A great number of the most influential Israelites assembled at Mann's house on the following day. Mann, who was already proud of being considered the chief of the Israelites of Warsaw, was delighted to preside at a meeting of so much importance.

"Mann," whispered Father Simon to Bartold, "this poor Mann, resembles this morning a bladder; look out, for he may burst."

"And even if he does, with what are we threatened? A little wind, and nothing else," replied Bartold laughing.

This vain personage had really assumed a very pompous manner. He looked around him from the height of his grandeur, and from time to time put his hand on his empty head. Seated on a sofa which he occupied alone, he opened the meeting majestically.

"Messieurs," he said, "we have met here to discuss future events, for the situation is complicated. What, then, should be our rÔle? That is the question submitted to you. We have always been united; I hope it will now be shown that we have not changed."

"Excuse me," said Simon. "But I vote a distribution of cigars before the important debate."

"Have done with your jests," said Mann in a firm voice, handing him a cigar. "This is no laughing matter; the times are grave and serious? What attitude shall we take toward the nobles? What will they do now, after this affair of last night?"

"The nobles will do nothing at all. They will dispute, argue, vociferate, and threaten, and the result of their consultation will be nothing," said the incorrigible Simon.

"Yes, that is usually the way; but this time they are forced to take action. I will add that the nobles have almost always been hostile to our race, and have often offended us by denying us justice."

"The nobility will always be the nobility," replied Simon to the chairman, in spite of his efforts to silence him. "They look on us as their stewards, their brokers, their innkeepers. They accuse us of exhaling garlic wherever we go. But they are not at heart our enemies. Let us speak of the other side of the matter, for, messieurs, the nobles dream only of sacrificing themselves for their beloved Poland; we do not enter into their calculations in that regard, and is it not our own fault?"

"The revolution is imminent," said Mann.

"It is possible," observed Bartold. "But I believe the nobles would like to draw out of this affair, in which the middle class are so active, and into which they seek to draw us."

"Then we must let ourselves be drawn in," said Jacob, "in order to become worthy citizens of the country that has received us when we were outcasts."

"Jacob always returns to this refrain; we know his theories, but at present we are occupied with practical things. What interest have we in the past?" said Mann.

"Our first interest," replied Jacob, "in a country where we are so numerous is to be admitted to a footing of equality. The opportunity now presents itself; let us profit by it; let us unite with the middle class."

"Nothing is so alluring as a sham compact at the outset, but afterward there are sure to be mutual recriminations and quarrels," said Simon.

"Take a cigar to close your lips!" cried the chairman, who was weary of the sentimentalism of the one and the everlasting jests of the other.

"I will give you a second cigar, if you will be silent," added another.

"I repeat my question," said Mann solemnly. "What rÔle ought we to play at present,--we Jews?"

"Excuse me," said a stranger. "There are no Jews here. We are all Poles, of the religion of Moses."

A hearty applause showed approval of this expression uttered for the first time.

"If this view is adopted it solves the question," said Jacob.

"Pardon," replied Mann, "a thousand pardons. This phrase does not decide whether we will make common cause with the nobles, who do not wish a premature revolution, or with the bourgeoisie, who are the promoters of this movement."

"That's the chief point," cried Simon, always eager to give his advice. "I vote for the nobles; by going with them we may succeed in obtaining crests. I am very anxious to stamp on my seal three onions on a field of gold."

"Cursed babbler!" cried Mann, striking the table with his fist. "Will you keep silent or not?"

"I will shut up," said Simon.

"Let us be serious," replied Bartold. "Monsieur Mann has put the question well."

"I do not think so," said Jacob. "To take sides with this party or that is all that we should have to decide. The question is altogether different for me. Here it is: What is the better part for us to take in the interest of Poland, our adopted country?"

"Listen to me," cried Henri Segel. "We should be blind, indeed, not to see that, if we join in a revolution lost in advance, it would mean as certain ruin to us as to the rest of the country."

A small man with a consumptive look gazed around him, coughed, and let fall, drop by drop, these words:--

"We have been long enough held in contempt and subjection. The time has arrived to come out of it. Let us think of ourselves only. The peasant does not like us, because he is stupid, and we do not inspire him with fear. The nobles detest us and continually humiliate us. They will take part in the rebellion; if they find it inevitable, they will consider it a point of honour. The Russian government hates them, and will take advantage of the opportunity to confiscate their estates and drive them into exile. If we can be neutral during the crisis, what a prospect opens before us! In every nation, whatever be the form of government, be always on the side of the governing class. We are prepared to seize a high position. We will become the masters of the country."

"This idea," said Jacob, "has been often advanced, and is nothing new. But there is one objection: we shall save everything but honour. The fact of having been sheltered from all danger will condemn us. The nobility will not entirely disappear; many will remain. Russia, too, has her own revolutionists, who may overthrow her in a few years."

"Yes, before many years," replied the little man dryly; "if we do not make ourselves masters here, we are not worth a farthing. Already we dominate more than half of Europe in money matters, and the German press is largely at our service. France, also, has not escaped our influence. Warsaw is called our capital, a new Jerusalem."

"My dear sir," said Jacob, "your prophecy is not yet ready to be realized. We shall not attain our end by egotism. It would be much better to seal our fraternity with Poland, and by a sincere devotion gain her esteem by proving that the people of Israel are a noble people, that they will not abase themselves by taking sides with the strong or the oppressors. Never has the calculation of knavery been preferable to that of honesty."

"What is that you are saying there?" interrupted Simon. "The Jew has always been a trickster, and will do well to remain such."

"No, no!" replied Jacob warmly. "If servitude has taught us deceit and falsehood, is it any reason why we should persevere in it, now that our heavy chains are broken and the way is open to us? Let us march with the right, our heritage during thousands of years. The glory of Israel is very dear to me, but I rely above all on the laws of God and the justice of our cause. Let us prove that we are worthy of being called the 'chosen people of God.' There lies our grandeur, we do not need to seek another."

"Fine words," said Mann. "And why shall we not exult over the defeat of our enemies? They have kept us long enough in the mud at the gates of their palaces; why should we not be glad to see them in their turn humbled before us?"

"We reproach the pagans with love of revenge, and now do we wish to imitate them? Our faith has been accused of inculcating that ignoble sentiment; while, on the contrary, the Christians preach forgiveness to enemies and laud it as a virtue."

"Virtue," said Mann, "is an excellent thing in private life, but when the welfare of a nation or a community is threatened, it is not expected that we should adhere strictly to virtue."

"An old and pernicious prejudice. The magicians recommend the use of a soup made from the fat of corpses in order to attain happiness in life, and politicians of the old school preach villany in the interest of the public good. It is an error: a nation is never saved by evil."

"You are eloquent, Jacob; but you generalize too much. You forget that the right of conversation is open to all. I refer you to the Talmud, which you quote so often."

"The hour for the Bourse draws nigh, and we have decided nothing," cried another.

"That which is difficult," said Bartold, "is to decide, with the meagre information we possess. One cannot foresee how things will turn out. We must wait. I wish, like Jacob, to follow the right, but on condition that it does not lead to a precipice; I admit the necessity of sacrifices when something is gained thereby, but I do not approve of useless sacrifices."

"All sacrifice bears its fruit sooner or later," replied Jacob.

"You return to your mysticisms. Our debate is ended."

"Result: nothing, as usual," concluded Simon.

"One word more," said Mann. "It has been said that we cannot foresee how events will terminate. Some one of us should seek admittance to the revolutionary meetings and observe what is going on; that may enlighten us. Prudence dictates this precaution. Jacob, will you undertake it?"

"No, Monsieur Mann. I am not a revolutionist, and I refuse to lend myself to the rÔle of a spy even for our cause."

"What delicate susceptibility! We will send some one in your place."

Mann sputtered wrathfully, and continued:--

"Thus we shall be informed of the actions of the revolutionary party, and if anything important occurs, my house is always at your service for meetings."

"The Bourse, the Bourse; it is the hour!" cried several voices. And they all hastened away.