1814—Sent to Bermuda—Operations in the Chesapeake—The River Patuxent—Expedition to Washington—Town of Rappahannock—River Rappahannock—Wedding Party—Commodore Robert Barrie, &c., &c.

The ship having undergone the necessary repairs, which was very heavy work during the severe winter of 1813, towards the end of March we sailed for Spithead, where we embarked three hundred and fifty marines, and proceeded, in company with the Tonnant (80), Regulus (44), and Melpomene (38), en flute to Bermuda, at which place we arrived after a passage of eight weeks.

Nothing particular occurred on our voyage out, except my having the measles very badly, which, not knowing what ailed me, I had driven inwardly by cold bathing.

We remained at Bermuda until the 3rd of July, when, in company with the Asia (74), Regulus, and Melpomene, we proceeded to the Chesapeake, and made Cape Henry on the 11th, and anchored in Synhaven Bay. The following morning we proceeded up the Chesapeake, and on the 15th joined Rear-Admiral Cockburn in the Albion (74), who was lying at anchor, with two frigates, at the entrance of the river Patuxent.

I was placed under the orders of Captain J. Nourse, of the Severn (44), and sent up the river Patuxent for the purpose of assisting to blockade the American flotilla, under Commodore Barney, whose broad pennant was flying in a sloop of eight guns, and who had under his command seventeen gun-boats, each carrying a long 32, 24, or 18-pounder in the bow, and a 32-pound carronade in the stern, and manned with a crew of from sixty to seventy men.

We ran thirty miles up the river, to the village of Benedict, in company with the Severn, Ætna, and Manly (brig).

Rear-Admiral Cockburn proceeded with the others into the river Potomac to annoy the enemy in that quarter. As we advanced, the gun-boats retreated up the river to a town called Nottingham, twenty-five miles above Benedict, where, from the shoalness of the water, we could not follow them with the ships. During the time we continued in the Chesapeake we had guard-boats rowing every night to prevent the Yankees from trying the effect of their torpedoes or fire ships.

From the 17th of July until the 17th of August our time was taken up in making incursions into different parts of the country, with 300 marines, attacking and, to use an American expression, “scaring the militia,” getting fresh provisions, destroying their store-houses and other public buildings, with the arms found there. Some of the Americans used to say, “What did King George send you here from the old country to come and scare us for? We don’t go to yours to frighten you, I guess. Your confounded sarpents come and anchor in our waters; then send their barges, full of armed men, who are pulling about day and night, landing here and there, scaring us and our families very considerably—tarnation seize them.” Our reply used to be, “You must ask your President, Jim Madison: he invited us.”

A great many black slaves, with their families, used to take advantage of our visits to come away with us. Some of their first exclamations were, “Me free man; me go cut massa’s throat; give me musket,” which many of them did not know how to use when they had it.

Another favourite expression, when we wanted them to work, was, “No, me no work—me free man.” It was, therefore, necessary to explain to these new freemen—which explanation, I fear, will frequently have to be repeated in our West India colonies, with other arguments—that we must all work and gain our livelihood by the “sweat of our brow,” whether bond or free; but they considered work and slavery synonymous terms.[M]

Republicans are certainly the most cruel masters, and the greatest tyrants in the world towards their fellow men. They are urged by the most selfish motives to reduce every one to a level with, or even below themselves, and to grind and degrade those under them to the lowest stage of human wretchedness. But American liberty consists in oppressing the blacks beyond what other nations do, enacting laws to prevent their receiving instruction, and working them worse than donkeys. “But you call this a free country, when I can’t shoot my nigger when I like—eh?”

While on the coast of America we embarked from fifteen hundred to two thousand slaves—the young men we formed into a black corps, and, taking possession of the small islands of Tangiers, we drilled and endeavoured to make our recruits of some use. The aged men, with the women and children, were sent to Halifax, Nova Scotia, and from thence a free colony was formed at the island of Trinadada, in the West Indies.

Towards the middle of July and the month of August some parts of this coast are subject to tornadoes. We had one of them on the 25th of July, which obliged us, although lying at anchor in a river, to let go a second. The previous day and that morning had been extremely close and sultry. The storm came on from the north-west, with the greatest violence, accompanied by a few claps of thunder and vivid flashes of lightning: such was its force that, although in smooth water, the ship heeled so much over that our main-deck guns nearly touched the water; and a fine schooner of seventy tons burthen, tender to the Severn, with a long 18-pounder on board, at anchor near us, without topmasts, her sails furled and gaffs on deck, was turned bottom upwards in a moment, and one poor fellow drowned. Its fury was spent in about ten minutes, but during its continuance we saw immense trees torn up by the roots, barns blown down like card houses of children, and where the strength of the current of wind passed scarcely anything could withstand its violence. Trees and other things continued to be swept by us for sometime, and when the tornado was over we observed, at a turn of the river, so much large timber, lumber, and other articles floating down the tide that my gallant senior officer, Captain Nourse, who is since dead, poor fellow! thought at first it was the American flotilla coming to attack us, and he was just on the point of returning to his ship to prepare for a fight, he having come on board to dine with me, when I discovered, by means of a spy-glass, the approaching flotilla was perfectly harmless.

This circumstance was mentioned a short time afterwards to that most gallant officer, Captain Napier, who commanded the Euryalus, but Charley would not believe that the force of wind could upset a schooner of seventy tons, lying at anchor with all her sails furled, with her gaffs on deck, and without even top-masts; however, on the dashing, brilliant expedition, under Sir James Gordon, up the Potomac to Alexandria, above Washington, he had an opportunity of judging for himself when (part of a tornado passing across the bows of the frigate) he saw in a moment both his bowsprit and fore-topmast broken in two, like twigs.

Having heard that the enemy’s gun boats had moved down from Nottingham towards Benedict, on the 10th August I was ordered to proceed twenty miles up the river with five boats to reconnoitre. On landing I was informed they had been there two days before, but that they had returned to Upper Marlborough. On rowing up the river we fell in with a canoe, containing one white man, who was pulling from Leonard creek to the opposite shore; on seeing us he endeavoured to get to land, but not being able to do so, jumped overboard and was drowned. We had every reason to believe he was one of our deserters.

On the 13th I again went up the river to ascertain the movements of Commodore Barney, but gained little information further than that he was with the flotilla at Nottingham.

The next day we received an account of a party of American militia having arrived in the woods, at the back of our watering-place, with the intention of surprising some of our men; we therefore landed before daylight between three and four hundred marines and seamen, headed by Captain Nourse and myself, accompanied by Captain Coles, R.M., and separated into four parties, with the hope of being able to cut some of them off; but from the thickness of the woods and their knowledge of the country, the enemy succeeded in getting away from us.

On one of our foraging excursions we were beset by a being so well described by old Cobbet, in his “Cottage Economy,” ycleped “Methodist parson,” who put on his canonicals, and began to whine and cant, and wished to preach a sermon on peace. Captain Nourse very properly told him to be off—that we must attend to our “calling” as well as he to “his,” that Jim Madison had “called us,” and, therefore, we must perform our duty.

About this time a private of the marines belonging to my ship did a very gallant thing: to use an Irishism he surrounded three American dragoons, and took them, horses and all, prisoners. His name was Pat Gallaghen, or Gahagen. He effected this extraordinary feat in the following manner:—whenever boats were sent for water a sergeant’s party of marines accompanied them, it being necessary to post videttes to watch for the approach of an enemy. The casks in the launch had been filled, and all the party, except this man, who was placed near a stack of hay, had withdrawn. While the picket, who had to descend a cliff towards their boats, were out of sight, Pat observed five dragoons ride down to the corner of a wood, near a gate; keeping his eye on the party, he concealed himself behind the hay-rick, two of the men remained inside the gate, a long musket-shot off, whilst the others, after ascertaining, as they thought, that no Britishers were near, came galloping up to see the boats go off, and without observing the sentry in his hiding place, halted. The marine, very bravely putting his musket to his shoulder, called out—“You three d—— rascals, if you do not immediately jump off your horses and deliver yourselves up prisoners I’ll shoot the whole of you at once, for I have you all in a line.” Off they got, and the sergeant at that moment shewing his head above the cliff to recall the vidette, they were very quietly taken to the beach, and themselves and horses brought safely on board.

This brave man, from his immoderate fondness of liquor, was unfit to be promoted; therefore, all that could be done for him was to give him the money arising from the sale of the horses. Now, here was a proper subject for a medal or order of merit, which might have had the effect of rousing his pride, and curing him of the baneful evil of drinking to excess. But alas! it was the fashion to confer such distinctions on a very few.

Look at the brave fellows who gained the battles of the Peninsula! With the exception of Waterloo, no field was honoured with a medal.[N] Of the navy, not a man below the rank of captain obtained any badge of distinction, notwithstanding the many general engagements that took place, and the numerous most daring boat expeditions met with the same neglect. Since it was impossible to grant promotion in every instance, this would have been an easy and gratifying mode of awarding the meed of praise to many deserving individuals.

I am not particularly fond of France or of any foreign country, but I must do the continental powers the justice to say they understand human nature, and know when to reward their officers and men better than we do. The practice of making their sentries carry arms to the veteran with his medal or order of merit works wonders on the morale of their soldiers; and I do most sincerely and conscientiously believe that, had this plan been adopted in our army and navy during the late war, not one half of the desertions or punishments would have taken place in either service.

It is revolting to honourable feeling to meet in society at home or abroad, foreigners from nearly all nations covered with insignias or medals; while we,—who have had the pleasure of beating them in every part of the world, and which, with God’s blessing, should our king and country need our services, we shall be too happy to do again,—have neither.

On the 17th of August, the Tonnant (80), Vice-Admiral Sir A. Cochrane; Royal Oak (74), Rear-Admiral P. Malcolm; several frigates and smaller men-of-war, with twenty sail of transports, having on board the 4th, 21st, 44th, and 85th Regiments of foot, and the marine battalion, under Lieut.-Colonel Malcolm, joined the squadron under the command of Rear-Admiral Cockburn, at the mouth of the river Patuxent. The land forces were commanded by the gallant Major-General Ross. We weighed on the morning of the 20th, and sailed up the river to Benedict, where we landed the troops, which, including artillery, sailors, and marines, did not muster more than 4500 men.

On the evening of the above day all the boats of the fleet, manned and armed, divided into divisions and sub-divisions, of which I commanded one, left the ships, advanced up the river towards Lower Marlborough to attack the American gun-boats, under Commodore Barney, and likewise to act on the right flank of our army. As we advanced, the enemy’s flotilla retired sixty miles further up the river to a place called Pig Point, where, in a most favourable position for defence, surrounded by banks and narrow creeks, with a wooded country on one side, and hills on the other, which were to have been lined with riflemen and other troops, it was their intention to have awaited the attack.

Late in the evening of the 21st the boats reached Nottingham, when we fired on a few American dragoons, and drove them out of the town. Our army arrived a short time afterwards. The next day, at noon, we came up with the vessels of the enemy, who on our approach set them on fire, and blew them all up, except one, which, together with five merchant schooners, we brought away. This service was performed with little loss on our side, for the advance of our infantry had driven the Americans from the woods, who had fallen back upon the main road to Washington. One division of boats proceeded to Upper Marlborough to keep up a communication with our army; the remainder occupied a position at Pig Point to cover a retreat.

No sooner was the flotilla destroyed than the brave and dashing Rear-Admiral Cockburn joined the troops, and marched with them to attack the city of Washington.

This most gallant and daring affair was accomplished by 4500 British infantry, after first beating an American army of more than four times their own number, with their President, “Jim Madison,” at their head, who appeared on the field of battle mounted upon a white horse, and wearing a huge cocked hat. He addressed the American army previous to the battle of Bladensburgh, and recommended them to do their duty and fight well for the honour of their country, kill and make prisoners of all the Britishers, and then, wishing them success, and saying fighting was not in his province—he left that to the gallant generals who understood the art of war—he put spurs to his horse, and rode off to Washington to order refreshments and a grand fÊte to be got ready at the capital for the victorious army of the United States.

General Ross, Rear-Admiral Cockburn, and all the field officers of the to-be-captured army, were to have been invited; but they forgot the advice of Mrs. Grundy in her cookery book, “Catch your hare first.” This is an absolute fact, for when our troops entered Washington the evening of the battle, tables were very elegantly laid out in the rooms of the President’s house, and wine placed in coolers ready iced, which the great politeness of the Americans left free for us to drink, for fear their presence might prevent our people feeling quite at home and at their ease.

But to return to the advance of our troops. No sooner did the enemy see the steady and undaunted forward movement of part of the 4th, with the whole of the gallant 85th Regiment,—commanded by two fine, brave, dashing fellows, Colonel Thornton and Major Brown,—attempt to pass the bridge over the river Potomac, “which they had left to allow the Britishers to cross, that they might take them all prisoners” (the Americans having destroyed all the others), than they opened a most destructive fire from their heavy batteries of 24-pounders, which they had thrown up to enfilade it, and which were commanded by a brave old fellow of the United States’ Navy, Commodore Barney, who was wounded and taken prisoner, and whose flotilla of gun-boats we had previously destroyed at Pig Point, in the river Patuxent. He, however, made his escape with seven or eight hundred seamen, joined the American army, and was of great service in working and firing the guns in their field batteries, which were supported by a very heavy fusilade of musketry.

The round and grape shot from the heavy guns in battery made fearful gaps in the ranks of the advancing column, but, nothing daunted, they gave three cheers, and rushed on in the most daring manner, which the enemy observing, it created a panic amongst them, and they gave way, declaring, I was informed, “that it was of no use their staying there to be shot, for the Britishers did not mind being killed at all.” So off they went, and never stopped until they got on the other side of Washington.

The whole of the narrative of the attack on Washington and Baltimore has been so ably and faithfully described by the gallant author of the “Subaltern,” that I shall confine myself to our naval affairs, but I thought the above anecdotes, which are not mentioned in his work, were worth preserving to show the character of the natives.

After having been twelve days and nights in an open boat, I was not sorry to return to my ship, but the moment the troops were re-embarked, a difficult navigation down the river precluded all idea of rest.

The fag to officers and men of every description, during the whole of the operations in the Patuxent, was very harassing, and the labour of getting up to Baltimore without pilots, feeling our way with the lead, whilst boats on each bow and one a-head were sounding also, gave little time for respite. The heat of the weather too was very great, the thermometer varying only from 79° to 82° in the shade, during most of our severest services, which added much to the exhaustion.

On the 8th of September we again landed the troops, now reduced to four thousand men, at a place called North Point, on the right hand side of the Patapsco river, leading to Baltimore. It was unfortunate that we ever attempted it, for most of the enemy’s army beaten at Washington had been sent to strengthen the works, and the whole population were in arms against us. The Americans seeing us approach, very wisely brought out several large ships and sunk them in the channel, under the guns of Fort Mac-Henry, which prevented the naval part of the expedition from acting near enough to be of any use with their guns.

The only chance perhaps that might have given any hope of success was the offer of the gallant Rear-Admiral Cockburn to make a dash with all the boats of the fleet, and try and storm Fort Mac-Henry, keeping the troops on board until the issue of this measure was decided. Could we have once got possession of it, the little army might have been landed with ease, and the place been our own in a few hours. But the higher powers decided against his plan. Poor General Ross was killed, having been shot by a rifleman from a tree. He was brought down, wrapped up in a union jack, attended by his aide-de-camp; I placed the body in my boat, and sent it on board. He was beloved and universally respected by both the army and navy. By his untimely fall the little hope we had of succeeding vanished, and although the gallant Brook did all that a man could do, yet the strength of the enemy’s field-works that they had thrown up was so great,—and there being ten to one against us, intrenched as they were behind breast-works bristling with cannon,—caused the admiral to request the army to fall back, and we re-embarked them.

Just before Sir Alexander Cochrane left the Chesapeake some Americans came on board of Sir Pultney Malcolm’s ship to treat for the exchange of prisoners. Colonel Brook, and Captain Dix, who commanded the Menalaus, frigate, were on board at the time. Boasting of their good marksmen, Jonathan thought to be very witty by telling Captain Dix, who was fat and broad made, “I guess, captain, you cover a deal of ground. You had better not come on shore, for our riflemen can shoot a duck through the head with a single ball at two hundred yards: therefore you will stand no chance.” “Very probably they are good shots,” replied Colonel Brook, “but you forget one thing—the poor duck was not a soldier with a red jacket on his back, and a musket, with a bayonet at the end of it, in his hand, ready to return the fire and use the steel. That makes a deal of difference with regard to steady shooting.”

I was placed under the orders of Captain Robert Barrie, of the Dragon (74), and left with him in the Chesapeake, having on board part of Colonel Malcolm’s battalion of marines, commanded by Captain Coles of that corps, a good and clever officer; the remainder were embarked in other ships, while the fleet and transports, under Sir Alexander Cochrane, proceeded out of the Chesapeake to the southward.

No sooner did our senior officer, Captain Robert Barrie, find himself free to act according to his own able judgment, than, with a mind capable of planning, and a heart as bold as a lion to execute, he undertook all kinds of expeditions, or, as our commodore used to call them, “shooting parties.” “Come,” he used to say, “we have not had a shooting party this some time: I have just had information that a body of Yankee militia, with a field-piece or two, are in such a place—we must go and take it from them.” Boats were manned and armed—the marine battalion, under Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm, about 400 strong, the commodore always at their head, were put into them, and away we used to go. Bang, bang from the field-pieces—a tiraillade from the American musketry—three cheers and a dash from us, and the guns were ours: the militia taking themselves off to the woods, and we dragging the guns to our boats, frequently five, six, and seven miles, with an enemy’s force, double and treble our numbers, looking at us. In short, during the time we continued in the Chesapeake the American militia had no sinecure, for they never knew where we intended to land, and we had too much sense to go twice to the same place without an object in view.

At this period provisions of all kinds began to run short; it was therefore necessary to put all hands on half allowance, and make frequent excursions to try and procure flour and cattle.

On one of these foraging parties, the late Captain Tom Alexander, at the head of 200 seamen and marines, did a very gallant thing: he was attacked by 1,100 American troops,—with two squadrons of cavalry and five field pieces,—while he was busy getting cattle; the enemy’s horse made a charge, but not knowing that a swamp was between them and Alexander’s party, the horses sank up to their chests in mud, and began floundering about; he immediately commenced his fire upon them, which put them to the right-about, leaving half-a-dozen dragoons, who had been thrown from their horses, sticking with their heads in the mud; some of the sailors mounted these fellows in a moment, and shoving their heads deeper into the mire, there left them. After this, he embarked his men with the exception of three, who were made prisoners, and returned on board, leaving the cattle for a more convenient opportunity.

The commodore, on the 1st of November, gave the following order to his squadron in the Chesapeake:—

“H.M. Ship Dragon, Nov. 1st, 1814.
“Chesapeake Bay.

“The provisions of the squadron under my command getting extremely low, and it being very uncertain at this advanced season of the year when a supply can arrive, I find myself under the painful necessity of placing the ship’s company and marine battalion on short allowance.

“You are therefore to place the crew and marines on board your ship upon half allowance, so as to make your provisions last for two months from this date.

“You will signify to your crew that I trust it will not be necessary to continue this restriction long, and that I shall try by every means in my power to procure temporary supplies from the enemy. In the meantime, I am satisfied their zeal for their country’s cause will point out the absolute necessity of persevering in the blockade of the Chesapeake to the last extremity, and that the temporary privations they are reduced to will be borne with the utmost cheerfulness.”

“(Signed) Robert Barrie,
“Captain and Senior Officer.”

In November we proceeded up the river Rappahannock for the purpose of attacking the American militia, 600 strong, who had some fieldpieces posted at Farnham Church.

We first took the town of Rappahannock, driving the enemy out of it, who ran away so fast that they dropped their colours, which we took. On one side of them, under the American eagle, was this motto, “Death or victory”; on the other, “Down with the tyrants.” However, they were “scared” from death, and ran away from victory. We then attacked the militia at Farnham Church, and captured two of their fieldpieces; afterwards returning to Rappahannock we embarked some flour and tobacco, and then retired down the river to our ships, without in the least injuring the town.

We had with us on this expedition Major Brown, of the 85th Regiment, who had been severely wounded at the battle of Bladensburgh, and on the falling back of our army from Washington, he, with several other officers and men, who were too ill to be removed, were left behind. He was a fine gallant fellow, and now commands the 2nd Battalion of Rifles.

I must take this opportunity of confirming two statements of my gallant friend Captain J. Scott, which he mentions in his memoirs. First, with regard to the unjust accusation of plundering: all I can say is, that I saw nothing of the kind, unless taking provisions when we were starving upon half allowance may be called so; but on every principle of war we were entitled to forage, and for which in many cases we paid. The orders of both Admiral Cockburn and Captain Barrie were positive against plundering.

With respect to the second, I can vouch for his account of the poisoning the spirits at Benedict being perfectly true. In consequence of what had taken place, if we wished to eat or drink anything that was found in their houses placed out ready for us upon their tables, we used to force the natives to eat a part first, that, in the event of its being poisoned, they might die with the Britishers.

We used occasionally to purchase cattle from the Americans. The plan agreed on was this: they were to drive them down to a certain point, where we were to land and take possession; for the inhabitants being all militiamen, and having too much patriotism to sell food to “King George’s men,” they used to say, “put the money under such a stone or tree, pointing to it, and then we can pick it up, and say we found it.” More ways than one to cheat the old gentleman.

Having seen in some publications several comments upon our mode of warfare in America, and no person yet ever having taken the trouble to place the facts before the public in its different bearings, it is high time that our side of the question should appear. According to the old proverb, “there are always two sides to a story.” The truth of the matter was this:—

At the commencement of hostilities, America invaded Upper Canada, took York Town, and at the very beginning of a severe winter, having first sacked the place, and turned the inhabitants out into the snow to perish, burnt it to the ground. Had it been taken by storm, after a severe resistance, the laws of war would have sanctioned the proceedings; but the case was far different, little or no resistance being made.

General Sir George Prevost wrote a letter of remonstrance, not only to the American officer commanding the division, but also to the Government, reprobating the mode of warfare they had just adopted, and calling upon both to disapprove of it by a public manifesto, and punish the parties concerned. An evasive answer was returned, and we got no redress. Sir George Prevost sent copies of the correspondence to the naval commander-in-chief, and retaliation was in consequence determined upon; and that their Government might feel we had the power to repay the favour they had conferred upon poor York Town, and other places, we had orders to destroy all public buildings, and such private houses also as had been fortified or fired from, inasmuch as they had been placed in the light of a fortress; and the blaze that burnt York, in Upper Canada, reached Washington.

This, and the endeavouring to destroy our men-of-war by torpedoes,—the blowing up of Lieut. Geddes, and the barge’s crew of H.M. Ship Ramilies (74), by means of gun locks fixed in barrels of powder, with lines made fast to casks of flour, biscuits, or other “notions,” as Jonathan used to call them,—were among the causes which led to our system of warfare.

Small vessels, called coasters, were laden in this manner:—the upper part of the hold consisted of an assortment of all kinds, and the under filled with casks of gunpowder; they were then placed directly in the way of our ships at anchor off their harbours, their crews taking to a boat and making their escape on shore when they observed our’s near them in chase. A vessel of this kind was taken by the boat of the Ramilies (74), off New London, commanded by that most intelligent and excellent officer, Sir Thomas Hardy, who, suspecting from the manner she was thrown in his way that all was not right, had her anchored two good cables’ length from his ship, and kept her there two or three hours before he would allow any person to go on board, thinking that by that time any mechanism invented for so diabolical a purpose would explode. After the above period poor Lieut. Geddes, whom I knew well, volunteered to go with the barge’s crew to examine the cargo very carefully; Sir Thomas Hardy still felt doubtful, but was at length induced by the repeated solicitations of Geddes to allow him to go, but with particular injunctions to be careful. It is supposed that in hoisting up a cask of flour or biscuits they pulled the line that was made fast from it to the barrel of powder, the explosion immediately took place, when a lieutenant, midshipman, and barge’s crew, sixteen in number, some of the best men in the ship, were blown to atoms.

This fatal and melancholy catastrophe probably saved many of our gallant countrymen, as well as some of our men-of-war, by acting as a warning, and putting us on our guard against this most dastardly method of carrying on the war.

The Americans had observed that several of our ships, the moment they captured a coasting vessel, hauled her alongside to take out her cargo, which frequently consisted of flour, biscuits, or other useful articles. They, therefore, fitted out several explosion vessels on the above plan, hoping thereby to blow up some of our seventy-four gun ships or frigates, and very probably they would have succeeded with any other except the Ramilies, but her wary captain, fortunately suspecting some trick would be attempted, never suffered them to come sufficiently near.

These circumstances combined brought about our visit to Washington. The above is the real state of the case: it requires no comments, and every just man must say they were rightly served.[O]

On the 10th November, I was ordered up to Sharp’s Islands, near Baltimore, to cover the Dragon’s tender and boats, that were sent to capture the steam packet that went occasionally from thence to French Town, but they arrived too late, she having crossed before they arrived. However, they took several schooners and sloops, and the packet from Baltimore to Elk Town.

On the 15th of December, Rear-Admiral Cockburn rejoined the squadron from Bermuda, and gave us orders to proceed in company with the Dragon (74), and Regulus (44), and a schooner, to the coast of South Carolina. Having completed our provisions from a transport brought by the admiral, we left the Chesapeake on the 18th of December, which none of the squadron very much regretted, for the heavy north gales and cold weather made our boat operations in the Chesapeake anything but agreeable.