1.R. Keyser in the introduction to the Christiania edition (p. xi). 2.It is believed that the title came into use in Europe in imitation of Hindu writers who wrote “Mirrors of Princes.” Nansen, In Northern Mists, II, 242. 3.There must have been important collections of manuscripts at Nidaros (Trondhjem), where there was a cathedral and several monastic institutions. The King’s Mirror was probably composed in Namdalen, about one hundred miles northeast of Nidaros. See below, pp. 59–60. 4.See below, p. 237. 5.Storm, “Om Tidsforholdet mellem Kongespeilet og StjÓrn samt Barlaams Saga”: Arkiv for nordisk Filologi, III, 83-88. 6.See Disciplina Clericalis, fabula xxiv: Migne, Patrologia Latina, CLVII, 698-700. 7.A fragment of the Elucidarium, comprising, however, the greater part of the work, is published in Annaler for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1852 and 1853; in the former volume a Danish translation is given; the latter contains the Icelandic text. 9.See below, p. 101 (c. viii). 10.C. iv. See also Larson, “Scientific Knowledge in the North in the Thirteenth Century”: Publications of the Society for the Advancement of Scandinavian Study, I, 139-146. 11.De Natura Rerum, c. xlvi: Migne, Patrologia Latina, XC, 264-265. 12.De Naturis Rerum, 441. 13.Job, xxvi, 7. 14.Psalms, cxxxvi, 6. 15.De Natura Rerum Liber, c. xlv: Migne, Patrologia Latina, LXXXIII, 1015. 16.See c. xix. 17.See c. vii. 18.Ruge, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, 97. 19.C. v. 20.C. xix. 21.Parmenides of Ela (ca. 480 B.C.). Nansen, In Northern Mists, I, 12. 22.See below, p. 147 (c. xix). Cf. Ibid., 123. 23.C. xix. 24.Probably from the writings of Isidore, who speaks of the zones as belts on the heavens. Etymologiae, iii, c. xliv; xiii, c. vi; De Natura Rerum, c. x. 25.C. xix. 26.C. xiii. 27.C. xxi. 28.C. vi. 29.Ibid. 30.Ibid. 31.The Venerable Bede held that the moon is in some way responsible for the tides. De Natura Rerum, c. xxxix: Migne, Patrologia Latina, XC, 258-259; see also ibid., XC, 422-426 (De Tempore Ratione, c. xxix). 32.Alexander Neckam, De Naturis Rerum, 138. 33.C. vi. 34.C. xiii. 35.Ibid. 36.De Naturis Rerum, 158. 37.De Natura Rerum, c. xlix: Migne, Patrologia Latina, XC, 275-276. 38.De Natura Rerum, c. xlvi: Migne, Patrologia Latina, LXXXIII, 1015. See also The Christian Topography of Cosmas (written about 547), 17-18; Cosmas scoffs at the theory. 39.Naturalis Historiae, I, 201 (ii, c. lxxix). 40.P. ix, note. 41.C. xix. 42.Thus Solinus (pp. xxxiv, xxxvii, 236) says “the sea-ice on this island ignites itself on collision, and when it is ignited it burns like wood.” See Nansen, In Northern Mists, I, 193. Adam von Bremen (Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, iv, 34) writes: “they report this remarkable thing about it that this ice appears so black and dry that, on account of its age, it burns when it is kindled.” Ibid. The same belief appears in a German poem Meregarto: “Thereby the ice there becomes so hard as crystal, that they make a fire above it till the crystal glows.” Ibid., I, 181. 43.Riant, ExpÉditions et PÈlerinages des Scandinaves en Terre Sainte, 440-441. 44.Rabanus Maurus died in 856. 45.Nansen, In Northern Mists, II, 242. 46.Nansen, In Northern Mists, II, 243. 47.Ibid. “If we make allowance for three of them being probably sharks and for two being perhaps alternative names for the same whale, the total corresponds to the number of species that are known in northern waters.” 48.Ibid. This “corresponds to the number of species living on the coasts of Norway and Greenland.” 49.Cc. xii, xvi. 50.HÁkonar Saga, c. 322. 51.Giraldus, Opera, V, 62-64; King’s Mirror, c. x. 52.Topographia Hibernica, iii, c. 28; King’s Mirror, c. x. 53.Topographia Hibernica, ii, introd.: Opera, V, 74. 54.C. xi. 55.C. x. 56.Topographia Hibernica, i, c. xxxiii: Opera, V, 67. 57.See Wright-Halliwell, Reliquiae Antiquae, II, 103-107. 58.P. x. 59.Ériu, IV., 14-16. 60.In a letter to the writer Professor Meyer expresses the belief that the use of gh in the Irish proper names is an invention by the author. The combination of c and h is also used in certain other proper names, the system varying in the different manuscripts. For a discussion of the writing of proper names in the chief manuscript, see the American Facsimile Edition of the Konungs SkuggsjÁ (edited by G. T. Flom), xxxvii-xxxix. 63.C. xxx. 64.Nikolas SÆmundarson, abbot of Thingeyrar, who made a journey to the Holy Land about 1151, wrote an itinerary for the use of pilgrims from which the above quotation is taken. The itinerary is summarized in Riant, ExpÉditions et PÈlerinages des Scandinaves en Terre Sainte, 80-87. 65.C. iii. It is likely that English culture found its way into the North along with the French. When King Sigurd sailed to the Orient in 1107, he spent the winter of 1107-1108 at the English court. 66.C. iii. 67.HÁkonar Saga, c. 228. 68.C. xxix. 69.Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum, I, 382, 506, 509. 70.Olafsen, “Falkefangsten i Norge”: Historisk Tidsskrift, Femte RÆkke, III, 351. 71.HÁkonar Saga, c. 191. 72.Ibid., c. 243. 73.Ibid., c. 191. 74.C. xxix. 75.HÁkonar Saga, c. 281. 76.HÁkonar Saga, c. 294. 77.Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, IV, 651-652. 78.HÁkonar Saga, c. 313. 79.HÁkonar Saga, c. 255. (Dasent’s translation.) 80.Cc. xxxviii-xxxix. 82.C. xxxv. 83.The strife that followed the accession of Harold Gille and Magnus the Blind is the subject of BjÖrnson’s great historical drama, Sigurd Slembe (English translation by William Morton Payne). 84.See below, p. 48. 85.The date usually given is 1164; but Ebbe Hertzberg argues quite conclusively for the earlier year. “Den fÖrste norske Kongekroning”; Historisk Tidsskrift, Fjerde RÆkke, III, 30-37. 86.According to the new rules of succession the oldest legitimate son, if qualified for the office, should inherit the throne. The oldest might be passed over, however, in favor of a younger legitimate son, or even in favor of an illegitimate descendant, if the bishops should find such a procedure expedient. See Gjerset, History of the Norwegian People, I, 364. 87.While it seems probable that Sverre was not of royal blood he was not necessarily an impostor; he may have believed his mother’s assertions. For a discussion of the problem see ibid., 376-377. 88.It is usually stated that Innocent III actually did lay an interdict on the land, but this appears to be an error. He authorized the bishops to do so, but they seem not to have made use of the authorization. See Bull, “Interdiktet mot Sverre”: Historisk Tidsskrift, Femte RÆkke, III, 321-324. 89.This appears to be Heffermehl’s opinion. See Historiske Skrifter tilegnede Ludvig Daae, 87. 90.The Address is published as an appendix to the Christiania edition of the King’s Mirror. It has also been issued in separate form under the title En Tale mod Biskopperne; this edition is by Gustav Storm. 91.C. xliii. 92.C. xliii. 93.C. xliv. 94.Ibid. 95.C. xliv. 96.C. xliii. 97.C. xxviii. 98.“Studier angaaende Kongespeilet”: AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1896, 189. 99.Norges gamle Love, II. 23; Gjerset, History of the Norwegian People, I, 463. 100.C. lxix. 101.C. lxx. 102.C. lxx. 103.Archbishop Eystein was consecrated in 1161. 104.C. lxvi. 105.C. lxix. 106.C. lxvii. 107.HÁkonar Saga, cc. 239-241; Munch, Det norske Folks Historie, III, 977-978. 108.On this subject, see Figgis, Divine Right of Kings, c. iii. 109.Cc. iii-iv, xxxvii. 110.C. xli. 111.HÁvamÁl, 40: Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 8. 112.C. xlii. 113.C. xli. 114.Exodus, xxxii. 115.C. lxi. 116.C. lxiii. 117.See Larson, “Scientific Knowledge in the North in the Thirteenth Century”: Publications of the Society for the Advancement of Scandinavian Study, I, 141-146. 118.C. iv. 119.C. i. 120.HÁkonar Saga, c. 247. 121.Ibid., c. 251. 122.See the SorÖ edition, xxiii; Munch, Det norske Folks Historie, III, 399, note. 123.Cc. ii, iii, xxx. 124.Cf. Daae, “Studier angaaende Kongespeilet”: AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1896, 180-181. Daae holds that the author was a clergyman. 125.Ibid., 1896, 178. 126.Ibid., 1896, 192-196; see also pp. 179 ff. Daae believes that Master William must have held a position at court corresponding to the office of chancellor; he also conjectures that he was the tutor of the king’s sons. Master William is mentioned in the HÁkonar Saga, cc. 210, 228. 127.Historiske Skrifter tilegnede Ludvig Daae, 79-104 (“Presten Ivar Bodde”). Ivar is one of the characters in Ibsen’s Pretenders. 128.HÁkonar Saga, c. 21. 129.Historiske Skrifter tilegnede Ludvig Daae, 88-89 (Heffermehl); HÁkonar Saga, c. 20. 130.Historiske Skrifter tilegnede Ludvig Daae, 80. 131.Ibid., 81, 85. 132.C. vii. 133.See the SorÖ edition, pp. lix-lx; the Christiana edition, p. v. 134.Cc. vi, vii. 135.“Om Stedet for Kongespeilets Forfattelse”: Arkiv for nordisk Filologi, I, 205-208. 136.C. viii. 137.See above, p. 36. 139.C. xxxvi (p. 201). 140.See page xx of the SorÖ edition. 141.See pages lxv-lxvi of the SorÖ edition. 142.Christiania edition, p. viii. 143.AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1867, 65-109. See above, p. 32. 144.Arkiv for nordisk Filologi, III, 83-88. 145.AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1896, 176-177. 146.C. xxxvi. 147.C. lxvi. 148.See above, p. 48. 149.C. lxix. 150.See the SorÖ edition, pp. xxix-xxxvii. 151.Konungs SkuggsjÁ (ed. G. T. Flom), p. i. Among the fragments is a part of a Latin paraphrase made in Sweden in the first half of the fourteenth century. The translator was a cleric in the service of the Duchess Ingeborg, a daughter of the Norwegian King Hakon V. Ingeborg was married to the Swedish Duke Erik. Arkiv for nordisk Filologi, I, 110-112. 152.Norrigis Bescriffuelse. See AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1896, 172 (Daae). 153.SchÖning’s dates are 1722-1780. He was professor of Latin literature and history at SorÖ, but his real achievements lie in the field of Norwegian history. 154.1739-1796. 155.1732-1785. 156.See the introduction to the SorÖ edition, xxv-xxviii, from which the above facts have been culled. 157.See Flom’s edition of Konungs SkuggsjÁ, introduction. 158.See the Christiania edition, pp. xiii-xvi. 159.In 1892 a small volume of extracts from the King’s Mirror translated by Chr. Dorph was published in Copenhagen. 160.It seems probable that the form in which the author of the Speculum expresses his desire to remain anonymous shows the influence of the Old Norse version of the Elucidarium, a theological discussion in dialog form, which dates from the twelfth century and is ascribed to Honorius of Autun. The author of the Elucidarium writes as follows in his preface: “My name, however, I have purposely withheld, lest wicked men should be prompted by a feeling of envy to cast aside a useful work.” For the original Latin preface to the Elucidarium see Migne, Patrologia Latina, CLXXII, 1110; the Old Norse version is given in Annaler for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1857, p. 240, 1858, p. 24. 161.Good day (God dag) is still the common form of greeting among Norwegians and other Scandinavians. 162.Proverbs, ix, 10. In the use of Scriptural quotations the author is seldom accurate. 163.St. Luke, x, 27. 164.A “kingsman” (konungsmaÐr) was any one who had formally entered into the king’s personal service, whether he was actually employed at court or not. See below, cc. xxiv ff. 165.These “heathen lands” were probably the regions along the Arctic inhabited by the Finns; it is also possible that the author alludes to trading voyages to lands occupied by Esquimaux, though he makes no mention of these people anywhere in his work. 166.The “Birch-isle” code was originally a set of rules governing commercial intercourse. After a time it became a more elaborate law governing the municipality as well as the traders who were more or less permanently located there. It is believed that the name is derived from Birka, a trading center in eastern Sweden not far from the site of modern Stockholm. The “Birch-Isle” code is published in Norges Gamle Love, I, part iii, 303-336. 167.The mean retardation is forty-eight minutes. 168.This is within twenty-two minutes of the length of the lunar half-month. 169.The Northmen in medieval times had two hundreds, the great hundred, or duodecimal hundred, which counted 120 (12 × 10) and the ordinary hundred (10 × 10). 170.See Brenner’s edition, 20. 171.Error for ostenta; the ostentum, computed at one-sixtieth of an hour, seems to appear first in the writings of Rabanus Maurus (ninth century). 172.It is evident from this discussion that the author believes in a spherical earth; elsewhere, too, he speaks of the sphere of earth (jarÐarbollr); see c. lvi. 173.Halogaland, the modern Nordland, is that part of Norway lying north of the sixty-fifth parallel. 174.Vaag and Andenes are points in the Lofoten Islands; their latitudes are 68° 12´ 35 and 69° 18´ 50 respectively. 175.Manuel I, Comnenus, 1143-1180. The “little book” is thought to have been one of the many forms of the legend of Prester John, a fabulous Christian ruler of India of whom much was heard in the middle ages. About 1165 a letter from the “Presbyter Johannes” addressed to the emperor Manuel Comnenus was circulated through Europe and later found its way into the North. In the extant copies of this letter many marvels are told, though the wonder mentioned in the Speculum Regale does not appear. See Zarncke, Der Priester Johannes, 83-98. 176.The “Birchdale” bog seems to be a myth; but that stories of such a marvel were current is evident from a statement by Giraldus Cambrensis, who has heard that there was such a bog in Norway. Opera, V, 86. MÖre is an old Norwegian shire lying to the west of Trondhjem along the coast. 177.Cf. Giraldus Cambrensis, Opera, V, 26-28. Giraldus quotes Bede (Historia Ecclesiastica, i, c. 1). See also Isidore, Etymologiae, xiv, 6. 178.Cf. Giraldus, Opera, V, 62; see also Bede, Hist. Eccles., i, c. 1. 179.“Wonders of Ireland” (Irish Nennius, 219); this writer states that the experiment has been made. 180.Giraldus tells us that the Irish are faithless and treacherous (Opera, V, 165) but that the island has no martyrs (ibid., 174). Cf. Ériu, IV, 4 (Meyer, “Irish Memorabilia in the Speculum Regale”). 181.The editor of the Irish Nennius gives this name as Loch n-Echach (Lough Neagh). P. 195, note. 182.Error for aquifolium. 183.See the “Wonders of Ireland” (Irish Nennius, 195) where a similar account is given; but according to this “the part of it that sinks into the earth will be stone, the part that remains in the water will be iron.” Giraldus writes of a petrifying well (fons) in the north of Ulster, but gives no place name. Opera, V, 86. See also Wright-Halliwell, Reliquiae Antiquae, II, 103. (Latin poem on the wonders of Ireland.) 184.Blandina (Bladina, Bladma) is the Slieve Bloom range in central Ireland. 185.Giraldus has heard of such springs, but he locates the one in Ulster and the other in Munster. Opera, V, 84. A spring that whitens hair is mentioned in Wright-Halliwell, Reliquiae Antiquae, II, 104, and in the Irish Nennius, 195. 186.See Ériu, IV, 6. Kuno Meyer knows of no such story in Irish folklore, but refers to similar tales told of floating islands in Wales and Scotland. 187.Inhisgluair, now Inishglory, is on the west coast of Ireland in county Mayo. Giraldus mentions the legend but assigns it to a different locality; see Opera, V, 83 and note. The Irish Nennius (193) adds that the nails and hair grow and that unsalted meat does not decay on the island. The island is also referred to in the Reliquiae Antiquae, II, 103. 188.Giraldus refers briefly to this legend. Opera, V, 81. The editor of Giraldus’ writings adds in a note (ibid.): “the isle of the living was three miles from Roscrea, parish of Cobally, in a lake called Loch CrÉ, now dried up.” Roscrea is near the north edge of Munster not far from the Slieve Bloom mountains. See also the Irish Nennius, 217. Meyer identifies Logri with Loch Ree in west central Ireland. Ériu, IV, 7. 189.Probably Lough Erne, though Loch Uair, now Lough Owel, in Westmeath has also been suggested. 190.Giraldus calls this island the Purgatory of Saint Patrick; but this famous place was “on an island in Lough Derg, in county Donegal.” Opera, V, 82-83 and note. It seems likely, however, that two different legends have been confused in the Welshman’s account. 191.The holy island which is shunned by all females is mentioned by Giraldus (Opera, V, 80-81), but he fails to give the name of either the lake or the island. In the “Wonders of Ireland” (Irish Nennius, 217) this island is also the one on which no one is permitted to die. A similar legend is alluded to in Reliquiae Antiquae, II, 107. Meyer believes that “the Norse version offers a combination or confusion of two different Irish stories, one relating to Diarmait’s churchyard in Inis Clothrann, and the other relating to an island on Loch CrÉ.” Ériu, IV, 9. 192.Glendalough. St. Kevin was the founder of the great abbey of Glendalough. The year of his death is variously given as 617 and 618. 193.For a less detailed account of Saint Kevin and the wonderful willow, see Giraldus, Opera, V, 113. Cf. Ériu, IV, 9. 194.Themar was the ancient royal seat Temhair, now Tara. It seems to be alluded to in Reliquiae Antiquae, II, 105. Cf. Ériu, IV, 10. 195.Saint Patrick. 196.See the poem on the “Wonders of Ireland” (Reliquiae Antiquae, II, 105), where this transformation is alluded to. Stories of men who have become wolves are also told in Giraldus, Opera, V, 101, and in the Irish Nennius, 205; but these differ widely from the account given above. Stories of werewolves and lycanthropy are found in folklore everywhere. 197.Gelt (gjalti) is evidently a Celtic loanword, a form of the Irish geilt, meaning mad or madman. Cf. the Adventures of Suibhne Geilt, translated by J. G. O’Keefe. Suibhne was an Irish king who lost his reason in battle and for years afterwards led a wild life in the woods. O’Keefe thinks that the author of the King’s Mirror must have heard the tale of Suibhne (pp. xxxiv-xxxv). See also Ériu, IV, 12. 198.Kuno Meyer identifies Cloena with Clonmacnois. Ériu, IV, 12. Clonmacnois is in King’s county eight miles southwest of Athlone. 199.St. Ciaran (Kiranus) of Clonmacnois was the founder of a great monastery there. The year of his death is given as 547. 200.In the Irish Nennius (211-213) the following version of this tale appears. “Congalach, son of Maelmithig, was at the fair of Teltown on a certain day, when he saw a ship (sailing) along in the air. One of the crew cast a dart at a salmon. The dart fell down in the presence of the gathering, and a man came out of the ship after it. When he seized its end from above, a man from below seized it from below. Upon which the man from above said: ‘I am being drowned,’ said he. ‘Let him go,’ said Congalach; and he is allowed to go up, and then he goes from them swimming.” The translation is by Kuno Meyer: Ériu, IV, 13. Congalach was an Irish king (944-956); Teltown is in county Meath. The legend is alluded to in Reliquiae Antiquae, II, 105, with some difference in details. 201.A somewhat different version of this tale is found in the poem on the “Wonders of Ireland” (Reliquiae Antiquae, II, 105). See also Ériu, IV, 14. 202.An ell was approximately eighteen inches. 203.Whale fishing is an ancient industry in Norway; it is mentioned as early as the ninth century in the writings of Alfred the Great. See Nansen, In Northern Mists, I, 172. 204.Probably the beluga, also called white whale. The other varieties named in this paragraph, excepting the beaked whale and the baleen whale seem not to have been identified with any known types of whales. It has been suggested that some of them may have been sharks. See Nansen, In Northern Mists, II, 243. 205.The editor of the SorÖ edition identifies this with the nor-caper (BalÆna glacialis), though he thinks it possible that the fin-fish (BalÆnoptera laticeps) may be meant (p. 125). 206.BalÆna mysticetus; also called bowhead or Greenland whale. 207.It is possible that the basking sharks are meant rather than the Greenland sharks; they are larger than the Greenland sharks, but do not seem to be common in the Arctic waters. 208.The “horse whale” and the “red comb” have not been identified. 209.This is another name for the right whale described above; the author’s classification in this case must have been based on size only. 210.The author seems to believe that the whalebone rises from the lower jaw or the floor of the mouth; as a matter of fact it is fastened to the palate. 211.The kraken myth probably came to the North with the legend of St. Brendan, an Irish abbot, who was believed to have made a journey into the Atlantic about the middle of the sixth century. The oldest extant form of the legend, the Navigatio Brendani, dates from the eleventh century. For earlier versions of the myth see Nansen, In Northern Mists, II, 234. 212.Dialogorum Libri IV. Pope Gregory died in 604. The Icelandic version of Gregory’s Dialogues is published in Heilagra Manna SÖgur, I. 213.It is difficult to determine whether the author uses “places of torment” as a term for hell or for purgatory; it seems probable, however, that in this case hell is meant. 215.The number of volcanoes in Iceland is variously given, but the more reliable authorities give 107. 216.The common belief of medieval scientists was that lightning was caused by the collision of clouds. 217.The belief that hell was a region of extreme cold as well as of heat was common in the middle ages. The author of the King’s Mirror probably derived his ideas of hell in part from the Old Norse version of the Elucidarium of Honorius of Autun. See Annaler for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1857, 292. 218.Mineral springs yielding carbonated waters are found in Iceland, though they are not numerous. The Hiterdale spring is probably mythical. See Herrmann, Island, I, 66. 219.The belief that mermaids lived in the Arctic waters was one that was long held by European navigators. Henry Hudson reports that on his voyage into the Arctic in 1608 (June 15) some of his men saw a mermaid. “This morning one of our companie looking over boord saw a mermaid, and calling up some of the companie to see her, one more came up and by that time shee was come close to the ships side, looking earnestly on the men: a little after a sea came and overturned her: from the navill upward her backe and breasts were like a womans, as they say that saw her; her body as big as one of us; her skin very white, and long haire hanging downe behind of colour blacke: in her going downe they saw her tayle, which was like the tayle of a porposse and speckled like a macrell.” Asher, Henry Hudson, 28. 220.The Danish scientist I. Japetus S. Steenstrup has shown in his paper “Hvad er Kongespeilets Havgjerdinger?” that this phenomenon is produced by sea quakes. The three huge waves did not form a triangle as the author’s account would seem to imply; they were three successive waves rolling in toward the shore. Steenstrup argues chiefly from the behavior of sea quakes in modern times. AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, 1871. 221.The settled portion of Greenland is in the southern part on the west coast. The author wishes to say that a ship sailing from Norway to Greenland must round Cape Farewell and proceed some distance up the west coast before trying to make land. For a discussion of the conditions of settlement in Greenland and the navigation of the waters about Greenland, see Hovgaard, The Voyages of the Norsemen to America, c. ii; Nansen, In Northern Mists, cc. vii, viii. 222.This is called haverkn in modern Norse and seems to be the same as the grey seal: Halichoerus gryphus. See Nansen, In Northern Mists, II. 155. 223.Also called the harp seal: Phoca Groenlandica. 224.This observation accords with modern scientific classification. 225.In the thirteenth century, the century of the King’s Mirror, falconry was a favorite sport of the European nobility and there seems to have been some demand for Norwegian hawks. In the Close Rolls of the reign of Henry III there are allusions to gifts of hawks sent by the king of Norway to the English king. See above p. 29. 226.The diocese of Gardar in Greenland was established about 1110. For an account of the Norwegian colony in Greenland see Gjerset, History of the Norwegian People, I, 197-204. 227.Cf. the papal letter of Alexander VI, written in 1492. Olson and Bourne, The Northmen, Columbus, and Cabot, 73-74. 228.We should infer from the form of this question and from the later discussion of the northern lights that this phenomenon was not prominent in Norway in the thirteenth century. There seem to be periods when these “lights” are less in evidence than at other times. But it should also be noted that the author discusses whales in connection with Greenland and Iceland only, though it is extremely likely that whales were not unknown on the shores of Norway. 229.The “home-circle” (kringla heimsins) was the Old Norse translation for the Latin orbis terrae, orb of the earth. 230.Isidore of Seville (d. 636) discusses the five zones in his Etymologiae, iii, c. xliv; xiii, c. vi; and in his De Natura Rerum, c. x. The editors of the SorÖ edition suggest that the “other learned men” may be Macrobius and Martianus Capella, the famous encyclopedists of the fifth century (p. 195). But as these writers preceded Isidore by nearly two centuries, it is unlikely that their works were more than indirect sources for the scientific statements in the Speculum Regale. It is more probable that the reference is to such writers as Bede, Rabanus Maurus, and Honorius of Autun, though it is impossible to specify what authority was followed. 231.By glacier the author evidently means the great inland ice masses. On the effect of this inland ice on the climate of Greenland and neighboring regions, see Nansen, In Northern Mists, II, 247. 232.Cf. Macrobius, 601. “... for both the northern and the southern extremities lie stiff with perpetual frost, and they are like two zones with which the earth is girdled, but narrow as if they were circlets drawn about the farthest regions.” 233.Macrobius states the same belief in quite similar terms: the south wind comes from a frozen clime just as the north wind does; but “since it comes to us through the flames of the torrid zone and mixes with the fire, it becomes hot, so that what was cold in the beginning comes to us with warmth.” (P. 603.) 234.Cf. Capella, Satiricon, 204. 235.To go to the king’s hand (ganga konungi til handa) is the technical term for the formal initiation into the royal service. “The king was in his high-seat with his guard grouped about him; across his knees lay a sword, his right hand grasping the hilt. The candidate approached, knelt, touched the swordhilt, and kissed the royal hand. He then arose and took the oath of fealty. Kneeling once more he placed his folded hands between those of the king and kissed his new lord.” Larson, “The Household of the Norwegian Kings in the Thirteenth Century:” American Historical Review, XIII, 461. 236.The mark as a standard of value was widely used in the middle ages. Originally it was a measure of weight equivalent to eight ounces of gold or silver. Its value varied at different times and in different places. Dr. Gjerset estimates the purchasing power of a mark of silver in the fourteenth century as equal to that of $80 at the present time. History of the Norwegian People, II, 18-19, note. 237.Thegn money (Þegngildi) was a fine paid to the king by one who had been guilty of manslaughter. 238.The housecarle fine was higher than that exacted for the death of a common subject because the housecarle stood in a personal relation to the king. 239.See American Historical Review, XIII, 469-471. 240.The head-ward was stationed near the king’s person, usually outside the door of the chamber where he slept. See American Historical Review, XIII, 462. 241.The Eyrir (pl. aura, from Latin aurum?) was an ounce of silver, or one-eighth of a mark. 242.The landedman (lendir maÐr) was one who enjoyed a fief granted by the king. The term was also used in a more restricted sense for the local chieftains who in return for the fief enjoyed gave certain assistance in the local administration. See Norges Gamle Love, V, 396-397; Gjerset, History of the Norwegian People, I, 387-388; American Historical Review, XIII, 467-468. 243.The kings of medieval Norway seem to have engaged quite actively in the mercantile profession. The trade with the Finns was made a royal monopoly at least as early as the tenth century; later the trade with Greenland also passed into the king’s hands. 244.Such meetings of two or three of the kings of the North were occasionally held all through the later middle ages. The conferences were often held at some point near the mouth of the GÖta River, on the southwest coast of modern Sweden. See above, p. 30. 245.It is impossible to determine what style of beard this jaÐarskegg was; if we may judge from contemporary German illustrations, the German mode was a smooth-shaven face. See also Weiss, Kostumekunde, II, 581. 246.SkjaÐak. The translation is uncertain; possibly some sort of weed is meant. 247.In this chapter the author has summed up the history of Norwegian kingship in the twelfth century, when minorities were frequent and joint kingships almost the rule. Three boys were proclaimed kings in 1103; two kings shared the power in 1130; the royal title fell to three children in 1136. At no time was the realm actually divided, the theory being that the administration and the revenues might be divided, while the monarchy remained a unit. The century was a period of great calamities; pretenders were numerous; and civil war raged at intervals. For a fuller discussion of the theory of Norwegian kingship in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, see above, pp. 35 ff. 248.The gambison (panzari) was a form of defensive armor made of cloth padded and quilted. It is described on page 217 as being made “of soft linen thoroughly blackened.” Usually it was worn under the coat of mail, but it could also be worn outside. See Annaler for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1867, 74 ff. (Blom.); Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 181-182. 249.The staff sling was a sling fastened to the end of a stick; it was an earlier form which was not used much in the thirteenth century. 250.The wedge-shaped column (svÍnfylking, perhaps so named from a fancied resemblance to a boar’s head) was a common form of battle array among the Northern peoples as well as among the early Germans generally. 251.As the shield was born on the left arm, the front edge would be the right edge. 252.These scythes were apparently used to catch and hold the hostile ships and perhaps also to cut the ropes on the ship. See the SorÖ edition, 388. 253.The broadax (skeggÖx) had the blade extended backward somewhat like that of a halberd, though in the latter case the extension was usually forward. See Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 108-110. 254.Skeptifletta: a dart of some sort with a cord attached. 255.Coal and sulphur seem to have been used chiefly to fire the enemy’s ship. 256.Caltrops were instruments provided with iron prongs and were usually scattered where the enemy’s horsemen were likely to pass, in the hope of maiming the horses. It is evident that they were also used in naval warfare, the purpose being to maim the men on the enemy’s deck. See the SorÖ edition, 392. 257.Atgeirr. The translation is doubtful, but it seems clear that some kind of spear useful for striking as well as for thrusting is meant. See Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 81-82. 258.Probably some sort of a cage placed at the top or near the top of the mast from which men with bows and slings could fight to better advantage. See AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1872, 242; Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 197. 259.Only one end of the beam was cloven in this way. See the SorÖ edition, 394-395. The beam was apparently fastened to the mast and used to crush the sides of the enemy’s ship in much the same way as the ram was used against a castle wall. See Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 199. 260.The prow-boar (rÔÐrgoltr) was not a beak but apparently some device fastened to the prow which served much the same purpose, namely to run down and sink an opposing ship. See the SorÖ edition, 395-396; Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 198-199. 261.See the SorÖ edition, 397-399; Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 196. This rampart was built of logs and planks and raised on the gunwales. Sometimes it seems to have been placed along the entire length of the ship, but often, perhaps, only where the ship was lowest. Inside it was braced with strong beams. The plank walk on the outside projected over the edge of the ship and was no doubt in part intended to make it difficult for the enemy to board it. 262.On the equipment of the horse in medieval warfare, see AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1867, 90-97. 263.In the thirteenth century the saddle was made with high bows before and behind so as to provide a firmer seat for the rider. The surcingle was a girth drawn over the saddle; the breast strap served to keep the saddle from slipping backwards. AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 91. 264.Kovertur, from medieval French couverture. But the couverture was not a covering worn underneath the mail; it was probably the mail itself or an outer covering for the horse. See Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 191. 265.Falk believes that this description is in some respects inaccurate. No such elaborate equipment could have been used in the North where cavalry was not an important part of the host in the thirteenth century. He also doubts that an equipment just like the one described was in use anywhere in Europe at the time. Ibid., 190-191. The medieval couverture was not placed beneath the covering of mail as the Speculum Regale states; and Falk can see no reason why a gambison placed beneath the mail should be ornamented. It seems clear that the author is somewhat confused as to these various coverings. 266.The mail hose were made of chain mail. AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1867, 73-74. 267.The kneepieces, or genouillÈres were pieces of armor worn to protect the knees. 268.Blom thinks that the breastplate was a new thing in the thirteenth century (ibid., 76), but Falk believes that it was used quite generally (Altnordische Waffenkunde, 182). 269.The dirk (brynknifr) was probably a poniard-like weapon used to pierce the chain mail at the joints. Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 124. 270.The helmet with the visor appears in the illustrations of the closing years of the twelfth century; the earlier helmet was a steel cap with a nose guard. AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 83-84. 271.Little seems to be known about the hornbow. Captain Blom finds it mentioned in the Latin sources as balista cornea or balista cum cornu. AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1867, 100-101. Falk believes that it was a bow which was reinforced on the inner side with horn. Altnordische Waffenkunde, 91-92. 272.The trebucket (French trÉbuchet) was a siege engine which came into use in the twelfth century; it was worked by counterpoises. For a description see Oman, Art of War, 143-144; AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1867, 103-104; Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 193-194. 273.The ram was a massive beam used to batter down walls; it was an inheritance from antiquity and was much in use. See Oman, Art of War, 132; AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1867, 104; Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 198. 274.Grafsvin. Falk translates this with “badger” and seems to believe that it was a shelter on wheels under which the attackers might work in comparative safety. Altnordische Waffenkunde, 196. It is more likely, however, that a “cat” is meant. The cat was a long pointed pole used to loosen the stones in a wall and thus to make a breach. It is also called a “sow” and the Old Norse term grafsvin, “digging boar,” was evidently an attempt to translate the Latin term scrofa or sus, “hog” or “sow.” For a description of the cat, see Oman, Art of War, 132. 275.On the subject of the movable tower see Oman, Art of War, 134-135, 549. 276.These curtains were evidently placed on the outer side of the wall. 277.This translation of hengivigskarÐ is based on Blom’s interpretation (AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1867, 105-106, note). The brattices were projecting galleries built along the top of the wall and were in use before it became customary to build stone parapets. Cf. Oman, Art of War, 534. 278.The hedgehog (ericius) in common use was a form of the cheval de frise and was laid on the earth to impede a hostile advance. I know of no other mention of the device (igelkottr) described above. 279.Captain Blom is disposed to look on the brynklungr as an imaginary device (AarbÖger for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 1867, 106) but Falk finds that some such instrument was in use in Italy as early as the tenth century (Altnordische Waffenkunde, 199-200). 280.Devices somewhat similar to the “running wheel” seem to have been used in medieval warfare, but of this particular form no other mention has been found. See Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 200. 281.Ibid. The “shot wagon” is not mentioned elsewhere. 282.See the SorÖ edition, 424-425, where the editor cites a number of references to the use of fire in defensive warfare; these are nearly all drawn from the sagas. 283.Evidently the purpose would be to crush the engine with the beam, to set it on fire with the hot plowshares, and to put the assailants to flight with the pitch, sulphur, or tar; these would also feed the flames. 284.On the subject of mines see Oman, Art of War, 549-550. 285.The posts were apparently placed on top of the wall, the purpose being to raise the wall to a greater height as well as to furnish shelter for the defenders. 286.The shield-giant was probably a mythical device; but it is possible as has been suggested that its fiery breath may refer to the use of Greek fire, with which the Norwegians became acquainted during the crusades, or even to early experiments with gunpowder. Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, 200-201. It is not known when gunpowder was invented, but the earliest known formula for making it is found in the writings of Roger Bacon, who was a contemporary of the author of the King’s Mirror. 287.Genesis, cc. xxxix-xli. The author treats the Biblical narratives with great freedom. 288.Isaiah, xlv, 1. In this case the author quotes directly from the Vulgate: “Christo meo Sciro, cujus apprehendi dexteram, ut subjiciam ante faciem ejus gentes et dorsa regum vertam.” 289.See Esther, cc. i-viii. 290.The author’s source for his account of the council where Craton and Zenophilus served as judges is the legend of Pope Silvester, probably the Old Norse version of the legend, Silvesters Saga, published by Unger in Heilagra Manna SÖgur, II, 245-286. 291.Not India but Persia in the Biblical story; but the Northmen in the middle ages used the term India very much as we use the term Orient to-day. 292.The reference is evidently to Psalms, cxv, 16: “The heavens, even the heavens, are the Lord’s: but the earth hath he given to the children of men” (King James’ version). The Vulgate reads (cxiii, 16), “Caelum caeli Domino; terram autem dedit filiis hominum.” In neither case is the idea of an earthly kingship implied. It is evident that the author is quoting and translating from memory. 293.I Peter, ii, 17. 294.The compiler of StjÓrn, an Old Norse paraphrase of the larger part of the Old Testament, following Petrus Comestor’s Historia Scholastica, attributes to Bede the statement that the serpent in those days bore the face of a maiden (p. 34). The author of the King’s Mirror cannot have used StjÓrn, as it seems to be a production of the fourteenth century, nor is there any evidence that he knew the Historia Scholastica. 295.The story of the court proceedings in Paradise after the fall of man and the discussion between Mercy and Peace on the one side and Truth and Justice on the other was widely current in the thirteenth century. It made an important scene in certain types of mystery plays, and it seems quite likely that the source of the version given in the King’s Mirror must be sought in some dramatic representation of the creation story. The account of the trial was made the theme of two poems in Old French which have been attributed to the English ecclesiastics Archbishop Langton and Bishop Grosseteste, both of whom were contemporaries of our Norwegian author. Homilies were written on this theme in the twelfth century by St. Bernard of Clairvaux (Migne, Patrologia Latina, CLXXXIII, 770) and by Hugh of St. Victor (ibid., CLXXVII, 623-626). There is a still earlier version of the story in a homily attributed, though for no good reason, to the Venerable Bede. According to this story a man has a son and four daughters named Mercy, Truth, Peace, and Justice. He also has a servant whom he wishes to try by giving him an easy task. The servant fails and is handed over to the executioner. The daughters now come into violent disagreement, but the son finds a way out of the difficulty: he saves the servant and succeeds in bringing the sisters into agreement. Ibid., XCIV, 505-507. W. Scherer, in Zeitschrift fÜr deutsche Altertumskunde, N. F., IX, 414-416, finds traces of the legend in Talmudic sources. In the Hebrew story, however, the disagreement is over the expediency of creating man, Mercy favoring and Truth opposing the project. The ultimate source appears to be Psalms, lxxxv, 10: “Mercy and truth are met together; righteousness and peace have kissed each other.” For bibliographical information see L. Petit du Juleville, Les MystÈres, II, 359. 296.The statement that Lucifer planned to set up a rival throne in the northern regions of heaven also appears in the Michaels Saga (Heilagra Manna SÖgur, I, 677). It was apparently a common belief in medieval Christendom and was based on Isaiah, xiv, 13. 297.I Corinthians, xii, 4-10. 298.Exodus, xiv. 299.Numbers, xvi. 300.Joshua, vi. 301.I Samuel, xv. 302.Exodus, xxxii. No high priest by the name of Ur is mentioned in this connection; but Hur, the son of Caleb, is associated with Aaron on two earlier occasions. See ibid., xvii, 10; xxiv, 14. There was a legend that Ur refused to make the golden calf and that the people spitting into his face suffocated him with the spittle. Petrus Comestor, Historia Scholastica, c. 73: Migne, Patrologia Latina, CXCVIII, 1189. 303.II Samuel, xii. 304.Exodus, xxxii, 7-14. 305.Jonah, iii. 306.II Kings, xx; Isaiah, xxxviii. The prayer is imaginary. 307.Probably from Psalms, xvi, 8 (Vulgate, xv, 8): “I have set the Lord always before me, because He is at my right hand....” 308.This prayer is a translation of a Latin original which the author has incorporated and given in full. Both the original and the author’s translation are given in the manuscripts. 309.Cf. Proverbs, viii, 22 ff.; see also, among the “Apochrypha,” Ecclesiasticus (The Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach), xxiv, 5 ff. 310.An echo of Psalms, xix, 5. 311.C. xi. 312.According to the legend the priest Justin assisted at the funeral of St. Lawrence. Heilagra Manna SÖgur, I, 430. 313.A somewhat different version of this story is given in the Legenda Aurea of Jacques de Voragine, who quotes the “Miracles of the Virgin Mary.” 314.This is probably an allusion to the edict of Theodosius II “which interposes a salutary interval of thirty days between the sentence and the execution.” Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, III, 176; Mommsen and Meyer (editors), Theodosiani Libri XVI, I, part 2, 503 (viii, 40:13). The edict was probably a part of the penance exacted from the Emperor after his massacre of the Thessalonians. See Ambrosius Saga in Heilagra Manna SÖgur, I, 40. 315.Exodus, xxxii. 316.II Samuel, i. 317.II Samuel, iv. 318.The story of David’s great sin concerning Bathsheba and Uriah and its consequences is told in II Samuel, xi-xii, but it is probable that the author’s source is some Biblical paraphrase rather than the Vulgate itself. 319.I Chronicles, xxii, 8. 320.II Samuel, xvi, 21-22. 321.On this episode see I Samuel, xv. 322.I Samuel, xvi, 14-23. 323.Ibid., xviii, 12-21. 324.Ibid., xviii, 6-9. 325.Cf. I Samuel, xix, 8-11. 326.Cf. I Samuel, xix, 4-7. 327.On the fate of Ahimelech and the inhabitants of Nob, cf. I Samuel, xxi, 1-9; xxii, 9-19. 328.I Samuel, xxii, 1-2, 20-23. 329.The story of David and Saul at En-gedi is told in I Samuel, xxiv. 330.Cf. I Samuel, xxvi. 331.Cf. David’s lament in II Samuel, i: 17-27. The author has made but slight use of David’s own language. 332.Cf. II Samuel, xviii, 33. 333.Cf. II Samuel, xxiv. 334.See I Kings, iii, 16-28. 335.The story of Shimei is told in II Samuel, xvi, 5-8; xix, 16-23; I Kings, ii, 8-9, 36-46. 336.According to the Scriptural story Shimei left Jerusalem to bring back two runaway servants. I Kings, ii, 39-40. 337.Error for Gihon. 338.On the subject of Adonijah’s rebellion and Solomon’s triumphant accession see I Kings, i. The author has used little more than the outline of the story as given in the Bible. 339.Cf. I Kings, ii, 1-11. In the Biblical story David’s charge to Solomon comes after the day of Solomon’s accession, and not, as the author has it, during the day. 340.Cf. I Kings, i, 41-53. 341.Cf. I Kings, ii, 13 ff. 342.Cf. I Kings, ii, 28-34. 343.Cf. I Kings, ii, 26-27. 344.Cf. Matthew xiv, 1-12; Mark, vi, 16-29. 345.See Exodus, xxviii.
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