Early in the summer of 1869 Prince Charles received a very cordial invitation to visit the Czar at Livadia in the Crimea. This mark of regard was the more welcome as a project was on foot in St. Petersburg for the abolition of consular jurisdiction in Roumania, a measure which Prince Charles was most eager to see adopted. In writing to his father he gratefully referred to this topic: "Russia has very wisely taken the initiative in this most important question, which will be unwelcome to France; but tant mieux, for the French Cabinet is still very conservative, as it wishes to keep in with Turkey. But why should it agree with Turkey only about Roumania and not about Egypt? Why does it side with England in Roumania, and oppose England À couteau tirÉ in Egypt? This policy, in one word, is based upon interest—material interest. It is, therefore, only politic to endeavour to attract French capital for our great undertakings: I have already discussed this idea with several people. England is, on the whole, neutral to Roumania, and we have nothing to expect from that quarter. Its Eastern policy is by no means favourable to the Christian nations."
The Ministry were empowered by a decree, signed on August 9, to act as regents during the first absence of Prince Charles from Roumania, and the Prince set out for the Crimea on August 14. After a smooth sea passage Odessa was reached on the 16th, and the Prince continued his journey to Sebastopol the following day on board the imperial yacht Kasbek. The aspect of this once prosperous port was melancholy in the extreme, and it almost seemed as if time had stood still since the date of the terrible siege. All the large buildings near the harbour, such as barracks and warehouses, remained in the state in which the British and French shells had left them. In riding round the south front of the fortress the Prince easily recognised the approaches and parallels of the Allies: the Malakhoff Tower had been so effectually bombarded that it was difficult to believe how strong a work it had once been; the Redan, on the other hand, which had cost England so many lives, was in comparatively good condition.
Continuing his journey by carriage the next morning, Prince Charles reached Livadia at five in the afternoon after a long and fatiguing drive. The Czar received him with the greatest cordiality, and remarked at once that the courteous attitude of the Prince was enough to attract the animosity of the whole of Europe. The conversation then turned upon the affairs of Roumania, about which the Czar showed himself well informed on every point. Prince Charles was then presented to the Czarina, a cousin of his mother, to the Grand Duchess Marie, and later on to the Czarevitch and his wife, as well as to the Grand Duke Alexis. Unfortunately the tropical heat affected both the Czar and his guest to no slight degree, and the pleasure of the meeting was thus materially discounted. As early as August 22 Prince Charles was forced to bid his hospitable hosts good-bye, that he might attend the Roumanian manoeuvres before his visit to his parents in Germany.
The fears, which had been openly expressed, for the safety of Roumania during the Prince's absence proved to have been utterly unfounded, for, though the papers, the Romanul and the Trajan, emulated each other in their attacks upon the dynasty, their revolutionary efforts met with no response at all, and it was therefore with a light heart that Prince Charles set out on September 7 to rejoin his dearly loved parents in South Germany. Before he quitted the territory of Roumania an amnesty was granted for all political and Press offences, in order to show the Prince's confidence that no intrigue was able to shake his hold upon the hearts of his people.
The journey to the West, which was to exert so potent an influence on the Prince's life, was broken first at Vienna, where the Emperor of Austria had announced his intention of receiving the Roumanian Prince. For the first time since the war of 1866 the Emperor wore the ribbon of the Black Eagle, as a compliment to the house of Hohenzollern. Prince Charles seized the opportunity of assuring his Majesty that it would always be the policy of Roumania to stand on the best terms with Austria. Count Beust, who ventured to remark that the cost of the Roumanian Army was out of all proportion to its Budget, received the apt retort that the arsenals were unfortunately empty, a reference to the Count's statement that "Roumania was simply a large arsenal." The reception accorded to the Prince was so hearty that the Viennese Press expressed the opinion that Prince Charles would later on have to answer to the Porte for his assumption of sovereign bearing.
After a short stay in Munich, where he met Prince Hohenlohe SchillingfÜrst [the present German Chancellor], Prince Charles rejoined his parents on September 16, after a separation of more than three years. The peace and quiet of home life, however, was interrupted the very next day by the arrival of a delegate of the Spanish Cortes, Don Eusebio di Salazar, who came to offer the Hereditary Prince the Crown of Spain. The idea was by no means new, for several papers had, in October 1868, mentioned the Prince Leopold as a likely candidate on the ground that he was not only a Catholic and the son-in-law of the King of Portugal, but the very opposite of his "amiable brother, the Roumanian Prince Carol, by the Grace of Bratianu." There was no lack of candidates for the vacant throne. Napoleon favoured the aspirations of the Prince of Asturia, the Empress EugÉnie those of Don Carlos, and the Spanish Ambassador in Paris those of the Duke of Genoa. Don Salazar mentioned that the eyes of the Spanish nation had first turned towards Prince Charles, who had shown such courage and talent in a similar position. The Hereditary Prince declared that he would only consider the offer if he was elected unanimously and without rivals.
On September 28 Prince Charles left the Weinburg for Baden, where he was to meet the Prussian Royal Family. The Crown Prince urged him to lay aside all other views, and to seek the hand of Princess Elisabeth of Wied, whom he knew intimately, as one who would bring the same devotion to the duties of her position as the Prince himself. He concluded by offering to arrange a meeting, as if by chance, at Darmstadt on the 13th, to which proposal Prince Charles at once assented.
In the meantime, the Prince paid a promised visit to the French Emperor, whom he found much altered in personal appearance since the last time he had seen him in 1863. Napoleon received him with great cordiality and presented him with the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour. Prince Charles was commissioned to inform King William of the peaceful intentions of France, and of the Emperor's sincere wish to remain on the best terms with Prussia. Napoleon declared that no one could understand the difficulties of Prince Charles's position better than he, for to rule a Latin race was no easy matter. On hearing of the projected marriage, Napoleon expressed his satisfaction, and added with emphasis: "The German princesses are so well brought up!"
As the interview with Princess Elisabeth was to take place at Cologne instead of Darmstadt, Prince Charles set out for the former city on October 12. The meeting took place at the Flora, where the Dowager Princess of Wied was dining with her daughter before proceeding to Madame Schumann's concert. Prince Charles and Princess Elisabeth, who had already met once or twice before in Berlin society, walked a little ahead of the remainder of the party, talking over old times in Berlin. Before the promenade came to an end, Prince Charles had fallen sincerely in love with Princess Elisabeth, and was resolved to risk all, and to ask for her hand. A private interview with her mother the Princess of Wied was arranged, and resulted in the Princess consenting to ascertain her daughter's wishes. After a long quarter of an hour the answer "Yes" was brought to the Prince, who at once hastened to receive the reply from the lips of the young Princess herself. Affairs of State of an urgent nature, however, prevented the Prince from obeying the dictates of his heart and remaining in the company of his betrothed.
After an absence of forty-eight hours Prince Charles returned from Paris to Neuwied, where the betrothal was celebrated on October 15, 1869. An enormous number of congratulatory telegrams were received by the young couple, including messages from the King and Crown Prince of Prussia and the Emperor Napoleon. The general impression created by Prince Charles's choice was extremely favourable, as an alliance with a reigning House would have evoked much jealousy and intrigue. As the marriage was purely one of inclination this danger was avoided; and the political neutrality of Roumania was by no means affected.
Affairs of State demanded the speedy return of the Prince to the land of his adoption, and the wedding-day was fixed for November 15. A numerous and distinguished company, including the Queen of Prussia, accompanied by the Grand Duchess of Baden, attended the ceremony at Neuwied, which was first celebrated in the Roman Catholic Chapel and afterwards according to the rites of the Protestant Church. The text of the sermon was aptly chosen, as alluding to the difficulties and troubles which were to be encountered in the far-off Eastern country: "Whither thou goest, I will go: and where thou lodgest, I will lodge; thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God."
Only a few days remained before the stern call of duty summoned the happy pair to their life-work in Roumania. The journey to the Princess's new home in Bucharest was commenced on November 18. After a short stay in Vienna the travellers reached Roumanian territory on the 22nd. Every town through which they passed was profusely decorated, and the enthusiasm of the Roumanian nation appeared to surpass even that with which they had welcomed Prince Charles on his accession. A hundred and one guns announced the arrival of the Prince and Princess in Bucharest, and the town had put on all its finery in honour of the occasion. After a Te Deum had been celebrated by the venerable Metropolitan Niphon, fifty happy couples who had been married at the cost of the State defiled past their Highnesses.
The following day deputations from all parts of the country were received in the throne-room, when the Princess wore for the first time the diamond coronet presented by the people of Bucharest.
Princess Elisabeth at once commenced to take an active share in her husband's labours, and visited with him the various charitable and educational establishments in the capital. The innate generosity and liberality of the Prince had, however, made such inroads upon his purse, that many of their cherished designs had to be abandoned for the time being for lack of funds. At this moment, however, the most prominent members of the Chamber were on the point of introducing a measure granting the Princess a yearly sum of £12,000, but Prince Charles declined to accept this offer until the financial situation of Roumania had improved. The Opposition at once seized the opportunity of representing such a proposal as a "robbery," and their organs vied with each other in the most violent and unworthy attacks on the Prince and Princess. Some even lowered themselves so far as to send the grossest of these attacks to the Princess in registered letters! The violent scenes and the obstruction in the Chamber left the Budget unvoted, and again placed the Ministry in a most unenviable position, from which they were only released by their resignation in February 1870.
The new Ministry under A. Golesku displayed its weakness from the day of its formation. The Opposition openly used threats such as: "This dynasty cannot be endured," "Golesku will be the last of Prince Charles's Ministers," and declared that a "bloody tragedy" would shortly be enacted in the streets of the capital. A far-spreading conspiracy against the peace of the country made itself the more felt, since there were no police worthy of the name; the National Guard also was a source of real danger, whilst the apathy of the Ministry permitted these evils to flourish unchecked.
The question of the Spanish throne appeared to have been satisfactorily dismissed, to judge from a letter from Count Bismarck: "The political horizon, seen from Berlin, appears at present so unclouded that there is nothing of interest to report, and I only hope that no unexpected event will render the lately arisen hope of universal peace questionable." Eight days later, on March 1, Prince Charles received the news that Don Salazar had been despatched to Berlin to urge once more upon Prince Leopold the acceptance of the Spanish crown, but both he and his father felt disinclined to accept this offer, unless it was considered absolutely necessary to the interests of the Prussian State. Bismarck, on the other hand, warmly supported the offer of the Spanish Regency, and pointed out to the King the benefits which must ensue if an allied country lay upon the other side of France. The commerce of Germany would also receive a great impetus if the resources of Spain, with its enormous sea-board, were developed under a Hohenzollern. King William, however, did not agree with his Minister's opinion, and left the decision entirely in the hands of Prince Leopold, whose chief objection appeared to be the number of pretenders to the throne. The Crown Prince of Prussia had also warned him that, though the Government might support him at first, it was by no means certain that this support would be continued afterwards! On March 16 Prince Leopold informed the King that he felt compelled to decline the offer; but, as Bismarck still insisted upon the throne being accepted by a Hohenzollern, his younger brother, Prince Frederick, was recalled from Italy by telegram to take the place of his brother. The young Prince, however, also refused to accept the offered crown unless ordered to do so by the King. Nevertheless, in spite of opposition, the Chancellor persisted in declaring that the necessities of politics demanded that a Hohenzollern Prince should accede to the wish of the Spanish Regency.
"From Prince Charles Anthony, March 20, 1870.
"I have been here [Berlin] for a fortnight on most important family business: nothing less was on the tapis than the acceptance or refusal of the Spanish crown by Leopold, which was offered officially by the Spanish Government, though under the seal of a European State secret.
"This question preoccupies everybody here. Bismarck wishes it to be accepted for dynastic and political reasons; whilst the King asks whether Leopold will willingly accept the summons. A very interesting and important council took place on the 15th, under the presidency of the King, the Crown Prince, ourselves, Bismarck, Roon, Moltke, Schleinitz, Thile, and DelbrÜck being present. The unanimous decision of the councillors was in favour of acceptance, as fulfilling a Prussian patriotic duty. For many reasons Leopold, after a long struggle, declined. But since Spain desires avant tout a Catholic Hohenzollern, I have proposed Fritz in the event of his consenting. He is at present between Nice and Paris, but has not been reached or found by telegraph. We hope, however, to communicate with him shortly, and I hope that he will then allow himself to be persuaded.
"But all this is in the future and the secret must be preserved for the present...."
Prince Charles Anthony informed his son of the course of events in a letter dated from Berlin, April 22:
"The Spanish Question has again brought me here; it is now approaching its decisive stage. After Leopold refused the offer for weighty reasons, the candidature of Fritz was seriously taken in hand. An immediate settlement was necessary, as pressure was brought to bear from Madrid; your brother, however, most decidedly declared that he could not undertake the task! The matter must therefore be allowed to drop, and an historical opportunity has thus been lost for the house of Hohenzollern, an incident which has never occurred before and which probably will never occur again.... If the King had given the order at the last hour, Fritz would have obeyed; but as he was left free to decide, he resolved not to undertake the task.... The Spanish secret has been kept wonderfully well; and it is of the utmost importance that it should remain unknown in the future—at least so far as we are concerned. Olozaga[13] in Paris was not initiated. Serrano and Prim were the men who held the matter in their hands."
A month later Prince Charles Anthony wrote: "Bismarck is very discontented with the failure of the Spanish combination. He is not wrong! Still the matter is not yet completely given up. It still hangs by a couple of threads, as weak as those of a spider's web!"
To return, however, to the affairs of Roumania; Prince Charles opened the new mint at Bucharest in March, when the first Roumanian coins bearing a profile of the Prince and the inscription "Prince of the Roumanians" were struck. The coins consisted of Carols d'or in gold and one leu (franc) in silver. Ali Pacha at once protested formally against the illegal coinage with the Prince's likeness, and refused to allow it to circulate in Turkey. Owing, however, to the support of Austria and France, this difficulty was eventually smoothed over satisfactorily.
Financial difficulties, coupled with the unsatisfactory reports on the Roumanian railway concessions, led to the fall of the Golesku Ministry in April. M. E. C. Jepureanu succeeded in forming a new Cabinet, which received cordial support from abroad as well as at home. The vexatious Jewish question and the very serious state of the railway finances, for which the Opposition sought to make the Prince personally responsible, were the chief of the many difficulties of the Government.
The result of the general election was by no means as favourable as the Prince had been led to expect, and a serious riot occurred at PitÉschti. The troops were called out and ordered to fire upon the mob, several of the soldiers having been wounded by stones. Similar occurrences took place at Plojeschti, a regular hot-bed of seditious intrigue, and the National Guard of that town had to be subsequently disbanded for taking part in the political demonstrations.
The attention of Prince Charles was suddenly averted by a change in his eldest brother's views with regard to the Spanish throne. Prince Leopold had at last decided to accept the crown under certain definite conditions, as he had become convinced of the great services which he could thus render to his Fatherland. King William at once gave his consent, and Don Salazar returned to Madrid on June 23 with the news of Prince Leopold's readiness to accept the crown. An unfortunate mistake in a cypher telegram caused the Cortes to be prorogued from June 24 to October 31, and the election of Prince Leopold was therefore delayed until late in the autumn, thus offering ample opportunities to malcontents for the prosecution of intrigues and agitations against the Hohenzollern candidature.
The Agence Havas reported from Madrid on July 3 that the Spanish Ministry had decided upon the candidature of the Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern, and that a deputation were already on their way to the Prince. This news caused the greatest excitement throughout Paris, and the French Ambassador at Berlin was commissioned to express to the Foreign Office the "painful surprise" caused by these tidings. The Prussian Secretary of State replied that the matter did not concern the Prussian Government. The excitement of the Parisian Press increased from hour to hour, whilst the Duc de Gramont, in an interview with the Prussian Ambassador, declared that the Emperor would never tolerate the candidature of a Hohenzollern Prince; and M. Ollivier, who was also present, expressed the same opinion. Gramont also openly accused Prince Charles of having induced his brother to take this step, and remarked to M. Strat, the Roumanian agent: "As soon as Prince Charles conspires against the interests of France, it is only fair that we should do our best to overthrow him, and we shall at once commence action in the event of a war with Prussia, in order to satisfy public opinion, which has so often reproached the Emperor with having sent a Hohenzollern to the Danube."
King William wrote to Prince Charles Anthony on the 10th, mentioning that France was obviously bent upon war, and that he was as willing to sanction Leopold's withdrawal as he had formerly been to assent to his acceptance of the offered throne. Two days later the Hereditary Prince withdrew his name by means of a telegram from his father to Marshal Prim:
"Having regard to the complicated interests which appear to oppose the candidature of my son Leopold for the Spanish throne, and the painful position which recent events have created for the Spanish people by offering them an alternative where their sense of liberty alone can guide them, and being convinced that under such circumstances their votes, on which my son counted in accepting the candidature, can neither be sincere nor spontaneous, I withdraw from the position in his name.
"PRINCE OF HOHENZOLLERN.
"Sigmaringen, July 12th, 1870."
The unexpected and unheard-of demands which Benedetti was forced by his Government to submit to King William at Ems shattered the last hopes of peace, and France declared war against Prussia.
In spite of the nationality of their Prince, the Roumanian nation sided entirely with France: "Wherever the banner of France waves, there are our sympathies and interests." The Chamber demanded that the Government should explain the policy it intended to adopt with regard to the belligerent parties, but, though the Ministry adhered to a strictly neutral attitude, a motion was passed to the effect that the sympathies of Roumania would always be with the Latin race.
The Roumanian agent in Paris, M. Strat, telegraphed to know whether, in the event of Russia taking part in the war, the Roumanian Government would conclude a treaty with France or not! The apparently peaceable intentions of Russia pointed to a treaty merely on paper, notwithstanding which Roumania would reap advantages at the conclusion of peace. Austria had been sounded on this question, and approved of supporting Prince Charles.
The Roumanian Government replied: "If France categorically demands from us the signature of a treaty to influence our attitude towards Russia in the event of Oriental complications, you are empowered to conclude such a treaty on the following basis: the Roumanian Government is resolved to oppose any hostile movement of Russia hand-in-hand with the Western Powers and Turkey. Mavrogheni has been specially sent to England to negotiate to the same end. We can place a well-equipped army of 30,000 men into the field."
The Times, on July 26, published a draft of a treaty drawn up in 1867, in which France offered Prussia the union of the North German Confederation with South Germany and a united Parliament in return for the sacrifice of Belgium and Luxemburg. This epoch-making announcement was confirmed by a despatch from Count Bismarck, received on the 29th. Count Benedetti, in whose handwriting and on whose paper this draft was written, maintained that he had merely put down the Chancellors ideas, "as it were at his dictation," a statement which caused the greatest surprise even in the French Press.
The minor engagement at SaarbrÜcken, the "baptism by fire" of the unfortunate Prince Imperial, was reported as a great French victory, and greeted as such with unbounded enthusiasm by the inhabitants of Bucharest. These rejoicings were, however, cut short by the news of the German victories at Weissenburg, WÖrth, and Spichern, when the Imperial Army was forced to retreat on Metz. In consequence of these disasters the Gramont-Ollivier Ministry was defeated, and a new Cabinet formed under Count Palikao.
A most interesting letter from Prince Charles Anthony was received at Bucharest on August 16:
"I decidedly support Strat, for he has proved himself a devoted and faithful servant to you and to our family.
"He arrived at Sigmaringen at a moment when the French Government was peculiarly exasperated. It was from him that I learnt the actual spirit and intention in Paris; it was due to him that I published Leopold's renunciation twenty-four hours earlier perhaps than I should have done without his urgent advice. In neutralising the French pretext for war, by making the renunciation public at the right moment, the Franco-Prussian War has, perhaps, become a popular, i.e., a German, war. Any delay on my part would have given the war a dynastic complexion, and the whole of Southern Germany would have left Prussia in the lurch.... Napoleon has brought about the unity of Germany in twenty-four hours."
The excitement in Roumania culminated in an attempted revolution in that hot-bed of sedition, Plojeschti, on August 29, when the militia barracks were stormed and a proclamation issued, deposing Prince Charles and appointing General A. Golesku regent ad interim. A deputy, Candianu Popesku, at the head of the mob, entered the telegraph office and, revolver in hand, threatened to shoot the clerks, unless they telegraphed the news of the deposition of the Prince to the foreign countries and the larger towns of Roumania. With admirable presence of mind the clerks reported the occurrence to the Ministry at Bucharest instead of complying with the insurgents' demands. A battalion of Rifles under Major Gorjan was immediately despatched to the scene of the insurrection, which they promptly quelled. Both General Golesku and J. Bratianu, who appeared to be implicated in these affairs, were arrested at once, but were soon released by order of Prince Charles, who expressed his conviction that the insurgents had used their names without any authorisation. On being arrested, Bratianu begged that his papers might be left undisturbed, for, as he remarked with a smile, he was "too experienced a conspirator" to retain possession of compromising documents. Some twenty persons were arrested in connection with this affair, though, as Prince Charles wrote to his father, it seemed improbable that there was sufficient evidence to convict them.
The news of a great battle fought near Sedan caused the wildest excitement in Bucharest, and elaborate arrangements were made to celebrate a French victory. Rumours were current that King William had been taken prisoner with a force varying from 20,000 to 60,000 men, but a telegram announcing the voluntary surrender of the Emperor seemed to point, at any rate, to an undecided action. When the truth became known the greatest consternation prevailed in the Roumanian capital, where, in spite of the earlier German victories, the hope of the eventual success of the French arms had never been quite relinquished. The crowning defeat of the Imperial Army was followed by the flight of the Empress-Regent and the fall of the Napoleonic dynasty.
The birth of a daughter, Marie, on September 8, at a moment when the whole of Germany stood shoulder to shoulder against their foe, was welcomed by the Prince and Princess as a happy omen for the future. In accordance with the Constitution the child was baptised according to the rites of the Orthodox Church in the church of Cotroceni, on October 13, in the presence of the heads of the military and civil departments. A salute of twenty-one guns announced the moment of the ceremony to the capital.
The joyful news of the birth of a Princess was communicated to the various Courts and to the deposed French Emperor, who replied as follows:
"My dear Prince,
"I thank you for the letter which you have kindly written to inform me of the birth of Princess Marie. I shall always take a lively interest in all that contributes to your happiness; and I pray that family joys may sweeten the bitterness inseparable from power. I am much touched by the memories you have preserved of your visit to Paris, and I again assure you of the sentiments of sincere friendship with which I remain
"Your most Serene Highness's cousin,
"NAPOLEON."
The call of duty, however, prevented Prince Charles from devoting as much time as he otherwise would have done to his wife and daughter, for the disquieting effects of the German victories upon French soil were felt only too plainly in Roumania. The work on the railways, too, had suffered in consequence of the war, whilst the exports of grain had practically fallen to zero. Farmers and peasants were unable to sell their produce except at ruinous prices, and were wholly unable to pay their taxes. As the Prince had prophesied six weeks before, the Plojeschti insurgents were all acquitted by the jury. The Ministry wished to resign as a proof of their disapprobation, but Prince Charles was unable to accede to their request.
The acquittal of those who had sought to overthrow the Government confirmed the Prince in his intention to abdicate as soon as he could assure himself that the country would not lapse into absolute anarchy. He had already assured the representatives of the Great Powers that the present state of affairs in Roumania could not and must not continue. Prince Charles, however, did not inform them that he would not be beholden to any foreign intervention for his future career, and that, in his father's words, he would relinquish his self-imposed task if he could not "anchor his power solely and exclusively in Roumania." He felt that it would be impossible for him to govern the country after foreign intervention had taken place.
Prince Charles had taken a solemn oath to the Constitution, and therefore could not depart from it, though Roumanian statesmen of both parties had frequently represented to him that, when a choice had to be made between a "sheet of paper and a country's ruin," one must not hesitate to tear up the paper. It was, however, impossible for Prince Charles to agree to this view, for the Constitution was more to him than a piece of paper, even though it offered him no means of securing the prosperity and development of the country.
In the meantime the action of Russia in declaring its intention of disregarding the neutralisation of the Black Sea, decreed by the Treaty of Paris in 1856, threatened to create yet another European crisis. When the Note containing this information was handed to the Grand Vizier, he at once asked whether M. de Stahl was bringing him war. "On the contrary," replied the Ambassador, "I bring you eternal peace." Before this General Ignatieff had endeavoured to persuade the Turkish statesmen that, though the Western Powers endeavoured to represent Russia as the evil genius of Turkey, she was in reality the most sincere ally of the Ottoman Empire. The Sultan would never be able to reckon on Germany, whose policy would always be selfish and ambitious. Austria, too, was only intent on annexing Bosnia and Herzegowina, whilst France, on the other hand, as soon as she had recovered from her reverses, would, next to Russia, be the most effective supporter of Turkey. The Sublime Porte was convinced that Russia had obtained the consent of Germany, though Count Bismarck had telegraphed that the Russian declaration had been a painful surprise to him.
The Note created a storm of indignation in Austria and England, which Bismarck increased still more by proposing the assembly of a Conference in London to settle the vexed question.
After a long discussion with the President of the Ministry, Prince Charles decided to explain the situation in Roumania to the guaranteeing Powers. The wording of the document, however, caused great difficulties, for, if the Prince declared his firm intention of abdicating, the country would be exposed to the danger of annexation, whereas the Prince wished above all things to preserve the autonomy of the State, and to assure its future prosperity by strengthening the hands of the Government. Prince Charles in these letters expressed his regret that he was no longer able to curb the passions of the various Roumanian parties, and therefore suggested that the future of Roumania should be regulated by the proposed Congress. Only a stable and a strong government could remedy the internal and external evils of the country, which at present was in the most deplorable condition, despite the wealth of its resources. The letters for the sovereigns of the guaranteeing Powers were handed to their representatives on December 7, except that addressed to the Sultan, which was kept back until a reply was received from the British Ambassador, who had been asked to present it to the Sultan, to ensure the document being kept strictly secret.
These letters had hardly been despatched when the following telegram was received from Count Bismarck by the Prussian Consul-General:
"Advocate His Highness delaying any decision to appeal to the guaranteeing Powers until after the conclusion of peace. Any Roumanian complication would be doubly undesirable at present: the Prince could not even hope for our moral support."
Prince Charles replied that this advice had reached him too late, and that complications in the East could not possibly arise, as the documents in question were to be kept private. So far as he was concerned personally his position was neither of service to Roumania nor to Europe, whilst he himself was exposed to contumely; he therefore could not much longer continue to bear the responsibilities of government.
To crown the difficulties of the Prince's position information reached him on December 18 that the railway contractor was unwilling or unable to pay the coupon of the bonds due on January 1. The blow was indeed a bitter one, for the thought that it was to him that Roumania owed its railway system had always been one of comfort. It suggested at least one service which he had been able to render his adopted country. Now that even this last consolation had been taken from him, Prince Charles was still more firmly convinced that he could not forsake Roumania in its day of peril, and that his cherished plan of abdication must not take place until this serious financial trouble had been settled.
It was during these dark days that he poured out his innermost thoughts to his truest friend, his father: "When once this enormous difficulty has been surmounted I shall be able to say that I have stood the ordeal of fire; then the cruel sport will be finished; then you will find me some spot where I can rest my weary head—some quiet remote corner where one can entirely forget oneself for a time. Switzerland would be the most welcome to me; there we might blot out the hard separation of five years in your company, my dearest parents. But for the present these are but pious wishes, since I cannot to-day fix the moment of their fulfilment: may it not be long in coming!"
The Chamber found worthy representatives—the chief instigators of the recent insurrection—to convey the scandalously worded address to the ruler who had never a thought save for the welfare and prosperity of his country.
In reply to that passage of the Speech from the Throne referring to the Plojeschti sedition—"A free government, that is, one which is always in agitation, cannot maintain itself without laws capable de correction"—the Chamber declared that "the best means to prevent such occurrences in the future would be compliance with the wishes of the people and respect for the law!" Prince Charles informed his Ministers that he could not accept an address couched in such terms, but eventually gave way to their prayers and entreaties that he would not offer the Opposition such an opportunity for attacking the dynasty. The ill-considered action of passionate and reckless Deputies, they urged, would only gain an importance which it otherwise would have lacked, from the fact of the Prince refusing to acknowledge it.
A most interesting document, dated December 22, 1870, the publication of which at a later period had so far-reaching an effect on the Roumanian nation, contains the reasons which led Prince Charles to confess himself beaten.
"Nearly five years have now passed since I formed the bold resolution of placing myself at the head of this country, so richly endowed by Mother Nature, and yet, in other respects, so poor. On reviewing this period, so short in the life of a nation, so long in the existence of a man, I must confess that I have not been able to be of much use to this beautiful country. I often ask myself the question, 'At whose door does the fault lie—at mine, in being ignorant of the character of this nation, or at that of the nation, which will neither allow itself to be guided nor understand how to guide itself?'
"My numerous journeys in all parts of the two Principalities, and my many-sided intercourse with all grades of society have almost convinced me that the real blame rests not on me personally, nor on the majority of the nation, but rather on those who have constituted themselves the leaders of the country which gave them birth. These men, the greater number of whom owe their social and political education to foreign countries, and have thereby only too thoroughly forgotten the condition of their own country, aim solely at transplanting to their Fatherland the ideas they have gained abroad by casting them into Utopian form, without having tested them. This unfortunate country, which formerly suffered so much oppression, has thus passed at one bound from a despotic government to a Liberal constitution such as no other nation in Europe possesses.
"My experiences lead me to consider this the greater misfortune since the Roumanians can boast of none of the citizenly virtues which appertain to such a quasi-republican form of State.
"Had I not taken to my heart this magnificent country, for which, under other circumstances, the richest future might have been foretold, I should have lost patience long ago; but I have now made one final effort which will perhaps cause me to appear unkind to my country in the eyes of the parties, as well as in those of the national Roumanian leaders, by putting all personal considerations behind me, and possibly by completely sacrificing my popularity; it would, however, have been an inexcusable neglect of duty to conceal this evil any longer, or to permit the country's future to be sacrificed to party intrigues. The man who has the courage to speak the truth and to call things by their right names will often get the worst of the bargain, and this in all probability will be my fate. Yet I gratefully recognise this difference, that I am at liberty to return to an independent life, free from care, to the joys of home and family in my native land, that powerful magnet which has never ceased to attract me in the heavy hours through which I have been passing.
"I regret with my whole heart that my good intentions have been so misconstrued and rewarded by ingratitude; but, since I share this fate with the majority of mortals, I shall learn to console myself and by degrees forget what once I aimed at, in intercourse with congenial spirits. I shall accept the address of the Chamber to-morrow, a masterpiece of Phanariot perfidy, the contents of which will reach you through the papers. The only circumstance which can justify my acceptance of a document in which a legislative body dares to speak to the Sovereign of conditional allegiance is the serious financial situation of the country, threatened as it is by bankruptcy. Just as in private life the disapproval of an action can only affect the agent, so in this case the entire responsibility falls on the shoulders of those who do not understand how to honour the Prince whom they have themselves chosen—a man dishonours himself when he does not know how to respect that which he has himself created.
"C."
A series of passionate debates, which at times threatened to end in violence, resulted in a vote of no confidence in the Ministry on December 24. Prince Jon Ghika succeeded in forming what must under the circumstances be termed a strong Ministry, and declared that his policy lay in effecting a compromise between the Prince, who had lost all confidence in the country, and the representatives of the people.
The North German Consul-General handed the following letter from Prince Bismarck to the Prince on January 19, 1871, dated from Versailles, January 10:
"... I cannot form an opinion of the internal conditions of Roumania, nor of the means at the disposal of your Highness for conquering the prevailing difficulties and establishing your government on a secure footing.
"I must assume that the impediments, due to the character and previous history of the nation, almost prohibit an orderly existence for the State, since the noble intentions and the pure ideals which animate your Highness have hitherto failed to create institutions which would assist the execution of your plans. Your Highness alone can judge whether any hope still exists that these institutions may yet be created....
"No matter what the causes are, nor how many misunderstandings and misrepresentations have contributed to the result, it is certain that the distrust of the Porte has not been allayed, and that it is still unconvinced that the union of the Principalities under the rule of your Highness is not dangerous to its suzerainty. Nor is it confident that the conditions, which might force your Highness to abdicate, will be more disquieting to the peace of the East than the present situation.
"The English Government has never taken an interest in the Danube Principalities nor in the fortunes of your Highness personally, and the attitude of its representatives abroad does not at present appear to inspire confidence. Although I do not positively pre-suppose a hostile feeling in London, it may be accepted as certain that on this question England's policy will not greatly differ from that of the Sultan.
"At this moment France, of course, need not be taken into consideration, except so far as there is a possibility of her opposing your Highness by intrigues and secret agitation in the hope of doing Prussia some ill-turn or injury....
"I have for a long time cherished the hope that your Highness would find effectual support in St. Petersburg, and have therefore always recommended cordial relations with Russia. Even now I do not doubt the personal views of his Majesty the Czar, who, I am sure, retains the best and most friendly wishes for your person. But I have been regretfully forced to recognise, especially of late, that this personal good-will is out-weighed by the traditional conception of Russian policy, which is opposed to the union of the Principalities. The fact that your Highness must expect no support from Russia, not even in diplomacy, is in accordance with this traditional policy, whilst the hostile attitude towards your Highness in Vienna appears to me to lack any logical explanation, considered from the standpoint of Austro-Hungarian policy.
"It is only natural that your Highness should look to the illustrious Head of your house, to Prussia and Germany. Your Highness is well aware of the views with which his Majesty the King regards your person, but you know also that the present military situation renders it impossible for Germany to intervene effectually in Eastern affairs under the circumstances we have been considering.
"On reviewing all these considerations I can only arrive at the conclusion that your Highness cannot expect any outside assistance, but rather ill-will, and that your decisions must be based solely upon the means of support which are still left to you in your own country. If you expect a crisis, for the defeat of which you consider the better elements of the country insufficient, it appears to be a duty to yourself and to your house that your every decision should be really independent and voluntary, and should not seem to be forced upon you by foreign force; and the high and noble motives which guide your Highness should stand prominently forth.
"It pains me to be able to give no other counsel to your Highness and to offer you no better hopes. But I know that your patriotic sympathy and hearty joy at the successes of our German army, and at the glory which surrounds the revered head of our King, will not be affected even by the painful experience your Highness has endured, and I conclude with the hope that your wishes for an honourable and safe peace may soon be fulfilled."
The letter addressed to the Sultan, which had been delayed until an answer was received from the British Ambassador, was eventually forwarded by the Prince with a voluntary explanation of the delay. Ali Pacha in reply expressed the concern with which the Sultan had heard of the critical situation of affairs in the Principalities.
At the same time Prince Charles was informed from a trustworthy source that in Constantinople, as well as in other places, his position was considered untenable. "The Government of Prince Charles is universally recognised to have had its day, and the representatives of the Powers here are more occupied in considering what may happen after the departure of the Prince than in any scheme for prolonging his rule. Sir H. Elliott goes furthest of all, and already speaks of commissaries who must be sent to the Principalities, and whose departure he wishes to take place at once...." The same writer, Count Keyserling, also adjured the Prince to hope for no outside aid. "The only choice, therefore, lies between the continuance of the present rÉgime, to which even your Highness's worst foe could not advise you, and a separation from a country and a nation which, oblivious of the fact that their Prince has shown an almost superhuman devotion to his duties, have sinned a thousand times against the person of their ruler, whom they themselves elected, and to whom they took the oath of allegiance and obedience.
"The Grand Vizier asked me in a very significant manner: 'Do you think that, after Prince Charles's experience, another Prince of a reigning house could be found for Roumania?'—and then answered his own question: 'Except, perhaps, Prince Napoleon, I can think of no one; and we desire to have nothing at all to do with him—as little as with a republic.'"
Prince Charles replied to Count Bismarck's letter on January 27, 1871, thanking him for the sympathy he had shown for the ruler of Roumania, if not for the country itself, and assuring him of the heartfelt interest and joy with which the recent military events in France inspired him. He continued: "The situation here is serious; for the present I can avail myself of the Party intrigues to maintain my position as long as I consider it suitable and advisable. I have to act like a ship's captain, who must remain at his post day and night during a storm. The waves now sweep my ship to the skies, now dash it down to the depths, but as surely as God is my helper I will not let it be wrecked! To-day the crew would willingly throw me overboard, but a few of them still possess sufficient intelligence to know that I alone can steer them safely into port.
"I will not lose sight of two points; I intend to bring my name clean and unspotted out of this turmoil, but I will not heartlessly and without a conscience leave le dÉluge aprÈs moi. This refers, above all, to the finances, the desertion of which might be fraught with grave danger both at home and abroad."
The letter already referred to, in which Prince Charles set forth the reasons which led him to think of abdicating, was published in the columns of the Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung, and created the greatest excitement in Roumania. A discussion in the Chamber upon the authenticity of this document took place on February 11, 1871, when a Deputy, N. Blaramberg, declared that either the letter was a forgery, or that the Prince was about to abdicate and leave Roumania to the tender mercies of its enemies. "A Prince who quits his country in its hour of danger may be compared to a deserter or a traitor to the State!"
The President of the Ministry was unable to deny the authenticity of the document, but assured the Chamber that the views contained in it, if they were ever actually current, prevailed no longer. Cogalniceanu then proposed the following counter-resolution: "The Chamber, deeply moved by the explanations communicated by the Ministry, expresses its devotion to the Throne and Dynasty, guaranteed by the Constitution, and proceeds to the order of the day with every confidence in the future of the country, and in the firm resolve to adhere to the Constitution."
An infinitely more loyal tone prevailed in the Senate, where the contents of Prince Charles's letter were also discussed. A resolution was carried with only four dissentients to the effect that the chief duty of the Senate lay in supporting the Sovereign whom the nation had so enthusiastically elevated to the throne, and that the consolidation of the dynasty was indissolubly bound up with the peace, existence, and political development of the country.
The reports of the Roumanian agents abroad showed that, though the Powers were unwilling to take any steps to support Prince Charles, they were, nevertheless, anxious that his abdication should be deferred for the present. The separation of the two Principalities, each under a native ruler, would be acceptable to Russia, Austria, and England, provided no anarchical interregnum took place. The Sublime Porte, accordingly, was anxious that the Prince should remain at his post, until the question of his successors was definitely settled. As the great German Chancellor remarked, it appeared that the uncertain possibilities of a catastrophe on the Lower Danube, coupled with the fear of further complications, had resulted in a sort of repentance on the part of the Powers for the intrigues against the consolidation of the Roumanian State. Austria in particular now saw clearly that the mistrust with which Roumania had always been regarded under Prince Charles, owing to the fear that she was merely a tool in the hands of Prussia, was utterly unfounded.
Prince Charles Anthony wrote to his sorely tried son:
"The description of your position has gone to my heart; I have sorrowed and suffered with you.... I have always found that a healthy constitutionalism is the corrective for caprice, and the support of a strong Government, and that, where the system is honestly employed by both sides, it has always maintained itself; but where it is only used as a cloak for anarchical tendencies, it is noxious and confusing.
"It can never injure your personal reputation if you lay down a task you are unable to complete. You have shown the whole world your good intentions and your qualifications for governing Roumania. You did not force yourself upon the country, but were elected and summoned thither; you have founded great institutions, regenerated the army and created a new system of communications, and conferred innumerable benefits on the Church and the poor; you have protected the arts and sciences, and by your family happiness testified to the sanctity of marriage; liberality of all kinds has been supported by your purse—all this secures for you, if not at present, at least eventually, a blessed memory, and proves to your contemporaries, in the event of your abdication, that it was not the imaginary splendour of this veritable crown of thorns that blinded and deceived you, but that it was the shipwreck of your honest intentions and your thirst for useful labour that matured your decision and helped it to issue in act.
"I already dream of a family life which would be the consolation of my old age. Looking backward to an eventful past, you would find the same spiritual compensation that I find in the peaceful life that lies before me, but with this difference, that a longer life than mine will be vouchsafed to you.... Krauchenwies offers a suitable and comfortable home, in forty minutes you can reach Sigmaringen.... If Krauchenwies does not suit you, you might live at Inzigkofen, and if not at Inzigkofen, then at one of the Hechingen manors, such as Lindich or Villa Eugenia...."
Yet even darker troubles lay before Prince Charles Anthony's courageous son, in the defalcations of Dr. Strousberg in the matter of the Roumanian railways. As the January coupon still remained unpaid, the Prussian Government threatened to use pressure to force the Roumanian Government to act in accordance with its guarantee. Unfortunately the Principalities were absolutely unable to comply with this demand, and indignant sentiments prevailed regarding everything that was German. The passions excited amongst the population of Bucharest culminated in an attack on the German colony on the occasion of a banquet given in honour of the German Emperor's birthday on March 22, 1871. A riotous mob quickly assembled, broke the windows of the house, and attempted to force their way up to the first floor. At nine o'clock Major Skina hastened to the Prince and informed him that the demonstration, which had been started half an hour previously by a few youths, had already attained serious dimensions, that the windows were bombarded with stones, and that the police remained entirely passive. The Prince at once despatched his aide-de-camp to find the President of the Ministry and the Prefect of Police, but neither of them was to be found. The excitement increased with every minute, until at length the mob, having extinguished the street lamps, raised the cries: "To the Palace!" and "Long live the Republic!"
General Solomon, the Commandant of Bucharest, now occupied the streets with troops, in spite of the efforts of the President of the Ministry, Jon Ghika, to prevent so violent a course. The mob obeyed the order to disperse after having been in possession of the streets for about two and a half hours.
Prince Charles received Consul-General von Radowitz the same night, and, after expressing his regret at this disgraceful occurrence, mentioned that he had already taken the first steps towards replacing the guilty Ministers. At one A.M. next morning Jon Ghika arrived at the Palace, and eventually succeeded in convincing the Prince that the cause of the outrage was in no way to be attributed to him. Prince Charles, however, demanded his resignation, and informed him that he intended to summon the Lieutenance PrinciÈre in the morning to resign the reins of government to them.
Accordingly at ten o'clock D. Sturdza was commissioned to summon the members of the Lieutenance PrinciÈre of 1866 to meet the Prince at the Palace at half-past eleven. The Prince then informed them of his intention to place the government in their hands, after having held it for nearly five years.
Lascar Catargiu and N. Golesku—Colonel Haralambi was not in Bucharest at that time—both adjured the Prince to abstain from a step which they felt convinced would bring the greatest misfortune upon Roumania. The State would lapse into complete anarchy after such an action on the Prince's part, and they therefore respectfully declined to accept the burden of such a responsibility. At length the earnest entreaties of the two Roumanians gained the day, and Prince Charles consented to reconsider his decision, if a strong and loyal Ministry could be formed. Should this be impossible, or should the Chamber decline to vote the Budget, he would at once leave the country.
A secret sitting of the Chamber took place the same afternoon, when Lascar Catargiu informed the Deputies of the interview which had taken place in the morning. A passionate debate ensued on the question whether further negotiations with the head of the State should be commenced or not. In spite of the windy utterances of the leaders of the Extreme Democrats and Independents, it soon became apparent that a comparatively large majority supported the dynasty.
Lascar Catargiu succeeded in forming a Ministry composed of men who had already won their spurs in the arena of politics; but he was unable to induce the Chamber to vote the Budget. The Chamber was therefore dissolved forthwith, and with it the whole agitation ceased. It had always been confined to the capital.
The following letter was received from the Emperor William on March 30, 1871:
"Accept my heartiest thanks for your affectionate and welcome congratulations for the 22nd. This time, certainly, the day overflowed with feelings of gratitude towards Providence, which decreed that I, aided by my army and the self-sacrifice of my people, should achieve things, to expect or demand which at the commencement of this glorious but bloody war would have been presumption. The Almighty has guided and secured all, and we must rejoice that He has found us worthy to be His instruments. The foundations of a new German Empire have been laid, and the blood shed has been made into a mortar with which we may hope that a strong house will be built upon this foundation, under the wise guidance of my successors.
"With heartiest greetings to the Princess,
"I remain, your faithful Cousin and Friend,
"WILLIAM."
"P.S.—I say nothing about your situation, and can only pray that the Lord may help you to choose whatever way is right and best."
In reply, Prince Charles expressed his grief that March 22, an anniversary so dear to him, should have been troubled by such an occurrence in Bucharest. "Nothing could have wounded me more deeply than that this particular occasion should have been seized for the outbreak of a long-smouldering intrigue.... Having regard to the critical situation, especially that of the great and calamitous financial question, I was forced to take extreme steps to rally the better element from its apathy. I therefore summoned the Lieutenance, from whose hands I had received the reins of government in 1866, in order to return them their trust. Terrified by this imminent danger, all the Conservative factions combined to form the new Ministry. To-day it is a point of honour with me to support with all my might those men, who are resolved to protect the country against serious complications, and in conjunction with them to carry out the necessary reforms. Should these prove unattainable with the aid of such supporters, the country will be irretrievably lost.
"It cannot be denied that the state of affairs is very serious, and that the creation of a better state of things is beset with the greatest difficulties: the future is hidden from me in impenetrable darkness. But the greater the danger, the less must one's courage be allowed to sink!"
Catargiu informed the Prince that an attempt was to be made on his life during the evening service on Good Friday, and endeavoured to persuade him not to proceed to the Metropolie. During the procession the Ministers surrounded the Prince in order to protect his person, but fortunately nothing occurred to disturb the ceremony.
Count Keyserling, who in many ways proved his sincere friendship and admiration for the Prince, wrote as follows:
"Prince Bismarck lays special stress on your Highness's maintaining the very best relations with the Porte at this moment. Ali Pacha, for his part, is inclined in your favour. Your Highness and the present Cabinet will be sincerely supported in Constantinople by the Austrians: England's attitude, on the other hand, is thoroughly ambiguous. Lord Granville has spoken to the Turkish Ambassador and Count Apponyi in London in a strain which suggests that one is listening to Mr. Green, the English Consul in Bucharest, holding forth upon his own financial interests."
The same view was held by Prince Charles Anthony:
"I reserve my further views on the situation, because I have been unable to get any information about your own opinions. In any case, it was well to show the world by a last attempt that it was not from want of courage that the thought of abdication arose.
"You must hold out to the limits of possibility, and, when once they are reached, you must demand guarantees that a period of stability will then commence, for to allow oneself to be blown hither and thither like a frail reed, and to depend upon the bon vouloir of each Ministry is no position for a Hohenzollern.
"Under prevailing circumstances I can only give you one word of advice, and that is to lean upon Turkey: this Power has the greatest interest in the peace of Roumania—the interest of self-preservation—and she will inspire none of the other protecting States with distrust....
"Nothing can be done in the Strousberg affair; an independent court of law alone can succeed in settling this impending financial difficulty. Moreover, this Strousberg question is only an empty pretext and means of agitation against you; the whole movement in Roumania is based upon hostility towards the German dynasty, and is the result of socialist-republican intrigue!"
