IMPOLICY OF THE SLAVE TRADE.

FEW persons in Great Britain have now any doubts of the inhumanity of the slave trade, and none would presume to come forwards as its defenders. It is a great moral evil, perhaps the greatest in the world, from which England has at last been delivered. But her work is not yet done, other nations continue to transport the natives of Africa from their own shores to those of South America; and even when her efforts have succeeded in persuading them to forbid this trade, the plan of abolition must be followed up in her own colonies; she must atone for the crimes which she has committed, and prove to other countries her sincerity in the cause, by her zeal in rooting out a most execrable system with all prudent and possible expedition.

In Brazil there are several excellent men who still entertain the idea that the Africans are saved from death by the slave-dealers, and that if they were not purchased by Europeans, their countrymen would murder them; this was the opinion in England a few years ago, and therefore we cannot be surprised that the Brazilians should still consider it as being founded upon truth. It is their interest so to think, (or at any rate, they imagine that it is their interest) and they have no books or other means by which they might be undeceived. To the planters I fear that scarcely any arguments would be of any avail; they imagine that without slaves their estates must decay, and therefore they fortify themselves under the notion of the humanity of the trade by which they obtain their supplies. If the chief body of the priests could be convinced of its cruelty,—of the effect which this trade has to render still more prominent than they would otherwise be, the bad qualities of the natives of Africa in their own country, and to check every thing that is good;—of its direct tendency to increase the manifold evils of the state of society existing in the parts of that continent which are subject to the resort of slave-dealers;—if the clergy could be made to believe that by their voice they were sanctioning one of the most shocking systems under which the world ever laboured, I know that their aid would be given to the abolition. I am aware likewise of the weight which their opinions carry with them among all other descriptions of persons. One of the chief arguments with the priesthood is the advantages which the Africans receive from their entrance into the Catholic church;—how much better would it be to teach them the Christian religion upon their native soil, without all the miseries to which they are subjected by their transportation!

Another opinion has also been adopted, which induces the Brazilians to suspect the motives of Great Britain in urging their government to abolish the trade. They say it was from policy alone that she abolished the slave trade, because her colonies were fully stocked; and that now she wishes to accomplish the abolition among all other nations who are not so well provided with labourers, that they may not rival her transatlantic possessions, and ultimately surpass them by the increased number of workmen[250]. It is clear that those who hold out that upon such principles as these the abolition was effected in England, know nothing of its history;—for if they did, they would soon see from what pure motives the zeal for the prohibition of the slave-trade proceeded; they would read of the exertions and perseverance of Clarkson, the great apostle in this cause, and they would be convinced that the eloquence of Wilberforce could only emanate from the most disinterested sources. It would be perceived that these two individuals whose names will for ever be connected with the famous law to the passing of which they contributed so materially, were followed by a train of advocates in this glorious struggle, whose aid was afforded under circumstances which were as little liable to suspicion as the conduct of their great leaders. The proofs of the unstained principles upon which this act was carried through Parliament are so decisive, that a plain statement of facts would convince all those who were not previously determined to believe the contrary.

The government of Brazil has a difficult part to act; it rules a numerous body of slave-owners, who are scattered over a very extensive country, in which the authority of the sovereign will only of necessity be loosely recognized; the possibility of resisting his commands does exist, and though his mandates are issued in the style of despotism, still he must be careful not to go too far; for he has not the means of enforcing obedience to his edicts in the chief provinces, if any one of them chose to withdraw its allegiance. The government would be, I rather think, inclined to follow the example of the chief powers of Europe; but it must not be precipitate, the people must be prepared for the change, and have time given them to think upon a subject, which, under their present impressions, is supposed to injure them so materially. It is at Bahia that the slave-dealers and planters have shewn themselves most violent in favour of the slave-trade; it is from that place that the most extensive traffic is carried on to the coast of Africa. In the province of Bahia there are great estates, possessing two, three, and four hundred slaves; the owners of these are consequently rich, and they possess power over the free population as well as over their own immediate dependents. It is in that quarter that the greatest inclination to resist whatever its people does not relish, has been experienced. Petitions containing forcible language have been made to the government at Rio de Janeiro, against the abolition and against the proceedings of the British cruisers stationed upon the coast of Africa, by which several slave ships have been captured[251]. The government of Brazil may, and ought to be persuaded by all peaceable and friendly means which independent States possess of urging each other, to do its utmost in accomplishing the much to be desired end; but still whatever our wishes may be, and however much the inclinations of the Portugueze ministry may coincide with them, they must consult the state of the country over which they rule.

A Brazilian writer who has published several pamphlets at Rio de Janeiro with the permission of the Regent, has spoken against the trade, as far as it is possible under present circumstances. Slavery he styles “a terrible cancer in the body politic, which tends to impede the increase of the white race,” and as he rather quaintly expresses himself “to Africanize the New World[252].” This is not the only place in which the same writer speaks of slavery, and of the trade in these terms. A Portugueze writer of much reputation among his countrymen, says, “if we have never feared the power of the government, neither ought we to hesitate in combating the erroneous opinions of the people; confident that although he who opposes himself to the prejudices of a nation, renders his name odious, still he may be quite certain that posterity will do him justice[253].” Another Journal of equal reputation states, that “it is a great evil for the chief strength of an empire to consist in the number of its slaves; and if Brazil had once reflected, that each negro which she exports from Africa, is necessarily an enemy whom she is nurturing, she would perhaps not have dared to employ them at all; or at any rate she would have made use of them in smaller numbers[254].” I hope that other individuals of the same nation will see the subject in the same light, and will give their assistance in leading their countrymen to a knowledge of the equity, humanity, and good policy of abolishing this detestable traffic.

The ruin of Brazil is predicted, the decay of its agriculture and of its commerce are supposed to be inevitable from the want of labourers if the trade is prohibited. This is generally asserted wherever I have been, without the least consideration, without a thought being given to the possibility of employing the free population of the country in daily labour. It is said, that if Africans are not to be obtained, every thing must be at a stand, and the country can make no progress. This argument against the abolition, the Brazilians bring forwards even with much less plausibility than the planters of the Columbian islands. In these the number of free persons of colour, is comparatively very small, whereas in Brazil, a great proportion of the population consists of free persons in the lower ranks of life. In some parts of the country which I have visited, the free people preponderate considerably, and in none of those districts which I saw, do I conceive that the slaves outnumber the free people in a greater proportion than three to one. It will have been seen from foregoing chapters, that the sugar plantations are not largely stocked with slaves, and that no estate is without some portion of its lands which are occupied by families who are in a state of freedom. The villages too contain free persons almost exclusively, and even in the large towns, the major part of the mechanics are free.

The slave trade is impolitic with regard to Brazil on the broad principle, that a man in a state of bondage will not be so serviceable to the community as one who acts for himself, and whose whole exertions are directed to the advancement of his own fortune, the increase of which, by regular means, adds to the general prosperity of the society to which he belongs. This is an undoubted and indisputable fact, to which every person assents, owing to the self-evidence of its truth; and which must be still more strongly imprinted on the mind of every one who has been in the habit of seeing the manner in which slaves perform their daily labour. Their indifference, and the extreme slowness of every movement, plainly point out the trifling interest which they have in the advancement of the work. I have watched two parties labouring in the same field, one of free persons, and the other of slaves, which occasionally, though very seldom, occurs. The former are singing, joking, and laughing, and are always actively moving hand and foot; whilst the latter are silent, and if they are viewed from a little distance, their movements are scarcely to be perceived.

Even if Brazil had only to depend upon its slaves for the increase of its agriculture and population, it would still be better for that country in the main, to put a stop to the introduction of Africans; but in that case, although its advancement would necessarily be progressive, it would be slow. Every African who enters the country is an enemy of which the State is sanctioning the introduction. Besides Brazil is not in want of them, and even if that country made the greatest possible use of every individual whom it at present possesses, (which it does not,) and yet urgently and necessarily required an additional number of hands to continue the cultivation of the lands, the transportation of Africans is the worst manner of obtaining them, even in a political point of view. If, however, upon Africans alone its advancement was to depend, many years must pass before any great change would be seen in its riches and power, and consequently in its progress to the rank of a great nation. Brazil is, however, in a far different situation; her free population is numerous, and the time seems to have almost arrived, when this part of the community would take its proper place in society in spite of existing regulations[255]. So much do I imagine this to be the case, that I think the abolition of the slave trade would scarcely be felt at Pernambuco after the first moment; and even any sensation which might be caused, would rather be produced artificially than necessarily. The rich slave owners would immediately rival each other in the purchase of the Africans who might happen to be on sale, and thus an increase of price would be produced; but the number of free persons is quite adequate to fill up any vacuum which it is supposed would be caused in the country by a stop being put to the supply of the imported part of the population.

Constituted as society is in civilized states, the poor must depend upon those who are sufficiently wealthy to give them employment; and again, the latter must depend upon the former for the execution of their projects. But the situation of Brazil excludes the lower ranks from the aid of those who are above them, and deprives the rich of the assistance which they might receive from the labour of the poor. The peasant is under the necessity of planting for his own subsistence, without possessing the capital which is requisite for the undertaking. If the crop fails he remains totally destitute. The exertions of a number of individuals each occupied singly in clearing and cultivating separate plots of land, cannot accomplish so easily, or with so much perfection, the work which might be done by the united efforts of the same number of persons. Even if the slave trade was to continue for a considerable length of time, the natural order of things would probably have their course, and free labourers would be employed upon every well regulated estate conjointly with the slaves. The lower ranks of people would become too numerous for each family to be able to possess a sufficient quantity of land for its own support, and this would oblige them to hire themselves to those who could afford to pay them; the planters would see the advantages of hiring their workmen, and thus, without any care or attention to this most important subject by the government of the country, would the labour of freemen be admitted. By the separation of labour into small spots of cultivated ground, (if cultivated it can be called) as is practised at present, great portions of land are wasted, and only a few families can possibly exist upon the extent of surface, (each working for itself) which would give bread to a much greater number of persons, if they were employed conjointly;—if the labour was paid for by one who wished to obtain a good crop from the land, could pay for the work which was requisite, and gave the necessary attention to its culture; this would bring together and render useful to each other, the first class of people who enjoy considerable wealth, and the third class who do not possess any thing. The second class consisting of small planters, who live comfortably, have a decent house, three or four slaves, a horse or two and some other trifling property, would not be affected in the least by this change in the application of the labour of the class which is immediately below them. The secondary people, who cannot afford to increase their number of slaves, and yet are not able to accomplish their projects in planting with those which they possess, frequently hire free labourers.

Under the present system, the labour of free persons is not placed to the greatest advantage; their time is misemployed in performing alone with great difficulty, what would be done easily if several persons were occupied together. This is particularly apparent in a new country, where the obstacles which are to be surmounted in preparing lands for culture are so numerous and of such magnitude. If a man is aware that the obtaining of his daily bread depends directly upon the exertions of each day, it is probable that he will be careful in making use of the present moment, and not put off until the morrow what will so materially benefit him; and as he knows that his comforts depend upon his regular exertions, he will be more inclined to go through his daily occupations with punctuality. But if his gains do not correspond with the work which he does daily, the probability is that some carelessness will be perceived; and he will, from trifling causes, delay the performance of a task until a future moment. The hire which a labourer in the service of another man receives, is only rendered to him if he has performed his allotted work, otherwise the time is lost; no good fortune, no lucky season can reclaim it; but if his profits are expected to be meted to him rather from the richness of the land which he has cultivated, from a favourable season, from the excellence of the seed, or from these causes combined, or from others which are not under his controul, he will more willingly stay idling at home, or accept an invitation to a merriment-making. Labour is not pleasant; men in general work from necessity, and therefore some stimulant is requisite to urge them to exertion; this occurs in any climate, and holds good still more frequently in one which naturally inclines to the indulgence of indolent propensities.[256]

If all men were free, the capital which is required in the establishment of a plantation, or the great exertions which, under existing circumstances, must be used to answer the payments which are to be made for the property obtained on credit would not be so necessary; or at any rate the experiment of entering into schemes for planting would not be so dangerous as it is at present, if the chief expenditure was not incurred in property which is so precarious and at the same time so valuable as slaves. In the purchase of any other description of live stock (to speak in creole language), the risk lies in diseases of the body only, and in those alone to which bodies that are inured to the climate are subject; but you transplant the negro from his native soil, which to him is the best in the world; and you have his wounded and desponding mind to heal. The vexations and privations which he must undergo are to be combated; his mind as well as his body must be kept in health, or little service will his master receive from him. The loss which is occasioned by untimely deaths would not, if free men were employed, thus fall directly upon the planter. The time which is passed by the runaway-slave in the woods, or residing in temporary freedom at some distant village, would not be so much property unemployed. The expences attendant upon sickness, and the loss of time proceeding from the same cause, would be incurred by the patient, and the place of one individual would be occupied by another. The constant anxiety of the planter which is caused by the bad habits of his slaves, and from other reasons inseparably connected with the system by which one man rules a body of his fellow-creatures who are at the same time his property, would be removed. The owner of an estate might have some rest; his attention need not be entirely given up to the management of his affairs, which must now be the case, if he has a wish to advance his fortune, and a due regard for the preservation in an able state, of the beings through whose means this is to be accomplished. Too true it is that men become callous to the constant round of intelligence which is communicated by the manager; of slaves sick, lamed by accident, making their escape, &c. and the accounts of their recovery and return are received with the same unconcern. Punishment is ordered for crimes and misdemeanors with the same insensibility; all these are things of course, and as such are endured quietly.

In a country which is afflicted with the dreadful disease of slavery cruelty is frequent, and whilst the punishment of misdemeanors which have been committed against the master are generally immediate and proportioned to their bearing upon the interests of the superior, it is difficult to compass the chastisement of great crimes against the community. It is the interest of the master to conceal from the superior authorities those actions of their slaves which might subject them to the loss of their services. Instances have occurred in which the law itself has swerved from its direct line of justice, that the owner might not be injured by the execution or transportation of the slave. It is for the benefit of the wealthy man, who ought to be the dispenser of justice, to act contrary to what it is his duty to do; to counteract the principles of rectitude, to screen from their deserts the evil deeds of a great portion of the population of the country in which he resides. He is silent concerning his neighbours’ property, that like forbearance may be practised towards himself, if he should require it. But the crimes which slaves commit without the knowledge of their masters, or those which, although they may be afterwards known to the owners, have been committed without their concurrence, are not the only evil actions into which this class of men may be led. The owner himself who has not courage to revenge his own quarrels, may command that his purpose shall be accomplished by one of the wretched individuals over whom he rules. This has absolutely happened.

The general tendency which is produced by slavery, taken in every point of view, is to rouse all the bad qualities of him who rules and of him who endures; by this system, a government permits the demoralization of its people, and that the property of its subjects be laid out in a most disadvantageous manner; a great number of individuals must be supported whose benefit to the state is much decreased by the situation in which they are placed, and another class in society is prevented from taking its due share in the general advancement of the country.