CHAPTER XVI. What of the Night? HOPE THOU IN GOD.

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Are there any prospects that the long and dreary night of American despotism will speedily end in a joyous morning?

If we turn our eye towards the political horizon we shall find it overspread with heavy clouds portentous of evil to the oppressed. The government of the United States is intensely pro-slavery. The great political parties, with which the masses of the people act, vie with each other in their supple and obsequious devotion to the slaveocracy. The wise policy of the fathers of the Republic to confine slavery within very narrow limits, so that it would speedily die out and be supplanted by freedom, has been abandoned; the whole spirit of our policy has been reversed—and our national government seems chiefly concerned for the honor, perpetuation and extension of slavery.

The powerful religious denominations have been following in the wake of the state. Their ancient and bold testimony against slavery has been expurgated from their confessions and disciplines, or completely neutralized.—Slavery as it is receives their unqualified sanction. The giant Christian publication societies of the day so completely ignore the question of slavery that a reader of all their books would not suspect that millions of slaves are groaning under an iron yoke in this country. Dark as a starless, moonless midnight, is the aspect presented by the heavens of the popular religious denominations.

American prejudice is yet very powerful. The polite, educated, and talented free colored traveler is exposed, in most parts of the Union, to the coarsest insults from this gaunt demon. He feels everywhere its hellish power. One who was more than twenty years a slave presents in the following eloquent language a true picture of the present anomalous condition of the children of Ham in the midst of the general joy of freedom:

“The Hungarian, the Italian, the Irishman, the Jew and the Gentile, all find in this goodly land a home; and when any of them, or all of them, desire to speak, they find willing ears, warm hearts, and open hands. For these people, the Americans have principles of justice, maxims of mercy, sentiments of religion, and feelings of brotherhood in abundance. But for my poor people, (alas, how poor!)—enslaved, scourged, blasted, overwhelmed, and ruined, it would appear that America had neither justice, mercy, nor religion. She has no scales in which to weigh our wrongs, and no standard by which to measure our rights.... Here, upon the soil of our birth, in a country which has known us for two centuries, among a people who did not wait for us to seek them, but who sought us, found us, and brought us to their own chosen land,—a people for whom we have performed the humblest services, and whose greatest comforts and luxuries have been won from the soil by our sable and sinewy arms,—I say, sir, among such a people, and with such obvious recommendations to favor, we are far less esteemed than the veriest stranger and sojourner.... We are literally scourged beyond the beneficent range of both authorities—human and divine. We plead for our rights, in the name of the immortal declaration of independence, and of the written constitution of government, and we are answered with imprecations and curses. In the sacred name of Jesus we beg for mercy, and the slave-whip, red with blood, cracks over us in mockery.... We cry for help to humanity—a common humanity, and here too we are repulsed. American humanity hates us, scorns us, disowns and denies, in a thousand ways, our very personality. The outspread wing of American christianity, apparently broad enough to give shelter to a perishing world, refuses to cover us. To us, its bones are brass, and its feathers iron. In running thither for shelter and succor, we have only fled from the hungry bloodhound to the devouring wolf,—from a corrupt and selfish world to a hollow and hypocritical church.”—Fred. Douglass.

But dark as is this picture, there is still hope. The exorbitant demands of the slave power, the extreme measures it adopts, the deep humiliation to which it subjects political aspirants, will produce a reaction. Inflated with past success it is throwing off its mask and revealing its hideous proportions. It is now proving itself the enemy of all freedom.

The extreme servility of the popular churches is opening the eyes of many earnest people to the importance of taking a bolder position. They are finding out that it is a duty to come out from churches which sanction the vilest iniquity that ever existed, or exhaust their zeal for the oppressed in tame resolves, never to be executed.

The truth is gaining ground that slaveholding is a great sin, that slaveholders are great sinners, and that he who apologises for the system is a participator in the guilt and shame.

Free mission societies, reform publication societies, and free churches are rising up all over the country, in the free and in the slave States. They take their stand upon a solid Bible platform, and their power will be rapidly augmented until the strongholds of oppression will tremble at their approach.

Literature is coming to the rescue of the slave, and even now is pleading his cause with astonishing power in all the languages of christendom.

Christianity is on the side of the slave, and its true spirit is beginning to be practically applied.

Thousands of devout persons are found day and night pleading with God for the speedy deliverance of the captive.

But a voice from heaven is heard saying, “Hope thou in God.” God is on the side of the oppressed. He will never abandon them. He approves their cause, hears their cries, and is interested in all their movements. Those millions of colored Americans are now in the fiery furnace, but He will bring them out. From their house of bondage they will come forth, and accomplish a glorious mission on the earth. God has reserved for them some of the grandest achievements in music, poetry, science, arts, morals, freedom and religion. Never has he permitted a people to be more deeply humbled, and none will in the end be more highly exalted. God’s ways are not as our ways. He can make the wrath of man to praise him.

The day of deliverance is not distant. God is stirring up the nations. The slavery question is agitating the whole enlightened world. It cannot be put to rest. Politicians pronounce it dead and solemnly bury it, but it rises before the third day and confronts them in every assembly. Church councils resolve to let it alone, but it will not let them alone. They hate agitation, and cry for peace, but are answered, “first pure, then peaceable.”

God of liberty! hasten the hour when the reddening East shall authorize the joyful announcement to American bondsmen—“the morning cometh.” Till then let us “TOIL AND TRUST.”

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See Elliott on Slavery, p. 40.

[2] R. Walsh, Encyclopedia Americana, Art. Slavery.

[3] Here are a few advertisements taken from respectable southern papers, verbatim.

Slaves Wanted.—We are at all times purchasing Slaves, paying the highest cash prices. Persons wishing to sell will please call at 242 Pratt St. (Slatter’s old stand.) Communications attended to.

B. M. & W. L. Campbell.

A Negro for Sale.—I wish to sell a black girl about 24 years old, a good cook and washer, handy with a needle, can spin and weave. I wish to sell her in the neighborhood of Camden Point; if not sold there in a short time, I will hunt the best market; or I will trade her for two small ones, a boy and girl.

November 15, 1852

M. Doyal.

100 Negroes for Sale, at my depot on Commerce street, immediately between the Exchange Hotel and F. M. Gilmer, Jr.’s Warehouse, where I will be receiving constantly, large lots of Negroes during the season, and will sell on as accommodating terms as any house in this city. I would respectfully request my old customers, and friends to call and examine my stock.

Montgomery, November 2, 1852.

Jno. W. Lindsey.

Great sale of Negroes by J. & L. T. Levin.—On Thursday, December 30, at 11 o’clock, will be sold at the Court House in Columbia, one hundred valuable negroes.

It is seldom such an opportunity occurs as now offers. Among them are only four beyond 45 years old, and none above 50. There are twenty five prime young men, between sixteen and thirty; forty of the most likely young women, and as fine a set of children as can be shown!

Terms, &c.

December 18, 1852.

[4] Prof. B. B. Edwards says—“From the time of Augustus to Justinian we may allow three slaves to one free man; we shall thus have a free population in Italy of 6,944,000; and of slaves 20,832,000.”

On the treatment of Roman slaves Guizot remarks that “it would be easy to give the most frightful and heartrending accounts of the manner in which the ancient Romans treated their slaves. Entire volumes are occupied with the details.” (Hist. Civilization.)

[5] These facts are well authenticated. The “Union Point” tragedy did not occur in 1854, as reported recently, and denied by the “Free Trader,” but it did occur in 1842, and we have quoted the “Trader’s” own account.

[6] Accepting this celebrated curse as an inspired prophecy, and we are inclined to receive it as such, it finds an easy fulfillment in the conquests of Joshua over the Canaanites; in the oppression of the Phoenicians, (who were descendants of Canaan,) by the Chaldeans, Persians and Greeks; and finally in the subjugation and destruction of the Carthaginians, by the Romans. This is the opinion of President Edwards, and it is entitled to respect.

[7] I avail myself in what follows upon this point, of the investigations of Rev. E. Smith, who has thrown much light upon this subject. See “Bible Servitude” pp. 91, for a full discussion of this point.

[8] For these criticisms on the Hebrew word the author is indebted to Albert Barnes’ ‘Inquiry into the scriptural views of slavery.’

[9] The passage in Ex. 21: 20, 21, applies, as all admit, mainly, if not exclusively, to native Hebrew servants, and as no one finds in the limited voluntary servitude of the native Hebrews a warrant for hereditary slavery, I have not thought it necessary to dwell upon it. It may be observed, however, that the word “punished,” is rendered in the marginal reading, “avenged;” and the meaning of the law is that the interest the master had in the life of the servant should be taken as presumptive evidence that he did not intend to kill him, unless the case was very clear, and hence that he should not be avenged summarily, by a relative of the servant, but be regularly tried and punished by the appointed authorities.

[10] See Barnes’ Inquiry.

[11] See Smith.

[12] Tract of the American Reform Book and Tract Society.

[13] Bible Servitude.

[14] These facts are drawn by Jay from Blair’s Inquiry into the state of slavery among the Romans.

[15] Note. One little circumstance, which occurred in the General Assembly of 1853, indicates a remarkably conservative spirit in that body. Dr. Judd, in writing the history of the division of the Old and New-Schools, put in one chapter on slavery. This chapter made the book offensive to the south. To reconcile all parties, it was agreed that two editions of the work be printed, one for northern, the other for southern circulation—the latter to be minus the chapter on slavery!

[16] The “American Missionary Association,” which has no fellowship with slaveholding, and the American Reform Book and Tract Society, which is doing much for the dissemination of Christian anti-slavery doctrines, are sustained mainly by Congregationalists. The main body of the Congregationalists, however, adhere to the old Boards.

[17] Can any one conceive of any virtuous reason which prompted the passage of such a rule? Is there not a deep and dark iniquity among slaveholders which makes it not only necessary that slaves should be excluded from civil, but also from ecclesiastical tribunals?

[18] Amongst these, and at the head of them stands Mr. Hosmer, Editor of the Northern C. Advocate, author of “Slavery and the Church,” and a number of other excellent books.

[19] See Methodist Discipline.

[20] Annual Report of American and Foreign Anti-slavery Society.

[21] Distinguished from the Moravians, or old United Brethren by the additional phrase—“in Christ.”

[22] Methodist Quarterly.

[23] Hon. Charles Sumner’s speech on the Repeal of the Fugitive Slave Bill, delivered in the Senate, August 1852, is one of the finest specimens of eloquence in the English language. Its arguments too, are unanswerable.

[24] The following estimate of their numbers and localities is taken from one of the able reports of the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society, carefully drawn up by its former Secretary, John Scoble, Esq.:

United States, 3,650,000
Brazil, 4,050,000
Spanish Colonies, 1,470,000
S. Amer. Republics, 1,130,000
British Colonies, 750,000
Hayti, 850,000
French Colonies, 270,000
Dutch Colonies, 50,000
Danish Colonies, 45,000
Mexico, 70,000
Canada, 35,000
Total, 12,370,000

Rep. Am. and For. Anti. Slav. Society.

Transcriber's Note:

Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible. Some minor corrections of spelling and puctuation have been made.





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