragments, some of them hundreds of tons in weight. This flood, in its transient passage over the continents, dispersed the boulders irregularly over hill, valley, and plain; or forced them along over a surface of hard rock, so as to polish it and leave it indented with parallel scratches and grooves—such markings as are still visible in the rocks of Scandinavia, Scotland, Canada, and many other countries. There can be no doubt that the myriads of angular and rounded blocks above alluded to, cannot have been borne along by ordinary rivers or marine currents, so great is their volume and weight, and so clear are the signs, in many places, of time having been occupied in their successive deposition; for they are often distributed at various depths through heaps of regularly stratified sand and gravel. No waves of the sea raised by earthquakes, nor the bursting of lakes dammed up for a time by landslips or by avalanches of snow, can account for the observed facts; but I shall endeavor to show, in the next book, chap. 15,236 that a combination of existing causes may have conveyed erratics into their present situations. The causes which will be referred to are, first, the carrying power of ice, combined with that of running water; and second, the upward movement of the bed of the sea, converting it gradually into land. Without entering at present into any details respecting these causes, I may mention that the transportation of blocks by ice is now simultaneously in progress in the cold and temperate latitudes, both of the northern and southern hemisphere, as, for example, on the coasts of Canada and Gulf of St. Lawrence, and also in Chili, Patagonia, and the island of South Georgia. In those regions the uneven bed of the ocean is becoming strewed over with ice-drifted fragments, which have either stranded on shoals, or been dropped in deep water by melting bergs. The entanglement of boulders in drift-ice will also be shown to occur annually in North America, and these stones, when firmly frozen into ice, wander year after year from Labrador to the St. Lawrence, and reach points of the western hemisphere farther south than any part of Great Britain. The general absence of erratics in the warmer parts of the equatorial regions of Asia, Africa, and America, confirms the same views. As to the polishing and grooving of hard rocks, it has lately been ascertained that glaciers give rise to these effects when pushing forward sand, pebbles, and rocky fragments, and causing them to grate along the bottom. Nor can there be any reasonable doubt that icebergs, when they run aground on the floor of the ocean, must imprint similar marks upon it. It is unnecessary, therefore, to refer to deluges, or even to speculate on the former existence of a climate more severe than that now prevailing in the western hemisphere, to explain the geographical distribution of most of the European erratics. Deluges.—As deluges have been often alluded to, I shall say something of the causes which may be supposed to give rise to these grand movements of water in addition to those already alluded to (p. 9). Geologists who believe that mountain-chains have been thrown up suddenly at many successive epochs, imagine that the waters of the ocean may be raised by these convulsions, and then break in terrific waves upon the land, sweeping over whole continents, hollowing out valleys, and transporting sand, gravel, and erratics, to great distances. The sudden rise of the Alps or Andes, it is said, may have produced a flood even subsequently to the time when the earth became the residence of man. But it seems strange that none of the writers who have indulged their imaginations in conjectures of this kind, should have ascribed a deluge to the sudden conversion of part of the unfathomable ocean into a shoal rather than to the rise of mountain-chains. In the latter case, the mountains themselves could do no more than displace a certain quantity of atmospheric air, whereas, the instantaneous formation of the shoal would displace a vast body of water, which being heaved up to a great height might roll over and permanently submerge a large portion of a continent. If we restrict ourselves to combinations of causes at present known, it would seem that the two principal sources of extraordinary inundations are, first, the escape of the waters of a large lake raised far above the sea; and, secondly, the pouring down of a marine current into lands depressed below the mean level of the ocean. As an example of the first of these cases, we may take Lake Superior, which is more than 400 geographical miles in length and about 150 in breadth, having an average depth of from 500 to 900 feet. The surface of this vast body of fresh water is no less than 600 feet above the level of the ocean; the lowest part of the barrier which separates the lake on its southwest side from those streams which flow into the head waters of the Mississippi being about 600 feet high. If, therefore, a series of subsidences should lower any part of this barrier 600 feet, any subsequent rending or depression, even of a few yards at a time, would allow the sudden escape of vast floods of water into a hydrographical basin of enormous extent. If the event happened in the dry season, when the ordinary channels of the Mississippi and its tributaries are in a great degree empty, the inundation might not be considerable; but if in the flood-season, a region capable of supporting a population of many millions might be suddenly submerged. But even this event would be insufficient to cause a violent rush of water, and to produce those effects usually called diluvial; for the difference of level of 600 feet between Lake Superior and the Gulf of Mexico, when distributed over a distance of 1800 miles, would give an average fall of only four inches per mile. The second case before adverted to is where there are large tracts of dry land beneath the mean level of the ocean. It seems, after much controversy, to be at length a settled point, that the Caspian is really 83 feet 6 inches lower than the Black Sea. As the Caspian covers an area about equal to that of Spain, and as its shores are in general low and flat, there must be many thousand square miles of country less than 83 feet above the level of that inland sea, and consequently depressed below the Black Sea and Mediterranean. This area includes the site of the populous city of Astrakhan and other towns. Into this region the ocean would pour its waters, if the land now intervening between the Sea of Azof and the Caspian should subside. Yet even if this event should occur, it is most probable that the submergence of the whole region would not be accomplished simultaneously, but by a series of minor floods, the sinking of the barrier being gradual.237 Supposed universality of ancient deposits.—The next fallacy which has helped to perpetuate the doctrine that the operations of water were on a different and grander scale in ancient times, is founded on the indefinite areas over which homogeneous deposits were supposed to extend. No modern sedimentary strata, it is said, equally identical in mineral character and fossil contents, can be traced continuously from one quarter of the globe to another. But the first propagators of these opinions were very slightly acquainted with the inconstancy in mineral composition of the ancient formations, and equally so of the wide spaces over which the same kind of sediment is now actually distributed by rivers and currents in the course of centuries. The persistency of character in the older series was exaggerated, its extreme variability in the newer was assumed without proof. In the chapter which treats of river-deltas and the dispersion of sediment by currents, and in the description of reefs of coral now growing over areas many hundred miles in length, I shall have opportunities of convincing the reader of the danger of hasty generalizations on this head. In regard to the imagined universality of particular rocks of ancient date, it was almost unavoidable that this notion, when once embraced, should be perpetuated; for the same kinds of rock have occasionally been reproduced at successive epochs; and when once the agreement or disagreement in mineral character alone was relied on as the test of age, it followed that similar rocks, if found even at the antipodes, were referred to the same era, until the contrary could be shown. Now it is usually impossible to combat such an assumption on geological grounds, so long as we are imperfectly acquainted with the order of superposition and the organic remains of these same formations. Thus, for example, a group of red marl and red sandstone, containing salt and gypsum, being interposed in England between the Lias and the Coal, all other red marls and sandstones, associated some of them with salt, and others with gypsum, and occurring not only in different parts of Europe, but in North America, Peru, India, the salt deserts of Asia, those of Africa—in a word, in every quarter of the globe, were referred to one and the same period. The burden of proof was not supposed to rest with those who insisted on the identity in age of all these groups—their identity in mineral composition was thought sufficient. It was in vain to urge as an objection the improbability of the hypothesis which implies that all the moving waters on the globe were once simultaneously charged with sediment of a red color. But the rashness of pretending to identify, in age, all the red sandstones and marls in question, has at length been sufficiently exposed, by the discovery that, even in Europe, they belong decidedly to many different epochs. It is already ascertained, that the red sandstone and red marl containing the rock-salt of Cardona in Catalonia is newer than the Oolitic, if not more modern than the Cretaceous period. It is also known that certain red marls and variegated sandstones in Auvergne which are undistinguishable in mineral composition from the New Red Sandstone of English geologists, belong, nevertheless, to the Eocene period; and, lastly, the gypseous red marl of Aix, in Provence, formerly supposed to be a marine secondary group, is now acknowledged to be a tertiary freshwater formation. In Nova Scotia one great deposit of red marl, sandstone, and gypsum, precisely resembling in mineral character the "New Red" of England, occurs as a member of the Carboniferous group, and in the United States near the Falls of Niagara, a similar formation constitutes a subdivision of the Silurian series.238 Nor was the nomenclature commonly adopted in geology without its influence in perpetuating the erroneous doctrine of universal formations. Such names, for example, as Chalk, Green Sand, Oolite, Red Marl, Coal, and others, were given to some of the principal fossiliferous groups in consequence of mineral peculiarities which happened to characterize them in the countries where they were first studied. When geologists had at length shown, by means of fossils and the order of superposition, that other strata, entirely dissimilar in color, texture, and composition, were of contemporaneous date, it was thought convenient still to retain the old names. That these were often inappropriate was admitted; but the student was taught to understand them in no other than a chronological sense; so that the Chalk might not be a white cretaceous rock, but a hard dolomitic limestone, as in the Alps, or a brown sandstone or green marl, as in New Jersey, U. S. In like manner, the Green Sand, it was said, might in some places be represented by red sandstone, red marl, salt, and gypsum, as in the north of Spain. So the oolitic texture was declared to be rather an exception than otherwise to the general rule in rocks of the Oolitic period; and it often became necessary to affirm that no particle of carbonaceous matter could be detected in districts where the true Coal series abounded. In spite of every precaution the habitual use of this language could scarcely fail to instil into the mind of the pupil an idea that chalk, coal, salt, red marl, or the Oolitic structure were far more widely characteristic of the rocks of a given age than was really the case. There is still another cause of deception, disposing us to ascribe a more limited range to the newer sedimentary formations as compared to the older, namely, the very general concealment of the newer strata beneath the waters of lakes and seas, and the wide exposure above waters of the more ancient. The Chalk, for example, now seen stretching for thousands of miles over different parts of Europe, has become visible to us by the effect, not of one, but of many distinct series of subterranean movements. Time has been required, and a succession of geological periods, to raise it above the waves in so many regions; and if calcareous rocks of the middle and upper tertiary periods have been formed, as homogeneous in mineral composition throughout equally extensive regions, it may require convulsions as numerous as all those which have occurred since the origin of the Chalk to bring them up within the sphere of human observation. Hence the rocks of more modern periods may appear partial, as compared to those of remoter eras, not because of any original inferiority in their extent, but because there has not been sufficient time since their origin for the development of a great series of elevatory movements. In regard, however, to one of the most important characteristics of sedimentary rocks, their organic remains, many naturalists of high authority have maintained that the same species of fossils are more uniformly distributed through formations of high antiquity than in those of more modern date, and that distinct zoological and botanical provinces, as they are called, which form so striking a feature in the living creation, were not established at remote eras. Thus the plants of the Coal, the shells, the trilobites of the Silurian rocks, and the ammonites of the Oolite, have been supposed to have a wider geographical range than any living species of plants, crustaceans, or mollusks. This opinion seems in certain cases to be well founded, especially in relation to the plants of the Carboniferous epoch, owing probably to the more uniform temperature of the globe, at a time when the position of sea and land was less favorable to variations in climate, according to principles already explained in the seventh and eighth chapters. But a recent comparison of the fossils of North American rocks with those of corresponding ages in the European series, has proved that the terrestrial vegetation of the Carboniferous epoch is an exception to the general rule, and that the fauna and flora of the earth at successive periods, from the oldest Silurian to the newest Tertiary was as diversified as now. The shells, corals, and other classes of organic remains demonstrate the fact that the earth might then have been divided into separate zoological provinces, in a manner analogous to that observed in the geographical distribution of species now living.
CHAPTER XI. ON THE SUPPOSED FORMER INTENSITY OF THE IGNEOUS FORCES. Volcanic action at successive geological periods—Plutonic rocks of different ages—Gradual development of subterranean movements—Faults—Doctrine of the sudden upheaval of parallel mountain-chains—Objections to the proof of the suddenness of the upheaval, and the contemporaneousness of parallel chains—Trains of active volcanoes not parallel—As large tracts of land are rising or sinking slowly, so narrow zones of land may be pushed up gradually to great heights—Bending of strata by lateral pressure—Adequacy of the volcanic power to effect this without paroxysmal convulsions. When reasoning on the intensity of volcanic action at former periods, as well as on the power of moving water, already treated of, geologists have been ever prone to represent Nature as having been prodigal of violence and parsimonious of time. Now, although it is less easy to determine the relative ages of the volcanic than of the fossiliferous formations, it is undeniable that igneous rocks have been produced at all geological periods, or as often as we find distinct deposits marked by peculiar animal and vegetable remains. It can be shown that rocks commonly called trappean have been injected into fissures, and ejected at the surface, both before and during the deposition of the Carboniferous series, and at the time when the Magnesian Limestone, and when the Upper New Red Sandstone were formed, or when the Lias, Oolite, Green Sand, Chalk, and the several tertiary groups newer than the chalk, originated in succession. Nor is this all: distinct volcanic products may be referred to the subordinate divisions of each period, such as the Carboniferous, as in the county of Fife, in Scotland, where certain masses of contemporaneous trap are associated with the Lower, others with the Upper Coal measures. And if one of these masses is more minutely examined, we find it to consist of the products of a great many successive outbursts, by which scoriÆ and lava were again and again emitted, and afterwards consolidated, then fissured, and finally traversed by melted matter, constituting what are called dikes.239 As we enlarge, therefore, our knowledge of the ancient rocks formed by subterranean heat, we find ourselves compelled to regard them as the aggregate effects of innumerable eruptions, each of which may have been comparable in violence to those now experienced in volcanic regions. It may indeed be said that we have as yet no data for estimating the relative volume of matter simultaneously in a state of fusion at two given periods, as if we were to compare the columnar basalt of Staffa and its environs with the lava poured out in Iceland in 1783; but for this very reason it would be rash and unphilosophical to assume an excess of ancient as contrasted with modern outpourings of melted matter at particular periods of time.240 It would be still more presumptuous to take for granted that the more deep-seated effects of subterranean heat surpassed at remote eras the corresponding effects of internal heat in our own times. Certain porphyries and granites, and all the rocks commonly called plutonic, are now generally supposed to have resulted from the slow cooling of materials fused and solidified under great pressure; and we cannot doubt that beneath existing volcanoes there are large spaces filled with melted stone, which must for centuries remain in an incandescent state, and then cool and become hard and crystalline when the subterranean heat shall be exhausted. That lakes of lava are continuous for hundreds of miles beneath the Chilian Andes, seems established by observations made in the year 1835.241 Now, wherever the fluid contents of such reservoirs are poured out successively from craters in the open air, or at the bottom of the sea, the matter so ejected may afford evidence by its arrangement of having originated at different periods; but if the subterranean residue after the withdrawal of the heat be converted into crystalline or plutonic rock, the entire mass may seem to have been formed at once, however countless the ages required for its fusion and subsequent refrigeration. As the idea that all the granite in the earth's crust was produced simultaneously, and in a primitive state of the planet, has now been universally abandoned; so the suggestion above adverted to, may put us on our guard against too readily adopting another opinion, namely, that each large mass of granite was generated in a brief period of time. Modern writers indeed, of authority, seem more and more agreed that in the case of granitic rocks, the passage from a liquid or pasty to a solid and crystalline state must have been an extremely gradual process. The doctrine so much insisted upon formerly, that crystalline rocks, such as granite, gneiss, mica-schist, quartzite, and others were produced in the greatest abundance in the earlier ages of the planet, and that their formation has ceased altogether in our own times, will be controverted in the next chapter. Gradual development of subterranean movements.—The extreme violence of the subterranean forces in remote ages has been often inferred from the facts that the older rocks are more fractured and dislocated than the newer. But what other result could we have anticipated if the quantity of movement had been always equal in equal periods of time? Time must, in that case, multiply the derangement of strata in the ratio of their antiquity. Indeed the numerous exceptions to the above rule which we find in nature, present at first sight the only objection to the hypothesis of uniformity. For the more ancient formations remain in many places horizontal, while in others much newer strata are curved and vertical. This apparent anomaly, however, will be seen in the next chapter to depend on the irregular manner in which the volcanic and subterranean agency affect different parts of the earth in succession, being often renewed again and again in certain areas, while others remain during the whole time at rest. That the more impressive effects of subterranean power, such as the upheaval of mountain-chains, may have been due to multiplied convulsions of moderate intensity rather than to a few paroxysmal explosions, will appear the less improbable when the gradual and intermittent development of volcanic eruptions in times past is once established. It is now very generally conceded that these eruptions have their source in the same causes as those which give rise to the permanent elevation and sinking of land; the admission, therefore, that one of the two volcanic or subterranean processes has gone on gradually, draws with it the conclusion that the effects of the other have been elaborated by successive and gradual efforts. Faults.—The same reasoning is applicable to great faults, or those striking instances of the upthrow or downthrow of large masses of rock, which have been thought by some to imply tremendous catastrophes wholly foreign to the ordinary course of nature. Thus we have in England faults, in which the vertical displacement is between 600 and 3000 feet, and the horizontal extent thirty miles or more, the width of the fissures since filled up with rubbish varying from ten to fifty feet. But when we inquire into the proofs of the mass having risen or fallen suddenly on the one side of these great rents, several hundreds or thousands of feet above or below the rock with which it was once continuous on the other side, we find the evidence defective. There are grooves, it is said, and scratches on the rubbed and polished walls, which have often one common direction, favoring the theory that the movement was accomplished by a single stroke, and not by a series of interrupted movements. But, in fact, the striÆ are not always parallel in such cases, but often irregular, and sometimes the stones and earth which are in the middle of the fault, or fissure, have been polished and striated by friction in different directions, showing that there have been slidings subsequent to the first introduction of the fragmentary matter. Nor should we forget that the last movement must always tend to obliterate the signs of previous trituration, so that neither its instantaneousness nor the uniformity of its direction can be inferred from the parallelism of the striÆ that have been last produced. When rocks have been once fractured, and freedom of motion communicated to detached portions of them, these will naturally continue to yield in the same direction, if the process of upheaval or of undermining be repeated again and again. The incumbent mass will always give way along the lines of least resistance, or where it was formerly rent asunder. Probably, the effects of reiterated movement, whether upward or downward, in a fault, may be undistinguishable from those of a single and instantaneous rise or subsidence; and the same may be said of the rising or falling of continental masses, such as Sweden or Greenland, which we know to take place slowly and insensibly. Doctrine of the sudden upheaval of parallel mountain-chains.—The doctrine of the suddenness of many former revolutions in the physical geography of the globe has been thought by some to derive additional confirmation from a theory respecting the origin of mountain-chains, advanced in 1833 by a distinguished geologist, M. Elie de Beaumont. In several essays on this subject, the last published in 1852, he has attempted to establish two points; first, that a variety of independent chains of mountains have been thrown up suddenly at particular periods; and, secondly, that the contemporaneous chains thus thrown up, preserve a parallelism the one to the other. These opinions, and others by which they are accompanied, are so adverse to the method of interpreting the history of geological changes which I have recommended in this work, that I am desirous of explaining the grounds of my dissent, a course which I feel myself the more called upon to adopt, as the generalizations alluded to are those of a skilful writer, and an original observer of great talent and experience. I shall begin, therefore, by giving a brief summary of the principal propositions laid down in the works above referred to.242 1st. M. de Beaumont supposes "that in the history of the earth there have been long periods of comparative repose, during which the deposition of sedimentary matter has gone on in regular continuity; and there have also been short periods of paroxysmal violence, during which that continuity was broken. "2dly. At each of these periods of violence or 'revolution,' in the state of the earth's surface, a great number of mountain-chains have been formed suddenly. "3dly. The chains thrown up by a particular revolution have one uniform direction, being parallel to each other within a few degrees of the compass, even when situated in remote regions; whilst the chains thrown up at different periods have, for the most part, different directions. "4thly. Each 'revolution,' or 'great convulsion,' has fallen in with the date of another geological phenomenon; namely, 'the passage from one independent sedimentary formation to another,' characterized by a considerable difference in 'organic types.' "5thly. There has been a recurrence of these paroxysmal movements from the remotest geological periods; and they may still be reproduced, and the repose in which we live may hereafter be broken by the sudden upthrow of another system of parallel chains of mountains. "6thly. The origin of these chains depends not on partial volcanic action, or a reiteration of ordinary earthquakes, but on the secular refrigeration of the entire planet. For the whole globe, with the exception of a thin envelope, much thinner in proportion than the shell to an egg, is a fused mass, kept fluid by heat, but constantly cooling and contracting its dimensions. The external crust does not gradually collapse and accommodate itself century after century to the shrunken nucleus, subsiding as often as there is a slight failure of support, but it is sustained throughout whole geological periods, so as to become partially separated from the nucleus, until at last it gives way suddenly, cracking and falling in along determinate lines of fracture. During such a crisis the rocks are subjected to great lateral pressure, the unyielding ones are crushed, and the pliant strata bent, and are forced to pack themselves more closely into a smaller space, having no longer the same room to spread themselves out horizontally. At the same time, a large portion of the mass is squeezed upwards, because it is in the upward direction only that the excess in size of the envelope, as compared to the contracted nucleus, can find relief. This excess produces one or more of those folds or wrinkles in the earth's crust which we call mountain-chains. "Lastly, some chains are comparatively modern; such as the Alps, which were partly upheaved after the middle tertiary period. The elevation of the Andes was much more recent, and was accompanied by the simultaneous outburst for the first time of 270 of the principal volcanoes now active.243 "The agitation of the waters of the ocean caused by this convulsion probably occasioned that transient and general deluge which is noticed in the traditions of so many nations."244 Several of the topics enumerated in the above summary, such as the cause of interruptions in the sedimentary series, will be discussed in the thirteenth chapter, and I shall now confine myself to what I conceive to be the insufficiency of the proofs adduced in favor of the suddenness of the upthrow, and the contemporaneousness of the origin of the parallel chains referred to. At the same time I may remark, that the great body of facts collected together by M. de Beaumont will always form a most valuable addition to our knowledge, tending as they do to confirm the doctrine that different mountain-chains have been formed in succession, and, as Werner first pointed out, that there are certain determinate lines of direction or strike in the strata of various countries.The following may serve as an analysis of the evidence on which the theory above stated depends. "We observe," says M. de Beaumont, "when we attentively examine nearly all mountain-chains, that the most recent rocks extend horizontally up to the foot of such chains, as we should expect would be the case if they were deposited in seas or lakes, of which these mountains have partly formed the shores; whilst the other sedimentary beds, tilted up, and more or less contorted, on the flanks of the mountains, rise in certain points even to their highest crests."245 There are, therefore, in and adjacent to each chain, two classes of sedimentary rocks, the ancient and inclined beds, and the newer or horizontal. It is evident that the first appearance of the chain itself was an event "intermediate between the period when the beds now upraised were deposited, and the period when the strata were produced horizontally at its feet." Fig. 11.Chain A. Thus the chain A assumed its present position after the deposition of the strata b, which have undergone great movements, and before the deposition of the group c, in which the strata have not suffered derangement. Fig. 12.Chain B. If we then discover another chain B, in which we find not only the formation b, but the group c also, disturbed and thrown on its edges, we may infer that the latter chain is of subsequent date to A; for B must have been elevated after the deposition of c, and before that of the group d; whereas A had originated before the strata c were formed. It is then argued, that in order to ascertain whether other mountain ranges are of contemporaneous date with A and B, or are referable to distinct periods, we have only to inquire whether the inclined and undisturbed sets of strata in each range correspond with or differ from those in the typical chain A and B. Now all this reasoning is perfectly correct, so long as the period of time required for the deposition of the strata b and c is not made identical in duration with the period of time during which the animals and plants found fossil in b and c may have flourished; for the latter, that is to say, the duration of certain groups of species, may have greatly exceeded, and probably did greatly exceed, the former, or the time required for the accumulation of certain local deposits, such as b and c (figs. 11 and 12). In order, moreover, to render the reasoning correct, due latitude must be given to the term contemporaneous; for this term must be understood to allude, not to a moment of time, but to the interval, whether brief or protracted, which elapsed between two events, namely, between the accumulation of the inclined and that of the horizontal strata. But, unfortunately, no attempt has been made in the treatises under review to avoid this manifest source of confusion, and hence the very terms of each proposition are equivocal; and the possible length of some of the intervals is so vast, that to affirm that all the chains raised in such intervals were contemporaneous is an abuse of language. In order to illustrate this argument, I shall select the Pyrenees as an example. Originally M. E. de Beaumont spoke of this range of mountains as having been uplifted suddenly (À un seul jet), but he has since conceded that in this chain, in spite of the general unity and simplicity of its structure, six, if not seven, systems of dislocation of different dates can be recognized.246 In reference, however, to the latest, and by far the most important of these convulsions, the chain is said to have attained its present elevation at a certain epoch in the earth's history, namely, between the deposition of the chalk, or rocks of about that age, and that of certain tertiary formations "as old as the plastic clay;" for the chalk is seen in vertical, curved, and distorted beds on the flanks of the chain, as the beds b, fig. 11, while the tertiary formations rest upon them in horizontal strata at its base, as c, ibid. The proof, then, of the extreme suddenness of the convulsion is supposed to be the shortness of the time which intervened between the formation of the chalk and the origin of certain tertiary strata.247 Even if the interval were deducible within these limits, it might comprise an indefinite lapse of time. In strictness of reasoning, however, the author cannot exclude the Cretaceous or Tertiary periods from the possible duration of the interval during which the elevation may have taken place. For, in the first place, it cannot be assumed that the movement of upheaval took place after the close of the Cretaceous period; we can merely say, that it occurred after the deposition of certain strata of that period; secondly, although it were true that the event happened before the formation of all the tertiary strata now at the base of the Pyrenees, it would by no means follow that it preceded the whole Tertiary epoch. The age of the strata, both of the inclined and horizontal series, may have been accurately determined by M. De Beaumont, and still the upheaving of the Pyrenees may have been going on before the animals of the Chalk period, such as are found fossil in England, had ceased to exist, or when the Maestricht beds were in progress, or during the indefinite ages which may have elapsed between the extinction of the Maestricht animals and the introduction of the Eocene tribes, or during the Eocene epoch, or the rise may have been going on throughout one, or several, or all of these periods. It would be a purely gratuitous assumption to say that the inclined cretaceous strata (b, fig. 11.) on the flanks of the Pyrenees, were the very last which were deposited during the Cretaceous period, or that, as soon as they were upheaved, all or nearly all the species of animals and plants now found fossil in them were suddenly exterminated; yet, unless this can be affirmed, we cannot say that the Pyrenees were not upheaved during the Cretaceous period. Consequently, another range of mountains, at the base of which cretaceous rocks may lie in horizontal stratification, may have been elevated, like the chain A, fig. 12, during some part of the same great period. There are mountains in Sicily two or three thousand feet high, the tops of which are composed of limestone, in which a large proportion of the fossil shells agree specifically with those now inhabiting the Mediterranean. Here, as in many other countries, the deposits now in progress in the sea must inclose shells and other fossils specifically identical with those of the rocks constituting the contiguous land. So there are islands in the Pacific where a mass of dead coral has emerged to a considerable altitude, while other portions of the mass remain beneath the sea, still increasing by the growth of living zoophytes and shells. The chalk of the Pyrenees, therefore, may at a remote period have been raised to an elevation of several thousand feet, while the species found fossil in the same chalk still continued to be represented in the fauna of the neighboring ocean. In a word, we cannot assume that the origin of a new range of mountains caused the Cretaceous period to cease, and served as the prelude to a new order of things in the animate creation. To illustrate the grave objections above advanced, against the theory considered in the present chapter, let us suppose, that in some country three styles of architecture had prevailed in succession, each for a period of one thousand years; first the Greek, then the Roman, and then the Gothic; and that a tremendous earthquake was known to have occurred in the same district during one of the three periods—a convulsion of such violence as to have levelled to the ground all the buildings then standing. If an antiquary, desirous of discovering the date of the catastrophe, should first arrive at a city where several Greek temples were lying in ruins and half engulphed in the earth, while many Gothic edifices were standing uninjured, could he determine on these data the era of the shock? Could he even exclude any one of the three periods, and decide that it must have happened during one of the other two? Certainly not. He could merely affirm that it happened at some period after the introduction of the Greek style, and before the Gothic had fallen into disuse. Should he pretend to define the date of the convulsion with greater precision, and decide that the earthquake must have occurred after the Greek and before the Gothic period, that is to say, when the Roman style was in use, the fallacy in his reasoning would be too palpable to escape detection for a moment. Yet such is the nature of the erroneous induction which I am now exposing. For as, in the example above proposed, the erection of a particular edifice is perfectly distinct from the period of architecture in which it may have been raised, so is the deposition of chalk, or any other set of strata, from the geological epochs characterized by certain fossils to which they may belong. It is almost superfluous to enter into any farther analysis of the theory of parallelism, because the whole force of the argument depends on the accuracy of the data by which the contemporaneous or non-contemporaneous date of the elevation of two independent chains can be demonstrated. In every case, this evidence, as stated by M. de Beaumont, is equivocal, because he has not included in the possible interval of time between the depositions of the deranged and the horizontal formations, part of the periods to which each of those classes of formations are referable. Even if all the geological facts, therefore, adduced by the author were true and unquestionable, yet the conclusion that certain chains were or were not simultaneously upraised is by no means a legitimate consequence. In the third volume of my first edition of the Principles, which appeared in April, 1833, I controverted the views of M. de Beaumont, then just published, in the same terms as I have now restated them. At that time I took for granted that the chronological date of the newest rocks entering into the disturbed series of the Pyrenees had been correctly ascertained. It now appears, however, that some of the most modern of those disturbed strata belong to the nummulitic formation, which are regarded by the majority of geologists as Eocene or older tertiary, an opinion not assented to by M. E. de Beaumont, and which I cannot discuss here without being led into too long a digression.248 Perhaps a more striking illustration of the difficulties we encounter, when we attempt to apply the theory under consideration even to the best known European countries, is afforded by what is called "The System of the Longmynds." This small chain, situated in Shropshire, is the third of the typical systems to which M. E. de Beaumont compares other mountain ranges corresponding in strike and structure. The date assigned to its upheaval is "after the unfossiliferous greywacke, or Cambrian strata, and before the Silurian." But Sir R. I. Murchison had shown in 1838, in his "Silurian System," and the British government surveyors, since that time, in their sections (about 1845), that the Longmynds and other chains of similar composition in North Wales are post-Silurian. In all of them fossiliferous beds of the lower Silurian formation, or Llandeilo flags are highly inclined, and often vertical. In one limited region the Caradoc sandstone, a member of the lower Silurian, rests unconformably on the denuded edges of the inferior (or Llandeilo) member of the same group; whilst in some cases both of these sets of strata are upturned. When, therefore, so grave an error is detected in regard to the age of a typical chain, we are entitled to inquire with surprise, by what means nine other parallel chains in France, Germany, and Sweden, assumed to be "ante-Silurian," have been made to agree precisely in date with the Longmynds? If they are correctly represented as having been all deposited before the deposition of the Silurian strata, they cannot be contemporaneous with the Longmynds, and they only prove how little reliance can be placed on parallelism as a test of simultaneousness of upheaval. But in truth it is impossible, for reasons already given, to demonstrate that each of those nine chains coincide in date with one another, any more than with the Longmynds. The reader will see in the sequel (chap. 31249) that Mr. Hopkins has inferred from astronomical calculations, that the solid crust of the earth cannot be less than 800 or 1000 miles thick, and may be more. Even if it be solid to the depth of 100 miles, such a thickness would be inconsistent with M. E. de Beaumont's hypothesis, which requires a shell not more than thirty miles thick, or even less. Mr. Hopkins admits that the exterior of the planet, though solid as a whole, may contain within it vast lakes or seas of lava. If so, the gradual fusion of rocks, and the expansive power of heat exerted for ages, as well as the subsequent contraction of the same during slow refrigeration, may perhaps account for the origin of mountain-chains, for these, as Dolomieu has remarked, are "far less important, proportionally speaking, than the inequalities on the surface of an egg-shell, which to the eye appears smooth." A "centripetal force" affecting the whole planet as it cools, seems a mightier cause than is required to produce wrinkles of such insignificant size. In pursuing his investigations, M. E. de Beaumont has of late greatly multiplied the number of successive periods of instantaneous upheaval, admitting at the same time that occasionally new lines of upthrow have taken the direction of older ones.250 These admissions render his views much more in harmony with the principles advocated in this work, but they impair the practical utility of parallelism considered as a chronological test; for no rule is laid down for limiting the interval, whether in time or space, which may separate two parallel lines of upheaval of different dates.251 Among the various propositions above laid down (p. 164), it will be seen that the sudden rise of the Andes is spoken of as a modern event, but Mr. Darwin has brought together ample data in proof of the local persistency of volcanic action throughout a long succession of geological periods, beginning with times antecedent to the deposition of the oolitic and cretaceous formations of Chili, and continuing to the historical epoch. It appears that some of the parallel ridges which compose the Cordilleras, instead of being contemporaneous, were successively and slowly upheaved at widely different epochs. The whole range, after twice subsiding some thousands of feet, was brought up again by a slow movement in mass, during the era of the Eocene tertiary formations, after which the whole sank down once more several hundred feet, to be again uplifted to its present level by a slow and often interrupted movement.252 In a portion of this latter period the "Pampean mud" was formed, in which the Megatherium mylodon and other extinct quadrupeds are buried. This mud contains in it recent species of shells, some of them proper to brackish water, and is believed by Mr. Darwin to be an estuary or delta deposit. M. A. d'Orbigny, however, has advanced an hypothesis referred to by M. E. de Beaumont, that the agitation and displacement of the waters of the ocean, caused by the elevation of the Andes, gave rise to a deluge, of which this Pampean mud, which rises sometimes to the height of 12,000 feet, is the result and monument.253 In studying many chains of mountains, we find that the strike or line of outcrop of continuous sets of strata, and the general direction of the chain, may be far from rectilinear. Curves forming angles of 20° or 30° may be found in the same range as in the Alleghanies; just as trains of active volcanoes and the zones throughout which modern earthquakes occur are often linear, without running in straight lines. Nor are all of these, though contemporaneous or belonging to our own epoch, by any means parallel, but some at right angles, the one to the other. Slow upheaval and subsidence.—Recent observations have disclosed to us the wonderful fact, that not only the west coast of South America, but also other large areas, some of them several thousand miles in circumference, such as Scandinavia, and certain archipelagoes in the Pacific, are slowly and insensibly rising; while other regions, such as Greenland, and parts of the Pacific and Indian Oceans, in which atolls or circular coral islands abound, are as gradually sinking. That all the existing continents and submarine abysses may have originated in movements of this kind, continued throughout incalculable periods of time, is undeniable, and the denudation which the dry land appears everywhere to have suffered, favors the idea that it was raised from the deep by a succession of upward movements, prolonged throughout indefinite periods. For the action of waves and currents on land slowly emerging from the deep, affords the only power by which we can conceive so many deep valleys and wide spaces to have been denuded as those which are unquestionably the effects of running water. But perhaps it may be said that there is no analogy between the slow upheaval of broad plains or table-lands, and the manner in which we must presume all mountain-chains, with their inclined strata, to have originated. It seems, however, that the Andes have been rising century after century, at the rate of several feet, while the Pampas on the east have been raised only a few inches in the same time. Crossing from the Atlantic to the Pacific, in a line passing through Mendoza, Mr. Darwin traversed a plain 800 miles broad, the eastern part of which has emerged from beneath the sea at a very modern period. The slope from the Atlantic is at first very gentle, then greater, until the traveller finds, on reaching Mendoza, that he has gained, almost insensibly, a height of 4000 feet. The mountainous district then begins suddenly, and its breadth from Mendoza to the shores of the Pacific is 120 miles, the average height of the principal chain being from 15,000 to 16,000 feet, without including some prominent peaks, which ascend much higher. Now all we require, to explain the origin of the principal inequalities of level here described, is to imagine, first, a zone of more violent movement to the west of Mendoza, and, secondly, to the east of that place, an upheaving force, which died away gradually as it approached the Atlantic. In short, we are only called upon to conceive, that the region of the Andes was pushed up four feet in the same period in which the Pampas near Mendoza rose one foot, and the plains near the shores of the Atlantic one inch. In Europe we have learnt that the land at the North Cape ascends about five feet in a century, while farther to the south the movements diminish in quantity first to a foot, and then, at Stockholm, to three inches in a century, while at certain points still farther south there is no movement. But in what manner, it is asked, can we account for the great lateral pressure which has been exerted not only in the Andes, Alps, and other chains, but also on the strata of many low and nearly level countries? Do not the folding and fracture of the beds, the anticlinal and synclinal ridges and troughs, as they are called, and the vertical, and even sometimes the inverted position of the beds, imply an abruptness and intensity in the disturbing force wholly different in kind and energy to that which now rends the rocks during ordinary earthquakes? I shall treat more fully in the sequel (end of chap. 32) of the probable subterranean sources, whether of upward or downward movement, and of great lateral pressure; but it may be well briefly to state in this place that in our own times, as, for example, in Chili, in 1822, the volcanic force has overcome the resistance, and permanently uplifted a country of such vast extent that the weight and volume of the Andes must be insignificant in comparison, even if we indulge the most moderate conjectures as to the thickness of the earth's crust above the volcanic foci. To assume that any set of strata with which we are acquainted are made up of such cohesive and unyielding materials, as to be able to resist a power of such stupendous energy, if its direction, instead of being vertical, happened to be oblique or horizontal, would be extremely rash. But if they could yield to a sideway thrust, even in a slight degree, they would become squeezed and folded to any amount if subjected for a sufficient number of times to the repeated action of the same force. We can scarcely doubt that a mass of rock several miles thick was uplifted in Chili in 1822 and 1835, and that a much greater volume of solid matter is upheaved wherever the rise of the land is very gradual, as in Scandinavia, the development of heat being probably, in that region, at a greater distance from the surface. If continents, rocked, shaken, and fissured, like the western region of South America, or very gently elevated, like Norway and Sweden, do not acquire in a few days or hours an additional height of several thousand feet, this can arise from no lack of mechanical force in the subterranean moving cause, but simply because the antagonist power, or the strength, toughness, and density of the earth's crust is insufficient to resist, so long, as to allow the volcanic energy an indefinite time to accumulate. Instead of the explosive charge augmenting in quantity for countless ages, it finds relief continuously, or by a succession of shocks of moderate violence, so as never to burst or blow up the covering of incumbent rock in one grand paroxysmal convulsion. Even in its most energetic efforts it displays an intermittent and mitigated intensity, being never permitted to lay a whole continent in ruins. Hence the numerous eruptions of lava from the same vent, or chain of vents, and the recurrence of similar earthquakes for thousands of years along certain areas or zones of country. Hence the numerous monuments of the successive ejection and injection of melted matter in ancient geological epochs, and the fissures formed in distinct ages, and often widened and filled at different eras. Among the causes of lateral pressure, the expansion by heat of large masses of solid stone intervening between others which have a different degree of expansibility, or which happen not to have their temperature raised at the same time, may play an important part. But as we know that rocks have so often sunk down thousands of feet below their original level, we can hardly doubt that much of the bending of pliant strata, and the packing of the same into smaller spaces, has frequently been occasioned by subsidence. Whether the failure of support be produced by the melting of porous rocks, which, when fluid, and subjected to great pressure, may occupy less room than before, or which, by passing from a pasty to a crystalline condition, may, as in the case of granite, according to the experiments of Deville, suffer a contraction of 10 per cent., or whether the sinking be due to the subtraction of lava driven elsewhere to some volcanic orifice, and there forced outwards, or whether it be brought on by the shrinking of solid and stony masses during refrigeration, or by the condensation of gases, or any other imaginable cause, we have no reason to incline to the idea that the consequent geological changes are brought about so suddenly, as that large parts of continents are swallowed up at once in unfathomable subterranean abysses. If cavities be formed, they will be enlarged gradually, and as gradually filled. We read, indeed, accounts of engulphed cities and areas of limited extent which have sunk down many yards at once; but we have as yet no authentic records of the sudden disappearance of mountains, or the submergence or emergence of great islands. On the other hand, the creeps in coal mines254 demonstrate that gravitation begins to act as soon as a moderate quantity of matter is removed even at a great depth. The roof sinks in, or the floor of the mine rises, and the bent strata often assume as regularly a curved and crumpled arrangement as that observed on a grander scale in mountain-chains. The absence, indeed, of chaotic disorder, and the regularity of the plications in geological formations of high antiquity, although not unfrequently adduced to prove the unity and instantaneousness of the disturbing force, might with far greater propriety be brought forward as an argument in favor of the successive application of some irresistible but moderated force, such as that which can elevate or depress a continent. In conclusion, I may observe that one of the soundest objections to the theory of the sudden upthrow or downthrow of mountain-chains is this, that it provides us with too much force of one kind, namely, that of subterranean movement, while it deprives us of another kind of mechanical force, namely, that exerted by the waves and currents of the ocean, which the geologist requires for the denudation of land during its slow upheaval or depression. It may be safely affirmed that the quantity of igneous and aqueous action,—of volcanic eruption and denudation,—of subterranean movement and sedimentary deposition,—not only of past ages, but of one geological epoch, or even the fraction of an epoch, has exceeded immeasurably all the fluctuations of the inorganic world which have been witnessed by man. But we have still to inquire whether the time to which each chapter or page or paragraph of the earth's autobiography relates, was not equally immense when contrasted with a brief era of 3000 or 5000 years. The real point on which the whole controversy turns, is the relative amount of work done by mechanical force in given quantities of time, past and present. Before we can determine the relative intensity of the force employed, we must have some fixed standard by which to measure the time expended in its development at two distinct periods. It is not the magnitude of the effects, however gigantic their proportions, which can inform us in the slightest degree whether the operation was sudden or gradual, insensible or paroxysmal. It must be shown that a slow process could never in any series of ages give rise to the same results. The advocate of paroxysmal energy might assume a uniform and fixed rate of variation in times past and present for the animate world, that is to say, for the dying-out and coming-in of species, and then endeavor to prove that the changes of the inanimate world have not gone on in a corresponding ratio. But the adoption of such a standard of comparison would lead, I suspect, to a theory by no means favorable to the pristine intensity of natural causes. That the present state of the organic world is not stationary, can be fairly inferred from the fact, that some species are known to have become extinct in the course even of the last three centuries, and that the exterminating causes always in activity, both on the land and in the waters, are very numerous; also, because man himself is an extremely modern creation; and we may therefore reasonably suppose that some of the mammalia now contemporary with man, as well as a variety of species of inferior classes, may have been recently introduced into the earth, to supply the places of plants and animals which have from time to time disappeared. But granting that some such secular variation in the zoological and botanical worlds is going on, and is by no means wholly inappreciable to the naturalist, still it is certainly far less manifest than the revolution always in progress in the inorganic world. Every year some volcanic eruptions take place, and a rude estimate might be made of the number of cubic feet of lava and scoriÆ poured or cast out of various craters. The amount of mud and sand deposited in deltas, and the advance of new land upon the sea, or the annual retreat of wasting sea-cliffs, are changes the minimum amount of which might be roughly estimated. The quantity of land raised above or depressed below the level of the sea might also be computed, and the change arising from such movements in a century might be conjectured. Suppose the average rise of the land in some parts of Scandinavia to be as much as five feet in a hundred years, the present sea-coast might be uplifted 700 feet in fourteen thousand years; but we should have no reason to anticipate, from any zoological data hitherto acquired, that the molluscous fauna of the northern seas would in that lapse of years undergo any sensible amount of variation. We discover sea-beaches in Norway 700 feet high, in which the shells are identical with those now inhabiting the German Ocean; for the rise of land in Scandinavia, however insensible to the inhabitants, has evidently been rapid when compared to the rate of contemporaneous change in the testaceous fauna of the German Ocean. Were we to wait therefore until the mollusca shall have undergone as much fluctuation as they underwent between the period of the Lias and the Upper Oolite formations; or between the Oolite and Chalk, nay, even between any two of eight subdivisions of the Eocene series, what stupendous revolutions in physical geography ought we not to expect, and how many mountain-chains might not be produced by the repetition of shocks of moderate violence, or by movements not even perceptible by man! Or, if we turn from the mollusca to the vegetable kingdom, and ask the botanist how many earthquakes and volcanic eruptions might be expected, and how much the relative level of land and sea might be altered, or how far the principal deltas will encroach upon the ocean, or the sea-cliffs recede from the present shores, before the species of European forest-trees will die out, he would reply that such alterations in the inanimate world might be multiplied indefinitely before he should have reason to anticipate, by reference to any known data, that the existing species of trees in our forests would disappear and give place to others. In a word, the movement of the inorganic world is obvious and palpable, and might be likened to the minute-hand of a clock, the progress of which can be seen and heard, whereas the fluctuations of the living creation are nearly invisible, and resemble the motion of the hour-hand of a timepiece. It is only by watching it attentively for some time, and comparing its relative position after an interval, that we can prove the reality of its motion.255
CHAPTER XII DIFFERENCE IN TEXTURE OF THE OLDER AND NEWER ROCKS. Consolidation of fossiliferous strata—Some deposits originally solid—Transition and slaty texture—Crystalline character of Plutonic and Metamorphic rocks—Theory of their origin—Essentially subterranean—No proofs that they were produced more abundantly at remote periods. Another argument in favor of the dissimilarity of the causes operating at remote and recent eras has been derived by many geologists from the more compact, stony, and crystalline texture of the older as compared with the newer rocks. Consolidation of strata.—This subject may be considered, first in reference to the fossiliferous strata; and, secondly, in reference to those crystalline and stratified rocks which contain no organic remains, such as gneiss and mica-schist. There can be no doubt that the former of these classes, or the fossiliferous, are generally more compact and stony in proportion as they are more ancient. It is also certain that a great part of them were originally in a soft and incoherent state, and that they have been since consolidated. Thus we find occasionally that shingle and sand have been agglutinated firmly together by a ferruginous or siliceous cement, or that lime in solution has been introduced, so as to bind together materials previously incoherent. Organic remains have sometimes suffered a singular transformation, as for example, where shells, corals, and wood are silicified, their calcareous or ligneous matter having been replaced by nearly pure silica. The constituents of some beds have probably set and become hard for the first time when they emerged from beneath the water. But, on the other hand, we observe in certain formations now in progress, particularly in coral reefs, and in deposits from the waters of mineral springs, both calcareous and siliceous, that the texture of rocks may sometimes be stony from the first. This circumstance may account for exceptions to the general rule, not unfrequently met with, where solid strata are superimposed on others of a plastic and incoherent nature, as in the neighborhood of Paris, where the tertiary formations, consisting often of compact limestone and siliceous grit, are more stony than the subjacent chalk. It will readily be understood, that the various solidifying causes, including those above enumerated, together with the pressure of incumbent rocks and the influence of subterranean heat, must all of them require time in order to exert their full power. If in the course of ages they modify the aspect and internal structure of stratified deposits, they will give rise to a general distinctness of character in the older as contrasted with the newer formations. But this distinctness will not be the consequence of any original diversity; they will be unlike, just as the wood in the older trees of a forest usually differs in texture and hardness from that of younger individuals of the same species. Transition texture.—In the original classification, of Werner, the highly crystalline rocks, such as granite and gneiss, which contain no organic remains, were called primary, and the fossiliferous strata secondary, while to another class of an age intermediate between the primary and secondary he gave the name of transition. They were termed transition because they partook in some degree in their mineral composition of the nature of the most crystalline rocks, such as gneiss and mica-schist, while they resembled the fossiliferous series in containing occasionally organic remains, and exhibiting evident signs of a mechanical origin. It was at first imagined, that the rocks having this intermediate texture had been all deposited subsequently to the series called primary, and before all the more earthy and fossiliferous formations. But when the relative position and organic remains of these transition rocks were better understood, it was perceived that they did not all belong to one period. On the contrary, the same mineral characters were found in strata of very different ages, and some formations occurring in the Alps, which several of the ablest scholars of Werner had determined to be transition, were ultimately ascertained, by means of their fossil contents and position, to be members of the Cretaceous, and even of the nummulitic or Eocene period. These strata had, in fact, acquired the transition texture from the influence of causes which, since their deposition had modified their internal arrangement. Texture and origin of Plutonic and metamorphic rocks.—Among the most singular of the changes superinduced on rocks, we have occasionally to include the slaty texture, the divisional planes of which sometimes intersect the true planes of stratification, and even pass directly through imbedded fossils. If, then, the crystalline, the slaty, and other modes of arrangement, once deemed characteristic of certain periods in the history of the earth, have in reality been assumed by fossiliferous rocks of different ages and at different times, we are prepared to inquire whether the same may not be true of the most highly crystalline state, such as that of gneiss, mica-schist, and statuary marble. That the peculiar characteristics of such rocks are really due to a variety of modifying causes has long been suspected by many geologists, and the doctrine has gained ground of late, although a considerable difference of opinion still prevails. According to the original Neptunian theory, all the crystalline formations were precipitated from a universal menstruum or chaotic fluid antecedently to the creation of animals and plants, the unstratified granite having been first thrown down so as to serve as a floor or foundation on which gneiss and other stratified rocks might repose. Afterwards, when the igneous origin of granite was no longer disputed, many conceived that a thermal ocean enveloped the globe, at a time when the first-formed crust of granite was cooling, but when it still retained much of its heat. The hot waters of this ocean held in solution the ingredients of gneiss, mica-schist, hornblende-schist, clay-slate, and marble, rocks which were precipitated, one after the other, in a crystalline form. No fossils could be inclosed in them, the high temperature of the fluid and the quantity of mineral matter which it held in solution, rendering it unfit for the support of organic beings. It would be inconsistent with the plan of this work to enter here into a detailed account of what I have elsewhere termed the metamorphic theory;256 but I may state that it is now demonstrable in some countries that fossiliferous formations, some of them of the age of the Silurian strata, as near Christiana in Norway, others belonging to the Oolitic period, as around Carrara in Italy, have been converted partially into gneiss, mica-schist, and statuary marble. The transmutation has been effected apparently by the influence of subterranean heat, acting under great pressure, or by chemical and electrical causes operating in a manner not yet understood, and which have been termed Plutonic action, as expressing, in one word, all the modifying causes which may be brought into play at great depths, and under conditions never exemplified at the surface. To this Plutonic action the fusion of granite itself in the bowels of the earth, as well as the superinducement of the metamorphic texture into sedimentary strata, must be attributed; and in accordance with these views the age of each metamorphic formation may be said to be twofold, for we have first to consider the period when it originated, as an aqueous deposit, in the form of mud, sand, marl, or limestone; secondly, the date at which it acquired a crystalline texture. The same strata, therefore, may, according to this view, be very ancient in reference to the time of their deposition, and very modern in regard to the period of their assuming the metamorphic character. No proofs that these crystalline rocks were produced more abundantly at remote periods.—Several modern writers, without denying the truth of the Plutonic or metamorphic theory, still contend that the crystalline and non-fossiliferous formations, whether stratified or unstratified, such as gneiss and granite, are essentially ancient as a class of rocks. They were generated, say they, most abundantly in the primeval state of the globe, since which time the quantity produced has been always on the decrease, until it became very inconsiderable in the Oolitic and Cretaceous periods, and quite evanescent before the commencement of the tertiary epoch. Now the justness of these views depends almost entirely on the question whether granite, gneiss, and other rocks of the same order ever originated at the surface, or whether, according to the opinions above adopted, they are essentially subterranean in their origin, and therefore entitled to the appellation of hypogene. If they were formed superficially in their present state, and as copiously in the modern as in the more ancient periods, we ought to see a greater abundance of tertiary and secondary than of primary granite and gneiss; but if we adopt the hypogene theory before explained, their rapid diminution in volume among the visible rocks in the earth's crust in proportion as we investigate the formations of newer date, is quite intelligible. If a melted mass of matter be now cooling very slowly at the depth of several miles beneath the crater of an active volcano, it must remain invisible until great revolutions in the earth's crust have been brought about. So also if stratified rocks have been subjected to Plutonic action, and after having been baked or reduced to semi-fusion, are now cooling and crystallizing far under ground, it will probably require the lapse of many periods before they will be forced up to the surface and exposed to view, even at a single point. To effect this purpose there may be need of as great a development of subterranean movement as that which in the Alps, Andes, and Himalaya has raised marine strata containing ammonites to the height of 8000, 14,000, and 16,000 feet. By parity of reasoning we can hardly expect that any hypogene rocks of the tertiary periods will have been brought within the reach of human observation, seeing that the emergence of such rocks must always be so long posterior to the date of their origin, and still less can formations of this class become generally visible until so much time has elapsed as to confer on them a high relative antiquity. Extensive denudation must also combine with upheaval before they can be displayed at the surface throughout wide areas. All geologists who reflect on subterranean movements now going on, and the eruptions of active volcanoes, are convinced that great changes are now continually in progress in the interior of the earth's crust far out of sight. They must be conscious, therefore, that the inaccessibility of the regions in which these alterations are taking place, compels them to remain in ignorance of a great part of the working of existing causes, so that they can only form vague conjectures in regard to the nature of the products which volcanic heat may elaborate under great pressure. But when they find in mountain-chains of high antiquity, that what was once the interior of the earth's crust has since been forced outwards and exposed to view, they will naturally expect in the examination of those mountainous regions, to have an opportunity of gratifying their curiosity by obtaining a sight not only of the superficial strata of remote eras, but also of the contemporaneous nether-formed rocks. Having recognized, therefore, in such mountain-chains some ancient rocks of aqueous and volcanic origin, corresponding in character to superficial formations of modern date, they will regard any other class of ancient rocks, such as granite and gneiss, as the residual phenomena of which they are in search. These latter rocks will not answer the expectations previously formed of their probable nature and texture, unless they wear a foreign and mysterious aspect, and have in some places been fused or altered by subterranean heat; in a word, unless they differ wholly from the fossiliferous strata deposited at the surface, or from the lava and scoriÆ thrown out by volcanoes in the open air. It is the total distinctness, therefore, of crystalline formations, such as granite, hornblende-schist, and the rest, from every substance of which the origin is familiar to us, that constitutes their claim to be regarded as the effects of causes now in action in the subterranean regions. They belong not to an order of things which has passed away; they are not the monuments of a primeval period, bearing inscribed upon them in obsolete characters the words and phrases of a dead language; but they teach us that part of the living language of nature, which we cannot learn by our daily intercourse with what passes on the habitable surface.
CHAPTER XIII UNIFORMITY IN THE SERIES OF PAST CHANGES IN THE ANIMATE AND INANIMATE WORLD. Supposed alternate periods of repose and disorder—Observed facts in which this doctrine has originated—These may be explained by supposing a uniform and uninterrupted series of changes—Threefold consideration of this subject; first, in reference to the living creation, extinction of species, and origin of new animals and plants; secondly, in reference to the changes produced in the earth's crust by the continuance of subterranean movements in certain areas, and their transference after long periods to new areas; thirdly, in reference to the laws which govern the formation of fossiliferous strata, and the shifting of the areas of sedimentary deposition—On the combined influence of all these modes and causes of change in producing breaks and chasms in the chain of records—Concluding remarks on the identity of the ancient and present system of terrestrial changes. Origin of the doctrine of alternate periods of repose and disorder.—It has been truly observed, that when we arrange the fossiliferous formations in chronological order, they constitute a broken and defective series of monuments: we pass without any intermediate gradations, from systems of strata which are horizontal to other systems which are highly inclined, from rocks of peculiar mineral composition to others which have a character wholly distinct,—from one assemblage of organic remains to another, in which frequently all the species, and most of the genera, are different. These violations of continuity are so common, as to constitute the rule rather than the exception, and they have been considered by many geologists as conclusive in favor of sudden revolutions in the inanimate and animate world. According to the speculations of some writers, there have been in the past history of the planet alternate periods of tranquillity and convulsion, the former enduring for ages, and resembling that state of things now experienced by man: the other brief, transient, and paroxysmal, giving rise to new mountains, seas, and valleys, annihilating one set of organic beings, and ushering in the creation of another. It will be the object of the present chapter to demonstrate, that these theoretical views are not borne out by a fair interpretation of geological monuments. It is true that in the solid framework of the globe, we have a chronological chain of natural records, and that many links in this chain are wanting; but a careful consideration of all the phenomena will lead to the opinion that the series was originally defective,—that it has been rendered still more so by time—that a great part of what remains is inaccessible to man, and even of that fraction which is accessible, nine-tenths are to this day unexplored. How the facts may be explained by assuming a uniform series of changes.—The readiest way, perhaps, of persuading the reader that we may dispense with great and sudden revolutions in the geological order of events, is by showing him how a regular and uninterrupted series of changes in the animate and inanimate world may give rise to such breaks in the sequence, and such unconformability of stratified rocks, as are usually thought to imply convulsions and catastrophes. It is scarcely necessary to state, that the order of events thus assumed to occur, for the sake of illustration, must be in harmony with all the conclusions legitimately drawn by geologists from the structure of the earth, and must be equally in accordance with the changes observed by man to be now going on in the living as well as in the inorganic creation. It may be necessary in the present state of science to supply some part of the assumed course of nature hypothetically; but if so, this must be done without any violation of probability, and always consistently with the analogy of what is known both of the past and present economy of our system. Although the discussion of so comprehensive a subject must carry the beginner far beyond his depth, it will also, it is hoped, stimulate his curiosity, and prepare him to read some elementary treatises on geology with advantage, and teach him the bearing on that science of the changes now in progress on the earth. At the same time it may enable him the better to understand the intimate connection between the second and third books of this work, the former of which is occupied with the changes in the inorganic, the latter with those of the organic creation. In pursuance, then, of the plan above proposed, I shall consider in this chapter, first, what may be the course of fluctuation in the animate world; secondly, the mode in which contemporaneous subterranean movements affect the earth's crust; and, thirdly, the laws which regulate the deposition of sediment. UNIFORMITY OF CHANGE CONSIDERED FIRST IN REFERENCE TO THE LIVING CREATION. First, in regard to the vicissitudes of the living creation, all are agreed that the sedimentary strata found in the earth's crust are divisible into a variety of groups, more or less dissimilar in their organic remains and mineral composition. The conclusion universally drawn from the study and comparison of these fossiliferous groups is this, that at successive periods distinct tribes of animals and plants have inhabited the land and waters, and that the organic types of the newer formations are more analogous to species now existing, than those of more ancient rocks. If we then turn to the present state of the animate creation, and inquire whether it has now become fixed and stationary, we discover that, on the contrary, it is in a state of continual flux—that there are many causes in action which tend to the extinction of species, and which are conclusive against the doctrine of their unlimited durability. But natural history has been successfully cultivated for so short a period, that a few examples only of local, and perhaps but one or two of absolute, extirpation can as yet be proved, and these only where the interference of man has been conspicuous. It will nevertheless appear evident, from the facts and arguments detailed in the third book (from the thirty-seventh to the forty-second chapters, inclusive) that man is not the only exterminating agent; and that, independently of his intervention, the annihilation of species is promoted by the multiplication and gradual diffusion of every animal or plant. It will also appear, that every alteration in the physical geography and climate of the globe cannot fail to have the same tendency. If we proceed still farther, and inquire whether new species are substituted from time to time for those which die out, and whether there are certain laws appointed by the Author of Nature to regulate such new creations, we find that the period of human observation is as yet too short to afford data for determining so weighty a question. All that can be done is to show that the successive introduction of new species may be a constant part of the economy of the terrestrial system, without our having any right to expect that we should be in possession of direct proof of the fact. The appearance again and again of new species may easily have escaped detection, since the numbers of known animals and plants have augmented so rapidly within the memory of persons now living, as to have doubled in some classes, and quadrupled in others. It will also be remarked in the sequel (book iii. chap. 43), that it must always be more easy if species proceeded originally from single stocks, to prove that one which formerly abounded in a given district has ceased to be, than that another has been called into being for the first time. If, therefore, there be as yet only one or two unequivocal instances of extinction, namely, those of the dodo and solitaire (see ch. 41), it is scarcely reasonable as yet to hope that we should be cognizant of a single instance of the first appearance of a new species. Recent origin of man, and gradual approach in the tertiary fossils of successive periods from an extinct to the recent fauna.—The geologist, however, if required to advance some fact which may lend countenance to the opinion that in the most modern times, that is to say, after the greater part of the existing fauna and flora were established on the earth, there has still been a new species superadded, may point to man himself as furnishing the required illustration—for man must be regarded by the geologist as a creature of yesterday, not merely in reference to the past history of the organic world, but also in relation to that particular state of the animate creation of which he forms a part. The comparatively modern introduction of the human race is proved by the absence of the remains of man and his works, not only from all strata containing a certain proportion of fossil shells of extinct species, but even from a large part of the newest strata, in which all the fossil individuals are referable to species still living. To enable the reader to appreciate the full force of this evidence, I shall give a slight sketch of the information obtained from the newer strata, respecting fluctuations in the animate world, in times immediately antecedent to the appearance of man. In tracing the series of fossiliferous formations from the more ancient to the more modern, the first deposits in which we meet with assemblages of organic remains, having a near analogy to the fauna of certain parts of the globe in our own time, are those commonly called tertiary. Even in the Eocene, or oldest subdivision of these tertiary formations, some few of the testacea belong to existing species, although almost all of them, and apparently all the associated vertebrata, are now extinct. These Eocene strata are succeeded by a great number of more modern deposits, which depart gradually in the character of their fossils from the Eocene type, and approach more and more to that of the living creation. In the present state of science, it is chiefly by the aid of shells that we are enabled to arrive at these results, for of all classes the testacea are the most generally diffused in a fossil state, and may be called the medals principally employed by nature, in recording the chronology of past events. In the Miocene deposits, which are next in succession to the Eocene, we begin to find a considerable number, although still a minority, of recent species, intermixed with some fossils common to the preceding epoch. We then arrive at the Pliocene strata, in which species now contemporary with man begin to preponderate, and in the newest of which nine-tenths of the fossils agree with species still inhabiting the neighboring sea. In this passing from the older to the newer members of the tertiary system we meet with many chasms, but none which separate entirely, by a broad line of demarcation, one state of the organic world from another. There are no signs of an abrupt termination of one fauna and flora, and the starting into life of new and wholly distinct forms. Although we are far from being able to demonstrate geologically an insensible transition from the Eocene to the Miocene, or even from the latter to the recent fauna, yet the more we enlarge and perfect our general survey, the more nearly do we approximate to such a continuous series, and the more gradually are we conducted from times when many of the genera and nearly all the species were extinct, to those in which scarcely a single species flourished which we do not know to exist at present. Dr. A. Philippi, indeed, after an elaborate comparison of the fossil tertiary shells of Sicily with those now living in the Mediterranean, announces as the result of his examination that there are strata in that island, which attest a very gradual passage from a period, when only thirteen in a hundred of the shells were like the species now living in the sea, to an era when the recent species had attained a proportion of ninety-five in a hundred. There is therefore evidence, he says, in Sicily of this revolution in the animate world having been effected "without the intervention of any convulsion or abrupt changes, certain species having from time to time died out, and others having been introduced, until at length the existing fauna was elaborated." It had often been objected that the evidence of fossil species occurring in two consecutive formations, was confined to the testacea or zoophytes, the characters of which are less marked and decisive than those afforded by the vertebrate animals. But Mr. Owen has lately insisted on the important fact, that not a few of the quadrupeds which now inhabit our island, and among others the horse, the ass, the hog, the smaller wild ox, the goat, the red deer, the roe, the beaver, and many of the diminutive rodents, are the same as those which once coexisted with the mammoth, the great northern hippopotamus, two kinds of rhinoceros, and other mammalia long since extinct. "A part," he observes, "and not the whole of the modern tertiary fauna has perished, and hence we may conclude that the cause of their destruction has not been a violent and universal catastrophe from which none could escape."257 Had we discovered evidence that man had come into the earth at a period as early as that when a large number of the fossil quadrupeds now living, and almost all the recent species of land, freshwater, and marine shells were in existence, we should have been compelled to ascribe a much higher antiquity to our species, than even the boldest speculations of the ethnologist require, for no small part of the great physical revolution depicted on the map of Europe (Pl. 3), before described, took place very gradually after the recent testacea abounded almost to the exclusion of the extinct. Thus, for example, in the deposits called the "northern drift," or the glacial formation of Europe and North America, the fossil marine shells can easily be identified with species either now inhabiting the neighboring sea, or living in the seas of higher latitudes. Yet they exhibit no memorials of the human race, or of articles fabricated by the hand of man. Some of the newest of these strata passing by the name of "raised beaches," occur at moderate elevations on the coast of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Other examples are met with on a more extended scale in Scandinavia, as at the height of 200 feet at Uddevalla in Sweden, and at twice that elevation, near Christiana, in Norway, also at an altitude of 600 or 700 feet in places farther north. They consist of beds of sand and clay, filling hollows in a district of granite and gneiss, and they must closely resemble the accumulations of shelly matter now in progress at the bottom of the Norwegian fiords. The rate at which the land is now rising in Scandinavia, is far too irregular in different places to afford a safe standard for estimating the minimum of time required for the upheaval of the fundamental granite, and its marine shelly covering, to the height of so many hundred feet; but according to the greatest average, of five or six feet in a century, the period required would be very considerable, and nearly the whole of it, as well as the antecedent epoch of submergence, seems to have preceded the introduction of man into these parts of the earth. There are other post-tertiary formations of fluviatile origin, in the centre of Europe, in which the absence of human remains is perhaps still more striking, because, when formed, they must have been surrounded by dry land. I allude to the silt or loess of the basin of the Rhine, which must have gradually filled up the great valley of that river since the time when its waters, and the contiguous lands, were inhabited by the existing species of freshwater and terrestrial mollusks. Showers of ashes, thrown out by some of the last eruptions of the Eifel volcanoes, fell during the deposition of this fluviatile silt, and were interstratified with it. But these volcanoes became exhausted, the valley was re-excavated through the silt, and again reduced to its present form before the period of human history. The study, therefore, of this shelly silt reveals to us the history of a long series of events, which occurred after the testacea now living inhabited the land and rivers of Europe, and the whole terminated without any signs of the coming of man into that part of the globe. To cite a still more remarkable example, we observe in Sicily a lofty table-land and hills, sometimes rising to the height of 3000 feet, capped with a limestone, in which from 70 to 85 per cent. of the fossil testacea are specifically identical with those now inhabiting the Mediterranean. These calcareous and other argillaceous strata of the same age are intersected by deep valleys which have been gradually formed by denudation, but have not varied materially in width or depth since Sicily was first colonized by the Greeks. The limestone, moreover, which is of so late a date in geological chronology, was quarried for building those ancient temples of Girgenti and Syracuse, of which the ruins carry us back to a remote era in human history. If we are lost in conjectures when speculating on the ages required to lift up these formations to the height of several thousand feet above the sea, how much more remote must be the era when the same rocks were gradually formed beneath the waters! To conclude, it appears that, in going back from the recent to the Eocene period, we are carried by many successive steps from the fauna now contemporary with man to an assemblage of fossil species wholly different from those now living. In this retrospect we have not yet succeeded in tracing back a perfect transition from the recent to an extinct fauna; but there are usually so many species in common to the groups which stand next in succession as to show that there is no great chasm, no signs of a crisis when one class of organic beings was annihilated to give place suddenly to another. This analogy, therefore, derived from a period of the earth's history which can best be compared with the present state of things, and more thoroughly investigated than any other, leads to the conclusion that the extinction and creation of species, has been and is the result of a slow and gradual change in the organic world. UNIFORMITY OF CHANGE CONSIDERED, SECONDLY, IN REFERENCE TO SUBTERRANEAN MOVEMENTS. To pass on to another of the three topics before proposed for discussion, the reader will find, in the account given in the second book of the earthquakes recorded in history, that certain countries have, from time immemorial, been rudely shaken again and again, while others, comprising by far the largest part of the globe, have remained to all appearance motionless. In the regions of convulsion rocks have been rent asunder, the surface has been forced up into ridges, chasms have opened, or the ground throughout large spaces has been permanently lifted up above or let down below its former level. In the regions of tranquillity some areas have remained at rest, but others have been ascertained by a comparison of measurements, made at different periods, to have risen by an insensible motion, as in Sweden, or to have subsided very slowly, as in Greenland. That these same movements, whether ascending or descending, have continued for ages in the same direction has been established by geological evidence. Thus, we find both on the east and west coast of Sweden, that ground which formerly constituted the bottom of the Baltic and of the ocean has been lifted up to an elevation of several hundred feet above high-water mark. The rise within the historical period has not amounted to many yards, but the greater extent of antecedent upheaval is proved by the occurrence in inland spots, several hundred feet high, of deposits filled with fossil shells of species now living either in the ocean or the Baltic. To detect proofs of slow and gradual subsidence must in general be more difficult; but the theory which accounts for the form of circular coral reefs and lagoon islands, and which will be explained in the last chapter of the third book, will satisfy the reader that there are spaces on the globe, several thousand miles in circumference, throughout which the downward movement has predominated for ages, and yet the land has never, in a single instance, gone down suddenly for several hundred feet at once. Yet geology demonstrates that the persistency of subterranean movements in one direction has not been perpetual throughout all past time. There have been great oscillations of level by which a surface of dry land has been submerged to a depth of several thousand feet, and then at a period long subsequent raised again and made to emerge. Nor have the regions now motionless been always at rest; and some of those which are at present the theatres of reiterated earthquakes have formerly enjoyed a long continuance of tranquillity. But although disturbances have ceased after having long prevailed, or have recommenced after a suspension for ages, there has been no universal disruption of the earth's crust or desolation of the surface since times the most remote. The non-occurrence of such a general convulsion is proved by the perfect horizontally now retained by some of the most ancient fossiliferous strata throughout wide areas. Inferences derived from unconformable strata.—That the subterranean forces have visited different parts of the globe at successive periods, is inferred chiefly from the unconformability of strata belonging to groups of different ages. Thus, for example, on the borders of Wales and Shropshire we find the slaty beds of the ancient Silurian system curved and vertical, while the beds of the overlying carboniferous shale and sandstone are horizontal. All are agreed, that in such a case the older set of strata had suffered great dislocation before the deposition of the newer or carboniferous beds, and that these last have never since been convulsed by any movements of excessive violence. But the strata of the inferior group suffered only a local derangement, and rocks of the same age are by no means found everywhere in a curved or vertical position. In various parts of Europe, and particularly near Lake Wener in the south of Sweden, and in many parts of Russia, beds of the same Silurian system maintain the most perfect horizontality; and a similar observation may be made respecting limestones and shales of the like antiquity in the great lake district of Canada and the United States. They are still as flat and horizontal as when first formed; yet since their origin not only have most of the actual mountain-chains been uplifted, but the very rocks of which those mountains are composed have been formed. It would be easy to multiply instances of similar unconformability in formations of other ages; but a few more will suffice. The coal measures before alluded to as horizontal on the borders of Wales are vertical in the Mendip Hills in Somersetshire, where the overlying beds of the New Red Sandstone are horizontal. Again, in the Wolds of Yorkshire the last mentioned sandstone supports on its curved and inclined beds the horizontal Chalk. The Chalk again is vertical on the flanks of the Pyrenees, and the tertiary strata repose unconformably upon it. Consistency of local disturbances with general uniformity.—As almost every country supplies illustrations of the same phenomena, they who advocate the doctrine of alternate periods of disorder and repose may appeal to the facts above described, as proving that every district has been by turns convulsed by earthquakes and then respited for ages from convulsions. But so it might with equal truth be affirmed that every part of Europe has been visited alternately by winter and summer, although it has always been winter and always summer in some part of the planet, and neither of these seasons has ever reigned simultaneously over the entire globe. They have been always shifting about from place to place; but the vicissitudes which recur thus annually in a single spot are never allowed to interfere with the invariable uniformity of seasons throughout the whole planet. So, in regard to subterranean movements, the theory of the perpetual uniformity of the force which they exert on the earth's crust is quite consistent with the admission of their alternate development and suspension for indefinite periods within limited geographical areas. UNIFORMITY OF CHANGE CONSIDERED, THIRDLY, IN REFERENCE TO SEDIMENTARY DEPOSITION. It now remains to speak of the laws governing the deposition of new strata. If we survey the surface of the globe we immediately perceive that it is divisible into areas of deposition and non-deposition, or, in other words, at any given time there are spaces which are the recipients, others which are not the recipients of sedimentary matter. No new strata, for example, are thrown down on dry land, which remains the same from year to year; whereas, in many parts of the bottom of seas and lakes, mud, sand, and pebbles are annually spread out by rivers and currents. There are also great masses of limestone growing in some seas, or in mid-ocean, chiefly composed of corals and shells. No sediment deposited on dry land.—As to the dry land, so far from being the receptacle of fresh accessions of matter, it is exposed almost everywhere to waste away. Forests may be as dense and lofty as those of Brazil, and may swarm with quadrupeds, birds, and insects, yet at the end of ten thousand years one layer of black mould, a few inches thick, may be the sole representative of those myriads of trees, leaves, flowers, and fruits, those innumerable bones and skeletons of birds, quadrupeds, and reptiles, which tenanted the fertile region. Should this land be at length submerged, the waves of the sea may wash away in a few hours the scanty covering of mould, and it may merely impart a darker shade of color to the next stratum of marl, sand, or other matter newly thrown down. So also at the bottom of the ocean where no sediment is accumulating, sea-weed, zoophytes, fish, and even shells, may multiply for ages and decompose, leaving no vestige of their form or substance behind. Their decay, in water, although more slow, is as certain and eventually as complete as in the open air. Nor can they be perpetuated for indefinite periods in a fossil state, unless imbedded in some matrix which is impervious to water, or which at least does not allow a free percolation of that fluid, impregnated as it usually is, with a slight quantity of carbonic or other acid. Such a free percolation may be prevented either by the mineral nature of the matrix itself, or by the superposition of an impermeable stratum: but if unimpeded, the fossil shell or bone will be dissolved and removed, particle after particle, and thus entirely effaced, unless petrifaction or the substitution of mineral for organic matter happen to take place. That there has been land as well as sea at all former geological periods, we know from the fact, that fossil trees and terrestrial plants are imbedded in rocks of every age. Occasionally lacustrine and fluviatile shells, insects, or the bones of amphibious or land reptiles, point to the same conclusion. The existence of dry land at all periods of the past implies, as before mentioned, the partial deposition of sediment, or its limitation to certain areas; and the next point to which I shall call the reader's attention, is the shifting of these areas from one region to another. First, then, variations in the site of sedimentary deposition are brought about independently of subterranean movements. There is always a slight change from year to year, or from century to century. The sediment of the Rhone, for example, thrown into the Lake of Geneva, is now conveyed to a spot a mile and a half distant from that where it accumulated in the tenth century, and six miles from the point where the delta began originally to form. We may look forward to the period when this lake will be filled up, and then the distribution of the transported matter will be suddenly altered, for the mud and sand brought down from the Alps will thenceforth, instead of being deposited near Geneva, be carried nearly 200 miles southwards, where the Rhone enters the Mediterranean. In the deltas of large rivers, such as those of the Ganges and Indus, the mud is first carried down for many centuries through one arm, and on this being stopped up it is discharged by another, and may then enter the sea at a point 50 or 100 miles distant from its first receptacle. The direction of marine currents is also liable to be changed by various accidents, as by the heaping up of new sand-banks, or the wearing away of cliffs and promontories. But, secondly, all these causes of fluctuation in the sedimentary areas are entirely subordinate to those great upward or downward movements of land which have been already described as prevailing over large tracts of the globe. By such elevation or subsidence certain spaces are gradually submerged, or made gradually to emerge:—in the one case sedimentary deposition may be suddenly renewed after having been suspended for ages, in the other as suddenly made to cease after having continued for an indefinite period. Causes of variation in mineral character of successive sedimentary groups.—If deposition be renewed after a long interval, the new strata will usually differ greatly from the sedimentary rocks previously formed in the same place, and especially if the older rocks have suffered derangement, which implies a change in the physical geography of the district since the previous conveyance of sediment to the same spot. It may happen, however, that, even when the inferior group is horizontal and conformable to the upper strata, these last may still differ entirely in mineral character, because since the origin of the older formation the geography of some distant country has been altered. In that country rocks before concealed may have become exposed by denudation; volcanoes may have burst out and covered the surface with scoriÆ and lava, or new lakes may have been formed by subsidence; and other fluctuations may have occurred, by which the materials brought down from thence by rivers to the sea have acquired a distinct mineral character. It is well known that the stream of the Mississippi is charged with sediment of a different color from that of the Arkansas and Red Rivers, which are tinged with red mud, derived from rocks of porphyry in "the far west." The waters of the Uruguay, says Darwin, draining a granitic country, are clear and black, those of the Parana, red.258 The mud with which the Indus is loaded, says Burnes, is of a clayey hue, that of the Chenab, on the other hand, is reddish, that of the Sutlej is more pale.259 The same causes which make these several rivers, sometimes situated at no great distance the one from the other, to differ greatly in the character of their sediment, will make the waters draining the same country at different epochs, especially before and after great revolutions in physical geography, to be entirely dissimilar. It is scarcely necessary to add, that marine currents will be affected in an analogous manner in consequence of the formation of new shoals, the emergence of new islands, the subsidence of others, the gradual waste of neighboring coasts, the growth of new deltas, the increase of coral reefs, and other changes. Why successive sedimentary groups contain distinct fossils.—If, in the next place, we assume, for reasons before stated, a continual extinction of species and introduction of others into the globe, it will then follow that the fossils of strata formed at two distant periods on the same spot, will differ even more certainly than the mineral composition of the same. For rocks of the same kind have sometimes been reproduced in the same district after a long interval of time, whereas there are no facts leading to the opinion that species which have once died out have ever been reproduced. The submergence then of land must be often attended by the commencement of a new class of sedimentary deposits, characterized by a new set of fossil animals and plants, while the reconversion of the bed of the sea into land may arrest at once and for an indefinite time the formation of geological monuments. Should the land again sink, strata will again be formed; but one or many entire revolutions in animal or vegetable life may have been completed in the interval. Conditions requisite for the original completeness of a fossiliferous series.—If we infer, for reasons before explained, that fluctuations in the animate world are brought about by the slow and successive removal and creation of species, we shall be convinced that a rare combination of circumstances alone can give rise to such a series of strata as will bear testimony to a gradual passage from one state of organic life to another. To produce such strata nothing less will be requisite than the fortunate coincidence of the following conditions: first, a never-failing supply of sediment in the same region throughout a period of vast duration; secondly, the fitness of the deposit in every part for the permanent preservation of imbedded fossils; and, thirdly, a gradual subsidence to prevent the sea or lake from being filled up and converted into land. It will appear in the chapter on coral reefs,260 that, in certain parts of the Pacific and Indian Oceans, most of these conditions, if not all, are complied with, and the constant growth of coral, keeping pace with the sinking of the bottom of the sea, seems to have gone on so slowly, for such indefinite periods, that the signs of a gradual change in organic life might probably be detected in that quarter of the globe, if we could explore its submarine geology. Instead of the growth of coralline limestone, let us suppose, in some other place, the continuous deposition of fluviatile mud and sand, such as the Ganges and Brahmapootra have poured for thousands of years into the Bay of Bengal. Part of this bay, although of considerable depth, might at length be filled up before an appreciable amount of change was effected in the fish, mollusca, and other inhabitants of the sea and neighboring land. But, if the bottom be lowered by sinking at the same rate that it is raised by fluviatile mud, the bay can never be turned into dry land. In that case one new layer of matter may be superimposed upon another for a thickness of many thousand feet, and the fossils of the inferior beds may differ greatly from those entombed in the uppermost, yet every intermediate gradation may be indicated in the passage from an older to a newer assemblage of species. Granting, however, that such an unbroken sequence of monuments may thus be elaborated in certain parts of the sea, and that the strata happen to be all of them well adapted to preserve the included fossils from decomposition, how many accidents must still concur before these submarine formations will be laid open to our investigation! The whole deposit must first be raised several thousand feet, in order to bring into view the very foundation; and during the process of exposure the superior beds must not be entirely swept away by denudation. In the first place, the chances are as three to one against the mere emergence of the mass above the waters, because three-fourths of the globe are covered by the ocean. But if it be upheaved and made to constitute part of the dry land, it must also, before it can be available for our instruction, become part of that area already surveyed by geologists; and this area comprehends perhaps less than a tenth of the whole earth. In this small fraction of land already explored, and still very imperfectly known, we are required to find a set of strata, originally of limited extent, and probably much lessened by subsequent denudation. Yet it is precisely because we do not encounter at every step the evidence of such gradations from one state of the organic world to another, that so many geologists embrace the doctrine of great and sudden revolutions in the history of the animate world. Not content with simply availing themselves, for the convenience of classification, of those gaps and chasms which here and there interrupt the continuity of the chronological series, as at present known, they deduce, from the frequency of these breaks in the chain of records, an irregular mode of succession in the events themselves both in the organic and inorganic world. But, besides that some links of the chain which once existed are now clearly lost and others concealed from view, we have good reason to suspect that it was never complete originally. It may undoubtedly be said, that strata have been always forming somewhere, and therefore at every moment of past time nature has added a page to her archives; but, in reference to this subject, it should be remembered that we can never hope to compile a consecutive history by gathering together monuments which were originally detached and scattered over the globe. For as the species of organic beings contemporaneously inhabiting remote regions are distinct, the fossils of the first of several periods which may be preserved in any one country, as in America, for example, will have no connection with those of a second period found in India, and will therefore no more enable us to trace the signs of a gradual change in the living creation, than a fragment of Chinese history will fill up a blank in the political annals of Europe. The absence of any deposits of importance containing recent shells in Chili, or anywhere on the western coast of South America, naturally led Mr. Darwin to the conclusion that "where the bed of the sea is either stationary or rising, circumstances are far less favorable than where the level is sinking to the accumulation of conchiferous strata of sufficient thickness and extension to resist the average vast amount of denudation."261 An examination of the superficial clay, sand, and gravel of the most modern date in Norway and Sweden, where the land is also rising, would incline us to admit a similar proposition. Yet in these cases there has been a supply of sediment from the waste of the coast and the interior, especially in Patagonia and Chili. Nevertheless wherever the bottom of the sea has been continually elevated, the total thickness of sedimentary matter accumulating at depths suited to the habitation of most of the species of shells can never be great, nor can the deposits be thickly covered by superincumbent matter, so as to be consolidated by pressure. When they are upheaved, therefore, the waves on the beach will bear down and disperse the loose materials; whereas if the bed of the sea subsides slowly, a mass of strata containing abundance of such species as live at moderate depths may increase in thickness to any amount, and may extend over a broad area, as the water gradually encroaches on the land. If, then, at particular periods, as in the Miocene epoch, for example, both in Europe and North America, contemporaneous shelly deposits have originated, and have been preserved at very distant points, it may arise from the prevalence at that period of simultaneous subsidence throughout very wide areas. The absence in the same quarters of the globe of strata marking the ages which immediately succeeded, may be accounted for by supposing that the level of the bed of the sea and the adjoining land was stationary or was undergoing slow upheaval. How far some of the great violations of continuity which now exist in the chronological table of fossiliferous rocks, will hereafter be removed or lessened, must at present be mere matter of conjecture. The hiatus which exists in Great Britain between the fossils of the Lias and those of the Magnesian Limestone, is supplied in Germany by the rich fauna and flora of the Muschelkalk, Keuper, and Bunter Sandstein, which we know to be of a date precisely intermediate; those three formations being interposed in Germany between others which agree perfectly in their organic remains with our Lias and Magnesian Limestone. Until lately the fossils of the Coal-measures were separated from those of the antecedent Silurian group by a very abrupt and decided line of demarcation; but recent discoveries have brought to light in Devonshire, Belgium, the Eifel, and Westphalia, the remains of a fauna of an intervening period. This connecting link is furnished by the fossil shells, fish, and corals of the Devonian or Old Red Sandstone group, and some species of this newly intercalated fauna are found to be common to it and the subjacent Silurian rocks, while other species belong to it in common with the Coal-measures. We have also in like manner had some success of late years in diminishing the hiatus which still separates the Cretaceous and Eocene periods in Europe. Still we must expect, for reasons before stated, that some such chasms will forever continue to occur in some parts of our sedimentary series. Consistency of the theory of gradual change with the existence of great breaks in the series.—To return to the general argument pursued in this chapter, it is assumed, for reasons above explained, that a slow change of species is in simultaneous operation everywhere throughout the habitable surface of sea and land; whereas the fossilization of plants and animals is confined to those areas where new strata are produced. These areas, as we have seen, are always shifting their position; so that the fossilizing process, by means of which the commemoration of the particular state of the organic world, at any given time, is affected, may be said to move about, visiting and revisiting different tracts in succession. To make still more clear the supposed working of this machinery, I shall compare it to a somewhat analogous case that might be imagined to occur in the history of human affairs. Let the mortality of the population of a large country represent the successive extinction of species, and the births of new individuals the introduction of new species. While these fluctuations are gradually taking place everywhere, suppose commissioners to be appointed to visit each province of the country in succession, taking an exact account of the number, names, and individual peculiarities of all the inhabitants, and leaving in each district a register containing a record of this information. If, after the completion of one census, another is immediately made on the same plan, and then another, there will, at last, be a series of statistical documents in each province. When those belonging to any one province are arranged in chronological order, the contents of such as stand next to each other will differ according to the length of the intervals of time between the taking of each census. If, for example, there are sixty provinces, and all the registers are made in a single year, and renewed annually, the number of births and deaths will be so small, in proportion to the whole of the inhabitants, during the interval between the compiling of the two consecutive documents, that the individuals described in such documents will be nearly identical; whereas, if the survey of each of the sixty provinces occupies all the commissioners for a whole year, so that they are unable to revisit the same place until the expiration of sixty years, there will then be an almost entire discordance between the persons enumerated in two consecutive registers in the same province. There are, undoubtedly, other causes besides the mere quantity of time, which may augment or diminish the amount of discrepancy. Thus, at some periods a pestilential disease may have lessened the average duration of human life, or a variety of circumstances may have caused the births to be unusually numerous, and the population to multiply; or, a province may be suddenly colonized by persons migrating from surrounding districts. These exceptions may be compared to the accelerated rate of fluctuation in the fauna and flora of a particular region, in which the climate and physical geography may be undergoing an extraordinary degree of alteration. But I must remind the reader, that the case above proposed has no pretensions to be regarded as an exact parallel to the geological phenomena which I desire to illustrate; for the commissioners are supposed to visit the different provinces in rotation; whereas the commemorating processes by which organic remains become fossilized, although they are always shifting from one area to the other, are yet very irregular in their movements. They may abandon and revisit many spaces again and again before they once approach another district; and, besides this source of irregularity, it may often happen that, while the depositing process is suspended, denudation may take place, which may be compared to the occasional destruction by fire or other causes of some of the statistical documents before mentioned. It is evident that, where such accidents occur, the want of continuity in the series may become indefinitely great, and that the monuments which follow next in succession will by no means be equidistant from each other in point of time. If this train of reasoning be admitted, the occasional distinctness of the fossil remains, in formations immediately in contact, would be a necessary consequence of the existing laws of sedimentary deposition and subterranean movement, accompanied by a constant mortality and renovation of species. As all the conclusions above insisted on are directly opposed to opinions still popular, I shall add another comparison, in the hope of preventing any possible misapprehension of the argument. Suppose we had discovered two buried cities at the foot of Vesuvius, immediately superimposed upon each other, with a great mass of tuff and lava intervening, just as Portici and Resina, if now covered with ashes, would overlie Herculaneum. An antiquary might possibly be entitled to infer, from the inscriptions on public edifices, that the inhabitants of the inferior and older city were Greeks, and those of the modern towns Italians. But he would reason very hastily if he also concluded from these data that there had been a sudden change from the Greek to the Italian language in Campania. But if he afterwards found three buried cities, one above the other, the intermediate one being Roman, while, as in the former example, the lowest was Greek and the uppermost Italian, he would then perceive the fallacy of his former opinion, and would begin to suspect that the catastrophes by which the cities were inhumed might have no relation whatever to the fluctuations in the language of the inhabitants; and that, as the Roman tongue had evidently intervened between the Greek and Italian, so many other dialects may have been spoken in succession, and the passage from the Greek to the Italian may have been very gradual; some terms growing obsolete, while others were introduced from time to time. If this antiquary could have shown that the volcanic paroxysms of Vesuvius were so governed as that cities should be buried one above the other, just as often as any variation occurred in the language of the inhabitants, then, indeed, the abrupt passage from a Greek to a Roman, and from a Roman to an Italian city, would afford proof of fluctuations no less sudden in the language of the people. So, in Geology, if we could assume that it is part of the plan of Nature to preserve, in every region of the globe, an unbroken series of monuments to commemorate the vicissitudes of the organic creation, we might infer the sudden extirpation of species, and the simultaneous introduction of others, as often as two formations in contact are found to include dissimilar organic fossils. But we must shut our eyes to the whole economy of the existing causes, aqueous, igneous, and organic, if we fail to perceive that such in not the plan of Nature. Concluding remarks on the identity of the ancient and present system of terrestrial changes.—I shall now conclude the discussion of a question with which we have been occupied since the beginning of the fifth chapter; namely, whether there has been any interruption, from the remotest periods, of one uniform system of change in the animate and inanimate world. We were induced to enter into that inquiry by reflecting how much the progress of opinion in Geology had been influenced by the assumption that the analogy was slight in kind, and still more slight in degree, between the causes which produced the former revolutions of the globe, and those now in every-day operation. It appeared clear that the earlier geologists had not only a scanty acquaintance with existing changes, but were singularly unconscious of the amount of their ignorance. With the presumption naturally inspired by this unconsciousness, they had no hesitation in deciding at once that time could never enable the existing powers of nature to work out changes of great magnitude, still less such important revolutions as those which are brought to light by Geology. They, therefore, felt themselves at liberty to indulge their imaginations in guessing at what might be, rather than inquiring what is; in other words, they employed themselves in conjecturing what might have been the course of nature at a remote period, rather than in the investigation of what was the course of nature in their own times. It appeared to them more philosophical to speculate on the possibilities of the past, than patiently to explore the realities of the present; and having invented theories under the influence of such maxims, they were consistently unwilling to test their validity by the criterion of their accordance with the ordinary operations of nature. On the contrary, the claims of each new hypothesis to credibility appeared enhanced by the great contrast, in kind or intensity, of the causes referred to, and those now in operation. Never was there a dogma more calculated to foster indolence, and to blunt the keen edge of curiosity, than this assumption of the discordance between the ancient and existing causes of change. It produced a state of mind unfavorable in the highest degree to the candid reception of the evidence of those minute but incessant alterations which every part of the earth's surface is undergoing, and by which the condition of its living inhabitants is continually made to vary. The student, instead of being encouraged with the hope of interpreting the enigmas presented to him in the earth's structure,—instead of being prompted to undertake laborious inquiries into the natural history of the organic world, and the complicated effects of the igneous and aqueous causes now in operation, was taught to despond from the first. Geology, it was affirmed, could never rise to the rank of an exact science,—the greater number of phenomena must forever remain inexplicable, or only be partially elucidated by ingenious conjectures. Even the mystery which invested the subject was said to constitute one of its principal charms, affording, as it did, full scope to the fancy to indulge in a boundless field of speculation. The course directly opposed to this method of philosophizing consists in an earnest and patient inquiry, how far geological appearances are reconcilable with the effect of changes now in progress, or which may be in progress in regions inaccessible to us, and of which the reality is attested by volcanoes and subterranean movements. It also endeavors to estimate the aggregate result of ordinary operations multiplied by time, and cherishes a sanguine hope that the resources to be derived from observation and experiment, or from the study of nature such as she now is, are very far from-being exhausted. For this reason all theories are rejected which involve the assumption of sudden and violent catastrophes and revolutions of the whole earth, and its inhabitants,—theories which are restrained by no reference to existing analogies, and in which a desire is manifested to cut, rather than patiently to untie, the Gordian knot. We have now, at least, the advantage of knowing, from experience, that an opposite method has always put geologists on the road that leads to truth,—suggesting views which, although imperfect at first, have been found capable of improvement, until at last adopted by universal consent; while the method of speculating on a former distinct state of things and causes, has led invariably to a multitude of contradictory systems, which have been overthrown one after the other,—have been found incapable of modification,—and which have often required to be precisely reversed. The remainder of this work will be devoted to an investigation of the changes now going on in the crust of the earth and its inhabitants. The importance which the student will attach to such researches will mainly depend in the degree of confidence which he feels in the principles above expounded. If he firmly believes in the resemblance or identity of the ancient and present system of terrestrial changes, he will regard every fact collected respecting the causes in diurnal action as affording him a key to the interpretation of some mystery in the past. Events which have occurred at the most distant periods in the animate and inanimate world, will be acknowledged to throw light on each other, and the deficiency of our information respecting some of the most obscure parts of the present creation will be removed. For as, by studying the external configuration of the existing land and its inhabitants, we may restore in imagination the appearance of the ancient continents which have passed away, so may we obtain from the deposits of ancient seas and lakes an insight into the nature of the subaqueous processes now in operation, and of many forms of organic life, which, though now existing, are veiled from sight. Rocks, also, produced by subterranean fire in former ages, at great depths in the bowels of the earth, present us, when upraised by gradual movements, and exposed to the light of heaven, with an image of those changes which the deep-seated volcano may now occasion in the nether regions. Thus, although we are mere sojourners on the surface of the planet, chained to a mere point in space, enduring but for a moment of time, the human mind is not only enabled to number worlds beyond the unassisted ken of mortal eye, but to trace the events of indefinite ages before the creation of our race, and is not even withheld from penetrating into the dark secrets of the ocean, or the interior of the solid globe; free, like the spirit which the poet described as animating the universe,
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