  | PAGE | | Preface to First Edition | 5 | | Preface to Second Edition | 9 | | Introduction, by Professor Franklin H. Giddings | 17 | CHAPTER I
The Labor Movement in France to the Commune (1789-1871) | | | Legislation of French Revolution on trade associations; law le Chapelier, 1791—Laws of Napoleon—Prohibition of strikes—Violation of these laws—Secret labor organizations in France: compagnonnages, societies of resistance—Revolution of 1848 and the co-operative movement—Influence of Louis Blanc—Reaction during the fifties—Revival of labor movement in 1862—Effort of French Workingmen to break legal barriers—New law on strikes in 1864—Toleration of labor unions by Government of Napoleon III—Syndicats and co-operation—Failure of co-operative central bank in 1868—Communistic and Revolutionary tendencies in “The International”—Success of “The International” in 1869—Franco-Prussian War and its influence on the French labor movement | 19 | CHAPTER II
Origin of the General Confederation of Labor (1871-1895) | | | The influence of the Commune on the syndicats—Barberet and his rÔle in the syndical movement (1872-78)—The first Labor Congress in France (1886)—Acceptance of the Socialist program by the syndicats at the congress of Marseilles (1879)—The Socialist groups in France: Guesdists, Broussists, Allemanists, Blanquists, Independents, Anarchists—Their points of agreement and of difference—Influence of socialist divisions on development of labor organizations—Attempts of syndicats to form a central organization—The National Federation of Syndicats; its failure—The Bourse du Travail—The Federation of Bourses du Travail—The idea of the general strike—Its conception—Criticism by Guesdists—Split in National Federation of Syndicats—Formation of General Confederation of Labor by advocates of general strike and opponents of Guesdists | 45 | CHAPTER III
The Federation of Bourses du Travail | | | Importance of Bourses du Travail; their rapid growth—Municipal and governmental subventions—Program of Bourses du Travail—Federation of Bourses du Travail organized in 1892—Its original purpose—Fernand Pelloutier Secretary of Federation—His rÔle and influence—Conception of syndicat as the cell of future society—Growth of Federation of Bourses; its relations with the General Confederation of Labor | 73 | CHAPTER IV
The General Confederation of Labor from 1895-1902 | | | Reasons for dividing history of General Confederation into two periods—Weakness of Confederation before 1902—Congress of Tours in 1896—Discussion of the idea of the general strike—Congress of Toulouse in 1897—Discussion of sabotage and boycott and of “Direct Action”—Congress of Rennes in 1898—Congresses of Paris in 1900 and of Lyons in 1901—Revolutionary character of Congress of Lyons: New conception of general strike; revolutionary character of syndicat; anti-militaristic ideas; opposition to labor legislation—Causes of revolutionary ideas: changes in the program and methods of socialist parties; Dreyfus affair; entrance of socialist Millerand into “bourgeois” government—Congress of Montpellier in 1902 and the fusion of the Federation of Bourses du Travail with the General Confederation of Labor | 91 | CHAPTER V
The Doctrine of Revolutionary Syndicalism | | | Class struggle, its meaning and importance—Syndicat the proper organization for carrying on class struggle—Strength of syndicat by uniting workingmen without distinction of race, religion, political or philosophical ideas—Industrial unionism versus Craft unionism—Syndicats and “Direct Action”—Methods of “Direct Action:” strike, boycott, sabotage, label—The direct struggle against the State; exclusion of parliamentary methods—Criticism of democracy—Class struggle versus co-operation of classes—Anti-patriotism—Anti-militarism—General strike the means of emancipating workingmen—The ideal society of the syndicalists: economic federalism—The rÔle of the “conscious minority”—Syndicats the true leaders of the working-class | 123 | CHAPTER VI
The Theorists of Revolutionary Syndicalism | | | Two groups of writers on syndicalism, (a) workingmen (b) intellectuals—Their points of disagreement—Representative of intellectuals; Georges Sorel—His works—His conception of syndicalism as neo-Marxism—Fundamental idea of Marx; no Utopias—Task of socialists to teach workingmen—The importance of the idea of the general strike—The general strike a “social myth”—What is a “social myth?”—Importance of “social myths” in revolutionary movements—The general strike as a means of producing a complete rupture between working-class and bourgeoisie—Sorel's theory of progress; only technical progress continuous; succession of cultures not continuous—Necessity of combating democracy—Democracy—the rÉgime of professional politicians who rule the people—Class struggle and violence; meaning of violence—General strike a great moral force—Syndicalist ideas founded on pessimistic basis—Pessimism as cause of great historical achievements—Ideas of Bergson—Criticism of Sorel; neo-Marxism not true to spirit of Marx—Lagardelle and his writings—Gustave HervÉ and “La Guerre Sociale”—Influence of
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