The first Roumanian Ministry under the new rÉgime was composed of members of all political parties, Conservatives and Liberals, Moldavians and Wallachians, Right, Centre, and Left. Lascar Catargui was appointed President of the Ministry, which, amongst others, included Joan Bratianu (Finance), Petre Mavrogheni (Foreign Affairs), General Prince[9] Jon Ghika (War), and Demeter Sturdza (Public Works).
The chief task of the new Government was to secure the recognition of their new ruler by the Powers, but the telegrams from the Roumanian agents abroad showed very plainly that the fait accompli was only the first step towards the desired end. The initiative of the Prince found favour, it is true, with Napoleon, but his Minister, Drouyn de L'Huys, regarded his action as an insult to the Paris Conference, whilst the Sultan refused to receive the letter addressed to him by Prince Charles, and announced his intention of applying to the Conference for sanction to occupy the Principalities by armed force. To meet this possibility, the immediate mobilisation of the Roumanian Army was decided upon by the Cabinet, and the Prince seized an occasion for reviewing the troops on May 24. The Turkish protest against the election was submitted to the Conference on the following day, but the Powers decided that Turkey was not entitled to occupy Roumanian territory without the previous consent of the Powers, and also declared that they had broken off official communications with the Prince's Government. As the news from Constantinople became more and more threatening, a credit of eight million francs was voted by the Roumanian Chamber for warlike purposes, and orders were issued for the concentration of the frontier battalions and Dorobanz Cavalry. The former, however, mutinied and refused to leave their garrisons, whilst an inspection of the arsenal showed that there was scarcely enough powder in the magazines for more than a few rounds to each soldier.
The deputation sent to conciliate Russia met with a cold reception from Prince Gortchakoff, who complained that France had been consulted before the fait accompli. He further remonstrated against the collection of Polish refugees on the Roumanian frontier. On the other hand, he did not appear averse from an alliance between Prince Charles and the Russian Imperial family. Bismarck received the members of the deputation with cordiality, and recommended them to assume an anti-Austrian attitude in the event of an insurrection in Hungary. In the meantime, the Paris Conference declined to appoint commissaries for the Principalities, as had been done formerly under the Hospodars, and practically decided to leave Roumania an open question.
The finances of the Principalities were completely disorganised, as the Public Treasury was empty, the floating debt amounted to close on seven millions sterling, and it seemed as though the year 1866 would indicate a deficit of another six millions. To complete the financial ruin of the country, a proposal to create paper money was set on foot, but was thrown out by the Chamber.
The chief measure laid before the Chamber was the draft of a new Constitution. The Prince insisted upon an Upper and a Lower House as well as upon an unconditional and absolute veto, whilst the Chamber wished to grant a merely suspensive veto, such as is exercised by the President of the United States of America. Owing in great part to the efforts of Prince Charles, the report of the Committee upon the Constitution was presented on June 28, when a series of heated debates arose on the question of granting political rights to the Roumanian Jews. The excitement spread rapidly throughout Bucharest, and a riotous mob destroyed the newly erected synagogue. Thereupon, the unpopular sections of the Constitution were hastily abandoned by the Government in deference to the wishes of the Jews themselves. A better fate, however, befell the veto question, which was decided in favour of the Prince, and on July 11 the Constitution was unanimously passed through the Chamber by ninety-one votes.
On the following day the Prince proceeded, with the same ceremonies as before, to the Metropolie to attend the Te Deum before taking the oath to the new Constitution in the Chamber. He then seized the opportunity of reminding the representatives of the nation that Roumania's chief object must be to remain neutral and on good terms with the neighbouring Powers.
The Prince's daily routine at this period was calculated to tax to the utmost even his abnormal energy and strength. After a ride in the early morning, the correspondence of the day was gone through before the Ministers were received. Then followed miscellaneous audiences, and the inspection of some Government institution or school in Bucharest. The organisation of the Ministries and Courts of Justice was modelled on those of France: the hospitals, thanks to the liberality of former Hospodars, were well endowed, and able to treat patients free of charge. In many cases, however, the hospital buildings were insanitary; the prisons were in the most unsatisfactory condition, the food of the prisoners was of very indifferent quality, while, last, but by no means least, among the many points which demanded his close attention at this time, was the question of barracks and military establishments. At six o'clock the Prince dined with his household, and often some ten or twelve guests of opposite political opinions were invited, in order that he might become more closely acquainted with the views of the various parties. As, however, punctuality was at that time a custom more honoured in the breach than the observance in Bucharest, it frequently happened that the Prince had to commence dinner without one or other of his guests. After dinner Prince Charles generally drove along the chaussÉe, which, enclosed on either side by handsome gardens, formed the rendezvous of the fashion of the capital. On other days the Prince rode to one or other of the numerous monasteries and cloisters in the neighbourhood, such as Cernika, the burial-place of the Metropolitans, Pasere and Caldaruschan.
Prince Jon Ghika returned from Constantinople on the 15th of July with a draft of the conditions upon which the Porte was willing to recognise Prince Charles. A Council of Ministers was assembled the same evening to consider this project, which was then unanimously rejected, and a counter-project was drawn up and discussed in all its bearings on the 17th. The main features in dispute were as follows: The Porte wished to retain the name of the "United Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia," whilst the Ministry were in favour of either "Roumania" or "The United Roumanian Principalities." The Porte declared that the princely dignity must continue to be elective, whilst the Roumanians in return demanded the recognition of the right of hereditary succession and, in the absence of a direct descendant of the Prince, his brother's family was to succeed. In reply to the Turkish demand for military aid in any war, the Ministry declared that Roumania would only render assistance in a defensive war. The proposal of the Porte to send an agent to protect Turkish interests in the Principalities was rejected entirely, as was also the demand that Roumania should neither coin money nor confer decorations.
Acting on his father's maxim, "A wise and an honest ruler must never pursue a personal policy, but only a national one," Prince Charles declined to countenance a rebellion in Hungary advocated at a private interview by General TÜrr, the well-known Hungarian patriot and agitator. A similar course was pursued with regard to a Servian deputation, which assured the Prince that all the Eastern Christians rested upon him their hopes of deliverance from the Turkish yoke.
The first Ministerial crisis occurred on July 25, 1866, owing to the financial troubles and the disagreement existing between the President and MM. Bratianu and Rossetti. The Prince confided the task of forming the new Ministry to Jon Ghika, who had proved himself an able and energetic diplomat in conducting the negotiations with the Porte.
In the midst of these difficulties the sorrowful news of the death of his brother Anthony, from wounds received at KÖniggrÄtz, reached the Prince early on August 7. The sympathy which this family event evoked amongst all classes of the Roumanian nation was the surest proof of the affection and regard already inspired by their new ruler. Ministers, municipal authorities, officers of the Army and Militia, and all the notabilities of the country hastened to express their sympathy with the Prince's family in the warmest manner.
The serious condition of the finances forced the Prince to diminish the strength of the Army by 7000 men, although the attitude of the Porte still rendered it advisable to concentrate all available forces. Prince Charles also addressed the following letter to the Emperor Napoleon to induce him to favour a Roumanian loan in Paris:
"In accepting the throne of Roumania, I knew that the duties devolving on me were enormous: still I confess that the difficulties to be surmounted are even greater than I thought.
"The most complete disorder in the finances as well as in all the branches of the Administration gives rise to difficulties against which I have to struggle every day, and which render my task extremely painful....
"A greater power than that of man—the Divine—sends us fresh trials. The whole country, especially Moldavia, is threatened with a famine.... The only means of succouring the populace is by means of a loan.... Trusting, Sire, in the affectionate sentiments of your Majesty, I ask you for the aid of your all-powerful goodwill, because it is the knowledge of your Majesty's constant goodwill to the Roumanians and, I venture to say, to me personally, that has sustained me in the midst of the difficulties with which I have had to contend...."
The Prince concluded with the words: "The happiness of the Roumanian nation has become the aim of my life: I have devoted to this mission all my time and all my aspirations."
Owing to the active support of France, the Sublime Porte declared its willingness to concede certain points of the Roumanian counter-project, such as the election of the Prince, the hereditary succession in the Prince's family, and the establishment of the Army at 30,000 men, but demanded in return the recognition of Roumania as a partie intÉgrale of the Ottoman Empire.
On August 21, Prince Charles set out on a journey through Moldavia, accompanied by General Prince Ghika, Mavrogheni, and his aides-de-camp. The route ran through Buseu, Fokschani, which was devastated by cholera, and Ajud, where the long awaited rain first fell on the dried-up country, then through Kaitz to Okna, where the Prince inspected the great salt mines and the prison. The next important halts were made at Botoschani, an almost wholly Jewish town, and at the Moldavian capital, Jassy, romantically situated on the banks of the Bachlui. The town is built in terraces on the hillside, where the numerous domes and towers scattered amongst the green trees lend it a most picturesque and almost oriental appearance. The reception accorded to the Prince was brilliant and hearty in the extreme, the only discordant note being the refusal of the Rosnovanu family to share in the public rejoicings. It is, however, pleasant to note that in later years this family sought to show by every means how completely their opinions had changed.
Important and urgent news from Constantinople then forced the Prince to bring his tour to an end, and Cotroceni, near Bucharest, was reached on September 7, after some 920 miles had been traversed in seventeen days by means of about 3000 post-horses. The result of the journey was altogether favourable, for not only had the Prince gained a clearer insight into the affairs of Moldavia, but the Separatist faction had been considerably weakened by the intercourse of Prince Charles with the leading men of the Principality.
The following day the Prince received the English and French Consuls, who came to advocate compliance with the demands of the Sublime Porte, which, though couched in far more moderate language, still contained the disputed clauses of the former project. The Ministry thereupon decided to send Ministers Stirbey and Sturdza to Constantinople to negotiate better terms for Roumania.
The Prince received a letter from his father on September 14, 1866, containing the following significant paragraph:
"The political horizon is still very overcast; a war with France is unavoidable, although it will not take place this year. The 'chauvinism' of the French Press is colossal, and the Emperor, who is personally inclined for peace, will probably have to give way to the pressure!..."
The news from Constantinople now became more favourable, as both General Ignatieff and the Marquis de Moustier brought pressure to bear on Ali Pacha in favour of Roumania. Moreover, the condition of Crete, where an insurrection had broken out, aided and instigated by Greece, was in itself a reason why the Porte should come to a definite settlement with Roumania. Negotiations, however, suffered further delays owing to the departure of the Marquis de Moustier and the renewal of impossible demands by Ali Pacha, who was now supported by England and France. The last named believed that Prussian influence caused the Prince's reluctance to comply with the Emperor Napoleon's advice and proceed to Constantinople before receiving recognition by means of a firman, and the relations of Roumania to France became consequently cooler. The whole affair turned upon the words, "partie intÉgrale de mon Empire," which the Roumanian Ministry refused at first to accept, but now sought to modify by the addition of "dans les limites fixÉes par les capitulations et le TraitÉ de Paris." This addition was at last agreed to by Ali Pacha, and the long struggle ended on October 20. An exchange of letters, as recommended by the French Ambassador, then took place between the Grand Vizier and Prince Charles, who announced his intention of proceeding to Constantinople to receive the firman from the hands of the Sultan.
The Prince granted an audience to the Consuls of the Powers on the following day to receive the congratulations of their Governments upon his recognition by the Porte before setting out on his journey to Constantinople. At Rustchuk the Governor of the Danubian vilayet, Midhat Pacha, received the Prince with the utmost ceremony. On arriving at Varna Prince Charles embarked at once on the Imperial steam yacht Issedin, which had brought Djemil Pacha and Memduh Bey to escort him to the Golden Horn.
On his arrival at Constantinople the Prince landed at Beglerby, where an imperial palace had been destined for his reception. Thence the Prince, in the uniform of a Roumanian general, proceeded to Dolma Bagdsche, where the Sultan came to the door of his cabinet to welcome him. Next the sofa on which the Sultan was to sit a chair was placed for the Prince, but he pushed it gently aside, and as a Prince of Hohenzollern sat down next to his Suzerain. The conversation which then ensued turned first upon the Prince's journey, and afterwards on the state of affairs in Roumania. At the conclusion of the audience the Sultan handed Prince Charles a paper, which he laid on the table without looking at it, and then asked for permission to present his suite, one of whom took charge of the firman. The Sultan took a hearty leave of the Prince, who then visited the Sublime Porte, where the Grand Vizier welcomed him and presented to him the various Turkish great dignitaries of the Ottoman Empire.
On October 26 Prince Charles received the Ambassadors of the Powers, amongst their number Lord Lyons, who had been of material assistance in obtaining the recognition of the Prince, but who was strongly opposed to any slackening of the bonds between Turkey and the Vassal States.
The impression left in the Prince's mind by the magnificent reception was that it was due more to his descent from the House of Hohenzollern than to the fact that he was ruler of Roumania, for the Hospodars had been treated merely as highly placed officials, and as a symbol of their vassaldom were obliged to hold the Sultan's stirrup as he mounted.
The second visit to the Sultan took place on October 28, and was marked by the same heartiness as before. Prince Charles, on leaving the Palace, en route for a review specially ordered in his honour, passed through the Marble Gates, which are generally opened for the Sultan alone. The review took place in pouring rain on the heights of Pancaldi, where six battalions, two cavalry regiments, and four batteries were drawn up. Ali Pacha entertained the Prince at dinner the same evening, when Prince Charles proposed the health of the Sultan, and expressed the wishes he shared in common "with all Roumanians" for the welfare of the Sultan and of the Turkish Empire. In reply the Grand Vizier laid special stress upon the deep interest his Imperial Majesty took in the Prince and "the Moldo-Wallachian population." Ali Pacha subsequently offered the Prince a number of Turkish orders of the various classes, adding that the patents would be sent to him in blank every year, and might be granted as the Prince thought fit. This offer was, however, declined, and the permission of the Porte was obtained for the institution of a medal for the Roumanian Army. After taking leave of the Sultan on October 30, Prince Charles returned to Varna in the Imperial yacht Issedin, arriving in Bucharest on November 2.
The impending elections now claimed the attention of Prince Charles, who, in a letter to the President of the Ministry, declared that "not even the shadow of influence" must be brought to bear on the electors. The Government, however, misconstrued the expression of this wish as a concession to the Liberal Opposition. The result of the elections was a bitter disappointment to the Prince and his advisers: one-third of the new Chamber was composed of partisans of the ex-Prince Kusa and Separatists, a second of supporters of the Government, and the third of Liberals. Not one of these parties, therefore, could dispose of a decisive majority. The Chamber was opened on November 27 by Prince Charles in person, who adjured the Deputies to lay aside all jealousies and personal interests, and to aid him in reorganising the country by "accepting the wholesome principles of honesty, industry, and economy, which alone can raise the civilisation, wealth, and power of the nation."
The failure of the crops in conjunction with famine and cholera had added to the already heavy financial difficulties of the country. The paper currency was at 30 per cent. discount, whilst the pay of the Army and the officials remained in arrears. In spite of the applause with which the Prince's speech was received, the Government measures were obstructed at every turn by incessant intrigues in the Chamber.
The following most interesting letter from the Prince's father, bearing on the difficulties of Napoleon's position, was received on December 24, 1866:
"The position of France is at present most insecure. Napoleon's dynasty must struggle with four immense difficulties:
"(1) The bitter resentment of the nation at Prussia's success in war. The Clericals do not cease to add fuel to this smouldering fire, and it will not be their fault if the national hatred does not break out into open flames. The Emperor is the most sober and reasonable of all Frenchmen, but it is quite possible that he may allow himself to be dragged into a war with Prussia in order to preserve his dynasty.
"(2) The Roman question is one of equal importance. The withdrawal of the French force from Rome will either lead to the instantaneous downfall of the Papal State, which would cause an unbounded agitation by the very strong Ultramontane party in France against the Emperor, and entail the most serious consequences for him, or else the withdrawal of the troops will not lead to the fall of the Papal State—in which case a great bitterness would arise amongst all the Liberal circles of France, which see the chief obstacle to national progress in the effete government of the Pope.
"Under any circumstances, the solution of this question is dangerous for the Emperor, especially as the Empress will materially hinder the settlement of the situation by her Spanish temperament and bigoted inclinations, just as she will probably achieve her unnecessary pilgrimage to Rome in spite of the Ministry, calculating on the domestic weakness of the Emperor.
"(3) The Mexican affair is the first and most flagrant defeat of the French Government. It is no longer a secret that the withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico is the result of an earnest, even menacing pressure from North America. If this pressure should be ignored in Paris, the weak French force in Mexico would be exposed to a Sicilian vesper. The troops must therefore retire, and with them probably all Frenchmen settled in Mexico.
"This is a terrible situation for the Emperor. He destroys his own creation, the throne of Maximilian, and so offers a most material point d'appui to the powerful Opposition in France. In other words, this is a personal defeat of the Empire, than which none greater can be conceived! Either a war or a disgraceful peace with North America must follow, against which a war with Germany, contrived in order to flatter the French and wipe out the bad impression, will be the only means of salvation and safety. Many millions of French money will be lost over this business, and the shaken and impoverished families will continue to fan the fire of discontent. The Opposition, which was opposed to the Mexican expedition from the beginning, will now be justified in the eyes of the nation, and the prestige of the Empire will be materially injured.
"(4) The bad condition of the French finances and a deficit increasing from year to year form another great danger. The French Court itself unfortunately does not set an example of wise economy, and is thereby morally responsible for the ever increasing immorality of the Administration....
"The Oriental question, though theoretically dangerous, does not at first appear to be a source of real danger. Russia, indeed, might make it so, but England, Austria, Italy, France, and Prussia have a too substantial interest in the status quo to exclude the hope that several years of peace will ensue so far as that is concerned....
"There can be no doubt now that Bismarck is not only the man of the hour, but that he is also indispensable. Prussia has become a power of the first rank, and from henceforth must be taken into consideration.
"The foreign policy of Prussia is firm, clear, decisive, and to the point. At home various elements of wavering and contradiction make their influence felt.
"The annexed territories might already have become more Prussian, were not the fear of democracy so great in Berlin.... The Chambers are willing, everything has been passed and sanctioned that the Government demanded—but unheard-of truths have been told, so much so that the feudal party has not quite the courage to glorify personal government beyond reasonable limits.
"The nation has obviously matured, politically speaking. Political extravagances have also decreased rather than increased in the army, owing to the consciousness of a gloriously ended war.
"In Southern Germany public opinion is still continually excited, especially in WÜrttemberg; Bavaria sways like a reed. Prince Hohenlohe SchillingsfÜrst[10] may become President of the Ministry in place of Pfordten; his appointment would be a sign in favour of Prussia. Baden's attitude is the most correct; there they would prefer the supremacy of Prussia to that of Bavaria and WÜrttemberg.
"A proof of the want of earnestness in the unity of Southern Germany is afforded by the fact that Bavaria is improving its Podewils rifle, WÜrttemberg adopts the Swiss arm, Baden the Prussian needle gun, and the Grand Duchy of Hesse retains the MiniÉ! And yet everybody is complaining of the want of unity amongst politicians and soldiers...."
In reply to a letter from Napoleon III. Prince Charles explained the chief difficulty of the situation thus:
"The Panslavonic party seeks to produce complications in the East by all possible means. They have already been able to influence Greece; the Cretans have rebelled, and, strong in the aid of nationalities which they cannot call upon in vain, claim the assistance of Europe. Agitators under Greek names are busy amongst the Christian populations and fan their latent courage.... Emissaries endeavour to incite the population of Moldavia, and even our Chamber of Deputies is prepared to create difficulties for us.
"If the interest and sympathy of the great Western Powers lead us to hope that the Eastern Question will be solved in our favour, we must confess that we are not yet ready to obtain advantage from the situation.... We must, therefore, expect everything from the support of our traditional protectors, and especially from the friendship of your Majesty. It appears to me, Sire, most desirable that France, England, and Prussia should from now come to an understanding on the matter of Eastern affairs. A close concert between these three Powers would be the surest guarantee of our national independence...."
Prince Charles received the following autograph letter from Queen Victoria on February 13, 1867, À propos of his recognition by the Sultan:
"My dear Cousin,
"I cannot possibly allow the formal answer to your letter to be despatched without adding at the same time a few lines to the brother of my dear and never-to-be-forgotten niece Stephanie and my dear nephew Leopold.
"I also desire to offer my sincere congratulations on the happy solution of the difficulties with the Sultan, as well as my warmest wishes for your future and lasting happiness and welfare.
"I shall always take the warmest interest in your success, and I do not doubt that you will continue faithful in the future to the principles of moderation and wisdom, which you have hitherto pursued.
"I remain always your sincere cousin,
"VICTORIA REG."
The condition of Crete and the consequent agitation in Greece formed the chief topic of a letter addressed to Prince Charles by the King of the Greeks. King George pointed out the difficulties caused by the patriotic excitement of his people, whose longing for war was so strong that they expected him to fight Turkey without money, troops, ships, or allies. He could not appear in the streets without being greeted with cries of "To Constantinople" from men and women of all classes. It was the special misfortune of his people that they thought every insurrection must bear golden fruit, because they themselves had always gained some end by revolution.
The Cretans formed three distinct Corps which were kept supplied with ammunition and recruits by Greek ships. This the Turkish fleet was powerless to prevent, as it had no coal, and was therefore forced to remain at anchor. The Greeks reckoned confidently upon an insurrection in Thessaly and Epirus, though, of course, they were well aware that Russia only fomented this movement in order that the Turkish efforts to suppress it might indirectly strengthen the Slav element by exciting sympathy in Eastern Europe. It was at this time that the Russian Government announced that it did not aim at the destruction of the Ottoman Empire, but only desired emancipation and humane treatment for the Christian subjects of the Sultan, and that it was awaiting a more favourable moment for the release from the onerous conditions of the 1856 Treaty and the re-acquisition of Bessarabia. The cession of Crete to Greece was, however, strongly advocated by the Russian diplomatists.
A ministerial crisis in Roumania was brought to an end on March 5 by the laconic motion: "The Chamber has no confidence in the Ministry!" which was passed by a majority of three votes. Eventually a new Ministry was formed under the presidency of Cretzulesku, a moderate Conservative, and was on the whole well received by the Chamber.
A Roumanian statesman sent on a confidential mission to Vienna by the Prince reported that the feeling of the Austrian Government was now far more friendly than formerly, and that the questions of extradition and commercial treaties, consular jurisdiction, and the appointment of an accredited agent in Vienna would find more favourable consideration with the Austrian statesmen.
A law was passed by the Chamber and promulgated in the official Moniteur conferring honorary citizenship on W. E. Gladstone, J. A. Roebuck, Jules Michelet, Edgar Quinet, St. Marc Girardin, J. E. Ubicini, and P. T. Bataillard, in recognition of their efforts on behalf of the Balkan States.
About this time Prince Charles Anthony wrote his son an interesting letter referring to the Luxemburg Question, which at that moment threatened to cause a war between Prussia and France. The Prince wrote as follows:
"Once more we are on the threshold of great events—it is possible that a continental war may soon break out again, and equally possible that we may enjoy a lasting peace. This much at least is certain, Napoleon's star is sinking and France is seething and fermenting."
A letter from Paris aptly described the views of the French Government on the subject of Roumania and Prince Charles.
"The Prince is very popular, much loved and highly esteemed personally, but his Government (that of Ghika) is unpopular, wanting in initiative, foresight, and firmness, so that its position is not solid. Reforms make no progress, Russian intrigues have ample play, because the indecision of the Government and its want of energy throw doubt on its stability. Only to-day a diplomat remarked to me that the Russian party is getting the upper hand, that Russophile officers, such as a certain Solomon and others, have regained their influence and position, and that those who helped to elect the Prince are discouraged at seeing Russia, the eternal enemy of the country, in the ascendant."
After alluding to the project of a Russian marriage, the letter continued:
"The Prince will soon be convinced that Russian ambition will not give way to sentiment or family ties. It marches straight to its goal in spite of opposition, and yields to nothing but superior force."
Another letter from the same quarter addressed to the Prince gives the following quaint definition of the faults of the German character:
"The German is never sympathetic to foreign nations, he is deficient in charm, in grace. The North German is too stiff; the South German is too heavy ever to awaken feelings of sympathy. This is as true as that the earth turns on its axis. Even admitting that in diplomacy one may be ungrateful, nevertheless the punishment seldom fails, as witness Austria, which has paid heavily for its ingratitude. It is most imprudent to alienate yourself from France."
An application for permission to return to Roumania was received on May 26, from the exiled Prince Kusa, who alleged that his presence was required in a lawsuit affecting his private interests. Though Prince Charles was inclined to grant this favour, the decision was left to his Ministry, who opposed the project, as they had reason to believe that Prince Kusa's presence might provoke troubles.
An unsuccessful attempt to assassinate the Czar was made on June 7, 1867, when the Prince wrote to congratulate his Imperial Majesty on his escape. The Czar replied as follows:
"I thank your Highness for the sentiments which you have expressed in your letter of June 10, on an occasion when Divine Providence has deigned to manifest its protection so clearly. You are right in not doubting the affectionate interest which I feel for you, and the warm solicitude which I have not ceased to consecrate to the welfare of my Christian brethren in the united Principalities. The hopes which I entertain regarding them are particularly founded on the fact that a spirit of order and authority will prevail over the passions which have excited them only too deeply during these last days. It is for your Highness to establish these principles firmly, for without them no society can prosper; and I like to believe that you will display therein a firmness equal to the wisdom which you have shown since your accession to power.
"ALEXANDER."
The news that Omar Pacha had at last gained a signal victory over the Cretan insurgents was of the greatest interest to Prince Charles, who was well informed as to the general situation in that quarter. Whilst the majority of the Powers had proposed as early as April the cession of that island to Greece, France had gone still further, and demanded the cession of Thessaly and Epirus as well. Austria and Russia were, however, opposed to this, for though Russia desired to weaken Turkey in every possible respect, it was no part of her plan to help in strengthening Greece. In such cases the diplomacy of the Turkish statesmen appears to lie in the art of giving evasive answers and in skilfully playing off one Power against the other.
The recently appointed Russian Ambassador to the Porte, General Ignatieff, made use of the energetic demand of France on behalf of Crete to persuade the Sublime Porte that the Western Powers were the greatest enemies of Turkey, whilst Russia was her only true friend and natural ally. His influence was, however, lessened by the Sultan's unexpected invitation to visit the Paris Exhibition, followed by another from England. Count Ignatieff was forced to content himself with the sarcastic reflection that, though every Court in Europe might in turn invite the Sultan, Russia would still have the satisfaction of seeing him ruined financially.
Prince Charles proceeded to Giurgiu, on August 5, on his way to meet the Sultan at Rustschuk, who was returning from Paris. The interview with his suzerain lasted about half an hour, and Ali Pacha acted as interpreter. The Sultan appeared in excellent spirits at the result of his visit, and delighted with the reception he had met with on his travels.
Owing to the continued hostility of France, especially as regarded the Jewish Question, J. Bratianu was forced to resign his portfolio, and a day later the entire Ministry followed him. The news of this step spread consternation throughout the country, and threw the greatest difficulties in the way of Stephen Golesku, who was entrusted with the formation of the new Ministry. The Separatists also seized upon this critical state of affairs to reproach the Prince openly with having sacrificed his Minister to pressure from abroad; indeed, the whole political situation appeared most threatening. Influential persons in France were inciting ex-Prince Kusa to agitate in Roumania: the Minister of Finance wanted to resign because there were no funds for most necessary expenses—e.g., the officers on the half-pay list had not received their pay for two months; the open hostility of the Austrian and French Press; the anti-dynastic and separatist movement in Moldavia, fomented by Russia: all these contributed to increase the difficulties which beset the path of the young ruler.
The state of affairs in Crete remained practically unaltered; supported by Greece and Russia, the Cretans demanded nothing less than incorporation with Greece, whilst England and France viewed this proposal with disfavour. Ali Pacha, the Grand Vizier, was sent to Crete with the most extensive powers to pacify the island; in addition to other reforms, a Christian Governor-General was to be appointed. A sudden change, however, took place in the views of the Porte, for the Sultan at last recognised the futility of constantly giving way to foreign interference, and determined to hold his own by force of arms. No fewer than 80,000 men were to be despatched to the island, though the season was by no means favourable to military operations.
In the meantime a special session of the Roumanian Chamber was convoked on November 6 to introduce reforms in the army, to confirm certain railway concessions, and to vote the supplies without which the administration had become impossible. In spite of the continued hostility of France towards J. Bratianu, the Prince appointed that statesman Minister of Finance. The Chamber was then dissolved by the advice of the Ministry, who gave the following considerations as their reasons:
The Chamber had been elected shortly after the accession of the Prince, at a period when the nation scarcely knew what policy their ruler intended to adopt, or, indeed, the details of the new Constitution. The consequence of this ignorance was a wrong application of the election laws—fully half the elections would have been annulled had they been strictly investigated. It was evident from the first that no Ministry could reckon upon a majority in a House so equally divided, and so it happened that the Budget could not be passed at the proper time. In February the factions had combined so far as to defeat the Ministry, but the new majority was again divided into three factions, and unable therefore to do its duty. The Senate was dissolved for the same reasons.
A complete victory was scored by the Liberal Government at the general election, both in the Chamber and the Senate. The speech from the throne on January 15, 1868, congratulated the Deputies on the peaceful course of the elections; and, after touching on the Jewish Question, insisted upon the necessity of legislating for the army, the Church, and finance, which all demanded their closest attention.
Count Bismarck pointed out to the Prince that Russian support would be of the greatest benefit to Roumania, an opinion shared by Prince Charles Anthony, who remarked that Russia was either a powerful friend or a dangerous enemy. The future of the Orient belonged to Russia in the probable development of European affairs. "France will continue to lose prestige; it is, therefore, only common sense to step voluntarily into the Russian sphere of influence before one is forced to do so, yet at the same time without falling out with France...."
In a letter, which crossed the above, Prince Charles wrote:
"The greatest danger for Roumania is a Franco-Russian Alliance. The former Power at present does its utmost to effect this. To-day France is forced to make friends of its enemies, for nobody sides with it. The whole Orient is against France.... Italy will have need of Prussia, and Prussia of Italy, for they both have only evil to expect from France.... France has lost much ground here, and if we did not remember that she has done much good for Roumania, we should break with her entirely...."
A Treaty—purely "platonic," as the Prince termed it—was ratified with Servia on February 2, 1868, to "guard the reciprocal interests of the two countries ... and to develop the prosperity of the countries in conformity with their legitimate and autonomous rights."
The ill-will and pique of the French Government led to an official request for information about the Bulgarian rebel bands, which were reported to be assembling along the Danube preparatory to invading Turkish territory, aided and abetted by the Roumanian Government. These accusations, it must be confessed, were partly founded on fact, for it was impossible to prevent the Roumanian nation from testifying in a practical manner to its sympathy with its oppressed neighbours. Besides this, many influential Bulgarian families had sought refuge in Roumania from the pressure of Midhat Pacha's iron hand. The wave of hatred and enmity of the Christian religion which at the time appeared to sweep over the whole Turkish Empire contributed materially to incite the Bulgarians in Roumania to undertake reprisals in revenge of the outrages inflicted upon their native country.
The following letter from Count Bismarck was received by Prince Charles:
"Berlin, 27th February, 1868.
"I had the honour to receive your Highness's gracious letter of the 27th inst., and make use to-day of the first secure opportunity of tendering your Highness my humble thanks for the gracious sentiments expressed therein. It will always be a pleasant duty, and the outcome of my personal attachment, to be of service to your Highness's interests here. I have endeavoured to show my devotion in the latest phase of politics by maintaining in London and Paris my conviction that the rumours about the warlike undertakings on your Highness's territory are malicious inventions. The origin of these reports appears to be a Belgian Consul, whom we had cause to complain of in Brussels. At the same time, it must be remembered that the rumours have been used in Paris to make your Highness feel that an entente with Russia does not accord with the intentions of France. This does not affect the fact that every stable Government of Roumania has need of friendly relations with Russia as much and, indeed, owing to its geographical situation, even more than with any other of the European Powers. Your Highness must expect the reaction which will result from pursuing your own course. I do not doubt that the mission to St. Petersburg will result the more favourably, as the Bishop of Ismail succeeds in enlisting the active sympathy of his brethren and fellow priests in Petersburg, and in publicly fostering the impression that this has happened....
"v. BISMARCK."
As foretold by Bismarck, the mission to St. Petersburg caused the Paris Government to look upon Roumania as lost to France. Bratianu was accused of having thrown himself into the arms of Russia, backed by his large majority at the recent elections. Again and again the young Prince was warned not to offend the French Emperor by base ingratitude.
Prince Charles Anthony wrote to his son that "Bismarck's ... observation that Roumania is the Belgium of South-Eastern Europe is perfectly correct. Roumania, like Belgium, must not attempt foreign politics, but must live on the best possible terms with her neighbours: she will then share in the fruits which in due season will fall from the tree of Europe. But she must not pluck them herself, especially while they are unripe.... The situation of the Jews, such as prevails on the Lower Danube, is an evil rash upon the body of the State; but it is as impossible to solve this Jewish Question with one blow as to drive a rash away at once. However, I have complete confidence in your ability to use the right means. The same applies to the dreaded declaration of independence. Such a one-sided action would be the most colossal imprudence: the force of circumstances and not the wish of the Roumanian nation will be the operative factor." This sage counsel prevailed, although the declaration of independence was strongly advocated by many of the Prince's advisers.
In June 1868 the arrival of Prince Napoleon on a visit to the Prince of Roumania was heartily welcomed by the whole nation, which was glad of an opportunity of expressing her sympathy and regard for France and the Imperial dynasty. Prince Napoleon, however, created a very indifferent impression, for not even the utmost enthusiasm, the deafening cheers, the showers of bouquets from the hands of fair ladies, were able to move him from the passive and icy demeanour which he displayed on his arrival. Although he had barely one word to say to the many persons presented to him, his manner to Prince Charles was very amiable, and he frequently repeated his offer of assistance to the Prince. The conversation did not take a political turn, with the exception of the one sentence: "Paris considers you wholly in the Russian camp."
The greatest confusion still prevailed in Crete, where the inhabitants persisted in their demand for union with Greece, and even elected sixteen Deputies to represent the island in the Athenian Chamber. This step, however, created a great difficulty for the Greek Government, for if these Cretan Deputies were allowed to sit, the censure of the European Powers would be incurred, whilst if they were sent about their business the excitement of the populace might easily precipitate a crisis.
The news of the assassination of Prince Michael of Servia, who had always preserved the most friendly relations with Prince Charles, was received on June 11, 1868, with consternation and sincere regret by the Roumanian nation. Prince Milan Obrenowitch was unanimously elected Prince of Servia, under a regency composed of MM. Blagnavatz, Ristitch, and Gavrilovitch, by the Skuptchina on July 5, 1868.
A band of one hundred and fifty Bulgarians assembled in Roumanian territory and crossed the Danube on July 16 near Petroschani, abetted by a farmer, who concealed their rifles on an island in midstream. Aided by the Bulgarians south of the river, the insurrection spread rapidly, until Midhat Pacha defeated the rebels at Letzwitza. A proclamation of the provisional government of the Balkans was found among them, calling the Bulgarians to shake off the Turkish yoke and found a Bulgarian kingdom. With barbarous severity Midhat Pacha thereupon ordered all prisoners to be executed in their native villages as a deterrent to the remainder of the population. The Roumanian Government was accused of fomenting the insurrection, or at least of having taken no steps to prevent the congregation of insurgents on Roumanian territory; but the real culprits were proved to have been Russian instigators. Prince Charles refers to the incident as follows, in a letter to his father:
"The insurrection appears to be wholly suppressed for the present, and the few insurgents still remaining in Bulgaria have retired to the Balkans. How long the peace will remain undisturbed I cannot say; but the fact remains that the bitter feeling of the Bulgarians has reached its climax, and can only be compared to religious fanaticism. Numerous bands of insurgents are still on Roumanian territory, but we are forcing them to disperse. Much anxiety is caused by guarding our extended frontier."... "Public works have now come to the front: a law has been formulated and passed by the Chamber that each Roumanian shall work three days or pay for three days' labour in the year on the roads of the country. This measure was at first opposed, as it was considered a corvÉe, but we succeeded in refuting this argument.... I fully realise your advice, that my chief aim must be directed to the development of the material interests of the country. I should prefer to leave politics severely alone, and cut myself off from the rest of the world for some time to come, but the foreign Powers will not permit it. France in particular is attempting to throw difficulties in my way; the Marquis de Moustier desires at all costs to fix some quarrel on Roumania and to turn out my Ministry, which no longer inspires confidence in France; for this I am sorry; but, nevertheless, it will not induce me to dismiss a Ministry which possesses my entire confidence. I forgot to mention that BourÉe, À propos of the Bulgarian incident, expressed the opinion: 'This circumstance must be utilised to demand the fall of the Roumanian Ministry.' I think it more important to change the Ministers in France than in Roumania—the events in Paris, in the Sorbonne, the Rochefort trial in consequence of the violent article in the Lanterne, &c., are ominous portents. The Second Empire is severely shaken, and can only be maintained by radical means if the fatal sentence 'il est trop tard' is not to come true—as I am inclined to believe it will be. Sympathy with France has disappeared in the East, and she has only herself to thank if the Christian nations throw themselves into the arms of Russia. Turkish and French politics are identical here....
"Many irregularities and embezzlements still occur in the various branches of the administration, but by no means in the same degree as formerly; a considerable period will probably elapse before this evil can be wholly remedied.... The juries are not always capable of fulfilling their task; they often sentence those who have been guilty of minor offences and acquit notorious criminals.... I am against Press prosecutions in Roumania, for what the papers write is valueless; I am in favour of unlimited freedom of the Press; it is decidedly less dangerous than limited freedom, the consequences of which are visible in France to-day."
Events in Spain now appeared to be reaching a critical period, as Marshal Prim and Serrano were engaged in the task of selecting a ruler for the vacant throne. Rumour pointed to the following as possible candidates: The King of Portugal, the Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern, Prince Philip of Coburg, and the Duc de Montpensier.
In a letter to the Crown Prince of Prussia, thanking him for a communication received through Colonel von Krenski,[11] Prince Charles remarked:
"The revolution in Spain came very much À propos, for France will now be forced to keep quiet. As an old acquaintance I deplore the fate of the poor Queen, but honestly confess it was no more than was to be expected. I should like to see an Orleans or Philip of Coburg ascend the Spanish throne, but on no account a regent put forward by Napoleon! If the Republic is victorious in Spain it will soon break out in France, and at the present time this would be a lesser danger for the development of Germany than the Napoleonic dynasty."
The repeated attacks of Austria, or rather of Count Beust, on the Golesku Ministry and on Bratianu in particular, proved that the retention of the latter might lead to the most serious consequences. The nature of these attacks may be recognised from the misstatements in the Austrian Red Book, which estimated the number of needle-guns sold to Prince Charles at 50,000 instead of 10,000, whilst Roumania was termed an "arsenal" by Count Beust. Shortly after the opening of the Chamber the Ministry resigned, and Prince D. Ghika was entrusted with the formation of a new Ministry. The most prominent member was M. Cogalniceanu, and the Ministry was composed of statesmen belonging to every political party. In a letter to the President Prince Charles praised his programme as truly national, and expressed the hope that he would succeed in effacing all differences of opinion and those intrigues so prejudicial to the interests of the State.
On December 9, 1868, the following letter was received from Prince Charles Anthony:
"The candidature for the Spanish throne has hitherto been discussed only in newspapers; we have not ourselves heard a single word about it, and even should this project be placed more closely before us, I should never counsel the acceptance of this hazardous though dazzling position. Moreover, France would never be able to consent to the establishment of a Hohenzollern on the other side of the Pyrenees on account of our relations with Prussia; nay, it is already swollen with jealousy because a member of that house rules the Lower Danube....
"Bismarck appears to me just now to possess rather less influence in Home questions.... In the Foreign Office, however, he continues undisturbed, although even there he has often to bow to the views of the King."
In a subsequent letter to his son congratulating him on the excellent results of the change in the Ministry, Prince Charles Anthony wrote:
"England, which now possesses a new Ministry, must be managed with tact, for the independence of the Porte is the corde sensible of both Tories and Whigs. If England is convinced that Roumania does not wish to emancipate herself, you will be able to reckon with confidence on England's sympathy and friendship for Roumania."
Since Greece on December 18 declined to accept the Turkish ultimatum, all Greek subjects living in Turkey were informed that they would have to leave the country in fourteen days' time, and a Conference assembled in Paris for the purpose of adjusting the differences of these two nations and preventing a war. Their efforts were crowned with success, for Greece accepted the declaration of the Conference on February 6, 1869.
Count Andrassy, the Hungarian statesman, endeavoured to convince the Roumanian Government that its chief source of danger lay in Russia and that the interests of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy were centred in a strong Roumania, which would be able to oppose a barrier to the Panslavonic element. After offering his services in the way of smoothing over the difficulties which had arisen between the two States, Count Andrassy expressed the opinion that the best solution of the Eastern Question would be a Confederation of the Eastern nations and the creation of various independent States, "to make the West understand that the question could be solved without the influence and beyond the aspirations of Russia."
In reply to a letter of Prince Charles regarding the entente cordiale with Hungary, Prince Bismarck wrote on February 2, 1869, as follows:
"I consider it a very fortunate and cleverly managed turn of events that your Highness's relations to the Porte should have improved. I am convinced that if the Porte believes that it has nothing to fear for its possessions from the Roumanian Government, it will be a more useful and perhaps a more sincere friend to your Highness than the majority of the European Powers, who can hardly interfere with your Highness so long as you are on good terms with the Porte. Turkey has much less to fear from a strong government in Roumania which maintains peace and quiet—than from a weak and revolutionary state of affairs in the Principalities. I therefore consider, if your Highness will graciously permit me to give expression to my long and active political experience, that the first requirement of your Highness's policy is the establishment of your authority in the interior, and the maintenance of confidential relations with the Porte. The means by which such relations can be promoted by personal intercourse with influential men in Constantinople will doubtless be known to your Highness's agents there. The maintenance of your Highness's authority at home rests principally upon the maintenance of an absolutely reliable force of a couple of thousand men able to enforce obedience wherever they are assembled. The result of such obedience will then render possible a regular administration and a certain execution of the law. If your Highness achieves this result, the glory and practical success of your Government will be greater and more lasting than any extension of the Roumanian rule in the East could make it. The ideal for Roumania appears to me to be the title de la Belgique des bouches du Danube, and for your Highness the glory and the gratitude of Europe such as King Leopold left behind him. The Roumanians, as we judge them from this distance, are neither essentially warlike nor ambitious to rule other nations....
"If this conception meets with your Highness's approval, amicable relations with Hungary would arise spontaneously. I by no means advocate the cooling of the entente with Russia; nor need it suffer through Roumania's friendly feeling for Hungary, if your Highness only succeeds in cultivating relations with the Czar and Chancellor in St. Petersburg, without employing the channel of excited and exciting consular agents. The Imperial Government itself is far more liberal and moderate than its agents in the East....
"The present demands of all nations and most of the Governments of Europe are secure conditions of peace, and everything that your Highness may do to maintain these, if you announce at the same time that it is done for the sake of peace, will receive the applause of Europe, though at first the hired papers of the intriguers for war may decry your action. But if your Highness believes that there is no power to render innocuous those who for foreign money endanger the peace and the stability of your Highness's rule, I cannot divine the motives which persuade a scion of so illustrious a house as that of your Highness to persevere in so ungrateful a task...."
Prince Charles described the motives which led to the dissolution of the Chamber as follows to his father:
"The conflict between the Chamber and the Ministry—sought by the former in the appointment of General Macedonski to the command of the Bucharest Division—shows clearly how the Chamber endeavoured to prevent the consolidation of the present Ministry in the hope of undermining all authority. I considered this a great danger, and the greater the danger, the more rapidly and energetically must one intervene. Europe desires peace; and it is not for us, a little State, which has such an endless labour of development yet before it, and so much to do before it can become strong—it is not for us to seek and agitate for war. I hope that in the next Chamber the quiet and reasonable element of the country will be represented, for this alone can ensure its future. The election struggles will, however, be hotly contested, as the opposition will employ every means to victory. Two days before the dissolution of the Chamber I had a five hours' conversation with Bratianu.... He thought that the situation at home was most serious, and that a catastrophe was imminent. I replied that I feared nothing. 'Un Hohenzollern ne se laisse pas si facilement renverser comme un prince parvenu.'"
Amongst other rumours, that of an intended abdication gained much credence at this time, whilst several letters were received threatening assassination. Prince Charles declined to pay the least heed to these menaces, and to show his confidence in his adopted country rode long distances daily in all directions. It was only natural that Prince Charles Anthony's paternal anxiety should be aroused by the gloomy picture of the affairs of Roumania and their effect on the Prince's health. He wrote:
"I have seen Krenski and learnt from him much that is new and interesting, but find that he regards matters in too gloomy a light and views everything with ultra-Prussian eyes. It is a real calamity that the Prussians, despite their qualities of spirit, character, and knowledge, are frequently deficient in objective conception and judgment!
"Krenski draws a gloomy picture of your situation, and I had to restrain him from painting the matter too darkly to your dear mother. You were looking ill, had no appetite, little sleep, and your exhaustion was patent to every one!...
"I consider it absolutely necessary that you should come here as arranged in April. It is of the utmost importance for two reasons: first of all, it will give the lie to the current reports that you dare not leave the country for a moment owing to imminent dangers. It is politically most important that it should be seen that you can safely venture, in spite of all, to be absent for a short time. Secondly, you will never be able to think of marriage unless you take steps personally in the matter....
"There is no news at all. I do not know whether I shall be able to go to Berlin for the birthday. My foot is better, but it is not completely cured, and the greatest caution is necessary. It is depressing for me to feel myself an invalid when otherwise in perfect health.
"After a spring-like winter we are now having a winter-like spring. It is to be hoped that April will bring us the inexpressible happiness of a reunion with you!"
Prince Charles replied to this letter as follows:
"I hope you are not angry because I have not complied with your urgent invitation to come to Germany. I do not think it can be necessary to assure you how much my heart draws me to my deeply loved parents, my dearest possessions on earth. But he who assumes so great a responsibility as I have must not be ruled by his heart, but by his head. I fear Krenski has described the situation here in too gloomy a light—it is not so serious as he thinks. With patience, endurance, and energy everything can be attained, and I am convinced that I shall reach my appointed goal. It is true that during the time Krenski was here I had an enormous amount of work, little peace, and much annoyance. This, however, did not discourage me for a moment, whilst Krenski, who has much too soft a heart for a man and a soldier, often despaired. It was only natural that I should have no appetite or sleep, as the many wearisome tasks, without any distraction, exhausted and excited me. At present I am in excellent health, and await the result of the elections with calmness and less excitement than my entourage, for I know what I have to do, if it should come to a serious conflict. Most decidedly I shall not draw the shorter lot...."
The news of the death of the former Hospodar of Wallachia, Barbu Stirbey, was received from Nice in April 1869. Only a few weeks before he had written to the Prince, thanking him for some photographs of his native country. "God will bless the labours of your Highness and will grant you the glory of being the founder of a new Roumania. Nobody knows better than I the difficulties in the path of a Roumanian Prince who endeavours to attain what is right; they will not discourage your Highness, though they may defer the realisation of your hopes. To conquer all these difficulties at once would be impossible...."
Prince Charles spent his thirtieth birthday (April 20, 1869) on a tour in Moldavia, where he inspected the progress of the railways. Thanks to the initiative of the Prince, the great bridge over the Buseu, 550 yards long, had been completed, and communication between the two great provinces was no longer exposed to interruption by bad weather or floods. No less than five bridges in all had been constructed for the line to Fokschani, and it was with the greatest pleasure that the Prince noticed the expression of the gratitude of Moldavia in the inscription on the triumphal arch at Bakau: "Welcome to the founder of the Roumanian railways."
A report from Paris informed the Prince that an intrigue was on foot there to instigate a revolution in Bucharest, and that this project was also known at Vienna. A suitable pretender had been sought for in the Roumanian capital, ever since the recall of the French military mission, and a son of a former Hospodar was now said to have been selected to replace Prince Charles. The alleged reason for this Parisian intrigue was the complaint that since Bratianu's resignation Prussia practically ruled the Principality through the North German Consul-General.
It was, therefore, with the greatest joy that Prince Charles turned from these sordid affairs and devoted himself for a time to his elder brother Leopold. After a separation of a long and anxious three years the brothers met on April 27, shortly before Easter, at the capital of Moldavia, Jassy. Prince Leopold was thus able to witness a striking episode, which occurred as the venerable Metropolitan quitted the Church on Easter morning to announce, in accordance with traditional custom, to all the world: "Christ is risen." At the same moment Prince Charles stepped forward on the daÏs, before which some thirty convicts in chains stood waiting the clemency of the Sovereign, and ordered their fetters to be struck off to commemorate the holy hour. It was an affecting moment! The clatter of the falling chains imparted a bitter-sweet tone of gladness and sorrow amidst the universal rejoicings of the great festival of the Eastern Church.
The visit of the Hereditary Prince was, however, spoilt by the terrible downpour of rain, which prevented most of the festivities in his honour. Many of the smaller bridges were carried away by the floods, and on one occasion the Hohenzollern Princes were in imminent danger of being swept away by a mountain torrent. Prince Otto[12] of Bavaria passed through Bucharest on his way to Constantinople; but, strangely enough, his arrival was announced through the Consul-General of Austria and not by the North German Consul. At a dinner given in his honour the Prince displayed great amiability, but Prince Charles noticed with regret the great melancholy with which Prince Otto's mind appeared to be surrounded.
Prince Leopold, accompanied by his brother, set out on his homeward journey on June 7, and visited Kalafat, Turnu Severin, and Orsowa, where a monument had been erected to commemorate the recovery of the stolen crown of Hungary. After taking an affectionate farewell of his brother, Prince Charles returned, lonely and rather downcast, to his work in Bucharest.
Prince Ypsilanti, the Greek Ambassador at Paris, awaited the return of the Prince to lay before him the draft of a treaty between Roumania and Greece. The proposals aimed at nothing less than the "complete independence of Roumania and the Greek provinces of Turkey" by means of a combined action of the two rulers, which was to take place six months after the necessary arrangements had been settled. The numbers to be employed, and the support of an insurrection in Bulgaria were also touched upon.
Prince Charles, however, adopted the same reserved attitude towards these startling proposals as he had done on a previous occasion, when Prince Ypsilanti, as early as May, brought a letter from the King of Greece thanking Prince Charles for his sympathy in the late crisis, and excusing the delay in replying.
"I have not hesitated to comply with the decision of the Paris Conference on being confronted by the alternative, due to the ill-will of Europe towards the heroic struggle in Crete, of either allowing the insurrection to extend in that island without any practical result, or of commencing a war with Turkey, which was fraught with disadvantageous conditions for Greece." This bitter decision would not have been in vain if it sufficed to prove to the Christian nations of the East that they must first be strong enough to achieve their rights by force before they could attempt to throw off the Turkish yoke.
Prince Charles's reply ran thus:
"You cannot doubt, Sire, that I share with all my heart the sentiments expressed in your letter, and sympathise with the painful impressions which you recall. The community of interests in politics and religion between Greece and Roumania, as well as the identity of their commercial interests in so many points, naturally imposes upon us the duty of endeavouring zealously on both sides to strengthen the bonds which already unite the two nations. This tendency will respond to my dearest wishes."
