[102] Letters and Papers of Hen. VIII., Nos. 4043, 4058.

[103] The average prices of wheat were as follows:—

Thorold Rogers, Hist. of Agric. and Prices.

[104] The buying and selling of bread were under regulation, while law and custom required that the corn should be sold in the open market. As a rule it was supposed to be sold by the producer to the consumer, but certain licensed "dealers" or "badgers" were allowed to buy corn to sell again. A "forestaller" was one who bought corn or victuals while it was on the way to a port or market, and so did not give other buyers an equal chance; an "engrosser" was a dealer who bought up corn while it was growing, or purchased corn or victuals to sell again; and a "regrator" was one who bought corn or victuals and sold it again in the same market, or within four miles. 5 and 6 Edw. VI., c. 14.

[105] Letters and Papers of Hen. VIII., IV., No. 3587. 18 Nov. 1527.

[106] Thus one of the Wiltshire reports gives details of this kind parish by parish for the hundred of Amysbury. Parish of Boscum, three persons have grain; population of parish, 80. In Alyngton two persons have grain; population 70.... In the parish of Fiddelldene seven households, consisting of 114 persons, have grain, while sixty persons were without. Letters and Papers of Hen. VIII., No. 3665. 15 Dec. 1527. See vol. IV., App. 273.

[107] Letters and Papers of Hen. VIII., vol. IV., No. 3625. Norfolk to Wolsey.

[108] Letters and Papers of Hen. VIII., vol. IV., Nos. 3822, 3664.

[109] Do. Nos. 4173 and 4192.

[110] Dom. State Papers, Edw. VI., vol. X. 42, 43, vol. XI. 5 and 6.

[111] Stowe MSS. 152, f. 16.

[112] Acts of the Privy Council, Nicolas, vol. VII. p. 320.

[113] This letter is referred to in the June letter. Journals, XIX. f. 171 b.

[114] Journals, XIX. f. 171 b.

[115] 1 Edw. VI. c. 3.

[116] More's Utopia, Pitt Press ed. pp. 40, 41, 44. The suggestion to make vagabonds public servants is put into the mouth of Cardinal Moreton.

[117] 3 and 4 Edw. VI. c. 16.

[118] 5 and 6 Edw. VI. c. 2.

[119] At Lambeth there is a register book made in accordance with the provisions of this Act. It is entitled "A Register Booke of the Benivolence of the Parishioners for the Reliefe of the Pore made in A^o VI. Regis Edwardi VI^ti, etc." It states that it was "a register booke gevyne by master Ambroose Wylles, gentylman, unto the churche of Lambethe, wherein it is declared the benyvolence of the paryshoners of Lambethe aforsaid towards the releiffe of the poore inhabitors there ... particularlye every man's name and what his devosyon is to geve weklye towards the sustentacion of yher poore neyghbours according to the king's highness prosedyngs, &c."

Master Parson gave for half a year 10s., and my lady Bridgwater 6s. 8d. during the year. The book states that "On Sundaye October 30th there was nothing distrybuted because that Master Wylles did extend his charitye among the poore householders," and "on Sundaye the 6th day of Auguste master parsone did give his cheritye to the poor people." Denne, Addenda to the History of Lambeth, p. 392.

[120] 2 and 3 Ph. and Mary, c. 5.

[121] 7 Edw. VI. c. 11, 1 Mary St. 2, c. 13, 1 Mary St. 3, c. 12 all continue 5 and 6 Edw. VI. c. 2. The 2 and 3 Ph. and Mary, c. 5, restates and re-enacts the substance of the chief provisions of this Edwardian statute, and was continued by 4 and 5 Ph. and Mary, c. 9.

[122] The interrogatories issued by the Bishop of Norwich in 1561, before his visitation of his diocese, are similar to other interrogatories of the time, and indicate the way in which the bishops discharged their functions with regard to the relief of the poor. The Bishop of Norwich enquired of the priests "whether they doo exhorte the people to remember the poore after the homelye when they reade the sentences exhorting the Almose." He enquired of the churchwardens "whether they know any man that refuseth to contribute to the Almes of the poore as a thing not rightlie appointed and discorageth other from such charitable Almes?"

There were also questions as to whether a strong chest had been provided for "the poore men's boxe," and whether it had been fastened in a fit place. Other enquiries concerned the dues of the poor, such as the payments that had formerly been made for lights out of movable property and the fines of those who did not go to church. "Injunctions of John, Bishop of Norwich," 2nd May, 1561.

The part taken by the bishops must have been of very considerable importance, even when they acted only on the ecclesiastical side, and it often happened that the bishops took a considerable share in the general organisation of relief. Bishop Ridley, as we have seen, took the leading part in the foundation of three out of the four royal hospitals of London. This action of the bishop was exercised on the lines laid down in the statutes, was recommended by the letter of the Privy Council to the rulers of London in 1569, and was used to develop the organisation of the towns. It serves to link every part of the new organisation with the old methods of relief, but became less and less important as more and more compulsion became necessary for the raising of the funds.

[123] It was evidently difficult to induce men to become collectors. The time of their election was often changed, and the fines for refusing to serve continuously increased. This amounted to 20s. in the 5 and 6 Edw. VI. c. 2, to 40s. in 2 and 3 Ph. and Mary, c. 5, and to £10 in 5 Eliz. c. 3.

[124] More's Utopia, p. 28. Pitt Press edition.

[125] Hist. Man. Com., Rep. XIV., App. VIII. p. 139.

It was also ordered that "every spynster to have (if it may be) vi^lb of wolle everye weeke, and to bringe the same home every Saterdaie at night, and if any faile so to doe, the clothier to advertise the cunstable thereof for the examynacion of the cause and to punyshe it according to the qualitye of the falte." Moreover no poor person was "to be suffered to kepe their childrene at home able to serve."

[126] Dom. State Papers Queen Eliz., vol. 41, No. 76. See p. 69.

[127] D'Ewes' Journals, pp. 112, 132.

[128] D'Ewes' Journals, p. 165.

[129] I.e. keeper of a public-house.

[130] 14 Eliz. c. 5.

[131] D'Ewes' Journals, p. 220.

[132] This Act of 1572 was at certain times rigorously enforced. Thus at Middlesex Sessions held June, 17 Eliz. Thomas Maynerde, Oswald Thompson and John Barres were brought before the magistrates. On the 18 March in the same year they had been whipped and burnt through the ear at the Old Bailey; they were now accused of "being over 18 years old and fit for labour, but masterless and without any lawful means of livelihood." They pleaded guilty and were sentenced to be hung. Also on the 6 Feb. 18 Eliz. a woman was tried for vagrancy and committed for two years to a surety who was her husband, to be his servant. She was again found wandering, and in October of the same year was sentenced to be hung. In the ten weeks between 6 Oct. 32 Eliz. and 14 Dec. 33 Eliz. seventy-one persons were sentenced at Middlesex Sessions to be whipped and branded for vagrancy. Middlesex Sessions Roll, ed. T. C. Jeaffreson, pp. 94 and 191.

[133] 18 Eliz. c. 3.

[134] 27 Eliz. c. 11; 29 Eliz. c. 5; 31 Eliz. c. 10.

[135] 35 Eliz. c. 7.

[136] Exceptions were made in favour of cottages built within a mile of the sea or a navigable river, and of those built for the use of shepherds, forest rangers, workmen employed in mineral works, quarries or mines or impotent poor allowed by the justices.

[137] I.e. lodgers.

[138] 35 Eliz. c. 4.

[139] D'Ewes' Journals, p. 551.

[140] D'Ewes' Journals, p. 551. Sir Francis Bacon "had perused the Preambles of former statutes, and by them did see the inconvenience of this matter, being then scarce out of the shell, to be now full ripened."

[141] Ib. p. 552.

[142] Ib. p. 555. Friday, 11 Nov. 1597.

[143] A resolution on the 25 Feb. 31 Eliz. was also proposed by him to the effect that if any one should depart before the rising of the House of the Speaker he should pay sixpence "to the use of the poor." D'Ewes' Journals, p. 439. He also introduced the statute of 1601. Townshend's Historical Collections.

[144] Ib. p. 559.

[145] Ib. pp. 559 seq. Nov. 22nd. Eleven Bills were referred to the committee, p. 561. Nov. 28th. Bill for erecting hospitals or abiding and working houses for the poor. Nov. 30th. The new Bill was introduced.

[146] Ib. p. 531.

[147] Ib. pp. 533, 534.

[148] D'Ewes' Journals, p. 537.

[149] Ib. p. 580.

[150] Ib. p. 582. Tuesday, 17th Jan. 1597-8.

[151] 39 Eliz. c. 4.

[152] Ib. c. 5.

[153] 39 Eliz. c. 6.

[154] Ib. c. 21.

[155] Ib. c. 17.

[156] Cal. of State Papers, Addenda, May 26, 1569. President and Council of the North to the Queen.

[157] Ib., Dec. 28, 1572. Henry, Earl of Huntingdon, to Lord Burghley.

[158] Dom. State Papers Queen, Elizabeth, Vol. 86, No. 12.

[159] Ib., Vol. 81, 42. Hundred of Dorchester.

[160] Ib., Vol. 81, Nos. 14 and 44. Other reports from Northampton show that many rogues were found and severely punished, Vol. 81, Nos. 45 and 46, Vol. 86, 22. That from Bullington however is an exception, for there a watch was kept, but no vagrants were taken, Vol. 81, 16.

[161] Cirencester, Vol. 80, No. 42. The report for Thornbury and five other hundreds is for the searches made on Aug. 20th and Aug. 21st, 1571. The division contained six hundreds, and was nearly a quarter of the shire, Vol. 80, No. 33. Tewkesbury and Deerhurst, Vol. 80, No. 59. At Normancross in Huntingdon eleven vagrants were found on September 13th, of whom three were pedlars, one was a "tynker," and two "minstrells," Vol. 83, 36. III.

[162] In the hundreds of Cheveley, Staine, Staplowe and Flendish and in the Isle of Ely there were no vagrants found in the two watches kept on Aug. 20th and Sept. 12th, Vol. 83, No. 36.

[163] In the hundreds of Wetherley, Thrylow, Armyngford and Stowe. At Chesterton, Papworth and North Stowe, also in Cambridgeshire, eleven vagrants were found and punished on the three days August 20th, Sept. 12th, and Oct. 12th, 1571, Vol. 83, No. 36.

[164] Barking and Walthamstow, Vol. 80, No. 26. Brixton, Vol. 80, 44. V.

[165] See above.

[166] Vol. 80, No. 55.

[167] See p. 51.

[168] Dom. State Papers, Queen Elizabeth.

Norfolk and Suffolk, July 31st, 1572, Vol. 89, 1.

Western Counties, Vol. 88, No. 52.

It is difficult to compare the prices in Devon and Cornwall with the rest of the counties because the size of the bushel varied in Cornwall and was often twice as great as that used elsewhere; in Devon also the Winchester measures were not always used.

[169] The commission is dated Oct. 21, 1573: it attributes the high prices to the greediness of corn-dealers who secretly export abroad, and it empowers commissioners to order farmers to bring to market such portions of grain as they prescribe, and to sell the same at reasonable prices. They were also to advertise the Council of their difficulties, to the intent the Council might assist them. D. S. P. Vol. 92, No. 41. The rough draft of the Commission is amended in Cecil's handwriting. D. S. P. Vol. 92, No. 40.

[170] On April 29th, 1586, these letters were sent to the maritime counties. On May 7th to eight of the home counties, and on May 22nd to seventeen other counties and to Wales. Privy Council Register, Vol. XIV. pp. 79, 98 and 119.

[171] Ib., p. 91, 6th May, 1586.

[172] See below.

[173] Privy Council Register, Vol. XIV. p. 93, 6 May, 1586. The difficulty in the cloth trade was connected with the concessions granted to the Merchant Adventurers. Their privileges forced the English manufacturer to sell cloth to them only. When there was a slackness in trade these concessions were always questioned or annulled. In December, 1586, the Company say they will raise a stock and buy more cloths than they can at present sell so that the workfolk of Somerset and Wilts can be employed. If this fails they consent that the trade shall be thrown open. This was apparently afterwards done, but difficulties were still thrown in the way of the "Merchant strangers." Privy Council Register, p. 237, Sept. 1587. The Earl of Leicester wrote both to Walsingham and Burleigh on the subject. In his letter to Walsingham he says the towns of the West, Bristol and Hampton, are falling into decay, and there is an "exstraeme cry and compleynt of y^e poore for lack of work such as have bin sett on work heretofore by clothiers." The cause, the clothiers say, is because they "can not have reasonable price nor utterance for their cloth in London." He says that "sondry of the most hablest ... are worthie great favo^r and thanks for they to ther great loss kepe more now on than ever they did for the poor's sake." Dom. State Papers, Queen Eliz., Vol. 200, Nos. 5 and 10.

[174] Lansdowne MSS., Nos. 48, 51.

[175] Ib., Vol. 48, No. 52.

[176] Ib. See Appendix.

[177] The Council appear to have held a meeting on the last day of the year 1586 expressly to sign these orders. Cal. of State Papers, Dec. 31st, 1586.

[178] Privy Council Register, Vol. XIV. p. 277. On Jan. 2nd, 1586/7, letters were sent to the "Lordes Archbishopes of Canterbury and Yorke signifyinge her Majesties care for the releefe of the poore in this tyme of derthe and scarsety for redresse wherof certen orders, by her specyall commandement, are devysed by theyr Lordships; for furtherance of which purpose theyr Lordships are prayed to geve order to the Bishopes and Ordynaryes under theyr Dioces to instruct the curates, ministers or preachers of the Word to exhorte the (people is here struck out) of habylytye to extend charitye to the poore and them to beare this visytation of God with patyence &c." Letters to the same effect were written to the Lord Presydent of the Northe and the Lo. Pres. of Wales, also "to all the sheeres of the Realme dyrected to the Shryves and Justyces of the Peace."

[179] Lansdowne MSS., Vol. 48, No. 54. Printed in the Appendix.

[180] Lincolnshire. The justices have divided themselves and sent a list of those allotted to the different divisions. Dom. State Papers, Queen Elizabeth, Vol. 189, No. 35. From Surrey the names of the justices allotted to the different markets are enclosed. Ib., Vol. 189, No. 37. The names of the justices for the several divisions of Huntingdonshire are enclosed, with a report signed by the Bishop of Lincoln and a Henry and an Oliver Cromwell, &c.

[181] Berkshire. The justices attend the markets and "see the selling of each kind of graine there at such prices as shall seme most fittest." D. S. P., Vol. 189, 49.

Warwickshire. The justices of Hemlingford have attended the markets "aswell to see the poore people provided necessarie corne as also to use o^r best endeavours to ease them in the prices therof as much as we could." Ib., Vol. 198, No. 77. III.

[182] D. S. P., Vol. 189, 50. The justices have licensed a certain number.

[183] Detailed reports were sent from Gyltcross, Shropham, South Greenhoe, Wayland and Grimshawe. Vol. 191, 12. See Appendix. Most of the replies sent in 1587 report the appointment of juries to search the barns for corn. Dom. State Papers, Queen Eliz., Vol. 199, 43. I. II.; Vol. 200, 16. The justices responsible for the nine hundreds of Caistor Sessions say that in their division there were 13,536 "handicraftesmen and poore people that have no corn."

[184] Vol. 198, No. 42. Considerably over a hundred farmers are ordered to bring definite quantities of each kind of grain to particular markets, generally either that of Woodstock or that of Oxford.

Vol. 199, No. 43. The farmers of Buckinghamshire have been bound to bring their corn "by porcions weeklye to such marketts as we thinke most fittest."

In Lancaster order has been taken that those who have to sell "shall bring and sell the same in open markette or otherwise to their poore neighbours." Vol. 200, No. 54. IV. In the hundreds of Caistor Sessions also the poor people might buy away from the markets and the farmers might deduct any grain sold to them from the quantity they were to bring to market. Vol. 198, No. 21.

[185] The justices of Gloucestershire say that in their several allotments they have "visited the marketts, seen the poore relieved as we may, searched the barnes, storehouses and grenyers of farmers and others hable to furnishe the marketts with corne, and having consideration to theyr private families have in discretion appointed them a certeyne quantytie of certen kindes of graine to be by them brought weekelie to the markett accordinglie, and of such our appointments have kepte books in writinge and doe finde therapon, that as yet the said farmers and others doe fullfill our appointments in this behalfe without any disobedyence. And further according to the said your lettres we have sett downe several prices upon everie kinde of graine within the severall divisions of this Shire, as in respecte of the distaunce of the places and the present tyme of necessytie we have thought most convenyent, after which rate we will herafter in our several limitts have care to see the same solde as may be beste for the relief of our poore neighbours." Dom. State Papers, Queen Eliz., Vol. 189, 50.

[186] A letter was written from the Council to the justices of Notts stating that the greate quantitie of corne of one Freston "should be employed for relieving the necessitie of the shire." If he refuse to follow their directions they are to take the corn and cause a "quantitie to be solde at reasonable prices in the markettes adjoyning for the reliefe of the poore people."

[187] Egerton MSS. 2644, f. 55.

[188] Vol. 191, No. 12. See Appendix. In Bedfordshire the justices for the hundreds of Manshed, Flett and Redbornestoke state that "the farmers do sell to the poore labourers barley for xx^d y^e bushell and ii^s the most," and that have so "promysed to do untill August next." The ordinary price of barley as reported in the same document was 2s. 8d. the bushel. Vol. 200, No. 10. I.

[189] Vol. 190, 14.

[190] Vol. 198, 74.

[191] The appointment of overseers or collectors for the poor was first ordered by the statute of 1572. In Hemlingford they seem to have been two distinct offices.

[192] Vol. 198, No. 77. IV.

[193] In the orders themselves the justices are ordered to "use all other good meanes that ar not menconed in these orders that the marketts be well served and the pore releyved ... duringe this time of dearth." The letters sent with them stated that the orders were devised because of "Her Majestie's care for the releefe of the poore in this tyme of derthe." See note above. Many reports show that the orders were intended to help the poor. One from Kington, Warwickshire, is signed by the Sir Thomas Lucy of Shakespearian fame and by Richard Verney. The report is said to be sent "in the execution of the orders sett downe by the lords of her mat^s moste honorable privie councell for the desposinge of corne and graine in reliefe of the poore and furnishinge the marketts." Ib., Vol. 198, 77. I. See also Beds. justices report orders taken "for the staie of the dearthe of graine and the reliefe of the poore therof." D. S. P. Vol. 200, No. 10.

In Buckinghamshire overseers were appointed "to see in our absence all things dulye performed as well for the reliefe of the poorer sort as otherwise." Vol. 199, I. II. IV. V., &c.

[194] See Chapter VII.

[195] In Devonshire the justices say there is not so much corn as they could wish, but they think there will be "no greate inconvenience or disorder." Vol. 189, 51. In Bedfordshire the report states no "manner of person poore or riche founde anye falte for wante," nor did they "move or attempte anye manner of disorder or strive for the same or for any other cause, but were and remayne in verie good and dutyfull obedience, god be thanked." Vol. 191, 6.

[196] See Chapter IV.

[197] Journals, Vol. XX. 1 f. 42, March 14, 1572/3.

[198] Journals, 14 May, 1579, XX. No. 2, f. 483. "This daye the residue of the Booke devised for the settinge of the poore on worke in Bridewell was redd to the Comon Counsell." ... It was agreed "that it shabe, as it is preferred to the consideracon of the lordes of your ma^tys pryvie Counsell by the whole concent of this Court of Comon Counsell and that Sir Rowlande Haywarde, Sir James Hawes, Mr Alderman Woodcross, etc. shall travell in preferringe the same booke to the lordes of the Counsell." 17 Nov. 1594, Remembrancia, II. 74.

[199] Journals, 21 f. 329 b, 28 Dec. 1583.

[200] Remembrancia, I. 495, 496, 514; II. 17.

[201] Ib., II. 75.

[202] Ib., II. 59.

[203] Cal. of State Papers, March 17, 1590.

[204] Quarter Sessions under Queen Eliz., A. Hamilton, p. 19.

[206] Cal. of State Papers, Vol. 133, No. 56.

[207] Journals of the Common Council of London, Vol. XX. No. 1, f. 15b.

[208] Journals of the Common Council of London, Vol. XX. No. 1, f. 24.

[209] Ib. f. 25.

[210] Ib. f. 32 b.

[211] Journals, f. 42.

[212] Ib. Vol. XX., No. 1, f. 119.

[213] Ib. f. 122 b, 8th April, 1574.

[214] There is a statement of the accounts of St John's, Walbrook, between Sept. 10th, 1572 and Sept. 11th, 1573. From this we learn that the collectors received £16. 17s. 5d., and that £1. 6s. 8d. was lacking of the assessed sum. £5. 3s. 4d. had been paid to the poor of the parish, £9. 15s. 9d. to the Treasurer of Christ's Hospital, while the collectors owed the remaining 18s. 4d. Cal. of State Papers, Addenda, Sept. 11th, 1573. So far as this parish is concerned therefore the amount paid to the central authorities was much greater than that distributed in local pensions.

[215] Journals, Vol. XX., No. 2, f. 323.

[216] Ib. f. 498, 499 b, Aug. 4th, 1579. These orders have been printed, and are often dated 1587. But they were first established in 1579 under the title of "Orders appointed to be executed in the Cittie of London for setting roges and idle persons to worke and for releefe of the poor."

[217] Orders 3 to 8, printed edition.

[218] Order 52. "Also a note shall be kept in Bridewell of places and persons where and of whome worke may be had, that poore in parishes sent thether to require worke may be the better releved."

[219] Orders 57 and 59.

[220] Order 61 in the printed edition of the Orders, a copy of which is in the Guildhall Library. Journals, XX. 2 f. 502.

[221] Remembrancia, II. 74.

[222] Remembrancia, II. 76.

[223] J. Kirkpatrick, History of Religious Orders, &c. of Norwich, p. 219. The accounts of the Bridewell begins in 1565. In 1598 the House of Correction was removed to St Andrew's.

[224] The following account of the transactions at this time concerning the poor of Norwich is derived from two large folio volumes. They are in manuscript and are bound in leather. One is entitled "The Maiores Booke for the Poore." Inside the cover is written "This booke made in the feaste of St John the Baptiste 1576. In the xviii^th yere of the rayne of our soveraigne Ladie Elizabeth by the grace of god quene of Enland, France and Irelande defender of the faithe and dothe containe certaine orders made for the poore of the Citie of Norwiche as allso the names of everie of them, the saide poore regestrede in everie warde vewede. Beginnynge the xx^th day of June 1571 according to a statut made. And allso what searcementes ware made for the wekelye contribution unto suche as had neede of whome the same sholde be receivede, and lykewise to whome the same sholde be payede. With the names of the Deaconnes and collectors, tharefore appoyntede, in everie warde to receive and make distribution thereof, according to the same orders, and accordinge to the commandemente of Mr Maior and the Justices from tyme to tyme." This book is continued down to the year 1579. The second book contains the proceedings from 1571 to 1580. Both volumes often contain the same entries in almost the same words; the census is given only in the first volume, the orders are fully quoted only in the second. The contents of the "wrighting" to the Archbishop of Canterbury are given in different versions in both books. Besides this there is a little book containing in rougher notes the list of poor who are to depart the City, to receive money or to be placed with the "select women." Lastly there is a loose paper containing the accounts of the different collectors, with the aldermen of the wards.

[225] Thus in Middle Wymer the classification was as follows:—

In other districts a few were ordered to depart and one or two were described as disreputable.

[226] Thus Richard Smith has one sonne "that goe to scole at times." See Appendix.

[227] Thus the following is a fairly typical entry concerning a man belonging to the parish of St John's on the Hill in the ward of "Bearestrete":

See also Appendix where the part of the census relating to St Peter's of Southgate is printed.

[228] The following are the first four names in the list for St John Sepulchre:

[229] Thus for example an order is made that "Elizabeth Browne of the age of 18 years to be enquered for at John Croland, a duch man in St Michael of Bearstreet, whether she be hired by the yere or elles to go to service."

[230] See Appendix for the orders for the "balie of Bridewell."

[231] See Appendix for the orders for children and others.

[232] See Appendix for the orders for deacons.

[233] A paper among the Norwich records contains the sums paid to the aldermen and the amount given by them to the deacons of the different parishes. Other accounts in the "Maiores booke" show the sums given by the deacons and by the commissioners for the medical treatment of the poor. Thus in 1571-2 a deacon paid iiiid. to "Glavin's wife to heal Tom Parker's leg," while Mr Thomas Beament paid 6/8d. to "Mother Colls for healinge a broken legg of Margarete Paine, a pore wydow in the Normans."

[234] The Maiores Booke for the Poore. See note 1, p. 102.

[235] Journals, Vol. XVI. f. 127.

[236] Ib. Vol. XVII. f. 42 b

[237] Nathaniel Bacon's Annals of Ipswich, p. 249.

[238] Ib. p. 319.

[239] C. H. Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, Vol. II. p. 398. See note p. 93.

[240] A. E. Gibbs, The Corporation Records of St Albans, Oct. 1st, 1596, p. 14.

[241] Ib. Ap. 15th, 1588, p. 24. Orders for sending poor people away in order that they might not become chargeable were made on many other occasions. Ib. pp. 12, 26 and 45.

[242] Ib. Feb. 5th, 158 7/8, p. 24. See also p. 37, Oct. 19th, 1590. Gabriel Hill, a new comer, was brought before the Mayor to give sureties that he and his wife and children should not become chargeable to the borough. Sept. 1st, 1593. Nich. Cobell had to give sureties, bring a testimonial from his former parish, pay 4d. quarterly towards the parson's stipend and a certain sum weekly to the poor.

[243] Hist. Man. Com. Rep. IX. App. 1, p. 286. The will was made in 1579, and six years later an agreement was made with the widow under which the Mayor agreed to purchase hemp as directed. Hist. of Rochester (S. Denne), p. 220.

[244] W. Somner, Antiquities of Canterbury, p. 273.

[245] P. Morant, Essex, Vol. I. p. 164.

[246] A. Gibbs, Corporation Records of S. Albans, p. 28, June 10th, 1588. The spinning of fine worsted and certain light yarns was introduced into England about this time, and was taught mainly by the foreign refugees from France or Holland.

[247] Corporation Records of S. Albans, Sept. 2nd, 1588. The next year it was agreed that the children should be paid for their labour when they had been taught six weeks. Ib. Jan. 20th, 1588/9.

[248] Ib. Feb. 17th, 1588/9.

[249] Ib. Sept. 29th, 1588.

[250] "City of York in the Sixteenth Century," Miss Maud Sellars. The English Historical Review, April 1894, pp. 288, 289.

[251] Lincoln Hist. Man. Com. Report, XIV. App. viii.

p. 74. On July 31, 1591, "A committee appointed to confer with Mr Grene of Boston who has offered to set 400 poor people of Lincoln on work for five years at wool, if the city will find him a convenient house and lend him 300l. freely for the five years."

p. 17. Among the manuscripts described is a "fragment consisting of eight small quarto leaves of a book of orders made in 1591 and 1592 respecting a knitting school established by the city." This contains the following information:

8th Oct. 1591. Cheeseman undertakes under certain conditions to teach a competent number of women and men how to knit and "to hide nothing from them that belongeth to the knowledge of the said science." Four aldermen were appointed overseers.

28 July, 1592. Forty stone of wool to be provided.

4 Aug. 1592. Articles of agreement made at the Knitters House in St Saviourgate between John Cheeseman and Francis Newby.

In this agreement Francis Newby and his wife Jane undertook to attend regularly at Cheeseman's house to learn his trade of knitting, spinning, dressing of wool and keeping his mill. Newby and his wife were to have the oversight and teaching of thirty scholars. They were to be paid 40s., twopence for every pair of stockings knitted by a scholar and the full price of their own work. They were also to have such profit as might arise from "amending and footing all stockings" brought unto them.

On the same day it was agreed by the Corporation that the Knitter should be paid 16s. 8d. for ten wheels which he had provided and the overseers arranged to visit the school in turn.

This Lincoln school very closely resembles the experiment tried at St Albans. It shows the corporation attempting to provide employment and technical education at the same time for the children of the town.

[252] For Leicester see Growth of English History and Commerce, W. Cunningham, Vol. II., p. 60 note.

[253] Alexander H. A. Hamilton, Quarter Sessions from Queen Elizabeth to Queen Anne, p. 16. At Windsor also the following resolution was adopted: "All the brethren of the hall and all other inhabitants shall be assessed according to their ability by the subsidie after the rate of 12d. in the pound towards levying of a stock to set the poore on work." Mr Gwyn and Mr Harris were appointed Governors of the poore for the first year. Annals of Windsor. I. 637. Tighe and Davis quoting Ash. Mans. No. 1126.

[254] Coates' Reading, pp. 307-8.

[255] Morant's Essex, p. 182. For King's Lynn see Chapter XI.

[256] Bacon's Annals of Ipswich, 25 Oct., 1594, and 8 Dec., 1597.

[257] Regulations of a House of Correction at Bury, 1589. Printed, Eden, The State of the Poor, Vol. III., Appendix vii.

[258] Records of the Borough of Reading, Vol. I. p. 403.

[259] "The City of York in the Sixteenth Century," The English Historical Review, April 1894, p. 288.

[260] Freeman's Exeter, p. 177. Seyer's Bristol, Vol. II. p. 248. "This year 1577 was a collection for the erecting of a Bridewell at the old house called Mombridge, where much cost in building and repairing was done and one called Meg Lowrey was the first ill person there corrected." Winchester Cal. of State Papers, April 24th and April 29th, 1582. Gloucester Rudder's Gloucestershire, p. 190.

[261] Dom. State Papers, Queen Eliz., Vol. 189, 50. The report goes on to say that the clothiers will have to give up their trade, because since they might only sell to English merchants they could not get a good price. They say they were working at a loss of 6s. 8d. a cloth. See p. 86 supra for the Earl of Leicester's letter to the same effect.

[262] Bacon's Annals of Ipswich, 1st April, 1591.

[263] Thus a fifteenth at Reading raised "xxiiiili. xiiid. ob. ut patet per recordum in Scaccario domini Regis inde factum et per veterem compotum per collectores inde similiter factum." Records of Reading, I. 87, 1489.

[264] See p. 30. See Cannan, The History of Local Rates, p. 20.

[265] Bacon, Annals of Ipswich, 8th Oct. 1585, p. 344.

[266] Regulations of a House of Correction at Bury, Suffolk. Eden, Vol. III. Appendix vii.

[267] Bacon's Annals of Ipswich, 19 Sept. 1571, p. 292, and 1575, p. 307.

[268] Ib. 16 July, 1571. A burgess who neglected to attend the Great Court was fined fourpence "to the use of the poore." Ib. 5th Mar. 1568, p. 279.

[269] A. Gibbs, Corporation Records of St Albans, p. 46.

[270] At St Albans in 1587 two men were reported for carrying on their trade as fullers without being freemen. It was resolved that one of them should have his freedom if he would bring up one of the children of a widow Floyd until it could get its own living. Corporation Records, p. 27. At Ipswich Peter Ray, a tailor, was made a burgess provided he took an apprentice from the hospital. Nathaniel Bacon's Annals of Ipswich, 22nd July, 1575, p. 306. In Ipswich also a "fforainer" having a town child as his apprentice was allowed to trade with his linen cloth in the town on market-day so long as the apprentice remained with him. Ib. 24th April, 1599, p. 398.

[271] Orders given to the "Overseers of everie parish" in 1576, 1577, 1578, entered in the "Maiores Booke for the Poore."

[272] Bacon's Annals of Ipswich, 4 Dec., 1579.

[273] The gentlemen responsible for the sums belonging to the other parishes were not present, but it was resolved that these funds also should be lent on good security and the interest only used for distribution "so that the stocke may still remayne to the like reliefe of the poore hereafter." Dom. S. P. Qu. Eliz. Vol. 173, No. 62.

[274] The prices given in the History of Agriculture and Prices are as follows:

In July 1597 the price reached 96s. a quarter at Newcastle. Hatfield MSS. VII. p. 296.

[275] Egerton MSS. 2644. Copy of a set of orders sent by Henry Mildmay to the justices of a division of Essex. It is signed by Burghley and other Lords of the Privy Council, and states that the orders issued in Jan. of the 29th year of the Queen's reign were now renewed and that these justices were to meet and put them in execution.

[276] "Par sa devise demesne." Les Reportes del Cases in Camera Stellata, 1593-1609, John Hawarde, edited by W. P. Baildon, F.S.A., p. 19. Hawarde was a barrister of the Middle Temple: he wrote his volumes from rough notes taken in Court, but does not seem to have verified his references. Ib. Introd. p. vii.

[277] The Lord Treasurer and Lord Keeper.

[278] Les Reportes (l.c.) p. 21. June 3rd, 1595. On July 1st, 1596, the justices were again addressed and ordered to return home "in regarde of eminent daungers." Ib. p. 56.

[279] A. Hamilton, Quarter Sessions from Queen Elizabeth to Queen Anne, p. 17.

[280] Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, p. 16.

[281] Add. MSS. Brit. Mus. No. 32092, f. 145. See Appendix.

[282] In May 1596 the price of wheat at Barnstaple was 11s., rye and barley 8s., oats 2s. 4d. "whereupon upon letters sent to the Earl of Bath" presumably from the Council, he set the prices mentioned in the text. Barnstaple Records North Devon Herald, June 3rd, 1880, quoting from Wyot's Diary. Wyot's Diary is described as a small quarto book of 52 leaves purporting to contain extracts from an older manuscript. It was copied by William Palmer in the seventeenth century, from the diary of Philip Wyot, who was Town Clerk between 1586 to 1608. Ib. April 22nd, 1880.

[283] 1596. "Not a dry day in November." 1597. "April 8th wheat sold for 18s. a bushel, barley 13s., rye 14s., oats 4s. Now in July by reason of continual rain wheat sold last Friday for 20s. a bushel." The beginning of harvest brought relief and wheat fell to 3s. 4d., rye 2s. 7d., and barley 2s. 4d. This fall to one-sixth of the former values makes us realise how violent were the fluctuations in price. A like sudden alteration took place at Bristol in 1587. On Aug. 12th, 1587, wheat was sold at 5s. a bushel, but on the 19th of the same month it fell to 22d. Seyer's Memoirs of Bristol, Vol. II. p. 253.

[284] The Life of John Whitgift, John Strype. Appendix, Bk. IV. No. xxx. 27th Dec. 1596. The Minister was to stir up the people "to abstinence, fasting and true humiliation; to forbear all excess; to relieve the poor and needy by good house-keeping, by setting them on work and by other deeds of alms and brotherly compassion. And considering the most princely and gracious care her Majesty hath for their relief, and that all good means should be used for the succour and help of them in these times of dearth, the people must be taught to endure this scarcity with patience; and especially to beware, how they give ear to any persuasions or practices of discontented and idle brains, to move them to repine or swerve from the humble duties of good subjects." The double purpose of helping the poor and maintaining order may be observed in this letter of the archbishop as well as in the direct orders of the Privy Council.

[285] Seyer's Memoirs of Bristol, Vol. II., pp. 254 and 255, quoting from Adams and Ricart's Chronicle.

[286] Remembrancia, II. 31. Apparently other ships were sent in 1595. Ib. II. 95; II. 59.

[287] Owen and Blakeway, History of Shrewsbury, Vol. I. p. 400. Wheat in Shrewsbury in May 1597 was 18s., rye 15s., beans 13s., while in Sept. 1598 rye was 3s. 4d. and wheat 4s. 4d.

[288] Cal. of State Papers, May 31st, 1597. The Ipswich officials were careful to provide for their needy neighbours. Every year from 1594 to 1597 loans were raised to buy corn, and it is always stated that this corn was bought for the poor. In 1594 a loan of £200 was so raised, and the town consented to bear any loss: the next year £600 was thought necessary and three hundred quarters of rye were purchased. On the 15th Oct. 1596, it was ordered that "100 quarters of rye and 150 quarters of barley shall be bought for provision for the poor and so much money as the same shall be valued at shall be lent by the inhabitants of the town." Again, in 1597 three hundred combs were provided at 4s. 6d. a bushel, and the charges for keeping it and lading it were borne by the town. Nathaniel Bacon's Annals of Ipswich, 25 Oct. 1594, 13 Oct. 1595, and 21 Feb. 1597.

[289] M. A. Richardson's Tracts, Vol. III. p. 44. See also Dec. 1596, "Paid for the charge of burying 7 poore folke which died in the streete, for winding theme, grave making and carrying to the church 7s. 4d."

[290] Cal. of State Papers, Jan. 1597, p. 347.

[291] Les Reportes del Cases in Camera Stellata, John Hawarde, ed. W. P. Baildon, F.S.A., pp. 76 and 78. Among others Edward Framingham, then High Constable of Norfolk, was brought before the Court "for converting thirteen houses into cottages and tenements and reserving the land for his own occupation and for ingrossing corn and buying and selling the same out of market." He was sentenced to imprisonment, a fine of £500, confession of his fault in Cheapside and Norfolk, to pay £40 to the poor people, and to restore the houses with the land to husbandry again. Ib. p. 76.

[292] Ib. p. 104.

[293] Cal. of State Papers, June 1597, p. 433.

[294] Calendar of State Papers, Dec. 14, 1596, p. 316.

[295] Dom. State Papers Queen Eliz., Vol. 262, No. 151.

[296] Strype's Annals, Vol. IV., p. 404 seq. Letter to Burghley from Edw. Hext dated 25th Sept. 1596.

[297] "Provision for the poore now in penurie." Explained by H. A. Printed by Thomas Creede 1597. A copy is in the British Museum.

[298] Rudder's Gloucestershire, pp. 186, 202. Queen Elizabeth granted the patronage of St Mary Magdalen also to the City on Dec. 4th, 41 Qu. Eliz. p. 187.

[299] Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester.

No. 1335. 1569-70. Governor's account. Almoners and Governors exist as early as 1558-9. No. 1327.

No. 1336. 1570-71. Almoner's account.

No. 1337. 1570-71. Treasurer's account.

No. 1339. 1570-71. Almoner's account.

No. 1340. 1573-74. Scrutinear's account, etc.

The Masters' accounts of St Margaret's are also preserved for the years 1556, 1560-1, 1561-2. Ib. p. 459.

[300] Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester. Accounts of the Collectors for the poor.

The only account of this kind before 1572 is an undated account of the reign of Queen Elizabeth in a time of plague.

[301] The effect of the years of scarcity in stimulating the vigour of the justices is illustrated by a set of orders agreed upon by the justices of the peace of Cornwall in April 1597. A copy was sent by Sir Francis Godolphin to Sir Robert Cecil.

The orders first provide for a survey of all the poor which was to distinguish between those who could earn part of their subsistence and those who were altogether incapable and also for a list of the householders who could contribute to their relief. The constables and chief governors of the parish were to state whether they would themselves undertake the relief of the parish or whether the justices should levy a weekly rate for the purpose. After arrangements for supporting the poor had thus been made beggars were to be severely punished, fines for absence from church were to be rigorously exacted and the fast of two meals weekly was to be carefully observed. The orders further command an arrangement like that known as the "roundsman" system for the unemployed: "Such poor as cannot provide work for themselves are to present themselves in a convenient place in the church on the Sabbath day a little before the ending of morning and evening prayer and as soon as prayer is ended order shall be taken to send them abroad among such householders as shall maintain them meat, work and such wages as they can deserve for the week following" (Hatfield MSS. VII. p. 161). These measures were taken before the statute of 1597 was passed, and, in accordance with the statute of 1572, the justices and not the overseers were to make the rate. They show an improvement in Cornish poor relief, not dependent on the statute of 1597 but like the statute itself brought into existence by the distress of the years of scarcity.

[303] 4 and 5 Will. IV. c. 76 (1834).

[304] 43 Eliz. c. 3. It is interesting to notice that this provision for maimed soldiers was due to Sir Robert Cecil, Hatfield MSS. VII. p. 160.

[305] Bequests for some of the more unusual of these purposes occur among the charities of Ipswich.

Thus in (1513) Jan. 14, the following entry is made: "Edm. Danby at this Court declared that he had given to the Town lands and tenem^ts in vallew 6^li p annu' to the end that they should discharge the poore commonalty of the Towne of all dismes, quinziemes and charges w^ch shall happen: the lands doe lye in Rushmere." Bacon's Annals of Ipswich, p. 186.

Mr Henry Tooley, Portman of Ipswich, in a will dated Nov. 4, 1550 bequeathed:

• £100 to the repairing of Bone Bridge.
• £20 to the amending of the Haven.
• £100 towards repairing and amending certain highways.
• 20s. to every maid who is fatherless and poor and shall marry within Ipswich until £60 should be spent.

An Indenture of 1513 recites that a Mr Drayle left £70 in order to release natives and foreigners from certain tolls &c. Ipswich, Gifts and Legacies, pp. 1 and 168.

[306] 1 James I. c. 31.

[307] 7 James I. c. 4.

[309] Lysons' Cheshire, p. 523 seq.

[310] Michael Dalton, "The Countrey Justice," ed. 1635, p. 100.

[311] Ibid., p. 93. Dalton is here quoting almost exactly the words of the statutes 39 Eliz. c. 3, 43 Eliz. c. 2.

[312] Resolutions of the judges, No. 10, Lambarde's Eirenarcha (1599) after p. 206. Dalton, p. 99. It is interesting to notice that a case concerning the present law on this point has been recently before the Courts. The Guardians of the poor in Merthyr Tydfil established labour yards and relief works for the purpose of affording outdoor relief to able-bodied persons during a strike. An action was brought by, and on behalf of, the ratepayers of the district against the Guardians asking for a declaration that the establishment of relief works for the purpose of providing outdoor relief for able-bodied persons during a strike was a breach of the Guardians' statutory rights and duties, and also asking for an injunction to restrain the defendants from paying for these relief works out of the common fund when there was plenty of work to be had if the men would agree to accept the wages offered.

It was held by Lord Justice Romer that in any case of urgent necessity an able-bodied man or his family ought to have such relief from the Guardians as might be immediately required, even if the necessity had arisen from the man wilfully refusing to work. But when the urgent pressure was relieved, the Guardians ought to require the man to work, and if he were able to get work and still refused they ought to prosecute him under the Vagrancy Acts. It was also decided that though the Court had jurisdiction in an action at the instance of the ratepayers to restrain Guardians from applying the poor rates for unauthorised purposes, still such an action should not be instituted for the purpose of asking the Court whether the Guardians had been right or wrong in granting relief in particular cases. The proper course for the ratepayers to take when objecting to expenditure was to go before the auditors appointed by the Local Government Board or to appeal to the Local Government Board itself. In the present case no instance of relief given except for urgent necessity had been proved and no instances of improper relief had been brought before the Court. The action therefore was dismissed. Attorney-General and others v. Merthyr Tydfil Guardians, March 27th, 1899. Weekly Notes, April 1st, p. 38.

[313] 5 Eliz. c. 4. Anyone who was unmarried or under thirty even if he had a skilled trade could be compelled to serve in that trade or all artificers could be obliged to help in harvest.

[314] "A true copy of the charge given to the overseers of every towne the 19th of December 1623," Tanner MSS., 73 II. § 390. The document seems to relate to some particular division of a county which is not mentioned.

[315] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I. Vol. 189, No. 66. See Chapter IX.

[316] Thus the overseers of "Idlestrey" (Elstree) report, "We have none that live out of service ydlely or otherwise." See also "Questions touching Labourers," Appendix XII. A. Cases of the enforcement of regulations of this kind occur early in Elizabeth's reign at Norwich. Thus in 1571 a certain Agnes Smith "is to be putt to service," "Meke's wife and Garodes wife ar to be with the select weomen" and a certain Suzan Brown if not hired for the whole year is "to goo to service," the "Maiores Booke for the poore." Norwich MSS.

[317] Privy Council Register, April 5th, 1598. With a note that it was dated March 25th, 1598 "and stayed until this present." The records of the proceedings of the Privy Council are to some extent preserved in the Privy Council Register. This consists of an almost continuous series of manuscripts preserved at the Privy Council Office. They are now being printed but are still unpublished so far as the seventeenth century is concerned. The volume containing the records from 1603 to 1612 is missing. The Register is by no means complete; only some of the letters and proceedings of the Council are entered there.

[318] Little Proclamation Book, James I., No. 27 and No. 23.

[319] Ib., No. 88. This proclamation states that special orders had already been issued for preventing and remedying the dearth of grain. The orders are stated to command the punishment of engrossers &c., and the prevention of the transportation of corn; the furnishing of the markets rateably and weekly &c.

[320] Ib., No. 94. 12th Dec. 1608.

[321] Drafts of this commission are in existence both in the British Museum and Bodleian, and its issue was therefore contemplated, but it does not follow that it was actually issued. Brit. Mus. MSS. No. 12,504, Tanner MSS. lxxv. 175.

[322] Privy Council Register, 12th May, 1620. The Merchant Adventurers in reply said the vent of cloth was so little because so many difficulties were thrown in the way of their sale of gold and silver thread and the glass goods of the Levant.

[323] The average prices given by Prof. Rogers are as follows:

[324] Privy Council Register, 8th Mar. 1622. In a letter from Locke to Carleton it is stated that in the cloth-making counties the poor have assembled in troops of forty and fifty and have gone to the houses of the rich demanding meat and money; they had also taken provisions which were for sale in the market. Cal. of State Papers, Feb. 16, 1622.

[325] Minute of the proclamation. Dom. S. P., Jac. I., Vol. 133, No. 52. The enforcement of the orders is again especially commended in another proclamation issued on the 22nd Dec. 1622. Large Proc. Bk., No. 109.

[326] Large Proc. Bk., No. 108, 20th Nov. 1622.

[327] Ib., No. 109.

[328] Letter of Chamberlain to Carleton, Dom. S. P., Vol. 134, No. 801.

[329] Cal. of State Papers, Mar. 26th, 1623.

[330] Privy Council Register, 9th Feb. 1621/2. The ten counties to which this letter was sent are as follows:

[331] Cal. of State Papers, April 28th, 1622, Vol. 128, No. 67; March 18th, 1622, Nos. 49 and 50. From Oxfordshire there is a like report. The justices of Somerset state that the corn riots are now suppressed, but that the want of work tends to mutiny. Cal. of State Papers, May 14th, 1622. The justices of Wilts reply that some of the clothiers have dismissed their workpeople and there are now 8000 out of work; some of them have attacked and seized corn on its way to market and further outrages are feared. Cal. of State Papers, April 30th, 1622. In consequence of this distress inquiry was ordered. A committee of the Privy Council was appointed to find out the causes of the decay of trade and to suggest remedies. Representative clothiers were to be sent from every county to the Council, and the Merchant Adventurers were to appoint some of their number to confer with the committee. In May it was settled that if the Eastland merchants did not buy the cloths the merchants might do so themselves, and in October an important committee was appointed to consider the whole matter.

[332] Privy Council Register, 18th Dec. 1622.

[333] See Chapters XI., XII.

[334] Thus from Suffolk a whole series of reports record a vigilant execution of the poor laws. In Hadleigh the justices say they have done their best to set the poor to work (the "towne consisting onely of clothinge"). At present (Mar. 18, 1622/3) and for a month past were few shearmen, weavers, spinsters or other workfolk that could not have sufficient work to employ themselves, but they do not know how long this may continue ("the vent of cloth being so doubtfull"). D. S. P., Jac. I., Vol. 142, No. 14, VI. In April we hear of the price of corn abating. D. S. P., Jac. I., Vol. 143, No. 24.

[335] May 2nd, 1629, Proc. Bk., Chas. I., D. S. P., Vol. 541, p. 107. June 13th, 1631, Letters to Justices of England and Wales. Privy Council Register.

[336] Privy Council Register, Nov. 9th, 1630. Letter to the Lord High Treasurer. "We understand ... yt the frequent exportacon of beere beyond the seas doth ... increase the present dearth in the ... City. We therefore require your lp. to give expresse order ... yt no beere be caryed out of the kingdome."

[337] Privy Council Reg., 12th Nov. 1630, 9th June, 1630, 10th Sept. 1630.

[338] Privy Council Register, 12th Nov. 1630, ff. 169, 181.

[339] Ib., April 2nd, f. 431.

[340] Proc. Bk., Chas. I., No. 134. Privy Council Reg., 9th Sept. 1630, f. 97.

[341] See Scarcity Reports of 1630, e.g. Dom. S. P. Chas. I., Vol. 176, Nos. 1, 18, 55, 57; Vol. 177, Nos. 31, 32, 43 etc.; Vol. 192, No. 19.

[342] Cal. of State Papers, June 10, 1631.

[343] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 185, No. 41.

[344] D. S. P., Vol. 192, Nos. 24, 93, 94.

[345] 10th May, 1629. Privy Council Reg. "The merchants have been earnestly delt w^th ... to continue their wonted course in that behalfe. And upon conference w^th the said marchants wee find them inclined and plyable to his Mat'^s desire."

[346] Privy Council Register, 12th May, 1629.

[347] Privy Council Register, 26th April, 1637.

[348] Ib., 28th Feb., 1643/4.

[349] Ib., Entered 29th April, 1629.

[350] Ib., 5th May, 1629 f., No. 237.

[351] The word "stockes" or stocks is here used in the sense of capital for providing employment. We shall see that it was usual to raise a lump sum of money for this purpose, almost always called the "stock" of the parish. This was supposed to remain intact. Occasionally the word stock was used for any capital sum possessed by the parish, but never for the ordinary poor rates which were spent during the year.

[352] Proclamation Book, Chas. I., No. 109. Record Office, 17th May, 5 Chas. I.

[353] Privy Council Register, 22nd May, 1629. See Appendix.

[354] The Devonshire justices are told that people began to want employment "w^ch in a short time may (if not prevented) breede great inconveniences to the country." They in consultation with the justices of Exeter were to "settle some good course whereby the poore labouring people in generall may be provided of worke, and that in particular those who more especially belong to the trade and busines of cloathing." Privy Council Register, 13th April, 1639.

[355] See Chap. VII.

[356] 15th Feb., 1630/1. Rutland justices ordered to see the poor were set to work. See Appendix.

31st March, 1631. Houses of Correction were to be erected in Herts. without any more delay.

22nd April, 1631. J.P.'s of Middlesex and to those of Westminster. Elsewhere much good had been done but they were negligent. Order them to look after Houses of Correction and set vagabonds to work there.

31st March, 1631. Lord-Lieutenants commanded to see the poor were set to work.

8th Jan., 1635-6. Several propositions for the employment of the poor were referred to a committee, who were to give such order as was fit for so good a work.

15th April, 1637. Inquiry into want of work at Godalming.

25th Aug. 1639. Inquiry into the grievances of the journeymen silk weavers, who complain of slack work and lowered wages, f. 615. All these are entered under their respective dates in the Privy Council Register. We shall see when we consider the relief of the different classes of poor in detail that there are evidences as to the result of the Privy Council action on other occasions.

[357] In June 1630 the following Privy Councillors were appointed "Commissioners for the Poore."

• Lord Privy Seal.
• Earl Marshall.
• Earl of Bridgwater.
• Earl of Danby.
• Lord Viscount Wimbledon.
• Lord Viscount Dorchester.
• Lord Viscount Falkland.
• Mr Trer.
• Mr Vic. Chamb.
• Mr Secre. Coke, "or anie foure of them."

The petition of Viscount Wimbledon is referred to them on 12th Nov., 1630.

[358] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 213, dated Jan. 1631. This volume is said to contain the minutes of the proceedings of the Commissioners of the Poor, but after a few pages there are few entries relating to the poor at all. There was an inquiry into the hospitals of London and into Kenrick's charity at Reading, but little besides.

[359] Privy Council Register, Commissions for Exeter and Colchester were issued 29th Feb., 1631/2, for Stamford 2nd July, 1632, f. 127, for the London parishes 31st May, 1632. One for Bury had been issued before 29th Feb. 1631/2, and further complaints were referred to its members. All these commissions are stated to be issued in accordance with the commission of the 5th Jan. 1630/1 for putting in execution the "lawes for the reliefes of the poore," which authorised the granting of commissions for inquiry into charitable trusts at the request of six of the commissioners.

[360] Addit. MSS. British Museum, No. 12496, f. 282. This document states that the commissioners were assigned to particular districts in order that the business of the several counties might be more thoroughly investigated. The distribution was made according to circuits because the judges of each circuit were to receive the justices' reports from the district and then to account to the commissioners.

[361] Addit. MSS. 12496, f. 243. The Orders and Directions, but not the preamble, are printed by Eden. State of the Poor, Vol. i., p. 156.

[362] A minute of letters directed to "y^r high Sheriffe of y^e severall countyes of England and Wales," Privy Council Register, April 30th, 1632.

[363] Privy Council Register, 16th Oct., 1633.

[364] Ib., 7th May, 1635.

[365] Thus on 25 Sept. 1636, a collection is ordered in the cities of London and Westminster and in the counties of Middlesex and Surrey for those affected with plague.

[366] On 30th May the Council order a collection for those stricken with plague in Hadleigh, and also for the poor clothworkers who are out of work and have no means of subsistence. Like collections were made for Northampton 10th May, 1638, and for Gloucester 16th May, 1638, &c. Privy Council Register.

[367] Privy Council Register, 3rd July, 1629, Vol. 5, f. 399.

[368] Privy Council Register, 16th Feb., 1630/1.

[369] Cal. of State Papers, 27th April, 1631, p. 22.

[370] Rymer, XX. 41.

[371] The text of the document and the substance of these paragraphs have already appeared in The English Historical Review, January, 1898, p. 91.

[372] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 176, No. 1, 1st Dec. 1630. "And we have accordinge to the Statute appointed the wages of servants, laborers and workemen at such Rates as will conveniently recompence their paynes and yeld unto them competent maintenaunce."

[373] Wages assessments have been printed for Bury St Edmunds in 1630 (The English Historical Review, April 1897); for St Albans in 1631 (A. E. Gibbs, Corporation Records of St Albans, p. 281); for Gloucester in 1632 (Thorold Rogers History of Agriculture and Prices, Vol. VI., p. 694). One also exists for Hertford made in 1631, Hist. Man. Com. R. XIV., App. viii., p. 160.

[374] Privy Council Register, 10th May, 1637. On 17th May an order was made for the release of Thomas Reignolds as he had then given the weavers full satisfaction.

[375] Although the judges were not strictly speaking local authorities so much of their work with regard to the poor law was done locally that it seems more convenient to consider them in this connection.

[376] Les Reportes del Cases in Camera Stellata, John Hawarde, ed. W. P. Baildon, p. 367-8.

[377] The West Riding Sessions Rolls have been printed from 10th Jan. 1597-8 to the 1st July, 1602, inclusive. The Roll for the year 1598 contains the orders made at the Sessions as well as the panels and indictments, West Riding Sessions Rolls, Vol. III., Yorkshire ArchÆological Association.

[378] April, 1598. "Ordered that the churchwardens and surveiors of the poore within the parishe of Braiton shall see and take order that Elizabethe Corker and her iiij^or children shalbe releeved and provided for as the late statute requireth etc." West Riding Sessions Rolls, p. 76.

[379] West Riding Sessions Rolls, pp. 84-86, June, 1598.

[380] Ib. p. 94.

[381] Ib. p. 97. The churchwardens and overseers of Wakefield in some way failed to comply with the statute, although according to Arth's pamphlet the poor there were sufficiently relieved. Ib. p. 118. See Chap. VIII. supra.

[382] West Riding Sessions Rolls, pp. 84, 85. Knaresborough Orders.

The Mayor of Doncaster seems to have been an offender in this respect; a poor man named Gregorie Shawe had lived in Doncaster twenty years and was in the Hospital, but he had been turned out and sent away. Ib. XXXI. p. 105.

[383] Sometimes a parish was disobedient even when an order for relief was made by the justices. Thus the parish of Silkston had been ordered to pay vi^d weekly to John Michell of Gunthwaite towards the educating of Mary and Elisabeth Michell. They had neglected to do so and were therefore fined £3. 6s. 8d., while the churchwardens and overseers were ordered to provide for the children "according to the last statute in that case made and provided." Ib. p. 96.

[384] The following orders seem to show that regular relief funds could be taken for granted. A poor succourless child was left in Ossett, and Ossett was charged with many poor. The three townships of Ossett, Dewisburie and Suthill were each to pay 16/8^d. for its support. Ib. p. 41.

A child came with its mother begging to Northowrom: the mother fell ill and was carried by the constable to a poor man's house in Shelfe, where she died. Northowrom was ordered to pay a shilling and Shelfe 4^d. towards the relief of the child. Ib. p. 39. There are several other orders of the kind. See p. 40.

[385] Thus on April 14, 1607, Rob. Thompson was presented for building a cottage or habitation for John Joye of Alne, labourer, now occupied by the same, without assigning to it four acres of land &c., contrary to the statute 31 Eliz. North Riding Sessions Rolls, Vol. I. p. 68. Several cases of the same kind were presented at Richmond Oct. 8, 1607, and they occur frequently throughout the North Riding Sessions Rolls of our period until 1672, except from the period 1634 to 1647. North Riding Sessions Rolls, vol. VI. 177, Oct. 8, 1672. See also pp. 28, 94, 99, 112 &c.

Like presentments were made for harbouring inmates or undersettles (i.e. lodgers) until 1675, VI. p. 232, e.g. Oct. 8, 1607. Leon. Marshall of Ravensworth "for keeping of an undersettle for the space of a moneth &c. and also John Ramshawe, James Foster and Richard Dunn all of the same: they were fined 10s. each." Ib. vol. I. p. 95.

[386] Thus there was a disputed liability with regard to Margery Pearson, and she was to be relieved in accordance with the decision of Sir Richard Etherington and Tho. Dearle, Esq., Ib. vol. I. p. 12.

Elizabeth Scotson of Melmerby is to be provided for by the High Constable and the churchwardens and overseers of the parish, Ib. p. 97. See also pp. 115, 117, 124, 125 &c.

The Treasurer for the hospitals appears all through these records. In 1608 the payments made by Mr Brigges, Treasurer for the Langbaurgh district, were as follows:—

At the same time another treasurer for the district distributed pensions to eleven soldiers amounting altogether to £28. 6s. 8d. Quarter Sessions Records, North Riding, vol. II. p. 257.

[387] Quarter Sessions Records, North Riding, Vol. I.

p. 75, 13th July, 1607. "It is ordered that there shalbe a House of Correction at Thirske within the North ridding of the countie of Yorke."

p. 203. Oct. 2nd, 1610. "Two Houses of Correction shalbe builded within the North Riding, whereof thone to be within the Liberties of Richmondshire."

p. 225. April 26, 1611. House fixed upon but not yet used as a House of Correction.

1612-19. Orders continue about the House of Correction the site of which was sometimes arranged at Richmond and sometimes at Thirske.

p. 229. Jan. 8, 1619/20. The House was almost finished at Richmond and the Governor was appointed.

p. 249. Oct. 1620. James Durham committed.

Vol. III. p. 134. Jan. 15th, 1621/2. £100 raised for stock. There are many entries relating to committals in the succeeding years, vol. III. pp. 39, 64 &c.

[388] April 29, 1606. Belief of Ellen Killington ordered by parish of Boltby; the same order is repeated on July 10, pp. 38, 43. Quarter Sessions Records, North Riding, p. 1. The following also were presented:—

11th April, 1605. Michael Meeke, one of the Churchwardens of Kirkly on the Wiske for not paying the sum due for lame soldiers and the hospitals, p. 2.

p. 31. Richard Nicholson, of Topcliffe, for taking on himself the office of Overseer and declined to fulfil the duties.

p. 99. "Rog. Ringrose of Aymonderly being one of the supervisours of the poore for Appleton-in-the-Street A.D. 1600 for not having maid his monethly accompt for the said office for that year and the like for the years 1601 to 1607 both inclusive."

July 1611, p. 231. The Overseers of Kirklington for not relieving their poor and exercising their office. Also the Overseers of Wath, Burneston, Topcliff, West Garfeild and Condall.

Jan. 11, 1632/3. The Churchwardens and Overseers of Grinton for not making cessments for the relief of their poor, etc., p. 345.

[389] April 11, 1621. Quarter Sessions Records, North Riding, vol. III. p. 115.

[390] See Chapter VIII.

[391] One letter in the form of a corn report and several reports dealing with ordinary poor relief are printed in the Appendix.

[392] Proclamation Book, Chas. I., No. 228.

[393] See Appendix XII. Reports B. E. and H. were sent first to the sheriff, C. is sent to the Lords of the Privy Council, G. was delivered to the judges of assize.

[394] See Appendix XII. B. F. G.

[395] See Appendix XII. D. E. F. New assessments and the increase of assessments are frequently mentioned, e.g. Dom. S. P., Chas. I., vol. 192, 79; the fines of people who do not go to church in many others, e.g. Hitchen and Broadwater, D. S. P., Chas. I., vol. 238, No. 42. Other reports state whether there is employment in the cloth trade or other occupations, e.g. D. S. P., vol. 190, 54. In this report the justices of Babergh and Cosford report that the clothiers are on the point of dismissing their workfolk. It is interesting also to learn that on April 5, 1631, Portsmouth only had corn for 20 days "there being resident w^thin the said Towne and Liberties therof six hundred persons att the least." D. S. P., Chas. I., vol. 188.

[396] D. S. P. Chas. I., vol. 189, 66.

[397] D. S. P., Chas. I., vol. 190, No. 13.

[399] e.g. Appendix XII. H.

[400] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 293, No. 129. Report from Ryedale, July 1635.

[401] All these are mentioned in the above-mentioned reports from Alton and Cambridge. The fines for not going to church were often regularly exacted. In one report we are told that some of the accused were too poor to pay and that others had compounded for recusancy, Vol. 300, No. 17.

[402] See Chapter VIII. See above, Alton and Cambridge. See also Appendix XII. B. Westmill.

[403] The proceedings at these meetings closely resemble those at Petty Sessions. If these meetings were identical with the ordinary Petty Sessions, then these latter must have been held more frequently in consequence of the Book of Orders. Many of the reports, like that of Cambridge, expressly state that the meetings they report were held because of the letters and orders of January 1631, e.g. see Winchester, D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 188, No. 101.

[404] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 189, No. 42.

[405] See Chapter VIII.

[406] Dom. State Papers, James I., Vol. 115, Nos. 98, 100.

[407] Dom. Stat. Papers, James I., Vol. 116, No. 51.

[408] See p. 154 supra.

[409] Michael Dalton, The Countrey Justice, ed. 1655, p. 115. The resolutions are given in the form of answers to questions submitted to the judges on particular points of law. They decided among other things, that a man must take an apprentice if the justices so ordered whether payment were made or not; that all the lands in the parish must be rated equally, but that an extra sum might be levied from a man "for his visible ability" within the parish; and also various points concerning settlement. One question and answer are as follows:

Qu. If one who is under the age of 30 years and brought up in husbandry or a maid servant, or brought up in any of the arts or trades mentioned in the statute, 5 Eliz. cap. 4, and not enabled according to that stat. to live at his or her own hand, shall be warned by two justices of the peace to put him or her self in service by a day prescribed by them, and shall not doe the same accordingly, but shall after continue living at his or her own hand, what course shall be taken with such a person and how punished?

Resol. Such persons being out of service, and not having visible means of their own, to maintain themselves without their labour, and refusing to serve as a hired servant, by the yeer, may be bound over to the next Sessions or Assises, and to be of good behaviour in the mean time, or may be sent to the house of correction. These resolutions of the judges are quoted by Dalton as having great authority.

[410] Privy Council Register, 16 Oct., 1633.

[411] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 187, No. 22.

[412] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 186, No. 16.

[413] In 1631 also a dispute about a poor rate in Marlborough was referred to the Lords of the Council and was sent by them to the Lord Chief Justice and judges of assize. Privy Co. Reg., 13th May, 1631.

[414] See Appendix.

[415] See supra, p. 142.

[416] "A true coppy of the charge given to the overseers of every towne," Dec. 19, 1623. Tanner MSS. LXXIII. II. f. 390.

[417] See justices' reports, Appendix XII.

[418] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 344, No. 30.

[419] Ib., Vol. 347, No. 67.

[420] Ib., Vol. 418, No. 21.

[421] Morant's Essex, p. 53.

[422] See reports from Newbury, six hundreds of Norfolk, Taunton, nine hundreds of Somerset, Wentllooge in Monmouthshire, Bridgewater, the soke of Peterborough and the wildish parts of Pevensey, all returned between May 21st and May 31st, 1631.

[423] Cal. of State Papers. Ripon, Feb. 25, 1623, Banbury, Mar. 1st, Wycombe, Mar. 12.

[424] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 189, Stafford, No. 1, I., Bradford and Haworth, No. 8, V., Hertford, Vol. 189, No. 79.

[425] Dom. State Papers, Jac. I., Vol. 138, No. 14.

[426] Ib., Vol. 140, 25. The three hundreds were those of Stretford, Grimsworth, and Wigmore.

[427] Ib., Chas. I., Vol. 192, No. 34.

[428] Ib., Jas. I., Vol. 138, No. 88; Chas. I., Vol. 192, No. 25.

[429] Court Book of Norwich for the Court held 1st Feb. 163 0/1.

[430] Thus in 1623 detailed returns were sent in by the constables of Devonshire, Vol. 144, 32, V. to XXXIV., while an especially elaborate report was sent from the hundred of Pider in Cornwall on Dec. 2nd, 1630. The bushel there consisted of twenty gallons, and a return is made of the number of people in every household, of the quantity of barley, oats and wheat possessed by every owner, of how much of it was already sold, of the names of the brewers, bakers, and maltsters, and of how much they brewed and baked every week. D. S. P., Jas. I., Vol. 176, No. 13.

It is perhaps interesting to notice that as early as 1613-14 a special payment was made to Rich. Aucher, Sergeant-at-Mace, "for his attendance at corne market in the deare yeares to see that such corne were brought in as appoynted by the justices," Hist. Man. Com., Rep. IX., Appendix I. 162 a.

[431] D. S. P., Jas. I., Vol. 142, 14.

[432] Ib., Vol. 189, 15.

[433] Ib., Vol. 189, 6.

[434] See pp. 123, 124 supra.

[435] Privy Council Reg., 23rd Dec. 1622, Vol. 5, p. 543.

[436] This amount was arrived at by calculating that eight ounces a day would serve for each person, counting "the little" with "the great." Remembrancia.

[437] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 197, 61. In July 1631 the Companies had a very small proportion of the quantity they had to supply in their possession.

[438] Privy Council Reg., 14 Dec. 1630. The Lord Mayor appears to have fixed the price of grain. See the complaint of the badgers of Chipping Wycombe.

[439] Dom. State Papers, Jas. I., Vol. 143, 35, 2.

[440] Norwich. Numerous resolutions are recorded by the Court Books, 18th

Oct. 1630. "Some of the corne in the City Granary shalbe weekely ground into meale and solde to the poore in the market."

14th Feb. Corn is bought for the poor and delivered to the aldermen of each ward weekly to be sold.

6th Mar. The corn delivered to the poor to be two parts barley, one wheat, and one rye.

8th June. Barley bought.

15th June. Rye bought.

2nd July. Wheat bought for 30s. the combe, rye 25s. and barley 16s. To be sold to the poor at 16s. the combe; the three grains equally mixed.

Between 25th Feb. and 25th March, 1631. £114. 18s. 10d. "was given towards buyeinge of corn for the poor."

See also Dom. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 186, 26, 191, 54.

Great Yarmouth, Dom. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 188, 80. "There hath beene 300^li laid out to buy corne w^ch hath beene brought into the comon graineries of the towne and there by parcells delivered to the poore inhabitants of this towne under the rate of the markett price which hath beene a great releife to the poore."

Leicester, Vol. 191, 69.

Buckingham, Vol. 187, 2, i.

Ware, Vol. 189, 80.

"93^li to buy corne for the poore and sold them at iiijs the bushell."

[441] Privy Council Register, 18th Dec. 1830.

[442] D. S. P., James I., Vol. 140, 41. This statement is confirmed by the reports enclosed by the Sheriff from the justices responsible for the divisions of Braughin, of Hitchen, of Edwinstree and Odsey and of Dacorum. These all state that in most of the "townes" the poorer people have corn provided them far under the market rate.

[443] At Crediton, West Budleigh and part of Wonford in Devon and in several districts of Suffolk, e.g. in the hundreds of Blything, Wangford, Mutford and Lothingland corn was sold to the poor under the market price. D. S. P., Jac. I., Vol. 142, Nos. 37, II. and 14.

[444] The hundreds of Dunmow, Uttlesford, Freshwell and Clavering. D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 177, 43.

[445] Jan. 7th, 1631. Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 182, 20.

[446] Hundred of South Greenhoe and half hundreds of Grimshoe and Wayland. Rye was also sold to the very poor at 3s. 4d. and to the poor at 4s. May 1631, Dom. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 191, No. 78. Other stores in Norfolk are reported as follows:

i. At Blofield, Walsham and Taverham barley was sold to the poor for 2s. 6d. rye at 3s. 4d., and buck for 20d.: all far under the market rate, Vol. 186, 16, Vol. 190, 20.

ii. West Flegg, East Flegg, Happing and Tunstead a sufficient quantity of barley and buck "for the most part in euery towne throughout all the sayd hundreds is set aside to be issued to ye poore at a reasonable rate." Vol. 192, 19, (D. S. P., Chas. I.).

iii. In Earsham, Diss, Deepwade and Henstead corn was provided for the labourers in every parish. D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 191, 79, Vol. 186, 16.

iv. A like arrangement was made in Forehoe, Mitford and Humbleyard, Vol. 190, 8.

In this county therefore the store for the poor was probably generally adopted all over the county.

[447] Eight hundreds of York, Vol. 177, 31. See App. XI.

[448] (1) Herts.: Edwinstree and Odsey. The poor were relieved at under rates in their parishes. Vol. 182, 40, D. S. P., Chas. I.

Braughin, 189, 80, D. S. P., Chas. I. See Appendix.

Part of the Liberty of St Alban's and hundred of Cashio, 188, 43, D. S. P., Chas. I.

Hertford. The poor are relieved by "corne or otherwise," 189, 79, D. S. P., Chas. I.

(2) Sussex: Lewes, Vol. 189, 15. "Some charitable well-disposed persons sell to the poore at lower rates."

Pevensey, Vol. 192, 99. The justices "dealt w^th the most substantiall inhabitants ... who partly by the perswasions of us and of theire ministers and of theire owne charytable disposition haue laid corne in some one parish about 30 pounds, in another 20 pounds some lese," and have sold it one shilling a bushel "better cheape than itt did cost."

(3) Kent: Shepway, Vol. 187, 40. The parishes have provided a store of corn for their own inhabitants.

(4) Suffolk: The Liberty of St Ethelred's, Vol. 187, 10. A supply of corn was to be brought from Norfolk and sold to the poor 4s. a quarter under cost price.

(5) Cambridge: Staploe, Cheveley, Staine and Flendish, Vol. 189, 81, III.

(6) Berks.: Wantage and Farringdon, Vol. 191, 40, I. and III.

(7) Nottingham: charitable selling under price, Vol. 189, 12.

(8) Surrey: Rye was sold to the "poorer sorte" at 5s. the bushel, Dom. S. P., Vol. 182, 7.

It is most probable that the poor were relieved in this way in many other parishes though the justices' reports may not have been returned or preserved.

[449] We hear in Nov. 1630 of Ireland that "that kingdome is for the present so plentifully stored w^th corne that besides the feeding of itselfe it may also in some measure supply the necessity of this realme," Privy Council Register. In Cornwall, Flint and Hereford also there was plenty of grain (D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 176, No. 57, Vol. 184, No. 61, Vol. 183, 37) while the justices of Agbrigg report that "Lancashire is a county this year able to help its neighbours."

[450] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 182, 81.

[451] Ib., Vol. 191, 4. See below for the custom of the badgers at Chipping Wycombe.

[452] Ib., 189, 5.

[453] Ib., 186, 74.

[454] Ib., 189, 75, Whittlesford, Chilford and Radfield.

[455] Dom. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 189, Nos. 11, 39, 92.

[456] Ib., Vol. 186, No. 98.

[457] Ib. Vol. 203, No. 30.

[458] Ib. Vol. 177, No. 50. See above.

[459] Dom. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 177. Contains reports between Dec. 15th and 30th, 1630, and the following state that prices have lessened:—

Dec. 20th, No. 29. Anderfield etc., Co. Somerset prices decrease.

Dec. 21st, No. 31. Eight hundreds of York. Wheat 7s. and 6s. 6d. where formerly 9s. 6d.

Dec. 21st, No. 32. Hundred of Lexden etc. Essex, "So as whereas before there was a great scarcitie and want of graine in every market and the price every-daie risinge nowe by these endeav^rs the markets are fully served w^thout any want and the prices of corne decreasinge."

Dec. 24th, No. 43. Dunmow etc. Essex. By means of "princely care" wheat has fallen from 8s. 6d. to 7s.

Similar reports occur from Jan. 1 to 14th, 1630/1, D. S. P., Vol. 182, No. 2, 7, 39, 81.

In 1623 the approval of the justices expressly concerns the suppression of alehouses.

Feb. 14th, 1623, the Mayor of Launcester states that the price of a bushel of wheat has fallen from 12s. to 10s. and that the quantity of barley brought to market has doubled. (Cal. of State Papers.)

The Mayor of Liverpool also reports that much good has been done by the suppression of alehouses. Ib. 20th Feb. 1623.

[460] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 189, 58.

[461] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 187, 22; Vol. 189, 39. The High Sheriff of Suffolk states that "much good haue ensued."

[462] Dom. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 187, 12.

[463] Ib. Vol. 188, 92, Vol. 189, 12, 29.

[464] Cal. of State Papers, Jan. 27, 1623, Dom. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 182, Nos. 2, 1 and 67.

[465] The following examples show that prices varied considerably in different parts of the country at the same date.

[466] Fitz Geffrie, Curse of Corne-Horders (Printed 1631) p. 37.

[467] See above pp. 48, 85, 129, 145.

[468] As early as Nov. 18, 1630, the justices of Berkshire were uneasy and ordered the constables of several parishes not to allow the people to assemble, to charge the churchwardens and overseers to double the poor rates; to forbid the brewers to serve the alehouse keepers and the alehouse keepers to sell ale at all. (Cal. of State Papers, Nov. 18, 1630.)

In Kent the Sheriff reports signs of disorder; the people, he said, fell on the carriers of corn and the following lines of doggerel were picked up in the minister's porch:—

Cal. of State Papers, Nov. 22nd, 1630.

There were several attacks on carts at Newbury and elsewhere; and there were rioters at Gloucester.

[469] Thus at Doncaster engrossers of corn were made to sell their stocks in bushels and peckes 7s. a load under the market price. Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 189, 8. III. At Ipswich, Edw. Man refused to bring his corn to market when ordered to do so and was made to submit and to sell sixpence a bushel under the market rate. Privy Council Reg. 26th Dec. 1630, f. 256 and 272. Conners and bakers of Colchester also were guilty of the same offence and were punished in the same manner, D. S. P., Vol. 184, 30. At Uppingham, an Edmund Wright refused to pay his rate and if still refractory was to be ordered to appear before the Privy Council. Privy Council Reg., 24th Feb., 1631/2. Two justices of Stamford were removed from their office and one was sent to the Fleet because they opposed the Book of Orders. 3rd Dec., 1631, f. 286.

[470] Hist. of Agric. and Prices, Vol. V. p. 592.

[471] W. Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Vol. II. p. 688.

[472] This table of food was approved by the city rulers on 30th June, 1632 (Norwich Court Books). The keeper of the orphanage was sold wheat and rye from the granary at 12s. a combe and was given £4. 6s. 8d. for each child every year. He had also their work and certain allowances for their clothing.

[473] Corporation Records of St Albans, A. E. Gibbs, June 10th, 1587, p. 28.

[474] Remembrancia, I. No. 586, II. No. 255 and VII. No. 193. In October 1630, the store of coal was larger than in former years. Ib. VII. No. 50.

[475] "Maioris Booke for the Poore" Norwich.

[476] See above chapter IX.

[477] In 1638 at Reading 4d. a day was allowed to each person shut up in the Conduit Close and 3d. a day to each of those confined in Minster Street. Reading Records, Vol. III. p. 421.

[478] The brief was issued 25th June, 1630. Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, III. p. 223.

[479] Cooper, Vol. III. p. 225. Some thousands of pounds were collected in London.

[480] New Sarum contributed £52 to London. Remembrancia, VIII. 180. October, 1636. Bury, Ib., VIII. 207, April, 1638. Norwich, see Norwich Court Books, 4th Feb., 1626.

[481] Reading: 1639. More than £190 is spent in building eight pest houses. Records of Reading, Vol. III. p. 454.

Norwich: Court Books. 12th May, 1630: a pest house was built. 24th June, 1630: a separate pest house was built by the Dutchmen. 14th May, 1632: two more pest houses ordered to be made.

London: Remembrancia, 7, 19.

Cambridge: Cooper's Annals, III. p. 226.

[482] Windsor: Tighe and Davis, Annals of Windsor, Vol. II., p. 52, 1604. The site of the building was given by Thos. Aldem an Alderman. Also "There was collected within the Towne for ye reliefe of infected people by way of taxation £25. 11s. 1d. Given by divers gentlemen and other neighbours £29. 6s. 6d. and paid them over and above these two somes £17. 5s. 2d."

[483] The justices of Hitchen thus report their expenses in time of plague. "By the ouerseers of the poore in this tyme of y^e visitation 128^li. Besides the charges of six watchmen and one officer with them euerie night, And besides dailye reliefe from the houses of the able and welldisposed. And xx^li taxed by us upon the halfe hundred the greatest parte wherof is not yet payd in. And besides the charges in setting of poore on worke etc." D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 349, No. 70.

[484] Privy Council Reg. 22nd April, 1636.

[485] Ib., 6th and 27th Nov. 1638.

[486] 1599: the Town's physician was appointed at Newcastle. Welford, Newcastle and Gateshead, III. p. 132. Seven years earlier a surgeon obtained by grant of the mayor 40s. as his accustomed fee for helping to cure the maimed poor folk. In 1599, a physician was paid his quarter's fee and in later years was known as the town physician.

[487] Pamphlet of 1598 reprinted in Harding's Tiverton, Appendix, p. 7.

[488] Circular letters or briefs were often issued by the Council authorising collections for the sufferers. W. A. Bewes, Church Briefs, p. 97.

[489] North Riding Records, Vol. IV. p. 27. Jan. 16, 1634/5.

[490] Privy Council Registers, 19 Jan. 1619/20.

[491] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 182, No. 2. I.

[492] Barnstaple Records, North Devon Herald, Feb. 24th, 1881. Mr John Penrose gave £200 to employ the poor in Bridewell. Shelton's Hist. of Newark, pp. 38, 387.

[493] The Hospital of St Cross, Rev. L. M. Humbert, p. 14. Translation of the Charter of Foundation.

[494] The Hospital of St Cross, pp. 38 and 41 seq. There were then belonging to the hospital besides the Master and 13 brethren, 12 out-brethren, 28 sisters and 2 probationers.

[495] See Chapter I.

[496] Rudder's Gloucestershire, p. 202.

[497] Ib., pp. 186-7.

[498] Rudder's Gloucestershire, p. 203.

[499] St Leonard's of Launceston is an interesting example of the way in which the old hospitals for lepers came to be used for the poor.

Philip and Mary granted the hospital to the Corporation for the use of leprous and infirm people.

James I. repeats this grant and adds that "for default of leprous persons in the hospital aforesaid that it be and shall be lawful" for the mayor and aldermen etc. to receive the rents for the support of the poor. Char. Com. Rep. 32, Pt. 1, p. 406.

1610. King James I. refounded St Edmund's of Gateshead. Sykes's Local Records, I. p. 84.

St Thomas's and St Catherine's, York, also came under the control of the city. Drake's Eboracum, pp. 246, 247.

St Mary Magdalen, King's Lynn, was originally founded partly for lepers; its revenues were taken away in the time of Edward VI., but a few of the poor were maintained there by the Corporation. Its lands were restored by James I. and it was placed under the care of the town rulers. Mackerell, Lynn Regis, p. 194.

The property of Trinity Hospital, Bristol, since the time of Queen Elizabeth has been conveyed in trust to members of the Corporation of the city of Bristol. Reports of the Charity Commissioners, VI. p. 506.

[500] Letters Patent, 1 Edw. VI. No. 54. Charters, Oaths and Charities of the City of Norwich, p. 50.

[501] Charity Com. Rep. 7, pp. 204, 205, 234.

[502] There were endowments for at least ten almshouses in Hereford in 1642.

[504] Ib. 32, Pt. II., p. 11.

[505] Numerous examples of these bequests occur in the Reports of the Charity Commissioners. The following may serve as specimens of the charities of this kind existing in a single parish.

In St Giles, Reading. Char. Com. Report, 32, pt. I., pp. 131, 132.

Clothing. Augustine Knapp, 1602, gave to the churchwardens 20s. a year for ever to be bestowed for the clothing of poor, lame, blind and impotent people in the parish.

1625. Richard Shaile gave £10 upon trust to buy yearly three shirts and three smocks worth 2s. 6d. a piece for three poor aged men and three poor aged women, chosen by the churchwarden. This gift was lost before 1688.

Bread. 1606. Thos. Deane gave an annual rent of £3 to be bestowed yearly in good, wholesome, well sized bread and given to the poor of the town in St Giles's churchyard as might be settled by the churchwardens and overseers of the poor. The bread was to be given as follows: yearly upon Christmas Eve, 20 dozen of bread: upon Good Friday another 20 dozen, and upon Ascension Eve another 20 dozen.

1623. Rich. Aldworth gave another gift of £3 a year for the same purpose, to be distributed at the same times.

Money. In 1614 A. Humphrey Champion had given a gift of £10, the interest of which was given to poor people. Now lost.

[506] There is an almshouse in St Just not now occupied. See Rep. 32, Pt. I., p. 438. In Gloucester also almshouses were founded by a Mr Hill, Mr Keylock, Mr Pater, and Alderman Thomas Semys. The two last were in existence in 1643, but are not now distinguishable. Rudder's Gloucestershire, p. 204.

[507] Sums were paid out of the county funds of the North Riding to hospitals at New Malton, Old Malton, and Scarborough. Quarter Sessions Records, North Riding, Vol. I. p. 43, Vol. II. p. 183. In 1618/9 New Malton hospital was dissolved, and pensions were then allotted to the old and impotent poor there. Ib. Jan. 7th, 1618/9.

[508] Quarter Sessions from Queen Eliz. to Queen Anne. A. Hamilton, p. 17.

[509] See Appendix VII., and also the overseers' returns from East Barnet and Elstree in 1639, and from Chipping Barnet and Elstree in Feb. 1636/7. Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 347, No. 67, and Vol. 418, No. 21.

[510] In the North Riding, at Quarter Sessions orders were frequently made for the building of houses for particular poor people. Thus in the Court held April 17th and 18th, 1610, the overseers and churchwardens of Bagby were commanded "to find or provide Alice Cooke, being a poore widowe, of a house." Quarter Sessions Records, North Riding, Vol. I. p. 189. On July 20, 1619, also an order was made that the churchwardens and overseers of Startforth shall provide a convenient dwelling house for Ellen Winter before Michaelmas. At the same court the overseers of Easbie were told to collect 82s. 10d. from various townships in order to pay for a house for two poor men which had been already built by order of the justices. Ib. Vol. II. p. 211. Like orders continued to be made through the reign of Charles I. and under the Commonwealth. Ib. Vol. V. pp. 62, 255.

[511] Dom. S. P. Chas. I., Vol. 330, No. 90.

[512] See Appendix VII.

[513] D. S. P. Chas. I., Vol. 293, No. 129.

[514] Ib. Vol. 190, No. 56.

[515] Dalton's Country Justice, 4th edition, 1630, p. 93. See Chapter VIII.

[516] Among such bequests were:—

Bristol, Edw. Cox, 1622. Reports of the Char. Com. VI. pp. 532-533.

" Andrew Barker, 1658. Ib. p. 467.

Oxford, Thomas' Charity, 1639. Ib. p. 381.

Exeter, Sir John Acland, 1609. Reports of Char. Com. p. 155.

Maidenhead, Rixman's Charity, 1628. Ib. XXXII. Pt. 1, p. 77.

At Reading besides Laud's gift there were John Johnson's Charity, 1614, and Marten's Charity, 1635. Ib. p. 43. Both these were in existence in 1652, but have been lost for many years.

Wokingham, Laud's Gift and Planner's Charity, 1605. Ib. p. 213.

Hereford, Wood's Charity, 7 James I. Ib. Pt. 2, p. 29.

West Wickham, Lady Slaney, 1607, £3 a year. Rep. VI. p. 271.

[517] Records of the Borough of Reading, Vol. III. pp. 512, 513. In 1640 £100 was paid for half the year and ten boys were appointed to be bound apprentices with such masters as the Mayor and aldermen had arranged, £10 being paid apiece for them.

[518] Reports of Char. Com. XXXII. Part 1, 221.

[519] In the Records of the Borough of Reading between 1630 and 1640 we have an instance of complaint by a pauper apprentice. We are told that "At this daye complaynt was made by the officers of Shinfeild that heretofore they gave v li in money and bound John Chaplen, borne in their parishe, apprentice to William Applebye of Readinge, weaver, for 15 yeares by indenture, of whiche terme 9 yeares are expired, and that the said apprentice for lacke of meate and drinke and apparell hath often-tymes run awaye, and is nowe brought agayne by the officers of Shinfeild desiringe a reformacion or restitucion of the v li.

"William Appleby saith he hath victualls as he himself and family daily have, and further saith that the said apprentice is soe ill-condicioned that he will still run awaye and hath noe hope of good service of him.

"All thinges heard, examyned and understood the said William Appleby was enjoyned to take his apprentice and to sett him to worke agayne and to use him well in all thinges.

"And the apprentice willed, when he is misused or ill treated to complayne to Mr Mayour, and he will provide further for him, as shalbe fitt and expedient in that behaulf." Records of the Borough of Reading, Vol. III., p. 233.

The poor boys of Reading appear to have been regularly placed as apprentices, sometimes by charitable funds and sometimes by the overseers.

[520] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 190. 10. See Appendix XII.

[521] Norwich Court Books. 18th October, 1630.

[522] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 388, No. 7, XXXVIII. 2.

[523] Ib. Vol. 189. 79.

[524] British Museum Add. MSS. No. 12496, f. 222. In another document containing instructions by justices to overseers the establishment of knitting schools is advocated. See above, p. 181.

[525] Reports of the four Royal Hospitals, 1632, 1641. King's Pamphlets, 669 f. 4.

[526] Probate of John Carr's will was granted in 1586. An Act of Parliament confirming the foundation was passed 39 Eliz. The school was established on the site of Gaunt's Hospital, and the citizens of Bristol provided some of the necessary money. Char. Com. Rep. VI. p. 463 seq.

[527] Char. Com. Rep. VI. p. 490.

[528] 14 Eliz. c. 5; 39 Eliz. c. 3.

[529] 43 Eliz. c. 2.

[530] Orders of the Norfolk Quarter Sessions, 1650.

[531] Quarter Sessions from Queen Elizabeth to Queen Anne, p. 91. A. H. A. Hamilton.

[532] Char. Com. Rep., VI. p. 529.

Richard Holworthy also in 1640 left £20 for the poor in the Bristol Newgate.

At Oxford, Wardell in 1625 and Myles Windsor both left the profits of a small sum for the poor in Bocardo. Rep. VI., p. 403, 404.

At Launceston by Connock's charity in 1611 a rent of 52s. a year was set apart for the poor felons in the county gaol. Rep. 32. 1, p. 406.

Bequests in London for this purpose were very frequent. Rep. VI. p. 302. Sir T. Bennett in 1616 left £24 a year for redeeming twelve or more poor debtors.

[533] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 191, 42.

[534] Rep. Char. Com., XXXII. Pt. 1, p. 100.

Other legacies left at New Windsor for this purpose were as follows:—

Mathias Jenis £20 "towards a stock for the setting of poor people of Windsor on work or to purchase some parcel of land for their relief."

B. Chert gave a similar sum for the same purposes. Rep. XXXII. 1, p. 98.

[535] Other charities of the same kind were those of

Lawrence Atwill, Exeter, 1588, £600. Rep. VI. p. 136.

George White, Bristol, 10 Chas. I., £100. Rep. VI. p. 530.

Aldworth, Bristol, 1634, £1000 towards the setting of poor people on work. Char. Com. Rep. VIII. p. 58.

Atwell's gift. A lost charity of Wolverhampton. Rep. V. 593.

Croydon. Henry Smith gave £1000 in 1624, subject to certain trusts, which was partly to be used for this purpose. Bibliotheca Topographica, II. p. 79.

Hereford. Francis Pember, 1632, left money which in 1635 was assigned by his executors to be used for setting poor children to work. Report, XXII. ii. p. 39.

[536] Dom. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 189, 65, and Vol. 194, 19.

[537] Dom. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 189, 8. X. A detailed assessment for the raising of a stock and relief of the poor was made in Norwich in 1644. See Appendix.

[538] Ib. Chas. I., Vol. 188, 101; Vol. 186, 74; Vol. 194, 17. IV.

[539] In Dec. 1630 a certain "Nathaniell Crotch was appointed to sett the poore on worke in the Newhall," and certain aldermen were appointed to overlook the work done. Court Books, Norwich, 23 Dec. 1630.

[540] Court Books, Norwich, 3rd Nov. 1625, f. 72. Other plans were even then contemplated at Norwich, and on Nov. 16th people were appointed in every ward to "sett the poore on worke."

[541] Hist. Mun. Com. Report, XI. App. III. p. 247; D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 195, 46.

[542] Cal. of State Papers, May 10th, 1620.

[543] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 192, 70 and 71.

[544] Ib. Vol. 192, 14 II.

[545] Extracts from the Earliest Book of Accounts of Sheffield. Entries from 1628 onwards. By J. D. Leader.

[546] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 192, 65.

[547] Ib. 195, 7.

[548] Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, Vol. III., pp. 204 seqq. and 569, 570.

[549] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 315, No. 99.

[550] The Barnstaple workhouse was in existence soon afterwards. 1607. "Paid for erecting and placing the stoope in the house of Correction, 18d." 1633-1640, "Paid to John Locke who is appointed to the charge of the Workhouse for two journeys here, 10s. 10d." North Devon Herald, Aug. 19th, 1880, and Aug. 12th, 1880.

[551] Selections from the Municipal Archives of Liverpool, Picton, June 24th, 1598. "It was agreed by all the assembly that a house termed a 'House of Correction' shoulde be had and taken for the poore people aforesaid," and it was further arranged that Mr More should let his house at Poole for that purpose at a reasonable rent.

For Nottingham, see Nottingham Records, Vol. IV., p. 225. In 1601 it was arranged that John Cooper should remain keeper of St John. He was to take up rogues and punish those committed to him, though at the same time he was to have an allowance for the poor infants and others which were sent to him.

Kendal, A.D. 1601. There is a list of collectors of benevolences for the House of Correction. Hist. Man. Com. Rep. X. App. IV., p. 299.

[552] May 19, 1615. "The company decide to raise 40 marks for furnishing St John's and for setting the poor there to work." Nottingham Records, Vol. IV., p. 331.

June 21, 1615. An agreement was made with John Kirby. He agrees to "diligently teach, instructe and bringe upp all such youthes, children and other persons as shalbe sent or committed into the saied Howse of Correccon in some honest and true labour soe longe as they shall remayne there vnder his chardge and government and shall fynde and allowe vnto them convenient meate, drynke, apparell and other necessaries vnlesse they bee lame and impotent and nott able to worke." For Manchester and Preston see Earwaker, Constables' Accounts, Vol. I., pp. 39, 54 and 65.

[553] D. S. P., Chas. I. Vol. 349, 72, Hayridge etc. Devon. Ib. Vol. 349, 12, Hartesmere, Suffolk. Ib. 192, 79, Blofield, Norfolk. Ib. Vol. 250, 42, Arundel, Hants. Ib. Vol. 426, 67, Bastable and Becontree, Essex, &c. The justices of Somerset write "It was presented to us that many persons lived out of service w^thin certayne parishes whome wee sent to the Howse of Correccon at Shepton Mallet," Ib. Vol. 194, 20. At Chichester it is reported that "there is a house of Correccon neere the common prison in the said Cittie w^ch is parcell of the said provision and that such prisoners as are thether committed are employed to worke duringe the tyme of their restraynt. Ib. Vol. 190, 67.

[554] Ib. Vol. 188, 34.

[555] Ib. Vol. 189, 13. Eight years later this house at Buntingford was still in existence and reported to be doing much good in the country. Ib. Vol. 426, 73. July, 1639.

[556] Cal. of State Papers, May 15, 1623.

[557] Remembrancia, II. 254.

[558] W. A. Bewes, Church Briefs, p. 96, 1617, quoting the Records of St Alphage, London Wall.

[559] Court Books of Bridewell, Feb. 24th, 1619. Sixteen vagrants are entered as "sent to Virginia," and entries of the same kind follow at the next meetings.

1622. Vagrants are again "kept for Virginia."

April 1635. It is ordered "that if Mr George Whitmore and the Treasurer shall think fit to send any vagrants beyond seas, what reasonable they shall consent unto shall be allowed." At the same meeting some parishioners agreed to pay for a certain inhabitant of their parish to go beyond seas.

At the meetings held later in the month on April 15th and 29th several people are destined for Virginia and others for the Barbadoes.

Other entries occur in 1639.

The names of all these vagrants are given, and the descendants of several of them occupy good positions in America. An enterprising American has endeavoured to enlighten his countrymen on the subject, but the publication of names is now forbidden as the descendants did not care to be enlightened.

[560] A declaration of the Lord of the Caribee Islands touching servants who had served their time and could not get land. King's Pamphlets, British Museum, 669 f. 11, f. 106.

[561] See above, pp. 85, 147 seq., p. 153.

[562] Seyer's Memoirs of Bristol, Vol. II., p. 420. 1643.

[563] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 385, No. 43.

[564] Records of Reading, Vol. II., p. 153, Vol. III., p. 39.

[565] Norwich Court Books, 22nd Feb. 1630/1, f. 326, Vol. 16.

[566] Dom. S. Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 184, 65.

[567] Eastwicke. "The poore are set on worke by the inhabitants."

Hundred of Braughing, 4th April, 1631. "Noe stoeke to sett the poore on worke but they are sett on worke by the inhabitants to spinn towe at iiiid. the pound." Dom. S. P., Charles I., Vol. 189, No. 80. See Appendix.

[568] Haberdashers' Company Char. Com. Rep. X. p. 230. Mercers' Company Char. Com. Rep. VI., pp. 285, 291, 307.

Specimens.

David Appowell, 1508. £100 to be lent to two young men for seven years in consideration of four cart-loads of coal every year.

Alice Blundell, 1570. £100 to be lent to two young men who were to give 1s. 1d. every week to thirteen poor folk of the parish of St Lawrence Jewry.

Richard Fishborne, 1625. £1000 to be lent to five young men free of the Company £200 each for five years gratis with three good securities.

[569] Legacies to charitable uses in Ipswich, p. 74 seq.

Other Cash Charities of the same kind for the benefit of the inhabitants of Ipswich were as follows:—

1579. Mrs Rose Bloise £20 to four handicraftsmen for two or three years.

1583. Mr John Tye £25 to five or more persons who are inhabitants for not longer than three years without interest.

1595. Mr Thos. Goodwin £40 for four poor occupiers for two years without interest.

1608. Mrs Alice Bloise £40 to six young men, being freemen for three years.

1616. Mr Willm. Birden £20 to four poor occupiers for four years.

1616. Mr Willm. Acton £80 to four clothiers for four years.

Mr J. Acton added £20 to be lent in the same manner.

1621. Mr Rich. Martin left overplus of certain revenues to be lent to clothiers.

[570] Char. Com. Report, 32, Pt. 1, p. 43. Ironside's Charity.

Reading Records, Vol. III., p. 170. Richard Johnson.

Other charities of the kind existed in Reading. See Barbor's and Winche's Charities Rep., 32. Pt. 1, p. 43.

[571] Rep. VI., p. 397 seq.

Among the lost charities of Oxford are the following:—

Jane Fulsey, 1603. £40 to be lent to four poor tradesmen for three years.

Robert Wilson, 1640. £20 to be lent in two, three or four equal portions for seven years. Ib. p. 404.

There are sixteen other lost charities of the kind either without date or of later date than 1640, and three or four other lending charities which are still wholly or partially in existence.

[572] See Reports of the Charity Commissioners.

Among these sums at Bristol were the following:—

Alderman Thorne's Gift £500 in 1532 to "succour young men that were minded to cloth making."

John Heydon, 1579. £100 for two young men trading over seas at interest of £3. 6s. 8d.

Alderman Whitson, 1627. £500, £250 to five young men for seven years at interest of ten shillings, £250 to twenty tradesmen for seven years, &c. Report VIII., p. 597 seq.

Such bequests were also sometimes in the hands of parochial officials.

St Mary, Aldermary. John Kemp in 1569 gave £100 to the churchwardens that they might lend the same to ten poor occupiers without interest.

Anthony Sprott in 1607 gave £20 to the churchwardens and parishioners to be lent by them to a young occupier at 16s. a year. Rep. VI., p. 201.

[573] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 349, No. 70.

[574] See supra, p. 214.

[575] 14 Chas. II., c. 12.

[576] Coke's Institutes II., p. 729.

[577] Hamilton's Quarter Sessions from Queen Eliz. to Queen Anne, p. 16.

[578] Translation from the "Diary of the Duke of Stettin's Journey," pp. 12 and 13, Trans. of Royal Hist. Soc.

[579] The pamphlet is addressed to King James I. and the statute for branding rogues is called the "new statute": this probably refers to the 1 Jac. I. c. 7, 1603-4. No mention is made of the 7 Jac. I. c. 4, which commanded the establishment of Houses of Correction, and was passed in 1609-10. The pamphlet therefore was written in the reign of James I., probably soon after 1604 and before 1610.

[580] Stanleyes, Remedy, p. 8.

[581] Eden, State of the Poor, I. p. 155.

[582] "Among fortie beggers you shall not find one man of trade." Add. MSS., No. 12496, f. 238. A favourite question of the present Lord Chief Justice of England before he sentences a prisoner is, "Has he ever been engaged in any regular work or had any definite employment?"

[583] Add. MSS., Brit. Mus., No. 12496, f. 238. This writer differs from most of the time in expressing disapproval of Bridewells. He is an advocate for prevention rather than cure, for apprenticing the child rather than for correcting the vagrant.

[584] Add. MSS., No. 12504, 14th Jan., 17 Jac. I.

[585] Dom. State Papers, James I., Vol. 143, 24.

[586] Ib., Vol. 142, 14, I.

[587] Ib., Vol. 142, 14, II.

"Wee have by our indevours taken order that the aged and ympotent poore and maymed soldiers be sufficientlie relieved; Those of able and sturdie bodies are provided of work." Babergh and Cosford, Suffolk; also in Williton, Freemanors and Carhampton, Somerset: the report is dated Mar. 20th. Cal. of State Papers, under May 8th, 1623.

[588] Add. MSS., Brit. Mus., 12496, f. 251. "Justices of Peace, Magistrates, Officers and Ministers are now of late in most parts of this our Kingdome growne secure in their said negligence, and the said politique and necessarie Lawes and Statutes laid aside or little regarded as Lawes of small use and consequence."

[589] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 188, 85. See Appendix XII.

[590] Ib., 250, 11, I. The justices had met several times in accordance with directions from the judges at the last assizes: they had bound apprentice twenty poor children.

[591] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 194, 18, II. and III.

[592] Dom. State Papers, Vol. 195, 21 and 31. June, 1631.

[593] Ib., Vol. 194, 19. Wells, Somerset.

[594] See Appendix XII.

[595] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 188, 45.

[596] Ib., Vol. 194, 17, V.

[597] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 388, 7. April 18th, 1638.

[598] Ib., Vol. 385, 15. The want of a poor rate seems to be reported as an unusual fact, and at Rochdale at the same time the poor rates amounted to £340, a hundred and twenty impotent people were relieved, and a hundred poor families assisted.

[599] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 427, 4. Aug. 1st, 1639.

[600] Ib., Vol. 192, 51. May 26, 1631.

[601] Ib., Vol. 355, 63. See also Vol. 293, No. 23.

[602] From Whittlesford, Chilford and Radfield, Cambridgeshire, April 1631, Vol. 189, 75, the justices report there are twenty-five "townes," and state "That the impotent poore in every towne are releeved. That wee have put out in these three hundreds betweene six and seaven score apprentyces. That the able poore are provyded for or sett to worke."

From the same three hundreds. July 1638. "We are certifyed by the ouerseers for the poore that the impotent poore are relieved and the other poore are provided of worke." Do. Vol. 395, 114.

From Freebridge Lynn, Freebridge Marshland, and Clackclose, Norfolk, the justices, in 1631, report that the impotent were relieved, and children were bound apprentice. Vol. 195, 47.

In July 1638, we hear from the same district, "And more particularly wee haue taken especiall care that the statute of the 43^th yere of Quene Elizabeth shold be exactlie obserued in raysing of stocks of materialls for setting the poore of able bodyes to worke and raising competent somes of monye for the releife of the poore and impotent and putting forth poore children to be apprentices." Vol. 395, 32.

See also Edwinstree and Odsey, 189, 13, and 426, 73, etc.

[603] Vol. 289, 14.

[604] Vol. 272.

[605] Vol. 289.

[606] Vol. 289, No. 48.

[607] Vol. 289, No. 20. The hundreds of Whitleigh, Huntspill, Puriton, North Petherton, Cannington and Andersfield.

[608] For the Liberty of St Albans and the hundred of Cashio (excepting Rickmansworth, Watford and Sarratt), Vol. 188, 43.

[610] Vol. 188, 101. Mayor of Winchester, etc., reports to Sheriff of Hants, "First that wee haue raised and provided a stock of money and putt it into a clothiers hands to sett the poore people on worke that are able to worke, and now they doe not want worke."

[611] State Papers, Vol. 189. We have already referred to the cases of Whittlesford, etc. no. 75, Agbrigg no. 55, Braughing no. 80, Edwinstree and Odsey no. 73, Essex no. 92, Richmond no. 65, Bedford no. 27, and Beverley no. 8, X. Besides these, work was provided in Shepway (6), Doncaster (8, III.), Mansbridge, Buddlesgate and Soke, Hants. (11), Co. Nottingham (12), Bramber (16), Clackclose, etc. Norfolk (44), Borough of Buckingham (60), Alton, Hants. (66), the hundred of Hertford (79), and Badbury (83). All these places sent reports between April 21st, and 30th, 1631.

[612] Vol. 190, No. 66.

[613] Vol. 191, No. 45.

[614] Vol. 349, No. 86.

[615] The supposition that the town stock was used in Bassetlaw for employing the poor seems almost certain for the following reasons:

(1) In the earlier entries this is often directly stated to be the case. Thus we are told at Laneham that the "towne stocke" was used to buy hemp "to sett such poore on worke as wante."

(2) When a town stock is reported not to exist other methods of employing the poor are sometimes mentioned as a reason for the absence of such a stock, and thus it is implied that a town stock when it existed was used for this purpose. Thus for example at Grove they have "no towne stock in regard, theire poore are otherwise sett on worke;" at Egmonton "Towne stock they haue none because they imploy theire poore in other worke as they wante;" while at Laxton cum Morehouse there was no stock because those who wanted work were otherwise employed "by the towne."

(3) There is an earlier report from Bassetlaw sent in on July 29th, 1636. This report relates to fewer places, but in some respects is fuller. In eleven cases where only the amount of the stock is noted in 1637, the fact that it was employed to provide work is directly stated in 1636. Thus for example the following entries occur:

In these eleven cases therefore the town stock was certainly used for employing the poor. In four other instances, however, a general statement is made as to the use of the stock which perhaps indicates that the whole of the stock was not always employed entirely for one purpose. Thus for example at Eaton £2. 6s. 8d. was "in stocke for such poore as should neede." However in no case do these statements contradict the supposition that the town stock in this district was partially used for finding employment for the poor, and the direct statement of the 1636 report in these eleven cases is strong evidence that in the remaining nine places the stock was used in the same fashion.

[616] See supra, p. 182.

[617] D. S. P., James I., Vol. 140, 10. I.

[618] D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 395, 106. In the same report it is stated that Oldham could not afford to raise a stock.

[619] Ib., Vol. 293, 122 and 129. The quotation is from a report from Ryedale signed by Lord Fairfax; the other document, in which almost exactly the same words occur is from Buckrose in the East Riding.

[620] Although the fact that the poor were employed in Devon and Wilts is not recorded in any of the justices' reports which have been preserved, we hear from other sources that work was found for the poor in some places in those counties. Thus the following memorandum refers to an attempt to establish a workhouse in Plymouth; it is to be found among the municipal records in that town. "In the name of god the 28th of September an^o 1610 A note of provisio^ns delivred into y^e Castle for the pore to thende they maye be there placed & sett on work, w^ch is but abeginninge for a fewe & a tryall thereof the w^ch I praie god continewe and augment to his glorye & their comfort.

Imprimis 2 bedsteads

5 twines 2 paire of wollen cards" &c.

Two years later £20 was bequeathed by W. Lawrence "to the stocke to sett y^e poor to worke," and early in the reign of Charles I. a "workehowse for the setting of the poore on worke" has been lately built and the overseers paid the corporation £9. 12s. for the rent of the three tenements which formerly had existed on the site. R. N. Worth, Plymouth Municipal Records, pp. 156 and 257, and Hist. of Plymouth, p. 273.

In Marlborough also there was certainly a workhouse, for a petition was presented to the Privy Council in the name of the Mayor and burgesses concerning John Thorner, an Attorney-at-Law, who "was rated among others to pay 52/- towards the erecting of a workhouse and raising of a stock for the employment of the poore that are able and willing to worke to be paid at three general payments whereof one is already passed at our Lady day last." Thorner had refused to pay his rate, "saying that it was against the law," and had encouraged others not to pay, so "that manie of the inhabitants there made refusall also to pay their proportion." The Privy Council referred the matters to the judges, and in the mean time the rate was to be paid. Privy Council Register, 13th May, 1631.

[621] Dom. State Papers, Vol. 191, 40. II.

[622] See above.

[623] D. S. P. Vol. 194, 17. III. 14th June.

[624] The orders of the corporation of Shrewsbury, "That a stock be raised for setting the poor on work and the Castle be repaired and imployed for that purpose." Shropshire ArchÆological Journal, XI. p. 169.

[625] D. S. P., Vol. 194, 41. II. See below for Shaftesbury, Leominster, Gloucester, Banbury, Abergavenny, &c.

[626] Dom. State Papers, Vol. 188, 34.

[627] Ib., Vol. 189, 79.

[628] Ib., Vol. 189, 27.

[629] Ib., Vol. 189, 60, and 187, 2.

[630] Vol. 192, 48. Hundreds of Whitley, North Petherton, Cannington, Andersfield, Huntspill and Puriton. See also Vol. 289, 57. Unnamed division of Somerset, "The poore are well set on worke as farre as we doe or have taken knowledge of by our best enquiryes."

[631] Dom. State Papers, Vol. 272, 61, July 25th, 1634. Pirehill, co. Stafford. "And we haue and doe take course to provide for and to sett on worke the poore of the several parishes within the said hundred."

Ib., Vol. 272, No. 65. Offlow. "We caused poore people to be sett on worke."

Ib., Vol. 272, No. 66. Totmonslow. We "further haue takein course to provide for and sett on worke the poore of the severall parishes."

[632] Limits of Worcester, Ib., Vol. 349, 73, 9th Mar. 1636/7.

[633] The exceptions are Devon, Wilts, and Cornwall. See note above.

[634] This question is so much one of detail that it is perhaps worth while to refer to one justice's report from almost every western county, some from towns, and some from the country:

1. Berks. June 1631. Abingdon. Ib., Vol. 195, 7. "We haue erected in our borough a workehouse to sett poore people to worke."

2. Cheshire. Edisbury, June 29th, 1631. Vol. 195, 21. The justices order "stockes of money and wares" to be raised, but find the people averse to find money for any such purpose.

3. Derby. Appletree. 185, 41. Feb. 1630/1. See below.

4. Dorset. Shaftesbury. 188, 67. April 1631. "Haue made provision and taken orders for settinge to worke of such idle persons and poore people as are of able bodies and strength to bee ymployed in trades and labor."

5. Gloucester. June 1631. Vol. 194, No. 11, I. Gloucester. "For those that are of abillitie to worke we haue provided them meanes to sett them on w(orke) soe they may lyve by their labor w^thout beinge further chargable to others."

6. Hants. Kingclere. Nov. 1633. Vol. 250, 11, IV. "The justices" have taken order that such as are able to worke are imployed in their several parishes."

7. Hereford. Leominster. June 1631. Vol. 194, 41, III. "Item the poore are provided for and such kept at work that are able to work."

8. Monmouth. Ragland. July 3rd, 1634. Vol. 271, 17. The justices since the commission have levied sums of money in every parish and township to buy "woole, flaxe and other necessaries towards the setting of poore to woorke."

9. Oxford. J. Ps. for co. Oxford, Vol. 188, 96. April 19, 1630. Have not omitted to provide "stockes" to "sett able poore on worke."

10. Shropshire. Bishop's Castle. Vol. 223, 39. 3rd Oct. 1632. "Here is herin but one church wherin are churchwardens, ouerseers of the poore duely elected and nominated; and monthly now we meete and we take order for mayntenance of the poore by setting the able to work and relief of the impotent."

11. Somerset. Frome, Kilmerston, Wellow and the adjoining districts. Vol. 185, 40. Feb. 1630/1. The justices have seen to the relief of the poor and setting them to work.

12. Warwick. Knightlow. Vol. 199, 65. 13 Sept. 1631. "The Constables, Churchwardens and Ouerseers for the poore in the rest of the townes in theis two divisions doe certfie vs that all ys well ... the poore are sett on worke and releiued and wee heare noe complaints to the contrarie."

[635] D. S. P., Vol. 427, 3. 1st Aug. 1639, Vol. 385, 43, and 349, 70.

[636] Ib., Vol. 385, 27. March 5, 1637/8.

[637] Herts. Edwinstree and Odsey. Ib., Vol. 426, 73. July 29, 1639. The justices "haue directed stocks of money to be raised where need is to sett the poore on worke." See also above for hundreds of Hertford and Braughing, St Albans borough, and liberty of St Albans.

Suffolk. Hartismere. Vol. 349, 12. March 1636/7. "Those who are able to worke and cannot provide worke for themselues are sett to worke."

Cosford. Vol. 395, 35. July, 1638. The justices have "bin careful for the setting of poore people work," etc.

Hundreds of Loes, Wilford, Thredling and Plomesgate. 13th July, 1638. Vol. 395, No. 55. See App. XII.

Also Hundreds of Carlford and Colneis. Vol. 395, 62. July, 1638, and Ipswich, Vol. 195, 45.

Norfolk. South Erpingham and Eynsford. July, 1638. Vol. 395, 90. The justices have "taken care ... for the employment of the able," &c.

Division not mentioned. July, 1634. "We haue caused stockes to be raysed in the severall parishes of our limitts to sett the poore beinge able of bodye to worke." Vol. 272, 60.

For Freebridge Lynn, Freebridge Marshland and Clackclose; South Greenhoe, Wayland, and Grimshoe; and also Lynn, see above.

Cambridge. Hundreds of Cheveley, Staploe, Staine and Flendish (formerly all in Cambs.), "Item wee find upon our inquiry that the seuerall towne Stockes within o^r diuision are orderly imployed and accounted for and the poore of the seueral parishes sett one worke and imployed therin according to the Lawe." Vol. 285, 99. March, 1635. Chesterton, Papworth and North Stowe. 216, 45. See App. XII. Radfield, Chilford and Whittlesford. Vol. 395, 114, and Cambridge borough. See above.

[638] 24th Oct. 1631. Ib., Vol. 202, 20. Report for Clerkenwell, S^t Sepulchre, S^t Giles, Islington, Finchley, Friarne, etc. "There is alsoe in the house of Correccon a manufacture prepared and by a charitable stocke of a hundred pounds given by S^r John Fenner Knight nowe in readynes an Artizan, who hath Articled and agreed w^th vs to take, instructe & bringe vp in the saide manufacture as apprentices twenty poore orphans boyes and Girles such as before wandred in the streetes and weare readie to perishe for wante of imployment." "Many idle and loose persons haue byn lately imployed and sent to serue under his ma^tie of Sweden and such others as are taken up in watches or Privie Searches w^thin o^r division are continually settled in some course of life or sent to the howse of Correccon." See also Appendix XII.

[639] Ruxley, Little, Lesnex, Axton, and the vill of Dartford and Wilmington. D. S. P., Chas. I., Vol. 220, 14. July 4th, 1632.

[640] Ib., Vol. 272, 40. July, 1634.

[641] Ib., Vol. 349, 113. March, 1636/7.

[642]

[643] The following are instances in which work for the poor was provided in some district in every other eastern county:

Sussex. Rape of Bramber. Ib., Vol. 189, 16. April, 1631. The justices "haue compelled some that misspent their tyme to fall to labor and haue provided worke for them and others that alleaged they wanted worke."

Bedford. See above.

Bucks. Boro' of Buckingham. Vol. 201, 13. 3rd Oct., 1631. "Our poore are kept to work and o^r stock is still going, wee have noe poore that begg." Oct. 3rd, 1631. See above also.

Essex. Vol. 188, 92. April, 1631. Great want of work; the justices "haue not only delt w^th the able men of parishes to prouide and laie in corne for prouision of the poore at under-rates but did cause them to raise stockes and meanes to sett their poore on worke."

Hunts. Hundred of Hurstington. Vol. 329, 83. 1636. Signed by Sir Oliver Cromwell, H. Cromwell and Robert Audeley. The justices called before them the overseers of the poor and caused them "to render vs an accompt what stocks of money haue beene raysed for settinge the poore on worke and howe the poore haue beene releiued. Whoe haue made it appear before vs that the statute in this case hath beene duely obserued throughout the said hundred."

Leicester. West Goscote. Vol. 349, 35. March, 1636/7. The justices relieve and set to work poor people, punish rogues, and put all instructions of the Book of orders into execution, "w^ch course wee finde very beneficiall and much conducinge to the generall quiett and goode of the countrey and wee therefore w^th more cheerefullnes addresse ourselues thereunto."

Lincolnshire. Horncastle Sessions. Vol. 349, 113. 14th March, 1636/7. The justices "haue taken speciall care ... that the abler sorte bee constantly sett on worke by the stocke of the parishe."

Rutland. Vol. 185, 55. Feb., 1630/1. The justices state that "order is taken (according to lawe) for reliefe and setting to worke of poore and impotent people."

[644] The Collectors responsible to Parliament for the gathering of the subsidies for the war were the overseers and petty constables in each parish.

[645] The Reports of the Four Royal Hospitals for 1641 and 1647. King's Pamphlets, Brit. Mus. 669, f. 4, No. 5, and f. 11, No. 5.

In 1641 there had been 1002 patients in St Bartholomew's, and 711 vagrants in Bridewell.

In 1647 there had been 901 in St Bartholomew's and 575 vagrants in Bridewell.

[646] Report of the Four Royal Hospitals for 1645. King's Pamphlets, British Museum, 669, f. 10, No. 26. Similar reasons are also alleged in the report of 1644. Ib., No. 2.

[647] Ib., 1649, 669, f. 14, No. 11.

[648] King's Pamphlets, 1653, 669, f. 16, No. 94.

[649] "An Order for putting in execution the laws against vagabonds made by the Lords in Parliament assembled." King's Pamphlets, 669, f. 9, No. 81, Mar. 5th, 1646/7. See also an Act of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled for the relief and employment of the poor and the punishing of vagrants, 1650.

[650] Order issued "By the Mayor," 1655. King's Pamphlets, 669, f. 20, No. 21. "Whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds and sturdy beggars, that vermine of the Commonwealth doth now swarme in and about this City and Liberties disturbing and annoying the inhabitants and passengers, by hanging upon Coaches, and clamorous begging at the doores of Churches and private Houses and in the streets and Common Wayes; beguiling the modest laborious and honest poore (the proper objects of charity) of much reliefe and alms etc." 23rd Jan., 1655/6.

[651] "By the Mayor." Lord Mayor's Proclamations, No. 18.

[652] Votes of Parliament, Tuesday the seven and twentieth of April, 1652, "For setting the Poor on work and for preventing of Common Begging." King's Pamphlets, 669, f. 16, No. 49.

[653] Calendar of State Papers, Dec. 22, 1657.

[654] Ib., Sept. 9, 1653. The order is to the effect that the Council of State is to take care to suppress and prevent the like abuse in the future.

[655] Barnstaple Records, North Devon Herald, April 22, 1880.

[656] Calendar of State Papers, Aug. 12, 1658.

[657] An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament for the constant reliefe and Imployment of the Poore and the Punishment of Vagrants and other disorderly persons in the City of London. 17 Dec. 1647.

[658] Note to song "Poor Outcast Children's Song and Cry" published 1653. King's Pamphlets, 669, f. 16-95.

[659] Resolutions of Common Council, 6th March, 1656, and 1st April, 1657. Lord Mayor's Proclamation Book, Nos. 14 and 17. The first resolution sets forth the fact that the Corporation have not funds sufficient for employing the constables necessary for clearing the streets; a special rate was to be levied to assist them.

[660] Britaine's Busse, 1615. Eden, I., p. 148, and Provision for the Poore, 1649. King's Pamphlets, 669, f. 14.

[661] Calendar of State Papers, Sept. 2, 1652.

[662] Poor Outcast Children's Song and Cry. King's Pamphlets, 669, f. 16-93.

[663] Hist. Man. Com. Rep., IX. App. p. 320. Part of the proceeds of Lichfield Cathedral seem actually to have been granted to the poor of Stafford, though the poor had not received any benefit from the grant because the money had remained in private hands. We are told that the House of Correction at Stafford was much defaced, though it had formerly been used as a place "to set the poor on work." Cal. of State Papers. Feb. 17, 1654. Here we can see the process of disorganisation. The place had been used for the unemployed, but fell into decay during the war; attempts were made to restore it under the Commonwealth, but so far they were not successful.

[664] A. Kingston, Herts. during the Great Civil War, p. 182.

[665] Ib., pp. 54 and 55.

[666] Ib., p. 187.

[667] Harleian Miscellany, viii. p. 582, quoted by Eden, p. 188.

[668] Eden, Vol. I., p. 216.

[669] See above.

[670] Eden, Vol. I., p. 225.

[671] Ashley, Economic History, Vol. II., p. 346 sqq.

[672] The statutes of 1425 (James I., c. 66) and of 1427 (James I., c. 103) are vagrant acts closely resembling those of England in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

[673] James V., cap. 22. Nicholl's History of the Scotch Poor Law, p. 12.

[674] James V., cap. 74. Nicholl's History of the Scotch Poor Law, p. 16 seq.

[675] The child taken as an apprentice had to remain under the control of his master or mistress for a much longer time than in England—the boy until he was twenty-four and the girl until she was twenty-eight.

[676] James V., cap. 149. Nicholl's History of the Scotch Poor Law, p. 27.

[677] The Act of 1579 was not generally well executed. At the convention of Scottish boroughs held in Aberdeen July 1580, representatives of certain towns were deputed to ask his Majesty to take measures "for taking of ordour with euery parochyn to landwart for sustening of thair awin pure people and impotent personis according to the act maid in his Grace last Parliament quhilk hes bene as zit neglected, without the quhilk unpossibill it is to the burrowis to tak ordour thairanent, being oppressit with ane greit and infinit nomber of strang and extraordinar beggeris nocht born nor bred within the saidis burrowis." Marwick, Convention of Scottish Boroughs, I., p. 102. In some towns however measures were taken. In Glasgow as early as 1575 badges were provided for the town beggars, and the rest were banished. Marwick, Extracts from the Records of the Borough of Glasgow, I., p. 457. Occasionally also payments were made from the town chest to particular poor people both before and after 1597. Thus the following entries occur in the borough accounts:

In 1597 also before the Act of that year was passed a committee had been appointed in Glasgow "for reasoning anent the ordour and lawis concerning the puir folkis." Ib., pp. 463, 467, 472, 477 and 187.

In Aberdeen in 1595 more organised relief was attempted. The whole town on Jan. 23rd, 1595 met together and the poor were divided into four classes, (1) "babis," (2) "decayit persones hous halderis," (3) "leamit and impotent persones, (4) "sic as war decrepit and auld" if bred and born in the town or resident there for seven years. The inhabitants then agreed some to receive "ane baib" and others to contribute money. They asked however that the magistrate should take "substantious ordour anent the expelling of extranear beggaris" and that their own poor should remain at home and be content with the aid allowed them, "and according to the said voting ilk man speking be himself as said is, the roll was instantlie sett down, and sic as everie man grantit be his awin mouth wreittin, and the babis delyuerit to sic as war content to receawe them." Extracts from the Council Registers of Aberdeen, II., p. 124. The authorities of both Glasgow and Aberdeen we shall see made other attempts to relieve their poor, but like the efforts of the English towns these attempts were seldom long successful.

[678] James V., cap. 272. Nicholl's History of the Scotch Poor Law, pp. 31, 32.

[679] In 1600 the kirk Session was to be assisted when necessary by one or two presbyters in the execution of the acts for the relief of the poor and punishment of vagabonds, and all presbyters were to "take diligent tryal of the obedience of the said sessions hereanent." Ib., p. 34.

1617. Justices are appointed and are to execute laws against vagrants. Ib., p. 37.

In 1661 justices of the peace were to administer the laws for the relief of the poor. Ib., p. 58.

1672. Correction Houses to be established in thirty burghs. Ib., p. 67.

[680] Ib., p. 61.

[681] Register of the Scottish Privy Council, Vol. XIII., p. XXIX.

[682] Register of the Scottish Privy Council, p. 836.

[683] Ib., p. 818.

[684] e.g. Linlithgow, Ib., p. 840. The justices of Perthshire however said every poor person was to have a peck of meal weekly, and that the heritors were to pay for it "conforme to the stent roll to be sett doun be the sessioun of the paroche kirk." Ib., p. 820. See also pp. 826, 832, &c.

[685] The Annals of Banff, W. Cramond, II., pp. 23 and 25.

[686] Ib., I., p. 65. The population of the parish of Banff was 3000 in 1775, and in 1797 the town numbered 700 less than the parish. The poor relieved in 1631 were possibly all town poor, but the figures of 1673 and 1691 refer to the whole parish.

[687] Extracts from the Kirk Sessions minutes, Ib., Vol. II., pp. 49 and 61. April 14th, 1673, "Distributed poor's money: May 5, £12. 2s. 4d.; Aug. 5, £12. 0s. 4d.; Nov. 2, £13. 0s. 4d.; Feb. 2, £13. 12s. Ten are Seatown poor and seventeen are town poor." "Nov. 17th, 1691, Distributed to the poor £10. 16s. Number of poor: 8 town's poor, 4 Seatown poor, 6 landwart poor and 5 protemporarious."

[688] Ib., I., pp. 74, 86.

[689] Ib., pp. 168 and 213. 1698, May 21. "The magistrats and Counsell appoynt bages for such poor as is thought convenient to beg through the towne and ordain the drum to goe thorrow the towne inhibiting to relive any poor except those who have badges."

[690] See note above.

[691] Selections from Ecclesiastical Records of Aberdeen, p. 83.

[692] Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Aberdeen, I. p. 360.

[693] Ib., p. 372. The distribution of relief was apparently still arranged by deacons appointed by the kirk sessions.

[694] Ib., p. 112, Vol. II. Scottish Burgh Records Society.

[695] For Glasgow see note below; for Dumbarton see Dumbarton Burgh Records, p. 49. 18th Jan. 1636, "Forsameikill as the magistrattis, minister and elders of this burgh c^ovenit in this sessioun in the kirk of this burgh, on the 14 of this instant In respect the burgh is trublit be straingers and vnkuth beggars and the pure of this burgh damnifeit, Thairfor thay thocht it best that the magistrattis sould caus put the Acts of Parliament againe abill and sturdie beggars to executioun q^rby unkuth pure resort to thair own parochins and the pure of this burgh and paroche be helpit and bettir maintenit, and to this effect that the magistrattis sould caus set down ane stent roll vpoune the inhabitants and burgesses of this burgh for a monthlie c^otributioun to the poore, to keip them fra begging. [Stentmasters chosin]."

[697] Nicholls, Hist. of the Scotch Poor Law, p. 78 seq.

[698] Ib., p. 81.

[699] Ib., p. 83.

[700] Ib., p. 78.

[701] Selections from ecclesiastical records of Aberdeen. Register of Synod, p. 276.

[702] 20 May, 1699. "Considering the insuportable number of extraneous and vagrant beggers who daylie frequent this burgh" the elders and baillies are to meet "and take ane exact account of the poor belonging to the samen burgh and order badges for them soe as they may be knoune and distinguished from extraneous beggers." Extracts from the Records of Stirling, Vol. II., p. 90.

[703] Second Discourse concerning the affairs of Scotland quoted and compared with Hext's letter in Dunlop's Law of Scotland relating to the Poor, p. 1.

[704] See 3rd Report of Select Committee on the Poor Laws.

[705] In 1638 the Glasgow Town Council reports in favour of relieving the poor in their homes, and orders the inhabitants to be "stented" for their relief. In Jan. 1639 the rate was imposed and amounted to £600, or one-fifth of the ordinary taxation. In April the poor were to be "keipit in thair houssis for ane quarter to cum," and in October the arrangement was said to be successful, and was continued for a year. But in 1647 the town authorities say they are loath to take the course allowed by law, and ask the kirk session to "fallow furthe the way on ane voluntar monethlie contributione"; any deficiency in the sum necessary for the poor was however still to be contributed by the town. In 1649 means were formed of stimulating the voluntary contributors "Anent the inbringing of the poores mentinance it is inacted that the refuissars be quarterit vpon with sojouries." Still the funds raised were insufficient, and in 1653 a tax was again imposed only to be again discontinued a few years later. Extracts from the Records of Glasgow, R. Marwick, Vol. I., pp. 395, 396, 400, 406, and Vol. II., pp. 180, 182, 254, 369.

[706] Alexandre Monnier, Histoire de l'assistance dans les temps anciens et modernes, p. 307.

"Par chacune paroisse, seront establis boËtes et troncs qui par chacun jour de dimanche, seront recommandÉs par les curez et vicaires en leur prosnes et par les prÉdicateurs en leur sermons."

[707] Monnier, p. 308. Brittany was not thoroughly incorporated with the rest of France.

[708] Ib., p. 313 seq.

[709] Ib., pp. 314 and 317.

[710] C. Chamborant, Du PaupÉrisme, p. 92.

[711] Ib., p. 95.

[712] S. R. Gardiner, History of England, VII., p. 160, ed. 1884.

[713] Fuller's Worthies, p. 179.

[714] S. R. Gardiner, Hist. of England, VII., p. 164.

[715] Vol. 426, 73.

[716] See above, p. 193.

[717] See above, p. 283.

[718] New houses in London had to be of a certain size and height, and in the country had to have land attached to them. During the same setting of this Court the Attorney-General informed against a certain Negroose and others for building cottages in London "contrary to the proclamation." One offender was fined £100, another £40, and another £20, while the houses were destroyed "for their base condition" and the timber was to be sold for the benefit of the poor. Les Reportes del Cases in Camera Stellata, 1593-1609. John Hawarde, edited by W. P. Baildon, F.S.A.

[719] Ib., pp. 78, 79.

[720] Strype's Annals, No. 213. See p. 126.

[721] E.g. Little Proc. Bk., James I., No. 27.

[722] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 293, No. 115, July, 1635.

[723] Ib., Vol. 315, No. 25, March 1635/6.

[724] Ib., Vol. 250, 11, II., Nov. 1633.

[725] Ib., Vol. 426, 37 and 19, July, 1639.

[726] Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., Vol. 388, No. 7, April, 1638.

[727] Cherbury and Ford, Chas. I., Vol. 272, 53, 54, July, 1634. See above for a like report from Monslow, also where the effect of the enforcement of the Book of Orders was immediate.

[728] Vol. 185, 41, Feb. 1630/1. From Morleston and Litchurch, Derbyshire, also the justices say of vagrants "our country is cleerly deliuered of them." Vol. 194, No. 25, June, 1631.

[729] Vol. 216, No. 103, May 30th, 1632. From several divisions of Somerset also we have a report which shows that the country was becoming quiet, though the good order is often attributed to the watches for vagrants. "Watches and warde have beene and are continued whereby the number of vagabonds are much diminished and this country thereby well freed." Vol. 289, No. 20. Also from the wapentakes of Stancliff and Ewecross, co. York, we hear there are "verie fewe or none to bee founde wanderinge or rogeinge." Vol. 364, No. 49. Although in these cases the improvement is attributed to punishment rather than relief, it probably indicates that relief also was well administered since neither justices nor inhabitants could or would prevent vagabondage by punishment unless it were accompanied by efficient poor relief.

[730] Between 1600 and 1688 wages rise continuously in every decade. If we take the decennial averages of labour given by Prof. Rogers we find that between the accession of James I. and 1688 in most cases the greatest increase of wages was during the period from 1643 to 1652. But this increase may be largely owing to the disturbances of the Civil War, since from 1663 to 1672 the rate of increase is less than that of any preceding ten years of the century. With the exception of the decade of the Civil War the greatest rise in wages occurs during the ten years immediately preceding, from 1633 to 1642, that is during the time when the organisation established by the Book of Orders was established. Moreover the increase is the more remarkable when we compare the rates of wages with the price of corn. For from 1633-1642 the average price of wheat per quarter was 41s. 2d., while from 1643-1652 it was 48s. 11d., and during the next ten years 47s. 2¼d. Hist. of Agric. and Prices, Vol. V., p. 276. The average price of wheat was therefore considerably lower during the decade before the War. The following are the decennial averages of the worst paid labour given by Prof. Rogers, Hist. of Agric. and Prices, Vol. V., p. 672:

It will be seen that wages rose slowly before 1632, and then began to rise at a much more rapid rate, and that the wages of unskilled labour rose almost as much during the decade 1633 to 1642 as during the ten years in which the war was conducted.

[731] There were four clerks under the Town Clerk whose duties were defined in 1537. The youngest of these was to enter into the Journals acts of Common Council, degrees, proclamations and precepts and all other things necessary for the business of the City. Repertory ix. f. 251 b. quoted by Dr Sharpe, "Calendar of Letters from the Mayor and Corporation of the City of London 1350 to 1370." Intro. p. xxiv. seq.

[732] 14 Eliz. c. 5. See above, pp. 70, 97.

[733] The "Maioris Bocke for the Pore" and a second large book at Norwich entitled "The Booke for the Poore," have been already described. See note, p. 102.

[734] From "names" down to "weekelye" is written with a different ink from the rest of the entry and was apparently inserted at another time.

[735] A space is left in the manuscript.

[736] From "In" to "weekelye" is written in another ink.

[737] See above, pp. 89, 90.

[738] See above, p. 86.

[739] See above, p. 119.

[740] The portion printed in italics is written in Burleigh's own hand.

[741] "Instruccons" is deleted.

[742] Badgers, kidders and broggers were all names applied to dealers, especially to dealers in corn and other provisions. By the 5 and 6 Edw. VI. c. 14 badgers and kidders or kyddiers licensed by three justices were exempted from the penalties attached to forestallers and regrators; no one not so licensed might buy corn to sell again. In a statute of Elizabeth (5 Eliz. c. 12) they are again mentioned and the conditions of their license were made more stringent; no one was to be licensed unless he were a resident householder and the licensed dealer had to place security with the Clerk of the Peace that he would not forestall or engross corn. The words "badger" and "kidder" continued to be used in the licenses granted to corndealers as late as the eighteenth century. The word "brogger" does not occur so frequently. Murray states that it is apparently an unexplained corruption of broker, and he quotes Stow's Survey (1754), II. V. XV. "They were called Broggers in a statute of Richard II.—none to be Brocars in any mystery unless chosen by the same mystery." See also 25 Hen. VIII. c. 1, where the word is applied to a seller of meat.

[743] See note, p. 69.

[744] The clause here omitted provides for the punishment of any person who should refuse to give information to the jurors. He was first to be "heavily rebuked"; if he still refused to tell the whole truth he was to be committed to prison; and if he remained obstinate he was to be brought before the Privy Council for further punishment and fine.

[745] I.e. collusion. The word is connected with old French covenir, modern convenir, to agree. It sometimes means agreement, but often, as here, has an unfavourable connotation.

[746] The clauses here omitted relate to the safe housing of the unsold corn after the market, and to the remedying of miscalculations as to the quantity of corn the farmer has to sell.

[747] Lord Burleigh has here underlined for omission the following words: "that the bread they bake of wheate only be all of one sort w^thout takinge out of any of the flower for a fyner sort dueringe this tyme of dearth and."

[748] I.e. agree. See note above.

[749] The clause here omitted provides that, if there are not enough justices in any part the Sheriff and Justices of the peace shall appoint some "other grave, honest and substanciall persons" to carry out the orders.

[750] The rest of the manuscript contains a clause in Burleigh's hand which provides that justices of the peace shall act with other commissioners and prevent the transportation of grain and shall also be jointly responsible with the commissioners for the proper performance of this duty. The rest consists of rough jottings in Burleigh's hand concerning some additional matters such as "Tr(a)nsport of beans," "Recusants mo(n)y," &c.

[751] Thus in the account rendered July 21st, 1588, by one churchwarden several items of the kind occur, e.g.

Later the churchwardens apparently always made a payment of 5s. every half-year to the constables for lame soldiers and hospitals.

[752] See p. 76.

[753] See above, p. 295.

[754] Probably intended for the 13 Ed. I.

[755] See above, p. 145 seq.

[756] See above, p. 143, note.

[757] Ib., p. 154.

[758] See above, p. 172.

[759] Lord Dorchester had been appointed one of the special commissioners for the poor in June 1630. See above, pp. 156, 164.

[760] See note App. V.

[761] See p. 172 seq.

[762] All these inquiries refer to the statute of Elizabeth concerning labourers (5 Eliz. c. 4) or to the clause in the poor law of 1601 (43 Eliz. c. 2) which ordered the overseers to set to work all persons who had no means to maintain themselves. See above, pp. 140, 161. Some of the regulations of the former statute provide that in many employments servants should not be retained for less than a year; that the rates of wages should be fixed by the justices in Quarter Sessions every year; that a quarter's warning should be given if either master or servant desired to terminate the engagement at the end of the term, and that a testimonial should be obtained by a servant before he left his own parish or town, and should be shown to his new master before he obtained a fresh engagement. The statute also settled the conditions of apprenticeship, and limited the right of becoming an apprentice in certain crafts to the sons of those who possessed a little property. It also provided that all persons between twelve and sixty not otherwise employed, might be compelled to serve in husbandry. Several other references to the execution of this statute occur in the reports here printed. See B., Westmill and Sawbridgeworth, also D and E.

[763] See above, p. 249.

[764] In the manuscript the names of the churchwardens &c. are written opposite the entries in a right-hand margin and the names of the places are written in a large hand in a left-hand margin.

[765] Of these places only Ware, Stortford, Sawbridgeworth, Braughing and Stansted Abbots are of any size; Eastwick has even now only 71 inhabitants, and neither Gilston, Westmill or Thundridge have a population exceeding 500. The population of Charles I.'s time for the whole of England and Wales is estimated to have been about one-sixth that of the present day. The largest place, Ware, has a stock when the reports begin, the second in size, Stortford, reports one at the second meeting, while the overseers of Braughing have arranged for the employment of the poor in another manner. Here therefore as elsewhere arrangements for finding work exist more in the larger places than in the smaller.

[766] The keeping of cows so that the poor could have their milk seems to have been one of the oldest methods of public poor relief; see Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. p. 311.

[767] See above, pp. 156-7 note.

[768] Particulars of rents annually received are here set down; they together amount to £724. 2s. 2d.

[769] The arithmetic seems wrong here; it should be £525.

[770] The sum total seems to amount to £192. 14s.

[771] Particulars of the leases here follow, the rents of which amount to £483. 3s. 4d. After this there is an inventory of the furniture in every room of the hospital. The following are the particulars given for one of the rooms:

[772] See note to Appendix XII. A.

[773] See above, p. 264.

[774] See note to Appendix XII. A.

[775] The other five parishes are St Sepulchres, Stoke Newington, Clarkenwell, Islington and Friern Barnet. A note is also added that

"Hornsey and Finchley have levyed } nil."

[776] See above, pp. 138, note 2, and 177. These forfeitures were partially used for setting the poor to work in three of the parishes out of these six.

[777] The whole series of accounts are signed by the justices Thomas Fowler, William Hudson and John Herne.

[778] See above, p. 256 seq.

[779] The following twenty-two places are all small except Tuxford, which now possesses nearly a thousand inhabitants. All the others except five have less than three hundred inhabitants at the present day.

[780] Stokeham has now only thirty-five inhabitants, so this report does not necessarily denote negligence.

[781] See above, p. 264.

[782] See above, p. 269. These reports were apparently issued every year, and most of them between 1642 and 1649 are among the King's pamphlets.

[783] See above, p. 270.