1514-1569.

POOR RELIEF IN THE TOWNS.

• 1. Importance of municipal government in Tudor towns.
• 2. London Regulations for a constant supply of corn. 1391-1569.
• 3. Regulations for the repression of vagrants and the relief of the poor. 1514-1536.
• 4. Refoundation of St Bartholomew's and imposition of a compulsory poor rate. 1536-1547.
• 5. Completion of the Four Royal Hospitals and establishment of a municipal system of poor relief in London. 1547-1557.
• 6. Failure of the municipal system in London.
• 7. Provision of corn in Bristol and Canterbury.
• 8. Lincoln. Survey of poor and arrangements for finding work for the unemployed.
• 9. Ipswich. Survey of poor, imposition of compulsory poor rate and foundation of Christ's Hospital.
• 10. Cambridge. Survey of poor and assessment of parishioners.
• 11. Summary.

We have seen that the social changes of the beginning of the sixteenth century led to a great increase in the number of vagrants; and that men were then more ready to substitute secular for ecclesiastical control in matters concerning the poor. Town Council, Privy Council and Parliament all endeavour to organise and supervise new methods of charity; and, by the combined efforts of all three, a new system of poor relief was gradually created. The earlier efforts in this direction were made between 1514 and 1569; and Town Councils were then more active than Parliament or Privy Council.

It is difficult now to realise the independent position of the town governors of Tudor times, and the authority possessed by them of regulating their own affairs. They imposed taxes without the authority of Parliament; uncontrolled, they could expel new comers from their borders; and they were fertile in the device of new punishments to drive the sturdy vagabond to honest labour. Each town was a law unto itself. Some municipal rulers made few experiments in this direction; others built hospitals for the old, and training homes for the young; invented punishments for the vagrants, and collected funds for the relief and discipline of all who were unable to support themselves. Many of the more successful orders, enforced in particular towns, were afterwards embodied by Parliament in statutes applying to the whole country. In the period from 1514 to 1569, the municipal regulations concerning these matters suggest the provisions of the statutes, more often than the provisions of the statutes suggest the regulations of the towns. Between 1514 and 1569 we will therefore examine, first, the action taken by the municipal authorities to improve and regulate the condition of sturdy vagabonds, unemployed workmen, poor householders, impotent beggars and neglected children: we will then consider the efforts made by the Privy Council for the same ends and the laws passed by Parliament with regard to the relief of the poor.

As London was, in these matters, more vigorous than other towns, we will examine first in detail the orders adopted there, and we will then see how far these regulations were typical of those enforced in other places.

Some of the earliest of the London regulations for the help of the poorer classes concern the supply of corn. Even as early as the reign of Richard II., efforts had been made by particular Lord Mayors to bring corn to the City in years of famine. Adam Bamme, Lord Mayor in 1391, "in a great dearth procured corn from parts beyond the seas to be brought hither in such abundance as sufficed to serve the city and the counties near adjoining; to the furtherance of which good work he took out of the orphans' chest in the Guildhall two thousand marks to buy the said corn, and each alderman laid out twenty pounds to the like purpose[44]." But as London became more populous, the need of a constant supply of grain became much more urgent. In September 1520, therefore, an attempt was made to obtain the necessary funds in a more regular manner.

The Common Council then resolved that "Forasmoch as great derth and scarcity of whete hath nowe lately been and more lyke tensue, yf good and politique provision were not shortly made and hade Therfor in avoydyng therof, god grauntyng, yt is nowe by auctorite of the Common Counsell fully agreed and graunted that, in all goodly hast, oon thousand pound of money shalbe levyed and payed by the felishippes of sondry misteres and crafts of this citie, by way of a prest and loone[45]." Each craft was to be assessed for an amount proportionate to its wealth, and the wardens of each were left free to levy the sum upon the craftsmen according to their discretion. The funds so obtained were to be used to purchase corn for the City; this was to be placed in a public granary and used as a public store.

If only a small quantity of grain was brought into London by the ordinary corn dealers, the buyers would bid against one another until the price of corn became very great. There were no rapid means of communication and, for a time therefore, grain might be sold at famine prices and then as suddenly fall in value. In future, whenever this seemed likely to happen, a precept was to be issued by the Lord Mayor, ordering a certain quantity of the public store to be brought into the market. This supply would help to satisfy the more importunate buyers, and so send down the price to something like the ordinary level.

The public store of the City of London did not however become a permanent institution until after 1520; on one occasion the authorities misjudged the market and much of the original loan was lost, after which there was some difficulty in persuading the Companies to again advance the necessary capital. However, from this time onwards, corn was generally bought for the Companies' granaries whenever especial scarcity was feared, and during the reign of Elizabeth the Companies' store became a regular institution.

So far as the arrangements made in 1520 are concerned, the poor do not appear to have obtained corn at a reduced price, but they were the greatest sufferers when the price of corn was high, and regulations which had the effect of lessening the price benefited them more than the other inhabitants of London and were made chiefly in their interest.

A series of regulations was adopted in London, between 1514 and 1524, which more directly concerns vagrants and beggars. These regulations are at first negative rather than positive; they forbid able-bodied vagrants to beg and they forbid the citizens to give to unlicensed beggars. Public disgrace formed part of the punishment of offending vagrants. Vagabonds were to have the letter V. fastened upon their breasts and were to be "dryven throughoute all Chepe with a basone rynging afore them[46]." Four surveyors were appointed to carry out these instructions. They were apparently dressed as grand City officials, for the Chamberlain paid the Lord Mayor for their sock hosen "embrodred[47]." Another special officer was admitted to the office of "Master and cheff avoyder and Keeper owte of this Citie and the liberties of the same of all the myghty vagabunds and beggars, and all other suspecte persons, excepte all such as were uppon thym the badge of this City[48]." In 1524, moreover, a great search was made, and it was ordered, that the vagabonds "myghty of body" should be "tayed at a cart's tayle" and "be beten by the Shireff's offycers with whippes in dyuers places of the Citie." The Chamberlain, also, "shall cause rownde colers of iron to be made for every of them, havyng the armes of this Citie uppon them and the same colers to be putt aboute theyr nekks[49]."

Meanwhile other orders of the Court of Aldermen concern the impotent and aged poor, and at first the City rulers did not become responsible for the collection of funds, but only for distinguishing between the really disabled beggars and impostors. Tokens of pure white tin were provided, which the Aldermen were to give to the impotent poor: all other beggars were strictly prohibited[50]. These efforts do not differ in principle from those of former times, but the orders are more frequent, and the appointment of surveyors and officers indicates that they were better enforced.

Very soon it was seen that this was not enough, because, even if the disabled beggars were licensed, they were not always sufficiently relieved. In 1533, therefore, the Aldermen were ordered to depute persons to gather "the devotions of parishioners for the poor folk weekly and to distribute them to the poor folk at the church doors[51]." Thus the municipality began to make itself responsible for the collection of funds but, at the same time, the system of licensed beggars was continued, and more brooches were made for the Aldermen to distribute to such impotent beggars as they allowed.

So far, therefore, the authorities of London had taken measures to limit relief to the deserving poor, but they had not attempted much organisation of funds, or attempted to forbid beggars altogether.

But the dissolution of the monasteries made the relief of the poor by public authority a much more urgent matter. Stow gives a list of 15 hospitals and four lazar houses which existed within the City walls in 1536[52]. Eight of these were in danger, including some of the richest and largest foundations. St Mary's Spittle provided 180 beds for the poor, while St Thomas's and St Bartholomew's each maintained places for 40 patients. In 1538, therefore, the City authorities made an effort to save these hospitals. The mayor, Sir Richard Gresham, the aldermen and the commonalty of the City of London, presented a petition to Henry VIII., and asked that these three foundations and the new Abbey on Tower Hill might be preserved, "so that all impotent persones, not hable to labor shalbe releved by reason of the sayd hospitalls & abbey, and all sturdy beggers not wylling to lab^r shalbe punisshed, so that w^t Godd's grace fewe or no persones shalbe seene abrode to begge or aske almesse."

In the same petition they also ask that the king will give to the mayor and commonalty the four great churches of the Grey, White, Black and Augustinian Friars because they state that the remaining churches "suffyce not to receyve all the people comyng to the sayd parysshe churches" and the sick crowd in with the healthy to the "great noysance" of the inhabitants[53]."

On the 23rd of June, 1544, the king, to some slight extent, acceded to their requests and refounded St Bartholomew's Hospital. He agreed to furnish an endowment of 500 marks a year if the Common Council would do the same[54]. In 1546 the Common Council therefore bound themselves to do so, and in December an indenture was drawn up between the City and the king. The king granted not only St Bartholomew's but also Bethlehem Hospital, besides the Church of the Grey Friars, which was henceforward named Christ Church, and the parish church of St Nicholas. The City agreed to provide 100 beds in St Bartholomew's, which for a time was called the House of the Poor in Smithfield[55]. In 1547 the king confirmed his grant by Letters Patent[56].

But the citizens were at this time very little disposed to give to the poor. Latimer[57], Lever, and Brinklow all complain of their want of generosity, and the reasons given for the imposition of the first compulsory poor rate show that the complaints were well founded. Collections were made in the London parish churches every Sunday, but the sum raised was not sufficient to support the poor of even one hospital. In 1547 (1 Edward VI.), therefore, the Common Council resolved that the Sunday collections should cease and that instead "the citizens and inhabitants of the said Citie shall further contrybute & paye towards the sustentacon & maynteyning & fynding of the said poore personages the moitie or half deale of one whole fiftene[58]." This is probably the first time a compulsory tax was levied for the relief of the poor; the assessment is ordered by the London Common Council a quarter of a century before Parliament had given authority for the making of assessments for this object.

The half-fifteenth was to support the poor in the hospital for a year; after that time other methods of raising funds were employed. In 1548, certain profits belonging to the City were assigned to the fund for the relief of the poor, and, in addition, the sum of 500 marks, promised by the Common Council, was assessed upon the different City Companies according to their importance. The chief companies seemed to have paid willingly, but some of the smaller companies objected, and the wardens were ordered in consequence to appear before the Court of Aldermen and bring their money[59]. On this occasion the companies yielded and the money was paid, but the incident shows that, as yet, the citizens were by no means eager to undertake the duty of looking after the poor.

The provision for them had been altogether inadequate. "I thinke in my judgement," writes Brinklow in 1545, "under heaven is not so lytle provision made for the pore as in London, of so ryche a Citie[60]." The foundation of St Bartholomew's was not sufficient: in 1550, Lever, preaching before the king, reiterates the complaints of Brinklow. "Nowe speakynge in the behalfe of these vile beggars, ... I wyl tell the(e) that art a noble man, a worshipful man, an honest welthye man, especially if thou be Maire, Sherif, Alderman, baily, constable or any such officer, it is to thy great shame afore the worlde, and to thy utter damnation afore God, to se these begging as thei use to do in the streates. For there is never a one of these, but he lacketh eyther thy charitable almes to relieve his neede, orels thy due correction to punysh his faute.... These sely sols have been neglected throghout al England and especially in London and Westminster: But now I trust that a good overseer, a godly Byshop I meane, wyl see that they in these two cyties, shall have their neede releeved, and their faultes corrected, to the good ensample of al other tounes and cities[61]."

Brinklow and Lever both throw the responsibility for the disorder upon the citizens and the municipal officers, as if they were then recognised to be the chief authorities for dealing with the poor.

Ridley was the "good overseer," who was to amend these faults. In April 1550 he was appointed Bishop of London and, during the next three years, he endeavoured to place the relief of the poor on a sound basis. The Lord Mayors of 1551 and 1552, Sir Richard Dobbs and Sir George Barnes, also took the matter up warmly and, in consequence, a municipal system was organised and the three royal hospitals of King Edward's foundation were established.

Negotiations were soon undertaken with regard to St Thomas's Hospital: the citizens wished to obtain the lands of the hospital for the relief of the poor. In February 1552 some of their number were appointed to "travaile" with the king for this purpose, and it was finally agreed that the citizens should pay £2461. 2s. 6d. for property worth about £160 a year, while the king should grant an endowment in addition of about an equal amount. Thus St Thomas's Hospital was refounded under municipal management[62].

At the same time it was reported that St Bartholomew's Hospital had fallen into decay; the buildings were therefore repaired and the endowments increased. Christ's Hospital, the present Blue Coat School, was also founded for fatherless children, on the land of the Grey Friars formerly granted by Henry VIII. In order to raise the necessary funds the inhabitants of London were called to their parish churches and there were addressed in eloquent orations from the Lord Mayor, Sir Richard Dobbs, and the Aldermen and other "grave citizens." They were told how much better it would be to take the beggars from the streets and provide for them in hospitals, and were asked how much they would contribute weekly towards their relief. Books were drawn up of the sums promised and delivered by the Mayor to the King's Commissioners, in order that the king might do his part, and the whole be placed upon a satisfactory basis[63]. At the same time Ridley had endeavoured to help the citizens to obtain the royal palace of Bridewell, in order that a new kind of hospital might be founded, not for the impotent, but for the training, correction and relief of the able-bodied. He tried to interest Cecil in his object, and his letter to him is a curious specimen of the style of a charity letter of the time. "Good Mr Cecil," he writes, "I must be a suitor unto you in our good Master Christ's cause; I beseech you be good to him. The matter is, Sir, alas! he hath lain too long abroad (as you do know) without lodging, in the streets of London, both hungry, naked and cold. Now, thanks be to Almighty God! the citizens are willing to refresh him, and to give him both meat, drink, cloathing and firing: but alas! Sir, they lack lodging for him. For in some one house, I dare say, they are fain to lodge three families under one roof. Sir, there is a wide, large, empty house of the King's Majesty's, called Bridewell, that would wonderfully well serve to lodge Christ in, if he might find such good friends in the court to procure in his cause.... Sir, I have promised my brethren the citizens to move you, because I do take you for one that feareth God, and would that Christ should lie no more abroad in the streets[64]."

In a sermon preached by him before Edward in 1552 Ridley spoke much of the duties and responsibilities of those in high places towards the weaker classes. After the sermon we are told that the king sent for the Bishop and asked him what were the measures that he wished undertaken for the help of the London poor. Ridley asked leave to confer with the Lord Mayor and citizens of London, and, by them in the same year, a petition was presented to the Privy Council, showing the manner in which they hoped to proceed.

This petition stated that amongst the poor of the City the citizens espied three sorts; the "succourless poor child," the "sick and impotent," and the "sturdy vagabond." Christ's Hospital was now ready for the first, and some provision had been made for the second. With regard to the third class, that of sturdy vagabonds or idle persons, they considered "that the greatest number of beggars, fallen into misery by lewd and evil service, by wars, by sickness or other adverse fortune, have so utterly lost their credit, that though they would show themselves willing to labour, yet are they so suspected and feared of all men, that few or none dare or will receive them to work: wherefore we saw that there could be no means to amend this miserable sort, but by making some general provision of work, wherewith the willing poor may be exercised; and whereby the froward, strong and sturdy vagabond may be compelled to live profitably to the Commonwealth[65]." The poor to whom the citizens here refer are beggars; the poor householders who remained at home are not considered. Moreover in describing the sturdy vagabonds the word beggars is used, thus showing that it was the mendicant class of whom the citizens were thinking, and that they so far had little conception of distinguishing between the beggars and other poor. The citizens go on to say, that the classes of sturdy beggars they have in their mind are "the child unapt to learning," "the sore and sick when they be cured," and "such prisoners as are quit at the sessions." The general provision of work was to be furnished by a hospital, and it is carefully stated that the occupations there were to be "profitable to all the King's Majesty's subjects and hurtful to none." It is interesting to notice how it is proposed to get over the difficulty of pauper-made goods so far as the merchants were concerned. Certain citizens in the trade were to give out the raw material to the unemployed in the hospital. When they were wrought up, they were to receive back the finished goods and pay the hospital for their labour, while the stock of raw material was to be renewed. The manufactured goods would thus be put upon the market by the merchants with the rest of their stock and not in competition with them. They propose to exercise such trades as the making of caps and of feather-bed ticks and the drawing of wire. The "weaker sort" were to be employed in carding, knitting, and the dyeing of silk; the "fouler sort" in the making of nails and iron work.

Apparently the king and the Privy Council were satisfied with the plans of the City authorities, for an indenture was drawn up between the king and the citizens which was afterwards confirmed by the Royal Letters Patent[66]. Not only were the earlier grants concerning St Thomas's and Christ's confirmed, but the palace of Bridewell also was given to the City, in order that provision might be made for the relief, employment and discipline of sturdy beggars. Bridewell was not however immediately established but there is a report concerning St Bartholomew's in 1552, and Christ's and St Thomas's in 1553, which show that these three then were doing a considerable work. The pamphlet concerning St Bartholomew's was drawn up because there had been complaints concerning the expenditure and the partial failure of the work there[67]. The authorities state that the place was in a very dilapidated condition when it was received from the king, but that now, in 1552, one hundred beds were fully maintained; during the last five years on an average eight hundred persons had been healed, while one hundred and seventy-two had died. The regular expenses amounted to nearly eight hundred pounds a year and the regular income contributed by City and king reached the sum of £666. 13s. 4d. The extra expenditure and the deficit were contributed "by the charitie of certeine merciful citizens." The "biddell" of the hospital was especially charged to see that there was no abuse of its charity. If any person, that had been there cured, should counterfeit any "griefe or disease" or beg within the City, the beadle was to "committ him to some cage." Thus in 1552 the work of St Bartholomew's had been settled on a satisfactory basis. In 1553 reports were also drawn up of Christ's Hospital and St Thomas's[68]. Christ's then contained two hundred and eighty children[69], while another hundred were boarded in the country. More extensive powers seem to have been exercised at St Thomas's Hospital than at the other Royal hospitals, possibly because all the other hospitals dealt more especially with the poor in the City and it was therefore more convenient to separate their functions. St Thomas's was situated apart in Southwark and its governors exercised more general powers. Not only did the hospital relieve two hundred and sixty "aged, sore and sick persons" but it also pensioned five hundred other poor who lived in their homes: moreover in 1562 "yt is Agred uppon that A place shalbe appoynted to ponysh the sturdy and transegressors[70]." The annual expenses of Christ's and St Thomas's in 1553 together amounted to £3240. 15s. 4d., and of this sum £2914 was given by "free alms of the Citizens of London." Considering the value of money in those days and the probable number of the inhabitants, this was a very large amount. The liberality of the citizens was not always however stimulated by such bishops as Bishop Ridley, or such Lord Mayors as Sir Richard Dobbs, Sir Martin Bowes, and Sir George Barnes. In the reign of Elizabeth St Thomas's was in debt and the number maintained there had to be considerably reduced. Before 1557 Bridewell also was established and thus the number of the four Royal hospitals was completed. The hospital of Bethlehem was included in the original grant of Henry VIII. and probably had a continuous existence. It was a comparatively small institution, in which fifty or sixty lunatics were maintained, and in later times was always reckoned with Bridewell, so that it also formed part of the system of Royal hospitals under the management of the City although it was not counted as a separate hospital. In 1557 orders were drawn up for the government of the hospitals[71], and we can see that their erection had already made it more possible to distinguish between the different classes in need of relief. The City rulers do not now as in 1552 consider the word "beggars" interchangeable with the word "poor" but explain that "there is as great a difference between a poor man and a beggar, as is between a true man and a thief." ... "The policy of the erection of hospitals ..." they say "hath had good success and taken effect; for there is no poor citizen at this day that beggeth his bread but by some mean his poverty is provided for." The objects of the organisation are also explained to include the yielding "alms to the poor and honest householder[72]."

The hospitals are said to be linked together in their government, the objects of all are said to be the same; although to each hospital some governors were especially appointed, all had authority and responsibility with regard to the whole four[73].

The London Bridewell was destined to be the forerunner of so many Bridewells or Houses of Correction that it is perhaps interesting to examine more closely the rules for its management. Any two of its governors had power to take into the house persons presented to them as "lewd and idle." They had also power to search all places in which masterless men were likely to be found, and to punish landlords or tenants who harboured them.

The governors of the whole establishment were subdivided so that some might overlook every department. The rules with regard to the cloth-making establishment will illustrate the kind of supervision they were to exercise. They were first to make an inventory of the raw material and of the looms and other necessary implements. They were then to see that the clothier knew his business, and to order him to return a monthly account of the number of cloths which had been wrought. They were, moreover, to overlook the wool house, yarn house and spinning house and "to comptroll and rebuke" as they "shall see cause." They were to pay the workpeople, the weavers for weaving, the fullers for thicking and the spinners for spinning. The steward was to be allowed to charge for the diet of those that were employed. Every week they were to make a summary of their doings and every month a summary of their accounts.

Other crafts were supervised in the same manner; the nail house was in close connection with the Company of Ironmongers, probably in order to carry out the undertaking that the occupations "should be profitable to all the King's subjects and hurtful to none." The Ironmongers were to give "to this house, as the people of the same may reasonably live"; they were to have the preference with regard to the sale of the manufactured goods and to be allowed a month in which to make payment.

The worst vagrants were apparently sent to the mill and the bakehouse, but men who were fit for better employment were not to stay there. If the governors, we are told, shall "find any there above the ordinary, then shall ye cause the same to be known to the clerk of the work and see he bestow them in some other exercise."

Bridewell does not seem to have effectually reformed the vagrants, for the governors were to "see to the good order of the said mills, that neither the vagabonds do use shameless craving nor begging to the great grief of good men and slander of the house, neither that they obstinately and frowardly shall deny their aid and help towards the lifting up and taking down of such grain as shall be brought into the said mill[74]."

Bridewell, we have seen, was founded for the unemployed, but it is obvious from the language used that the citizens had mainly in their minds beggars who were unemployed, and from the first it seems rather to have been used for confirmed vagrants and untrained children than for labourers out of work. The governors certainly held regular meetings, about once a fortnight, and discussed the various cases that came before them. These nearly all concern petty offenders, thieves or vagrants, but there are one or two cases in which a man is admitted because "the City is charged to find him[75]." Other entries relate to young people who were apprenticed to the House and properly trained to work at some trade. In the later years of the century about two thousand persons passed through the hospital annually. Bridewell was the last of the Royal Hospitals to be established after 1557. Some provision was made for every class of the London poor. The municipal system of relief had begun with the punishment of vagrants; it proceeded to license all beggars entitled to ask for relief, and finally all the poor were nominally provided for and the funds were raised by compulsory taxation.

There was no sudden break with the older system. St Thomas's, St Bartholomew's and Bedlam had all been hospitals for centuries. They had been saved from destruction, improved and enlarged, but essentially the same work was done in the same places. There were however important points of difference between the new system and the old even as regards these three hospitals. They were under public management. There were many abuses in this management, but these abuses were now more readily detected and punished and were found out and reformed several times in the course of the next century.

But a more important difference lay in the fact that the hospitals were not now isolated institutions, each dealing with their patients, but were now part of a larger whole and had a definite part to play in the government of the City. Vagrants, who were taken to Bridewell and found to be ill, were sent on to St Bartholomew's or St Thomas's, while, on the other hand, a whipping was administered to the idlers after cure at St Thomas's, and the beadle of St Bartholomew's had special orders to prevent discharged inmates from begging. All these regulations show that they had become, not merely agencies for the relief of the sick, but also part of a system which aimed at the repression of beggars.

Bridewell was the greatest innovation and the most characteristic institution of the new system. The organisation for the relief of the poor had been called into existence because the crowds of vagrants were a chronic nuisance and danger to society. Bridewell dealt with the most difficult class of these vagrants and gave some of them a chance of training and reform. Moreover, Bridewell as a place of punishment for idlers was the necessary counterpart of the new schemes for universal relief. You could not relieve and find work for every one unless you had some means for coercing and punishing the "sturdy vagabond." Christ's Hospital, like Bridewell, is a new institution, but, unlike Bridewell, it does not altogether strike out a new line. Still, as soon as the relief of the poor becomes a public duty, institutions for the training of the young become increasingly popular, and we shall find that, during the next century, there are other Christ's Hospitals as well as other Bridewells in most of the great towns of the kingdom.

This municipal system however was not successful in London. So far as London was concerned the organisation seemed fairly complete. But even from the local point of view the system was weak in one point. Funds had to be provided. It was not easy suddenly to raise the money necessary for the new organisation; men were not accustomed to be taxed for the poor, and, as soon as the first enthusiasm had subsided, a sufficient sum could not be collected. During the succeeding period we shall find that the rulers of London found great difficulty in this matter, and that this was one of the causes of the want of success of the municipal system of London. But another difficulty was inherent in the system in the very fact that it was municipal, and not national. A few years ago the distribution of the Mansion House Relief Fund caused a considerable immigration from the country. Exactly the same result arose from the first organisation of the poor in the City of London. In March, 1568/9, we are told that "forasmuch as experience late hath shewed that the charitable relief gyuen as well by the quenes ma^ties most noble progenitors as also the charitable almes from tyme to tyme collected within this citie and bestowed by the cittizens, aswell upon the poore and nedy citizens, being sicke, impotent and lambe as the poore orphans and fatherless children ... aswell in Chryste Church and Bridwell as in other hospitalles founded for the reliefe of the poore within the said citie, hath drawen into this citie great nombers of vagabondes, roges, masterless men and Idle persons as also poore, lame and sick persons dwellyng in the most partes of the realme[76]." The very measures which were taken to cope with poverty in London thus increased the crowd of beggars, not because they caused more people to become beggars, but because they attracted the poor from all parts. The City organisation broke down because it was confined to the City, but it had already done considerable service in helping the growth of the national organisation which was to follow.

We have now to examine a few cases in which other towns before 1569 adopted measures similar to those of London. With regard to the provision of corn it is quite possible that the London plan was widely followed. In 1522 we read that in Bristol "this yere whete, corn, and other graynes rose at a dire price, by reason whereof the said Maire, of his gode disposition, inclyning his charitie towardes the comen wele and profite of this Towne," ordered grain to be bought in Worcester, "by reason wherof greate abundance of whete, corn, and other graynes was so provided, that the inhabitauntes of the said towne were greatly releved and comforted in mynysshing of the price of whete, corn and other graynys, sold in the open markett of this said Towne[77]." At Canterbury the funds for this purpose are accounted for in the year 1552. More than £70 was then spent in the purchase of wheat and barley. It was not however altogether raised by the Town Council, more than half was obtained from the sale of the plate of the parish of St Andrew and from contributions from the parishes of St George and St Michael. This corn was bought especially for the benefit of the poor, and about one-fifth part of it was directly sold to them; the rest was sold to large buyers, and could only have benefited the poor by easing the market and so lowering the price to everybody[78].

The surveying and licensing of beggars appears to have been very usual. Thus, at Lincoln in 1543, the constables were ordered to bring all the poor people in the city before the justices and it was provided that those who were to be allowed to beg should have a sign given to them. A similar order was made in 1546, and it was also decided that no one was to give alms to any beggar without a sign[79]. These orders are exactly parallel to the earlier measures of the rulers of London. Next year, in 1547, the citizens of Lincoln took a farther step. Not only were the beggars to be surveyed, but they were to be set to work, and in 1551 all the young people, who lived idly, were placed with the clothiers for eight or nine years and were to have meat, drink and other necessaries. All who refused this work were to be expelled from the town[80]. In 1560 a salary is paid to an officer who is to oversee and order all the poor and idle people in the town[81]. Special collections for the relief of the poor were also made in Lincoln before 1569, but apparently only in times of plague[82]. Grants were occasionally made to particular poor at other times and there was a more than usually definite amount of relief provided by the guild regulations for the poorer members of some of the Lincoln guilds[83].

But the measures of Ipswich resemble those of London more closely even than those of Lincoln. There the poor were not only surveyed and licensed, but before 1569 compulsory taxation was adopted and a municipal hospital was erected. As early as 1469 the burgesses had granted certain dues to lepers, but it was not until about 1551 that the municipal rulers began to make frequent and regular orders for the regulation of relief and beggary. In that year two persons were nominated by the bailiffs, "to enquire into the poore of every parish, and thereof to make certifficate to the Bayliffs[84]." Next year we find the burgesses anxious to increase the voluntary alms. The order of the guild festival was arranged, and it was agreed that the town officers should attend in their robes, and "they and all the Burgesses shall offer, and the offerings shall goe to the poore[85]."

In 1556 eight burgesses were appointed to frame measures "for the ordering of the maintenance of the poore and impotent people, ffor providing them work, ffor suppressing of vagrants and idle persons[86]."

We also find an attempt to decrease the number of beggars in an order worthy of an Irish town: "Noe children of this towne shall be p'mitted to begg, and suche as shall be admitted thereto shall have badges[87]."

A further step was then taken, and in Ipswich, as in London, compulsory payments were made for the poor. In 1557 it is ordered that "if any inhabitant shall refuse to pay suche money as shall be allotted him to pay for the use of the poore," he shall be punished at the discretion of the bailiffs[88].

Moreover, in 1569, we find the town hospital established. Christ's Hospital in Ipswich was built on the site of the House of the Black Friars and was a house of correction, as well as an asylum for the old and a training school for the young[89]. It was apparently no disgrace for the old to be admitted, for when it was provided that ships should pay certain dues to the hospital, it was also agreed that every mariner, who had lived in the town three years and should stand in need of assistance, should be allowed to go there[90]. At Ipswich therefore, in 1569, beggars were badged, the poor were organised, compulsory payments were exacted and a town hospital had been founded.

At Cambridge also similar measures were taken. Some of the profits arising from Stourbridge fair had been left to the poor of Cambridge and was connected with a provision for the maintenance of "obiits." The funds belonging to the poor were preserved to them by the statute of chantries, but before 1552 it had not been paid. Complaint was then made, and it was decreed that the sum should be paid to the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses, and should be distributed by them as in ancient times: this order was confirmed by royal grant in 1557[91]."

It is possible that the passing of this money through their hands may have made the town authorities regard the care of the poor as especially their duty.

In any case, in 1556, there was great scarcity and, on Dec. 7th, "Dr Perne, Vice-chancellor, Doctors Segewycke, Harvy, Walker and Blythe met the Mayor, Bailiffs and two Aldermen in St Mary's Church[92]." They called before them the churchwardens of all the parisshes, and these "browght in the bylls what any parryshoner was cessed towardes the relyeffe of the poore." Two days later the churchwardens presented "bylles of the number of poore people in the parisshes," and they were told to make a report as to "three states of the poore sort" and to inquire who had come into the parish within three years. Later, four superintendents and four "watchers for straunge beggeres" were appointed, and collectors were chosen for the next Sunday. The Vice-chancellor moved the Heads of Houses to make provision for the poor, and the superintendents went about the different parishes and visited the poor and settled what each should receive. On December 24th the Mayor and Vice-chancellor met at St Mary's to again settle what each poor person should be given and to give greater sums to some of them than had been before appointed[93].

In 1560 a set of ordinances was made for the purpose of raising funds to pay these pensions. Dues were to be paid for admission into the liberties of the town, for beginning actions in the Cambridge Law Courts, for the admission of attorneys to plead, for the surrendering of every booth and the signing of every lease. All these were to augment the funds for the poor. The attorneys were also to pay 1d. for every fee[94].

Thus in Cambridge also we have, first, the surveying and numbering of the poor; then, regular contributions from the parishioners, and regular payments to the poor who could not support themselves. At Cambridge there was no town hospital before 1569, and it was not until 1578 that a proposal to establish one there was made.

But attempts were already being made to found municipal hospitals in Norwich and Gloucester, and these we shall examine when we consider the events of the period between 1569 and 1597. Moreover, three of the old hospitals of York were refounded and placed under municipal management[95]. There the poor could be "set on worke" and the income derived from them was to be "ymployed to the maintenance of the powre." At Leicester also a municipal system for the poor had developed, and it seems that, in 1568, two collections were levied for this purpose, one of which provided the funds necessary for the relief distributed under the authority of the statutes, and the other met the expenditure incurred under the municipal regulations[96].

Thus in Lincoln, Ipswich, Cambridge, and York the order of development in matters concerning beggars and the unemployed is similar to that of London. Beggars are surveyed; the truly helpless are licensed; the others are forbidden to ask for any relief. Compulsory rates for their relief were levied in Ipswich and probably in Cambridge. At the same time provision is made for finding the able-bodied work in Lincoln, and hospitals are built or refounded for them in Ipswich, in York, and in Gloucester.

In Ipswich as in London all this was done before 1569, but other towns were much more backward, and in some the beggars were still unrestrained. There was thus no national system of poor relief, but only isolated municipal attempts to deal with the matter, all following the same general lines and becoming the rule, and not the exception, as time went on. It will be more convenient to consider the advantages of this system when we have also examined the doings of Parliament and Privy Council, and can consider the organisation before 1569 as a whole. The municipal system alone was not successful, in London or elsewhere; it was increasingly difficult to deal with new-comers and to provide funds.

But already before 1569 there were the beginnings of the succeeding national system in the doings of Parliament and Privy Council.