APPENDIX. No. I.

Previous

The following extract from Dr. Edmonston’s work on the Shetland Isles, gives a curious account of the popular superstitions still prevalent among their inhabitants. “On no subject are they more superstitious than in what relates to fishing. Some of the more skilful prophets can foretell, from the knots in the bottom-boards of a boat, whether it will be lucky to fish or not; and whether it will be overset under sail, or be otherwise cast away; and boats have been rejected and torn up in consequence of such a prophecy. When they go to the fishing, they carefully avoid meeting any person, unless it be one who has long enjoyed the reputation of being lucky; nor, when the boat has floated, is it deemed safe to turn it but with the sun. If a man tread on the tongs in the morning, or be asked where he is going, he need not go to the fishing that day. When at sea, the fishermen employ a nomenclature peculiar to the occasion, and scarcely a single thing then retains its usual name. Most of their names are of Norwegian origin; for the Norwaymen were reported to have been successful fishers. Certain names must not be mentioned while they are setting their lines, especially the minister and the cat; and many others equally unmeaning.

“Witchcraft is still believed by the peasantry to exist in Zetland; and some old women live by pretending to be witches, for no one ventures to refuse what they ask. About six years ago, a man entered a prosecution in the sheriff-court at Lerwick against a woman for witchcraft. He stated, that she uniformly assumed the form of a raven, and in that character killed his cattle, and prevented the milk of his cows from yielding butter. The late Mr. Scott, then sheriff-substitute, permitted the case to come into court, and was at great pains to explain the folly, and even criminality of such proceedings.

“Nearly allied to witchcraft is a firm belief in the efficacy of alms. When a person is anxious for the accomplishment of any particular event, or considers himself in danger, he vows alms to some person, generally an old woman who enjoys the reputation of being provided for in that manner; and, if his wishes are realized, he scrupulously performs his vow. There are the ruins of an old church in the parish of Weesdale, called Our Lady’s Church, which is supposed to possess a still greater influence in this respect than any living being. Many are the boats which are said to have arrived safe at land in consequence of a promise to this effect, where death, without such an intervention, appeared inevitable. Several coins have been found at different times concealed in the walls of this Loretto of Zetland.

“A belief in the existence of Brownie, the tutelar saint of husbandry, is beginning to be exploded; but the fairies or trows have still a “local habitation and a name.” They occupy small stony hillocks or knowes, and whenever they make an excursion abroad, are seen mounted on bulrushes riding in the air. If a person should happen to meet them, without having a Bible in his pocket, he is directed to draw a circle round him, on the ground, and in God’s name forbid their nearer approach, after which they commonly disappear. They are said to be very mischievous, not only shooting cattle with their arrows, but even carrying human beings with them to the hills. Child-bed women are sometimes taken to nurse a prince, and although the appearance of the body remain at home, yet the immaterial part is removed. Such persons are observed to be very pale and absent; and it is generally some old woman who enjoys the faculty of bringing soul and body together.” Vol. ii. p. 73.

No. II.

In order to make this little work as complete as possible, I have annexed the following accounts of the Dutch, English, and American whale-fisheries. The two former I have compiled from authentic documents, and the latter is extracted from the late valuable work of Mr. Pitkin on the Commerce of the United States.

Dutch Whale Fishery.—Towards the latter end of the sixteenth century, the whale-fishing on the coast of Spitzbergen became considerable. It was entirely in the hands of the English till the year 1578. This fishery was first carried on by a company, which sent thither annually a few ships, to the exclusion of the rest of their countrymen, and who also endeavoured to exclude foreigners. In the year 1613, the company’s ships amounted to seven sail, who, on their arrival at Spitzbergen, found there fifteen Dutch, French, and Flemish ships, besides English interlopers. Next year, the Dutch sent eighteen sail, of which four were men of war. In 1615, the king of Denmark sent a squadron of three men-of-war to assert his exclusive right, but with such indifferent success, that his majesty thought fit to give up the point. In 1617, our company were more lucky than in any other year, and actually made one thousand nine hundred tun of oil. The Dutch made, for many years after, very indifferent voyages; and, as their great statesman, M. De Witt, well observes, had certainly been forced to relinquish the trade, had it not been laid open by the dissolution of their Greenland Company, to which he attributes their having in his time, beat the English, and almost all other nations, out of that trade, which they then carried on to a prodigious extent.

The following is a list of the ships sent from Holland to the Greenland and Davis’ Straits whale-fishery, from the year 1661 to 1788, both inclusive, with an account of the number of whales catched each year:

A List of Greenland and Davis’ Straits Ships, from Holland, since the year 1661, with the number of Fish caught each year.

Years Ships. Fish. Years Ships. Fish.
1661 133 452 1693 90 175
1662 149 862 1694 63 161
1663 202 932 1695 97 187
1664 193 782 1696 122 428
1665 } War with 1697 131 1279
1666 } England, no 1698 139 1483
1667 } Ships out. 1699 151 775
1668 155 573 1700 173 913
1669 138 1013 1701 208 2071
1670 148 792 1702 224 687
1671 158 1088 1703 207 644
1672 } War with 1704 130 652
1673 } England, no 1705 157 1678
1674 } Ships out. 1706 151 986
1675 147 900 1707 131 126
1676 145 812 1708 122 533
1677 145 785 1709 126 192
1678 120 1118 1710 137 62
1679 126 792 1711 117 631
1680 151 1373 1712 108 373
1681 175 876 1713 93 237
1682 195 1444 1714 108 1291
1683 242 1338 1715 134 698
1684 233 1153 1716 153 535
1685 200 1283 1717 179 392
1686 189 664 1718 139 280
1687 194 621 1719 211 346
1688 214 340 1720 228 455
1689 160 241 1721 260 733
1690 117 785 1722 254 1101
1691 2 War with
France.
1723 233 314
1692 32 56 1724 232 358
Years Ships. Fish. Years Ships. Fish.
1725 226 530 1757 180 423
1726 218 244 1758 159 371
1727 202 402 1759 155 464
1728 182 363 1760 154 454
1729 184 229 1761 161 357
1730 168 248 1762 165 189
1731 164 298 1763
1732 176 314 1764 161 224
1733 184 360 1765 165 477
1734 186 327 1766 167 189
1735 185 496 1767 165 179
1736 191 857 1768 160 600
1737 196 504 1769 152 1127
1738 195 472 1770 150 523
1739 192 728 1771 150 143
1740 187 665 1772 131 768
1741 178 312 1773 134 444
1742 173 558 1774 130 450
1743 185 937 1775 129 105
1744 187 1494 1776 123 509
1745 184 568 1777 116 427
1746 180 1036 1778 111 306
1747 164 776 1779 105 168
1748 94 278 1780 82 476
1749 157 619 1781 } War with
England,
1750 158 590 1782 } no Ships out
1751 162 330 1783 55 330
1752 159 546 1784 62 198
1753 166 639 1785 65 300
1754 171 672 1786 67 476
1755 181 720 1787 67 239
1756 186 508 1788 69 190

N. B. From the year 1719 are included the Davis’ Straits Ships.

From this period the Dutch whale-fishery rapidly declined, and was at length totally annihilated during the late war.

English Whale Fishery.—The English Whale Fishery, like that of Holland, was originally carried on by an exclusive company. The first association of merchants for this purpose was soon dissolved; but, owing to successive grants of the same kind, the trade continued fettered for a considerable period posterior to the Revolution. During this time, it was, as might have been expected, carried on with almost no success.—In 1724, the South Sea Company embarked largely in this department of industry; but, having, in the course of eight years, incurred an immense loss, they were glad to abandon it. In 1733, the government being determined to encourage this fishery, a bounty of 20s. per ton was granted to all ships of 200 tons and upwards, employed therein; as this bounty, however, was found insufficient, in 1749 it was doubled. This extraordinary encouragement, by factitiously determining a portion of the national capital into this channel, had at last a considerable effect; but a long time elapsed ere the English could, even with these superior advantages, successfully compete with the Dutch. Since this epoch many alterations have been made in the laws respecting the Greenland fishery; and at the commencement of the late war, the bounties were reduced, owing to the market being overstocked with oil.

The following account of the number of English and Scottish vessels employed in the Greenland whale fishery, and of their tonnage, from 1771 to 1800, both inclusive, is extracted from M’Phersons Annals of Commerce:

England. Scotland.
Years. Vessels. Tons. Vessels. Tons.
1771 50 14,700 9 2,797
1772 50 15,378 9 2,797
1773 55 16,712 10 3,016
1774 65 19,770 9 2,773
1775 96 29,131 9 2,773
1776 91 27,047 7 2,251
1777 77 21,917 7 2,251
1778 71 20,291 5 1,587
1779 52 16,907 3 956
1780 50 14,900 4 1,282
1781 34 9,859 5 1,459
1782 38 11,122 6 1,764
1783 47 14,268 4 1,095
1784 89 27,224 7 2,047
1785 136 41,741 13 3,865
1786 162 49,426 23 6,997
1787 219 64,286 31 9,057
1788 216 63,399 31 8,910
1789 133 38,751 28 7,846
1790 130 30,290 22 5,898
1791 93 27,598 23 6,308
1792 73 21,496 28 5,487
1793 38 8,437 14 3,813
1794 47 12,906 13 3,480
1795 34 9,135 10 2,613
1796 42 11,516 9 2,317
1797 50 13,757 10 2,614
1798 56 16,140 10 2,614
1799 57 16,731 10 2,629
1800 51 15,077 10 2,652

From 1788, this table is made up from the annual accounts laid before Parliament; and the number of ships, and the tonnage, always refers to the number of those who actually cleared out for Greenland. We have already given Dr. Colquhoun’s estimate of the value of the whale oil and whalebone imported into Great Britain from 1805 to 1810.

American Whale Fishery.—The whale fishery first attracted the attention of the Americans in 1690, and originated at the island of Nantucket, in boats from the shore. In 1715, six sloops, of thirty-eight tons burden each, were employed in this fishery, from that island. For many years their adventures were confined to the American coast, but as whales grew scarce here, they were extended to the Western Islands, and to the Brazils, and at length to the North and South Seas[35]. For a long time the Dutch seemed to monopolize the whale fishery, which they followed, with success, in the Greenland or Northern Seas.

As early as 1663, they had two hundred and two ships employed in this fishery, and in 1721, as many as two hundred and sixty; in 1788, the number was reduced to sixty-nine, and for many years past, not only has this branch of their commerce, but almost every other, been completely annihilated. In 1731, the Americans had about thirteen hundred tons of shipping employed in this fishery along their coast. About the year 1750, the whale left the American coast. The hardy enterprise and activity of the American sailor, however, soon followed him in every part of the Northern and Southern Seas.

From 1771 to 1775, Massachusetts employed, annually, one hundred and eighty-three vessels, of thirteen thousand eight hundred and twenty tons, in the northern whale fishery, and one hundred and twenty-one vessels, of fourteen thousand and twenty-six tons, in the southern; navigated by four thousand and fifty-nine seamen. The peculiar mode of paying the seamen, in these hazardous voyages, has contributed not a little to the success of the voyages themselves. Each has a share in the profits of the voyage, and is dependent on his own exertions for the reward of his toils. Whether he shall be rich or poor, depends on his activity in managing the boat, in pursuit of the whale, and his dexterity in directing the harpoon. This has led to a spirit of enterprise and hardihood, never surpassed, if ever equalled, by the seamen of any nation in the world.

During the war of the American revolution, this fishery was destroyed; on the return of peace, it recovered, by degrees, and, from 1787 to 1789, ninety-one vessels, of five thousand eight hundred and twenty tons, were annually employed in the northern fishery, and thirty-one vessels, of four thousand three hundred and ninety tons, in the southern, with one thousand six hundred and eleven seamen. The quantity of spermaceti oil taken annually, from 1771 to 1775, was thirty-nine thousand three hundred and ninety barrels, and of whale oil eight thousand six hundred and fifty. From 1787 to 1789, the quantity of spermaceti taken annually was seven thousand nine hundred and eighty barrels, and whale oil thirteen thousand one hundred and thirty. In the representation made to Congress in the year 1790, by the legislature of Massachusetts, it is stated that, before the late war, about four thousand seamen, and twenty-four thousand tons of shipping were annually employed, from that State, in the whale fishery, and that the produce thereof was about £350,000 lawful money, or about 1,160,000 dollars. A great part of this fishery has been carried on from Nantucket, where it originated, a small island about fifteen miles in length, and two or three miles in breadth, situated about thirty miles from the coast. Before the revolutionary war, this small island had sixty-five ships, of four thousand eight hundred and seventy-five tons, annually employed in the northern, and eighty-five ships, of ten thousand two hundred tons, in the southern fishery. From 1787 to 1789, it had only eighteen ships, of one thousand three hundred and fifty tons, in the northern, and eighteen ships, of two thousand seven hundred tons, in the southern fishery. For many years past, this fishery has been carried on from this island, and from New Bedford, a large commercial and flourishing town on the coast, in its neighbourhood, and has employed from fifteen thousand to eighteen thousand tons of shipping, principally in the Southern Seas. Although Great Britain has, at various times, given large bounties to her ships employed in this fishery, yet the whalemen of Nantucket and New-Bedford, unprotected and unsupported by any thing but their own industry and enterprise, have generally been able to meet their competitors in a foreign market. The value of spermaceti and common whale oil, whale bone, and spermaceti candles, exported since 1802, has been as follows:—

Whale (common) Spermaceti oil
oil and bone. and candles.
Dolls. Dolls.
1803 280,000 175,000
1804 310,000 70,000
1805 315,000 163,000
1806 418,000 182,000
1807 476,000 139,000
1808 88,000 33,000
1809 169,000 136,000
1810 222,000 132,000
1811 78,000 273,000
1812 56,000 141,000
1813 2,500 10,500
1814 1,000 9,000

The common whale oil finds a market in the West Indies, Great Britain, France, Spain, and Portugal. The greatest part of the spermaceti oil is carried to Great Britain. The late war between the United States and Great Britain has again almost annihilated the cod and whale fisheries.[36] While in the years previous to the restrictive system and the war, the fisheries furnished articles for exportation to an amount of more than three millions of dollars, in 1814 the exports of the produce of the fisheries is reduced to the sum of 188,000 dollars.

No. III.

During the publication of this little work, I was favoured, through the medium of a friend, with some very important remarks made by a Gentleman of great nautical skill and experience, in the year 1814, on board his Majesty’s ship Sybyll, while in the North Seas, for the protection of the Greenland fishery.

The first point to which he alludes, is the variation of the compass; and, respecting it, he observes, “Being anxious that every thing possible should be done for the improvement of navigation, I determined, while in those high latitudes, to take every opportunity of observing to what extent the variation of the compass might be affected by the ship’s course. A paper containing Captain Flinders’s observations on the same subject, had previously been sent to me by the Lords of the Admiralty; and as these observations had chiefly been made in high southern latitudes, it became doubly important to ascertain whether the same laws were followed in high northern latitudes. Experience has completely proved that they are; and, in fact, it is some years since I ascertained that the course down the English Channel, just taking the ship clear of head-lands, the opposite one up Channel would run the ship on the French coast.

“In order to render the result of my observations on this subject as clear as possible, I have selected a few, and inserted them in the order they were taken. The correctness of them may be relied on, being all calculated by two persons, examined by a third, and the whole taken by myself.

“I boarded a good many Greenland ships when in the North, whose masters all agreed in maintaining, that they experienced strong south-east currents on their return home, and were often confounded at making the coast of Norway when they expected to make that of Shetland. Now, I have no hesitation in saying, that if the same difference in the variation is to be found on board of a Greenland ship, that was found to exist in the Sybyll and Princess Carolina, the idea of a strong easterly current is unfounded, and is merely resorted to, to account for the error in their dead reckoning, arising from their not allowing a sufficiency of westerly variation in running from the ice to the south-west. A degree of longitude is soon lost in those high latitudes, and the error must increase in running to the south-west, if proper allowance be not made; for I am very certain that a different variation will be found on every point of the compass the ship’s head is put on. The greatest will be found when the ship’s head is at West, gradually declining till it comes to East.

“The Princess Carolina, as well as Sybyll, experienced the same currents as the masters of the Greenland ships supposed to exist; for when we made Shetland, by Arnold’s chronometer, No. 1981, to a mile, our dead reckonings were nearly 6° to the westward in both ships; and when we made the North Cape by the same chronometer, (which was under my own care,) the longitude in both ships, by account, was 4° to the westward also. The one error was occasioned by not allowing a sufficient quantity of variation in running to the south-west, and the other by allowing too much in running to the north-east.

“I do not know whether the same observations may hold good when applied to ships coming from the Baltic; but should they do so, they must effectually account for ships getting down on the coast of Holland, when they suppose themselves well over in Mid-channel. Perhaps this may, in some measure, serve to account for the loss of so many of our brave tars when coming from that sea.

“Notwithstanding the whole tenor of my observations, as well as those of Captain Flinders, led me to believe that the cause of the variation must exist in the ship; yet I had great difficulty in coming to a conclusion so remote from what had formerly been held to be truth; and for that reason, during our stay at St. Mary’s, I took the opportunity of making a decisive experiment on this subject. I first went with the Azimuth compass to St. Agnes’s lighthouse, from which I set the flag-staff on St. Mary’s Castle, E. 31° N. I next went to St. Mary’s castle, and from it set the lighthouse W. 31° S. Finding these opposite bearings thus correspond when on shore, I am fully persuaded the cause of the differences observed when at sea, must exist in the ship.”

After making these remarks on the variation of the compass, he next goes on to make some observations, as they occurred in the voyage.

“On the 16th of June, saw Bear, or Cherry Island, which, at a distance, looks like a saddle, both extremities being very high, and the middle low. It may be seen 20 leagues off in clear weather. At noon, it bore by compass, N. b E. ½ E. when I observed in 73° 44´ N. good observation, and our chronometer gave good sights, 20° 3´ E. By seven P. M. we had run 33 miles on a N.N.W. course corrected, when the south end of the island bore by compass E. b N. 3 or 4 leagues, which, brought up from noon, will make it in 74° 19´ N. Lat. and 20° 7´ E. Long. At this time it came on foggy, and prevented us from ascertaining its extent. Soundings are to be obtained to the southward of this island, and up to Spitzbergen; black mud and small shells.

“19th, Saw Spitzbergen, and on the 20th were close in with the South Cape. We carried regular soundings to 11 fathoms, about three miles off; but this part of the coast appearing to be surrounded with rocks, we did not attempt approaching it more closely. Our chronometers made it in about 16° 2´ E. We saw some beacons placed along the coast, each in the form of a cross, which, are, no doubt, placed there for the guidance of the Russian hunters.

“About this time we bore away for the North Cape, in order to water, and procure any refreshments that could be got. After making the land to the westward of the Cape, we stood into a large bay, to look for a place of safety to accomplish our purpose, hardly suspecting that any inhabitants were to be found. On standing in, we observed some boats under sail, one of which was soon brought alongside, that contained a family of Finmarkers, some of whom spoke the Danish language. They informed us of the town of Hammerfest being close by, and offered to take us in. This offer was soon embraced, and, in a few hours, the town opened to our view; which, to our astonishment, contained a church, batteries, &c. The Captain of the port soon made his appearance, and anchored us in safety. I made a survey of this place, and ascertained its latitude and longitude as correctly as possible, which are as follow:

The latitude of Hammerfest Town, ascertained by a good Sextant and False-Horizon, taken on shore, was found 70° 38' 34 N.
Longitude, by Arnold’s chronometer, No. 1981, taken on shore, by the same means 24 28 0 E.
Variation by same means 11 4 0 W.
Range of thermometer on board from 70° to 75°
Range of thermometer on shore 75° 80°

High water on full and change, at three hours; rise and fall 8 feet. I found it is very much influenced by the wind, and when it blows strongly from the N. W. it rises considerably higher.

“The town of Hammerfest is situated on the island of Qualoon, 25 Danish miles in extent, and is one of the departments of West Finmark, which contains 25,000 souls. This province is divided into parishes, each having its priest, and over the whole is a bishop, to enforce the duties of the Lutheran religion. There are 200 regular soldiers scattered in different quarters of the province, commanded by a captain, who governs the whole country. About thirty houses compose the town of Hammerfest, with about 200 inhabitants; with one church, one hospital, a customhouse, and some public and private stores. The customhouse has regular established officers appointed from Copenhagen. The captain of the port is under the same appointment, and wears the uniform of the Danish navy.

“The principal trade of this place is in furs and fish, which are all sent into Russia. The extent of the imports and exports I was not able accurately to learn, but suppose them, in time of peace, to be something considerable. I was told by the captain of the port, that in 1808, 200 sail had been seen here at one time. The Russian merchants have their agents scattered all over West as well as East Finmark. They make their purchases from the Finmarkers, with flour, brandy, sail-cloth, fishing-lines, coarse cloth, and other articles of that kind, for enabling them to carry on the fishing and hunting business. I was informed that 3000 boats were yearly employed by the Finmarkers in fishing; for as soon as the hunting season is over, they devote their whole attention to the fisheries. Four or five men are attached to each boat.

“Cod and herrings abound on this coast, and are the finest I ever saw, being of a much firmer and better texture than those caught on the banks of Newfoundland.

“As the Finmarker dries his fish in the sun, without salt, it must be but a very poor employment: but, as all his wants are easily supplied, with this kind of commerce he is satisfied, and thinks money of little consideration. Perhaps, after all, they are more happy than the lower orders of more enlightened nations.

“Perhaps a fishing establishment at Hammerfest might be attended with considerable advantage. The deepness of the water would render a departure from the mode of fishing observed on the banks of Newfoundland indispensable. The hook and line are here of little consequence. The Finmarkers all fish with nets, and we adopted the same method with considerable success. No place is better adapted than this for curing with salt. From its situation, embosomed by hills, the thermometer in the summer, as our observations show, often reaches a very high degree of temperature. With proper management, a cod might then have been prepared for the market in three days, while at Newfoundland, in the best weather, it requires five.

“At Newfoundland, they have only from twelve to fourteen hours sun; at Hammerfest, nearly four months. The advantages, therefore, as to climate, on the side of Hammerfest, are most obvious. Perhaps, too, an establishment in the North might, in time of war, be of some importance, as it would the better enable us to prevent our enemies enjoying any share of so lucrative a trade as the whale fishing.

“The cold is by no means so intense in winter as might be expected. The inner harbour, though seldom agitated by winds, was never seen frozen over; and the moonlight is sufficiently strong to render labour practicable. Nature has been very provident with respect to fuel, the whole country abounding with good turf. The severity of the climate diminishes the vital principle in the human race; the men soon get old, and the women are past child-bearing at thirty-five.

“The chase of the bear, who is never killed before January or February, when they are in the best condition, sets the courage and cool deliberation of the Finmarker in a most conspicuous point of view. In October, the Finmarker carefully watches the haunts of the bear, who, at that time, seeks for a winter retreat; and having marked it, returns in January to the attack. Having prepared a lance, to which a cross-bar is affixed, about one foot from the point, the Finmarker, when the wind is in a favourable direction, makes a large fire before the bear’s den; the smoke soon irritating the animals, they rush out, one by one: at this critical moment the Finmarker, concealing his lance, places himself behind the fire, and the bear, rearing on his hind legs, in order to seize him, he plunges his lance up to the cross-bar in his breast.[37] The rest are served in the same manner.

“The rein deer are here extremely plenty, and very dear; we paid L.2 for one of them. Certainly they had heard something of the wealth of John Bull.

“Some of the better sort of people at Hammerfest, possessed a few cows and sheep. The cows were not larger than a bull-dog, and the sheep like a good tom-cat.

“The female beauty of this place had sufficient attraction to induce the gentlemen of the Princess Carolina and Sybyll to give them a ball and supper. The invitation was quite general, and the whole went off with great eclat.

“Most of the Russian agents and merchants spoke the English language; but they were by no means anxious to communicate information which they thought might, one day or other, ruin their commercial pursuits. It was only when they got a good dinner, and plenty of wine, that any thing particular could be drawn from them.

“The Sybyll and Princess Carolina sailed from the Downs on the 6th of May, and on the 18th of August arrived in Long Hope Sound. Our highest latitude was 78° 16´, where we saw many of the Greenland ships. We sailed as far east as 32° 44´, and experienced one continued series of good weather. The thermometer never was below 26° in the night, and seldom above 44° in the day, with the exception of the time we were at Hammerfest.”

Mon.
Day,
and
Year.
A.M
or
P.M.
Latitude
in.
Longitude
in.
?
Amplitude
corrected
for dip,
&c.
Ship’s
head.
Magnetic
amplitude.
1814
May North. East.
11 A.M. 53° 38 2° 22 24° 12 N.W. S. 61° 15´ E.
12 A.M. 5 34 2 37 23 59 N.W.bN. S. 61 20 E.
16 A.M. 57 2 3 37 2 1 N.N.E. S. 6645 E.
16 P.M. 57 53 2 21 21 32 NbW.½W. N. 62 50 W
17 A.M. 59 4 0 32 14 42 N.bW. S. 75 20 E.
24 P.M. 60 27 1 58 15 21 N.E.bE. N. 50 15 W
25 A.M. 60 27 2 0 27 6 N.bW. S. 60 40 E.
26 P.M. 60 52 2 50 18 33 N.E. N. 58 40 W
June
2 P.M. 73 14 18 10 17 50 N.E.bN. N. 60 30 W
4 P.M. 74 27 19 58 19 9 W.S.W. N. 60 30 W
8 P.M. 73 59 29 55 18 20 N.E.bN. N. 66 15 W
8 P.M. 74 0 29 52 15 22 W.S.W. N. 48 40 W
13 P.M. 71 10 27 10 8 52 S.W.1/2S. N. 25 0 W
18 P.M. 75 22 18 21 15 2 N.bE. N. 37 50 W
26 P.M. 78 11 6 55 20 38 E.S.E. N. 55 0 W
July
3 A.M. 72 53 21 21 17 47 S.S.E. S. 78 40 E.
22 P.M. 70 27 10 38 17 14 E.S.E. N. 61 30 W
Aug.
1 P.M. 68 58 10 25 15 26 W.½N. N. 52 40 W
2 A.M. 68 33 9 10 13 40 W.½bS.S. S. 79 32 E.
2 P.M. 68 20 8 59 14 32 S.S.W. N. 55 30 W
2 P.M. 68 20 8 59 13 50 West, N. 51 16 W
2 P.M. 68 20 8 59 12 57 N.E.bN. N. 56 20 W
8 P.M. 67 37 3 20 15 6 South, N. 57 35 W
11 A.M. 62 10 0 20 13 48 W.bN. S. 65 55 E.
West,
14 A.M. 61 23 0 6 20 18 W.1/2S. S. 52 30 E.
14 P.M. 60 57 0 23 15 47 E.S.E. N. 60 0 W
14 P.M. 60 57 0v 10 3 00 W.bS. N. 34 30 W
15 P.M. 60 25 0 28 11 52 E.S.E. N. 62C0 W
17 P.M. 59 7 — — 13 23 W.bS. N. 55 30 W
Sept. West,
2 A.M. 58 17 8 31 6 58 N.W. S. 61 15 E.
2 A.M. 58 17 8 31 8v 26 North. S. 62 17 E.
13 P.M. 49 59 6 22 8 12 S.E.bE. N. 71 30 W
14 A.M. 49 6 — — 19 5 . . . S. 46 30 E.
14 P.M. —— — — — — . . . N. 57 0 W

Mon.
Day,
and
Year.
Variation. Difference Remarks, &c. &c.
1814
May
11 24° 49´ W Very good sights.
12 26 18 — —
16 21 35 } 5° 25 — —
16 27 0 } — —
17 27 40 — —
24 24 49 — —
25 24 4 — —
26 20 14 — —
Jun
2 11 35 Very good. Sounded 100 fathoms, fine mud.
4 14 28 Not very good.
8 4 55 } 6 25 Very good.} Both sights were equally good. The ship was immediately put on the other tack.
8 11 20 } Very good.}
13 13 10 Very good. North Cape N.W.bW.½W. 5 leagues.
18 16 12 Very good.
26 19 6 Very good. Ship surrounded with ice.
Jul.
3 9 22 Very good.
22 16 6 Very good.
Aug.
1 26 42 Very good. Ship some motion.
2 25 14 Very good.
2 22 4 } 7 37 All these sights were equally good. The evening was remarkably fine, with a light air from the S.E. The first set was taken with the ship’s head S.S.W.; 2d set at West; and 3d set at N.E.bN. The ship was put round in this manner for the purpose.
2 25 11 }
2 17 34 }
8 26 43 The mean of six sets all good. The weather calm and fine.
11 31 15 The mean of two sets ship steady. Longitude obtained by ?, ?, and chronometer.
14 30 36 } 5 8 Very good.
14 25 28 } Very good. North end of Shetland, S. 11° E. 5 or 6 leagues.
14 30 40 } 10 25 Very good. North end of Shetland, S. 48° W. 4 or 5 leagues.
15 20 15 } Very good. Outer Skerry, Shetland, S.S.W. 2 miles.
17 30 32 Very good. Lamb Head, Orkneys, W.½S. 4 or 5 miles.
Sept.
2 33 1 } 3 30 Both these sights were good, and the ship was put on the courses, as given purposely. St. Kilda Island S. 9° W. 8 or 9 leagues. No soundings at 180 fathoms.
2 29 31 }
13 22 30 At anchor in St. Mary’s. St. Agnes’s Light-House W. 54° S. Castle E. 51° S.
14 27 16 This azimuth was taken on shore at St. Agnes’s Light-House, with false horizon.
14 27 31 This amplitude was taken on shore at St. Mary’s flag-staff.—Most excellent.

[Transcriber's Note: The table was laid out in the original with the data on one page and the Remarks on the next, this table has been divided to fit the page constraints. The date column has been duplicated and for ease of cross referencing.]

No. IV.

In the Appendix to the second volume of Flinders’ Voyage, which has lately been published, there is an article of considerable length and ability, on the Variation of the Compass. In that article, the observations made by that excellent sailor, corroborate, in a remarkable degree, and accord with those made in the Sybyll. I have selected a few of the most decisive instances.

1802. Lat. Long. Course. Var. Diff.
April
22. A.M. 39° 38´S. 141° 40´E. az. W.S.W. 11° 52´E.} 3° 53´
24. 39 38 144 1 . 7 59 }
July
15. P.M. 34 5 135 9 S.E.bE. 1 33 W.} 5 39
34 6 135 9 ampl. S.W.bW. 3 56 E.}
28. 25 0 153 23 N.W.bN. 9 39 } 3 6
29. 24 43 153 27 S.E.½S. 6 33 }

After such a coincidence, the fact of the variations depending greatly on the ship’s course cannot possibly be called in question; though it is certainly surprising that it has not been sooner attended to in the way that it deserves, by other navigators; for it did not altogether escape their observations. Mr. Wales, astronomer to Captain Cook’s ship, the Resolution, had made the same observations in a pretty accurate manner; and M. Entrecasteaux, though without assigning any cause, says, that the “Compass showed differences of several degrees in variation at sea, though observed with the greatest care, and within the space of a few minutes.”

After a more enlarged series of observations shall have been taken, and after the attention of astronomers is directed to this fact, we may confidently expect a most important improvement in the science of navigation.

No. V.

The following article, “ON THE TREMENDOUS CONCUSSIONS OF THE FIELDS OF ICE,” in the Arctic Sea, is extracted from Mr. Scoresby’s valuable Memoir on “Polar Ice” in the Wernerian Society’s Transactions.

“The occasional rapid motion of fields, with the strange effects produced on any opposing substance, exhibited by such bodies, is one of the most striking objects this country presents, and is certainly the most terrific. They not unfrequently acquire a rotatory movement, whereby their circumference attains a velocity of several miles per hour. A field, thus in motion, coming in contact with another at rest, or more especially with a contrary direction of movement, produces a dreadful shock. A body of more than ten thousand millions of tons in weight,[38] meeting with resistance, when in motion, the consequences may possibly be conceived!

“The weaker field is crushed with an awful noise: sometimes the destruction is mutual. Pieces of huge dimensions and weight are not unfrequently piled upon the top, to the height of twenty or thirty feet, whilst doubtless a proportionate quantity is depressed beneath. The view of those stupendous effects in safety, exhibits a picture sublimely grand, but where there is danger of being overwhelmed, terror and dismay must be the predominant feelings. The whale-fishers at all times require unremitting vigilance to secure their safety, but scarcely in any situation, so much as when navigating amidst those fields. In foggy weather they are particularly dangerous, as their motion cannot then be distinctly observed. It may easily be imagined, that the strongest ship can no more withstand the shock of the contact of two fields, than a sheet of paper can stop a musket ball. Numbers of vessels, since the establishment of the fishery, have been thus destroyed. Some have been thrown upon the ice; some have had their hulls completely torn open; and others have been buried beneath the heaped fragments of the ice.

“In the year 1804, I had a good opportunity of witnessing the effects produced by the lesser masses in motion. Passing between two fields of bay-ice, about a foot in thickness, they were observed rapidly to approach each other, and before our ship could pass the strait, they met, with a velocity of three or four miles per hour; the one overlaid the other, and presently covered many acres of surface. The ship proving an obstacle to the course of the ice, it squeezed up on both sides, shaking her in a dreadful manner, and producing a loud grinding, or lengthened and acute tremulous noise, accordingly as the degree of pressure was diminished or increased, until it had risen as high as the deck. After about two hours, the velocity was diminished to a state of rest; and, soon afterwards, the two sheets of ice receded from each other nearly as rapidly as they had before advanced. The ship, in this case, did not receive any injury; but had the ice been only half a foot thicker, she would probably have been wrecked.

“In the month of May of the present year (1813) I witnessed a more tremendous scene. Whilst navigating amidst the most ponderous ice which the Greenland seas present, in the prospect of making our escape from a state of besetment, our progress was unexpectedly arrested by an isthmus of ice, about a mile in breadth, formed by the coalition of the point of an immense field on the north, with that of an aggregation of floes on the south. To the north field we moored the ship, in the hope of the ice separating in this place. I then quitted the ship, and travelled over the ice to the point of collision, to observe the state of the bar which now prevented our release. I immediately discovered that the two points had but recently met; that already a prodigious mass of rubbish had been squeezed upon the top, and that the motion had not abated. The fields continued to overlay each other with a majestic motion, producing a noise resembling that of complicated machinery, or distant thunder. The pressure was so immense, that numerous fissures were occasioned, and the ice repeatedly rent beneath my feet. In one of the fissures, I found the snow on the level to be three and a half feet deep, and the ice upwards of twelve. In one place, hummocks had been thrown up to the height of twenty feet from the surface of the field, and at least twenty-five feet from the level of the water; they extended fifty or sixty yards in length, and fifteen in breadth, forming a mass of about two thousand tons in weight. The majestic unvaried movement of the ice—the singular noise with which it was accompanied—the tremendous power exerted—and the wonderful effects produced—were calculated to excite sensations of novelty and grandeur, in the mind of even the most careless Spectator!

“Sometimes these motions of the ice may be accounted for. Fields are disturbed by currents—the wind—or the pressure of other ice against them. Though the set of the current be generally towards the south-west, yet it seems occasionally to vary; the wind forces all ice to leeward, with a velocity nearly in the inverse proportion to its depth under water; light ice consequently drives faster than heavy ice, and loose ice than fields: loose ice meeting the side of a field in its course, becomes deflected, and its re-action causes a circular motion of the field. Fields may approximate each other from three causes: First, If the lighter ice be to windward, it will, of necessity, be impelled towards the heavier; secondly, As the wind frequently commences blowing on the windward side of the ice, and continues several hours before it is felt a few miles distant to leeward, the field begins to drift before the wind can produce any impression on ice, on its opposite side; and, thirdly, Which is not an uncommon case, by the two fields being impelled towards each other, by winds acting on each from opposite quarters.

“The closing of heavy ice, encircling a quantity of bay ice, causes it to run together with such force, that it overlaps wherever two sheets meet, until it sometimes attains the thickness of many feet. Drift ice does not often coalesce with such a pressure as to endanger any ship which may happen to be beset in it: when, however, land opposes its drift, or the ship is a great distance immured amongst it, the pressure is sometimes alarming.”

No. VI.

On the approximation towards the Poles, and on the possibility of reaching the North Pole. From Mr. Scoresby’s paper in the Wernerian Society’s Transactions.

“We have already remarked, that the 80th degree of north latitude is almost annually accessible to the Greenland whale-fishers, and that this latitude, on particular occasions, has been exceeded. In one of the first attempts which appears to have been made to explore the circumpolar regions, in the year 1607, Henry Hudson penetrated the ice on the north-western coast of Spitzbergen to the latitude of 80° 23´ N. In 1773, Captain Phipps, in “a voyage towards the North Pole,” advanced, on a similar track, to 80° 37´ of north latitude. In the year 1806, the ship Resolution of Whitby, commanded by my father, (whose extraordinary perseverance and nautical ability are well appreciated by those in the Greenland trade, and proved by his never-failing success,) was forced, by astonishing efforts, through a vast body of ice, which commenced in the place of the usual barrier, but exceeded its general extent, by at least a hundred miles. We[39] then reached a navigable sea, and advanced without hindrance, to the latitude of 81½ north, a distance of only 170 leagues from the pole; which is, I imagine, one of the most extraordinary approximations yet realized.”


“The southern hemisphere, towards the pole, was explored by Captain Cook, in various meridians, and with indefatigable perseverance. In his first attempt, in 1772, they met with ice in about 51° south, and longitude 21° east. They saw great fields in 55° south, on the 17th of January, 1773, and, on February the 24th, were stopped by field-ice in 62° south latitude, and 95° east longitude.

“Again, on the second attempt, in December of the same year, they first met with ice in about 62° south latitude, and 172-173° west longitude; and on the 15th, saw field-ice in 66°. On the 30th January, 1774, they were stopped by immense ice-fields in latitude 71° 10´ 30´´ and 107° west longitude, which was the most considerable approximation towards the south pole that had ever been effected.

“Thus, it appears, that there subsists a remarkable difference between the two hemispheres, with regard to the approach of the ice towards the equator; the ice of the southern being much less pervious, and extending to much lower latitudes than that of the northern hemisphere.

“That the 73d or 74th degree of north latitude can be attained at any season of the year, whereas the 71st degree of south latitude has been but once passed.—And,

“That, whilst the antarctic ne plus ultra appears to be the 72d degree of latitude, that of the arctic extends full 600 miles farther; the nearest approach to the southern pole being a distance of 1130 miles, but to the north, only 510 miles.

“With regard to the probability of exploring the regions more immediately in the vicinity of the pole than has yet been accomplished, or even of reaching the pole itself, I anticipate, that, without reference to the reasoning on which the opinion is grounded, it might be deemed the frenzied speculation of a disordered fancy. I flatter myself, however, that I shall be able to satisfy the Society, that the performance of a journey over a surface of ice, from the north of Spitzbergen to the pole, is a project which might be undertaken, with at least a probability of success.

“It must be allowed, that many known difficulties would require to be surmounted—many dangers to be encountered—and that some circumstances might possibly occur, which would at once annul the success of the undertaking. Of these classes of objections, the following strike me as being the most formidable, which, after briefly stating, I shall individually consider in their order.

1. The difficulty of performing a journey of 1200 miles, 600 going and 600 returning, over a surface of ice—of procuring a sufficient conveyance—and of carrying a necessary supply of provisions and apparatus, as well as attendants.

“The difficulties may be increased by

(a.) Soft snow;
(b.) Want of continuity of the ice;
(c.) Rough ice; and
(d.) Mountainous ice.

class="hang"“2. The difficulty of ascertaining the route, and especially of the return, arising from the perpendicularity of the magnetical needle.

“3. Dangers to be apprehended,

(a.) From excessive cold;
(b.) From wild beasts.“

“4. Impediments which would frustrate the scheme;

(a.) Mountainous land;
(b.) Expanse of sea;
(c.) Constant cloudy atmosphere.

“1. It is evident that a journey of 1200 miles, under the existing difficulties, would be too arduous a task to be undertaken and performed by human exertions alone, but would require the assistance of some fleet quadrupeds, accustomed to the harness.

“Rein-deer, or dogs, appear to be the most appropriate. If the former could sustain a sea-voyage, they might be refreshed in the northern part of Spitzbergen, which affords their natural food. They could be yoked to sledges framed of the lightest materials, adapted for the accommodation of the adventurers, and the conveyance of the requisites. The provision for the adventurers, for compactness, might consist of portable soups, potted meats, &c. and compressed lichen for the rein-deer. The instruments and apparatus might be in a great measure confined to indispensables, and those of the most portable kinds; such as tents, defensive weapons, sextants, chronometers, magnetic needles, thermometers, &c.

“As the rein-deer is, however, a delicate animal, difficult to guide, and might be troublesome if thin or broken ice were required to be passed; dogs would seem, in some respects, to be preferable. In either case, the animals must be procured from the countries wherein they are trained, and drivers would probably be required with them. The journey might be accelerated, by expanding a sail to every favourable breeze, at the same time, the animals would be relieved from the oppression of their draughts. It would appear, from the reputed speed of the rein-deer, that, under favourable circumstances, the journey might be accomplished even in a fortnight, allowing time for rest and accidental delays. It would require a month or six weeks with dogs, at a moderate speed; and, in the event of the failure of these animals on the journey, it does not seem impossible that the return should be effected on foot, with sledges for the provisions and apparatus.

“(a.) Soft snow would diminish the speed, and augment the fatigue of the animal; to avoid which, therefore, it would be necessary to set out by the close of the month of April, or the beginning of May; or at least, some time before the severity of the frost should be too greatly relaxed.

“(b.) Want of continuity of the ice would certainly occasion a troublesome interruption; it might nevertheless be overcome, by having the sledges adapted to answer the purpose of boats[40]; and it is to be expected, that although openings amidst the ice should occur, yet a winding course might in general be pursued, so as to prevent any very great stoppage.

“(c.) Many of the most prodigious fields are entirely free from abrupt hummocks from one extremity to the other, and field ice, as it appears in general, would be easily palpable.

“(d.) The degree of interruption from mountainous ice would depend on the quality of its surface. If, as is most probable, it were smooth, and free from abrupt slopes, it would not prevent the success of the expedition.

“2. The direct route would be pointed out, for some part of the way at least, by the magnetic needle; and when its pole should be directed towards the zenith, should that position ever obtain, the sun would be the only guide. Or, the position of the true north being once ascertained, three sledges in a line, at a convenient distance apart, might enable the leading one to keep a direct course. A chronometer would be an indispensable requisite, as the opportunity for lunar observations could not be expected to occur sufficiently often. Were the Pole gained, the bearing of the sun at the time of noon, by a chronometer adjusted to the meridian of north-west Spitzbergen, would afford a line of direction for the return; and, the position, in regard to longitude, (were the sun visible) could be corrected, at least twice a-day, as the latitude decreased. The degrees of longitude being so contracted, any required position would be pointed out by the watch with the greatest precision.

“3. (a.) Among the dangers to be apprehended, the coldness of the air stands prominent. As, however, the cold is not sensibly different, between the latitudes of 70° and 80° with a strong north wind, it may be presumed that at the Pole itself, it would be very little more oppressive than at the borders of the main ice, in the 81st degree of north latitude, under a hard northerly gale: And since this cold is supportable, that of the Pole may be deemed so likewise. The injurious effects of the severity of the weather might be avoided by a judicious choice of woollen clothing, the external air being met by an outward garment of varnished silk, and the face defended by a mask, with eyes of glass. The exterior garment, would, at the same time, be water-proof, and thus capable of shielding the body from accidental moisture.

“(b.) The white bear is the only ferocious animal known to inhabit those regions, and he rarely makes an attack upon man. At any rate, he might be repulsed by any offensive weapon. And, as the prey of the bears is scarce in the most northern latitudes, they would not probably occur in any abundance.

“4. Hitherto no insurmountable objection has been presented: a few serious obstacles, should they occur, remain to be considered.

“(a.) Mountainous land, like mountainous ice, would check the progress of the expedition, in proportion to the ruggedness of its surface and the steepness of its cliffs. Its occurrence would, nevertheless, form an interesting discovery.

“(b.) From the pretended excursions of the Dutch, many have believed that the sea at the Pole is free from ice. Were this really the case, the circumstance would certainly be an extraordinary one; but I consider it too improbable to render it necessary to hazard any opinion concerning it.

“(c.) From the facts stated in pages 319, 320, of this paper, I think we derive a sanction for calculating on clear weather at all times, but with southerly storms; and, as these occur but rarely, the progress of the journey would not probably be suspended by an obscure sky, except for short periods, and at distant intervals.

“Notwithstanding I have now distinctly considered every obvious objection and difficulty to be surmounted, I am nevertheless sensible, that in the realising of any project or discovery, whether by sea or on land, there will occur many adventitious circumstances, which may tend to mar the progress of the best regulated expedition. Therefore, it may not be improper to confirm and strengthen the whole, by directing the attention to what has been done, in journeying under difficulties which may bear a comparison with the undertaking here alluded to, and occasionally under circumstances the most unfavourable to success.

“1st, When treating of icebergs, I alluded to the journey of Alexei Markoff, in which it appears, that he performed near eight hundred miles across a surface of packed ice, in the spring of 1715, in a sledge drawn by dogs; and consequently, that he might be supposed to have encountered the principal difficulties that could be expected in the proposed scheme, whilst we have the advantage of improving by his experience.

“2d, Speaking of the south-western tendency of the ice, I have also noticed the loss of several of the Dutch Greenland fleet in 1777, from which we learn, that part of the unfortunate suffering crews, under every privation of provision and clothing, and exposed to the severity of an Arctic winter, accomplished a journey on foot, along the coasts of Old Greenland, from the east side, near Staten Hook, to the Danish settlements on the west, a distance of near a hundred leagues.

“3d, On contrasting the projected polar journey with the catalogue of marvellous occurrences, and wonderful preservations which are exhibited in the records of maritime disasters,[41] the difficulties of the undertaking in a great measure vanish, and its dangers are eclipsed by the wonderful results which necessity has, in various instances accomplished.”

FINIS.


                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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