  Since the foregoing study was completed, E. Huntington’s stimulating book—vide supra, p. 79, n.—on Civilization and Climate has appeared. He continues what Dexter began. Lack of definiteness in observation, argumentative conviction, reasoned out opinion, are superseded by scientific exactness in ascertaining the action of climate. Chapters 4–7 (pp. 49–147) concern us here. In these chapters he investigates “the exact effect of various climatic factors upon selected groups of people” (p. 49). Huntington subjects to statistical analysis the daily records of about 550 factory operatives, pieceworkers, employed in three factories in three New England cities. The records, most of them for a complete year, are distributed over the four years from 1910 to 1913 (p. 53). He computes wage averages. He finds for each working day the average hourly wage for each group of operatives. When the daily averages had been found, they were averaged together by weeks. To give each individual an equal importance, the figures of each group have been reduced to percentages. Finally, the different groups were combined (p. 57). His final computations are represented in curves. A curve, graduated in twelve parts (one for each month), for a given year shows the earnings in percentages at any point and thus reveals the time of the weakness or efficiency of the worker; it shows the time of his Huntington worked up similarly the records of 65 operatives in a North Carolina factory, of 240 operatives in four cotton mills in South Carolina and Georgia, of 57 carpenters at Jacksonville, Fla., and on a different basis the work of 2700 cigar makers in two cigar factories in Florida. On the first basis he also computed a series of data from a large factory at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, based on the work of about 950 operatives in 1910, of about 750 in 1911, of 69 in 1912, of about 7000 in 1913. He figured the monthly or bi-weekly averages of hourly earnings of these pieceworkers in Pittsburgh. Discussing the curves in Figure 1 (p. 59), he mentions (p. 61) five features revealed by the curves that show no sign of disappearing. They are: “an extremely low place in midwinter, and a less pronounced low place in midsummer; a high point in June, a still higher point at the end of October, and a hump in mid-December.... “Before we discuss the causes of the variability of the summers let us consider the meaning of the curves as a whole. In the first place, it is evident that, although details may vary from year to year, the general course of events is uniformly from low in the winter to high in the fall with a drop of more or less magnitude in summer. To what can this be due?... “We seem forced to search outside of the factories for the reasons for our seasonal fluctuations of wages.... “The verity of the conclusion just reached is strongly confirmed by comparison with other regions and other types of human activity.... The curves [in Figure 2, pp. 66–7] range from the Adirondacks in northern New York to Tampa in southern Florida and include one from Denmark. With them I have repeated some of the curves of Figure 1 for the sake of comparison. The most remarkable feature of this series is that although there is great diversity of place and of activity, all the curves harmonize with what would be expected on the basis of Figure 1 [p. 65]. “The general form of the curves for Pittsburgh and Connecticut is obviously the same.... “The agreement between the curves for Connecticut and Pennsylvania is far too close to be accidental [p. 76]. “We have now seen that from New England to Florida physical strength and health vary in accordance with the seasons. Extremes seem to produce the same effect everywhere. The next question is whether mental activity varies the same way” (p. 77). Huntington uses the marks of “about 1900 students for a single year” in mathematics (weekly averages at Annapolis and daily averages at West Point) and in English (at Annapolis). From these data he compiles the curves in Figure 3 (p. 80). He says (p. 81), “The curves of mental activity all resemble it [the average curve of physical work] in having two main maxima, “Summing up the matter, we find that the results of investigations in Denmark, Japan, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland, the Carolinas, Georgia, and Florida are in harmony. They all show that except in Florida neither the winter nor the summer is the most favorable season. Both physical and mental activity reach pronounced maxima in the spring and fall, with minima in midwinter and midsummer. The consistency of our results is of great importance. It leads to the belief that in all parts of the world the climate is exercising an influence which can readily be measured, and can be subjected to statistical analysis” (p. 82). This is his conclusion in Chapter IV (pp. 49–82), “The Effect of the Seasons.” Having seen in the fourth chapter “that both physical and mental energy vary from season to season according to well-defined laws,” Huntington investigates in the fifth chapter (“The Effect of Humidity and Temperature,” pp. 83–110) “the special features of seasonal change which are most effective” (p. 83). Explaining the curves of Human Activity and Mean Temperature (p. 99), he says (p. 98), “With the exception of the last two, which are distinctly the least reliable, the physical group all reach maxima at a temperature between 59° and 65°. Even the two less reliable curves reach their maxima within the next “Another point brought out by the curves [on p. 99] is that as we go to more southerly climes the optimum temperature of the human race becomes higher. It is important to note, however, that the variation in the optimum is slight compared with the variation in the mean temperature of the places in question. For instance, in Connecticut the optimum seems to be about 60° for people of north European stock. This is about ten degrees higher than the mean temperature for the year as a whole. In Florida, on the other hand, the optimum for Cubans is about 65°, which is five degrees lower than the mean temperature for the year at Tampa. In other words, with a difference of twenty degrees in the mean annual temperature, and with a distinctly northern race compared with a southern, we find that the optimum differs only about 5° F. This seems to mean that for the entire human race the optimum temperature probably does not vary more than ten or fifteen degrees [pp. 100–101]. “The last thing to be considered in Figure 8 [p. 99] is the mental curve [showing optimum mental work at 38° F.] at the bottom. It is based on so large a number of people, and is so regular, that its general reliability seems great, although I think that future studies may show the optimum to be a few degrees higher than is here indicated. It agrees with the results of Lehmann and Pedersen. Furthermore, from general observation we are most of us aware that we are mentally more active in comparatively cool weather. The curves (p. 105) on Mean Temperature and Vital Processes in Plants, Animals and Man show physical energy to be at the optimum at the mean temperature of 60° F., mental energy at 38°, mental and physical energy combined at from 40° to 60°. Of this last mentioned curve he says: “It may be taken as representing man’s actual productive activity in the things that make for a high civilization. The resemblance of the human curves to those of the lower organisms is obvious. In general, the lower types of life, or the lower forms of activity, seem to reach their optima at higher temperatures than do the more advanced types and the more lofty functions such as mentality. The whole trend of biological thought is toward the conclusion that the same laws apply to all forms of life. They differ in application, but not in principle. The law of optimum temperature apparently controls the phenomena of life from the lowest activities of protoplasm to the highest activities of the human intellect” (pp. 109–110). In the closing paragraph of his book, he says, “If our hypothesis is true, man is more closely dependent upon nature than he has realized. A realization of his limitations, however, is the first step toward freedom [p. 293]. “The hypothesis, briefly stated, is this: Today a certain peculiar type of climate prevails wherever civilization is high. In the past the same type seems to have prevailed wherever a great civilization arose. Therefore, such a climate seems to be a necessary condition of great progress. It is not the cause of civilization, for that lies infinitely deeper. Nor is it the only, or the most important condition. It is merely one of several, ...” (p. 9.) Huntington mentions (p. 7) Lehmann and Pedersen’s “Das Wetter und unsere Arbeit” and Berliner’s “Einfluß von Klima, Wetter und Jahreßeit auf das Nerven- und Seelenleben,” without the date or place of publication. Douglas W. Johnson, Topography and Strategy in the War, N. Y., Henry Holt & Co., 1917, 221 pp. (Thorough and very illuminating; points out how the surface features of the country influenced military operations in the most important theaters of the war.) James Fairgrieve, Geography and World Power, N. Y., E. P. Dutton & Co., 1917, 356 pp. (Shows how History has been controlled by Geography.) Robert De C. Ward, “Weather Controls Over the Fighting in the Italian War Zone,” The Scientific Monthly, Vol. 6, No. 2 (February, 1918), pp. 97–105. And “Weather Controls Over the Fighting in Mesopotamia, in Palestine, and near the Suez Canal,” ibidem, Vol. 6, No. 4 (April, 1918), pp. 289–304. 1.For brief but valuable sketches of one phase or another of the history of the theory of milieu, cf. Friedrich Ratzel, Anthropogeographie. 1. Teil: GrundzÜge der Anwendung der Erdkunde auf die Geschichte (2. Aufl., Stuttgart, 1899, 604 pp.), pp. 13–23, 25–30, 31–40; Gustav Schmoller, Grundriß der Allgemeinen Volkswirtschaftslehre. Erster Teil (Vierte bis sechste Aufl., Leipzig, 1901), p. 127, pp. 137 f., 144 ff., Zweiter Teil (Erste bis sechste Aufl., Leipzig, 1904), pp. 656 ff.; Ferdinand v. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen Über Allgemeine Siedlungs- und Verkehrsgeographie, bearb. und herausgegeben von O. SchlÜter (Berlin, 1908, 351 pp.—A course of lectures delivered in the summer semester of 1891 in Berlin, repeated in the winter semester in 1897/8), pp. 6–13; Jean Brunhes, La GÉographie Humaine (DeuxiÈme Édition, Paris: Alcan, 1912, 801 pp.), pp. 36 ff.; A. C. Haddon and A. H. Quiggin, History of Anthropology (London, 1910, 158 pp.), pp. 131 f., 150–52; William Z. Ripley, “Geography and Sociology,” Political Science Quarterly, X (1895), pp. 636–54; also the same author’s The Races of Europe (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1899), pp. 2–5. Cf. also O. SchlÜter, “Die leitenden Gesichtspunkte der Anthropogeographie, insbesondere der Lehre Friedrich Ratzels,” Arch. f. Sozialwissenschaft, Bd. IV (1906), S. 581–630, and Rudolf Goldscheid, HÖherentwicklung und MenschenÖkonomie, I [Philosophisch-soziologische BÜcherei, Band VIII], (Leipzig: W. Klinkhardt, 1911, 664 pp.), p. 52. For bibliographies, in addition to those yet to be mentioned, see also Ratzel, l.c., pp. 579–85; Brunhes, l.c., nn.; Ellen C. Semple, Influences of Geographic Environment, On the Basis of Ratzel’s System of Anthropo-geography (New York: H. Holt & Co., 1911, 637 pp.), to each chapter of which an extensive bibliography is added; William J. Thomas, Source Book for Social Origins (Chicago and London, 1909) pp. 134–39: Bibliography to Part I: The Relation of Society to Geographic and Economic Environment (pp. 29–129, Comment on Part I, pp. 130–33); Ripley, “Geography and Sociology,” Pol. Sc. Quar., X (1895), pp. 654–5. 2.Dictionnaire de l’AcadÉmie FranÇoise. QuatriÈme Édition. Tome Second (Paris, 1762), p. 143. 3.EncyclopÉdie, ou Dictionnaire RaisonnÉ des Sciences, etc. Nouvelle Éd. 1778, ed. by Diderot and D’Alembert, 21st vol., p. 853. 4.Cours de Philosophie Positive (6 vols., 1830–42, 5e Édition, Paris, 1892–94), see vol. 3, p. 235 n. 5.Cp. esp. the Introduction to his Histoire de la LittÉrature Anglaise, 5 Tomes (8e Édition, Paris: Hachette, 1892); the first edition appeared in 1863, after Taine had been at work on it for well-nigh a decade. 6.For Zola as the disciple of Taine, cf. H. Wiegler, Geschichte und Kritik der Theorie des Milieus bei Émile Zola (Diss., Rostock, 1905), esp. pp. 19–36. 7.Vide Émile Waxweiler, Esquisse d’une Sociologie (Bruxelles, 1906), p. 65. 8.Dictionnaire de la Langue FranÇaise, vol. 3 (1885), pp. 559 f. 9.Verdeutschungen, WÖrterbuch fÜrs tÄgliche Leben (Braunschweig, Verlag von George Westermann, 1915, 176 pp.), p. 93. 10.VerdeutschungsbÜcher des Allgemeinen Deutschen Sprachvereins, III (Zweite Aufl., neu bearb. v. Edward Lohmeyer, Berlin, Verlag des Allgemeinen Deutschen Sprachvereins, 1915, 182 pp.), pp. 91 f. 11.PhÉnomÈnes de la vie (2e Éd., Paris, 1885), t. I, p. 112. See Waxweiler, l.c., p. 36. 12.Race Prejudice, transl. by Florence Wade-Evans (London, 1906), p. 130. 13.“The Services of Naturalism to Life and Literature. Reprinted, with Additions, from The Sewanee Review, October, 1903,” p. 2. 14.See Murray’s NED., vol. III, Part II, (1897), p. 231. 15.WÖrterbuch d. d. Sprache (1811), Bd. 5, S. 113. 16.See the article by I. Stosch on “Umwelt-milieu,” Zeitschrift fÜr Deutsche Wortforschung, g. v. Fr. Kluge, 7. Bd. (1905), pp. 58–9. 17.2. Bd., 2. HÄlfte (Leipzig: Otto Wigand, 1865), p. 1556b. 18.A. Gombert cites the passage in question in his article “Umwelt,” Z. f. D. Wf., 7. Bd. (1905), pp. 150–52. 19.The Belgian sociologist De Greef, in his Introduction À la Sociologie (1886–89), raised “MÉsologie” (denoting “Erkenntnis der milieux”) to a special introductory branch of sociology for the purpose of discussing, according to Ratzel superficially, the external factors of history; cf. Paul Barth, Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Soziologie, I (Leipzig: Reisland, 1897), p. 70 and Ratzel, l.c. p. 29. The term “MÉsologie” was in use in France at an earlier date than that. See for example the title of an article written at the close of the Franco-German war by Dr. Bertillon, “De l´Influence du milieu ou MÉsologie,” La Philosophie Positive, Revue dirigÉe par É. LittrÉ & G. Wyrouboff, Tome IX (Paris, 1872), pp. 309–20. Or see M. E. Jourdy, “De l´Influence du milieu ou MÉsologie,” ibid., Tome X (1873), pp. 154–60. 20.Fr. de Rougemont, in his important work Les deux citÉs; la philosophie de l´histoire aux diffÉrents Âges de l´humanitÉ (1874) treats this question exhaustively. See Robert Poehlmann, Hellenische Anschauungen Über den Zusammenhang zwischen Natur und Geschichte (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1879, 93 pp.), pp. 8 f. 21.Vide EugÉnie Dutoit, Die Theorie des Milieu (Diss., Bern, 1899, 136 pp.), pp. 52–5. 22.“Hippocrate fut le premier À observer quelques-uns des effets du milieu sur l’individu. Ses observations sont nÉcessairement nÉbuleuses et chaotiques, plutÔt descriptives et qualitatives, Étant donnÉe l’imperfection des connaissances de son temps.”—Auguste Matteuzzi, Les Facteurs de l’Évolution des Peuples (Paris, 1900), p. 6 (Avant-Propos). 23.“Wir sahen, daß sich das Buch des Hippokrates durchaus darauf beschrÄnkte, die Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Landesnatur und Volkscharakter zu erÖrtern.”—Poehlmann, l.c., p. 51. 24.“Hippokrates von Kos, ‘der Vater der Heilkunde’ (ca. 460 bis ca. 370), ist der BegrÜnder der Anthropogeographie. Er schrieb ein Buch Über Klima, Wasser und Bodenbeschaffenheit und ihren Einfluß auf die Bewohner eines Landes in physischer und geistiger Beziehung. Der philosophische Gedanke war damit angeregt, fand aber keine weitere Entwicklung.”—F. v. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen, etc. (Berlin, 1908), p. 7. 25.System of Positive Polity (4 vols., London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1875–77—the original was published in 1851–54), vol. II, p. 364: “... a study [of the aggregate of material influences: Astronomical, Physical, Chemical] which was commenced by the great Hippocrates in his admirable and unequalled Treatise upon Climate.” 26.Haddon and Quiggin, Hist. of Anthropology (1910), p. 150.—Poehlmann discusses Hippocrates in Hellenische Anschauungen, etc., pp. 12–37.—Ludwig Stein, in his book Die soziale Frage im Lichte der Philosophie (2. verb. Aufl., Stuttgart, 1903), p. 403, n., says that “Aless. Chiapelli, Le promesse filosofiche del Socialismo (Napoli, 1897), p. 41, hebt die interessante Tatsache hervor, daß die Lehre vom ‘Milieu’ ihrem Keime nach auf Hippokrates zurÜckgeht.” But a little over three decades earlier, Peschel in his Geschichte der Erdkunde (1. Aufl., 1865) surveyed on two pages some important phases of Hippocrates and Strabo on milieu. And earlier still, a half century before Peschel, Ukert in his Geographie der Griechen und RÖmer (1816), I, 1, 79, noted Hippocrates as carefully observing the effect of climate on the body and mind of man. (Vide Poehlmann, l.c., pp. 7 f.)—And to Herder, Hippocrates was the principal author on climate: “... Hippocrat. de aere, locis et aquis, ... FÜr mich der Hauptschriftsteller Über das Klima.”—Herders SÄmmtliche Werke, hg. v. B. Suphan, 13, 269 n. 27.See Dutoit, Die Theorie des Milieu, pp. 55–8. 28.Poehlmann, l.c., p. 68.—Aristotle neglects to give credit to Hippocrates in connection with his ideas on environment, although indebted to Hippocrates whom he mentions elsewhere. See Dutoit, l.c., p. 57. 29.“Varron, De re rustica, 1, cite une oeuvre d’EratosthÈnes oÙ celui-ci cherchait À dÉmontrer que le caractÈre de l’homme et la forme du gouvernement sont subordonnÉs au voisinage ou À l’Éloignement du soleil. Tentative sublime mais prÉmaturÉe, pour ramener les phÉnomÈnes sociaux À des lois uniques et gÉnÉrales.”—Auguste Matteuzzi, Les Facteurs de l’Évolution des Peuples (Paris, 1900), p. 6. 30.“Die vollstÄndigste Beschreibung [of the earth] gab erst Strabo in seinem Werk ?e???af???. Hier begegnen wir zum zweitenmal der philosophischen Idee, Mensch und Natur in Kausalzusammenhang miteinander zu bringen. Strabos Geographie ist als ‘LÄnder- und VÖlkerkunde’ das grÖßte Werk des Altertums. Die Anschauung eines kausalen Zusammenhanges des Menschen mit der Natur ging darauf unter [according to him, until the middle of the eighteenth century, until Montesquieu].”—Richthofen’s Vorlesungen, etc. (1908), p. 8. 31.Buckle and his Critics (London, 1895, 548 pp.), p. 7 n. 32.See Poehlmann, l.c., p. 7.—For a brief statement of the theory of milieu in Greek writers (Thucydides, Xenophon, Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus), cf. Curtius, Boden und Clima von Athen (1877), p. 4 f. For Aristotle, compare also Dondorff, Das hellenische Land als Schauplatz der althellenischen Geschichte (Hamburg, 1899, 42 pp.), pp. 11 f. Poehlmann, l.c., discusses the views on environment of Herodotus (pp. 37–47), of Thucydides (pp. 52–4), of Xenophon (pp. 55 f.), of Ephoros [only fragments of his great work, A Universal History, are extant; cited by Strabo] (pp. 56–9), of Plato (pp. 59–64), of Aristotle (pp. 64–74), of Polybios (pp. 75–7), of Posidonios [in Strabo and in Galen] (pp. 78–80), of Strabo (pp. 80–90), of Galen (pp. 91 f.). 33.Vide ÉlisÀr v. Kupffer, Klima und Dichtung, Ein Beitrag zur Psychophysik [in Grenzfragen der Literatur und Medizin in Einzeldarstellungen hg. v. S. Rahmer, Berlin, 4. Heft] (MÜnchen, 1907), p. 63. 34.Translated into French by Baron Meg. F. de Slane (3 vols., Paris, 1862–8). 35.See R. Flint, History of the Philosophy of History, Historical Philosophy in France and French Belgium and Switzerland (New York: Scribner, 1894, 706 pp.), pp. 159 f.—“His [Mohammed Ibn Khaldun’s] fame rests securely ... on his magnum opus, the ‘Universal History,’ and especially on the first part of it, the ‘Prolegomena’ (p. 162).... They [the Prolegomena] may fairly be regarded as forming a distinct and complete work.... It consists of a preface, an introduction, and six sections or divisions (p. 163).” 36.Flint, l.c., pp. 164 f. 37.Vide infra, p. 27. 38.Flint, l.c., p. 164.—Cf. also pp. 158–72, for Ibn Khaldun in general. 39.Cf. Kupffer, Klima and Dichtung, p. 63. 40.“Da Bodin hauptsÄchlich an die Anschauungen des Aristoteles anknÜpft, ...—Auch an Strabo, der dem Einfluß des Klimas und der Landesnatur schon die schÖpferischen KrÄfte des Volksgeistes gegenÜbergestellt hat, lehnt sich Bodin an.”—Fritz Renz, Jean Bodin, Ein Beitrag z. Geschichte d. hist. Methode im 16. Jahrhundert [Geschichtliche Untersuchungen hg. v. Karl Lamprecht, III. Bd., I. Heft], (Gotha, 1905, 84 pp.), p. 48 n. 41.Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem, published in 1566. 42.Flint, l.c., 198.—The ‘Republic’ was first published in 1576 in French under the title De la RÉpublique. Eight years later (1584) Bodin himself translated it into Latin as De Republica Libri Sex. See Ludwig Stein, Die soziale Frage im Lichte der Philosophie (2. verb. Aufl., Stuttgart, 1902), p. 217 n. 43.Compare Dutoit, Die Theorie des Milieu, pp. 58–62. 44.“Die physische Konstitution des Menschen hÄngt nach Bodin eng mit den klimatischen VerhÄltnissen seiner Heimat zusammen und entspricht dem Verhalten der Erde, die er bewohnt ...”—Renz, Jean Bodin (1905), p. 50.—“... Da der animalische KÖrper wie alle KÖrper aus einer Mischung der Elemente besteht, so ergibt sich eine direkte AbhÄngigkeit der physischen Konstitution von der umgebenden Natur, ja sogar eine Übereinstimmung mit dem Verhalten der Erde in dem betreffenden Himmelsstrich. Der menschliche KÖrper reagiert auf die klimatischen EinflÜsse genau so wie die Erde, die er bewohnt, ...”—Ibidem, p. 44. 45.Discussed by Renz, l.c., pp. 47–61, in the chapter “Die Theorie des Klimas.”—“Behandelt wird die Theorie des Klimas nach dem 5. Kapitel des ‘Methodus,’ in dem sich Bodin zum ersten Male mit dieser Doktrin befaßte; zur ErlÄuterung wird auch das 1. Kapitel des V. Buches der ‘RÉpublique’ herangezogen, in dem die Theorie des Klimas, aber in gedrÄngterer Form, wiederholt wird.”—Ibid., p. 47 n. Cf. also p. 45. 46.“Sogar das Temperament variiert nach dem Klima ... “Wie das Temperament wird die Sprache von dem inneren physischen Bau abhÄngig gedacht ... “Ebenso wird die FortpflanzungsfÄhigkeit in direkte AbhÄngigkeit von der physischen Konstitution gebracht ...”—Ibid., pp. 52 f. 47.“Wie das Äußere und die physische Konstitution hÄngen auch die Anlagen und FÄhigkeiten der VÖlker mit den klimatischen Verschiedenheiten zusammen ...”—Ibid., p. 54. 48.“... Nach der Dreiteilung der seelischen FÄhigkeiten bei dem Einzelmenschen und den Bewohnern jedes Staates werden die VÖlker auf der ganzen Erde gruppiert, indem durch das Klima immer eine Anlage besonders zur Ausbildung kommt ...”—Ibid., p. 46. 49.“... Bodin nimmt zwei Teile des menschlichen Seelenlebens an, erstens eine allen Menschen gemeinsame, unverÄnderliche geistige BefÄhigung, die Vernunft, und zweitens Anlagen, die von dem Klima und der physischen Natur des Menschen abhÄngen. In der ‘RÉpublique’ wird ausgefÜhrt, daß diese abhÄngigen Anlagen nur verschiedene von dem geographischen Milieu abhÄngige Entwicklungsstufen des Verstandes sind, wÄhrend dieser an sich von den einzelnen Gegenden unabhÄngig ist ...”—Ibid., p. 45. 50.“... Indem er [Bodin] als erster in der Neuzeit auf streng wissenschaftlicher Grundlage versucht, die Wechselwirkung, die zwischen dem historischen Verlauf und der Natur stattfindet, festzustellen, gelangt er zu der Annahme von zwei Teilen des geistig-seelischen Innenlebens, eines von den umgebenden VerhÄltnissen abhÄngigen und eines absoluten, gegen Äußere EinflÜsse sich passiv verhaltenden Teils. Willensfreiheit neben der durch das Milieu bedingten Ausbildung bestimmter Anlagen und FÄhigkeiten ist der mittlere Weg, den er zwischen der Annahme des zwingenden Einflusses der Äußeren Natur und der gÄnzlichen UnabhÄngigkeit von ihr einschlÄgt ...”—Ibid., p. 77. 51.“Neben dem Horizontal- wendet Bodin den Vertikalmaßstab zur Beurteilung der VÖlker an, indem er untersucht, wie die verschiedene Erhebung des Bodens auf die Gestaltung des Volkscharakters einwirkt ... “Ebenso wird die Natur der VÖlker von der QualitÄt des heimatlichen Bodens beeinflußt, ...”—Ibid., p. 58.—“Der Einfluß, der sich aus der Östlicheren oder westlicheren Wohnlage auf den Volkscharakter geltend macht, ist, wo nicht in der Richtung SÜd-Nord sich erstreckende Gebirge eine deutlichere Scheidelinie bilden, nach Bodin schwer zu bestimmen ...”—Ibid. p. 57. 52.“Neben der Vorstellung von der geistig-sittlichen Einheit der Menschen geht die Erkenntnis der Verschiedenartigkeit der Nationen und ihres Bildungsgrades her, die aus den partikularen Bedingungen des nationalen Einzeldaseins resultiert. Zur ErklÄrung des Volkscharakters wird, wie schon dargelegt, die Theorie des Klimas herangezogen ...”—Ibid., p. 62. 53.“Bodin hat sich deswegen mit der Theorie des Klimas beschÄftigt, weil er in der Geschichte und im VÖlkerleben bestimmte regelmÄßige Erscheinungen wahrnahm, die er sich nur aus dem Einfluß des geographischen Milieus erklÄren konnte. Bei dem strengen Festhalten an der menschlichen Willensfreiheit konnte er sich diesen Einfluß nur durch die Annahme einer von Äußeren VerhÄltnissen abhÄngigen EntwicklungsfÄhigkeit der geistigen Anlagen in bestimmter Richtung erklÄren...”—Ibid., p. 60 f.—“Das unbedingte Festhalten an der menschlichen Willensfreiheit mußte Bodin vor der Annahme bewahren, daß der Einfluß des geographischen Milieus auf die Menschen ein zwingender sei. Nur die Entwicklung der Anlagen wird von der Umwelt bestimmt, nicht aber das sittliche Wollen ...”—Ibid., p. 59. 54.“Wo die Äußere Natur zur Entwicklung schlechter Anlagen fÜhrt, besitzt nach Bodin die Menschheit in der Erziehung ein Mittel, diesem Übelstand zu begegnen.”—Ibid., p. 77.—“... den Menschen [wird] die FÄhigkeit zugesprochen ..., die schÄdlichen Einwirkungen des Klimas wenn auch schwer, zu Überwinden ...”—Ibid., p. 60. 55.L.c., p. 198. 56.“... Den Vergleich der drei VÖlkergruppen [sÜdliche, mittlere, nÖrdliche] mit den menschlichen Lebensaltern hat Bodin von Aristoteles entlehnt, was er Meth. V 140, 141 selbst zugibt.”—Renz, l.c., p. 57. 57.L.c., p. 48. 58.Haddon and Quiggin, Hist. of Anthropology (London, 1910), p. 150. 59.L.c., p. 77.—For Bodin in general, cf. Renz, Jean Bodin; Flint, l.c., pp. 190–200; Ludwig Stein, Die soziale Frage im Lichte der Philosophie, pp. 217–19. H. Morf, FranzÖsische Literatur im Zeitalter der Renaissance (2. verb. Aufl., Straßburg: TrÜbner, 1914), is brief on Bodin, vide esp. pp. 131 f.; cf. also p. 125. 60.Vide E. Bernheim, Lehrbuch der historischen Methode (5. u. 6. Aufl, Leipzig, 1908), p. 230. 61.Montesquieu, The Spirit of Laws (translated from the French by Th. Nugent, new ed., revised by J. V. Prichard, 2 vols., London: Geo. Bell and Sons, 1906), I, 238–314. 62.“Seine [Montesquieu’s] Hervorkehrung des Einflusses, den Klima und Bodenbeschaffenheit auf die SoziabilitÄt der Menschennatur ausÜben, geht ebenfalls auf Locke, weiterhin auf Bodin zurÜck.”—L. Stein, Die soziale Frage, etc., p. 364.—According to Dutoit (Die Theorie des Milieu, p. 62), Montesquieu concealed his obligation to Bodin. 63.L.c., pp. 238–53. 64.L.c., pp. 253–69. 65.L.c., pp. 270–83. 66.L.c., pp. 284–91. 67.L.c., pp. 291–314. 68.Flint, l.c., pp. 279 f. 69.Flint, l.c., p. 286.—(Turgot died in 1781.) 70.Ripley, The Races of Europe (1899), p. 4.—Cuvier was twenty years younger than Goethe; both died in the same year. 71.E. G. Conklin, Heredity and Environment in the Development of Men (Princeton Univ. Press, 1915, 533 pp.), p. 303. 72.Eckermanns GesprÄche mit Goethe, neu herausgegeben v. H. H. Houben (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1909), p. 264. 73.Ibid., p. 265.—These two passages are also cited by Kupffer, Klima and Dichtung, p. 64. 74.Eckermanns GesprÄche mit Goethe, p. 542. 75.Ibid., p. 546. 76.Karl Lamprecht, “Neue Kulturgeschichte” (pp. 449–64 in Das Jahr 1913, Ein Gesamtbild der Kulturentwicklung, hg. v. D. Sarason, Leipzig-Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1913), p. 453. 77.Albert Poetzsch, Studien zur frÜhromantischen Politik und Geschichtsauffassung (Leipzig: VoigtlÄnder, 1907, 111 pp.), p. 89. 78.“Die Einwirkung der Äußeren Natur auf die Geschichte tritt zurÜck [in der romantischen Geschichtsphilosophie]”; and in a note is added: “Wenn auch der Zusammenhang von Boden und Geschichte, namentlich von natÜrl. Grenzen u. Staat, der Betrachtung nicht verloren geht. Vgl. A. W. Schlegel, Enz. 216. 697.”—Ibid., p. 94. 79.Bernheim, Lehrb. d. hist. Methode, p. 650. 80.Ibid., p. 515. 81.See Ludwig Gumplowicz, Der Rassenkampf (2.... Aufl., Innsbruck, 1909), p. 9 n. 82.Vide the quotation from Hegel by Gumplowicz, l.c., p. 13 n. 83.This paper will carry the discussion through anthropo-geography. 84.The whole question, including Herder’s own idea thereof and his indebtedness to preceding authors, both German and foreign, as well as his influence upon succeeding writers at home and abroad, his relation to his contemporaries, etc., will be essayed more fully in a series of papers, to be published soon, dealing with “Herder’s Conception of Milieu,” “Herder’s Relations to France,” “Herder’s Relations to England,” and “Herder in His Own Milieu.” 85.The term “anthropo-geography” derives from the title of Fr. Ratzel’s main work.—“... le domaine si intÉressant, mais À peine dÉfrichÉ, de l’anthropogÉographie, semble avoir acquis À ce mot le droit de citÉ dans le langage scientifique.”—L. Metchnikoff, La Civilisation et Les Grands Fleuves Historiques (Paris, 1889), p. 70 and n.—In England, and in America, it is commonly called human geography, after the French “la gÉographie humaine.” Various names have been proposed for this subject. See also W. Z. Ripley, “Geography and Sociology.” The Viennese Erwin Hanslick, I believe, denominates it “Kulturgeographie.” 86.Walther May, “Herders Anschauung der organischen Natur,” Archiv f. d. Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften u. d. Technik, etc., Leipzig, Bd. 4 (1913, S. 8–39, 89–113), p. 91. 87.Ferd. v. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen Üb. Allgem. Siedlungs- u. Verkehrsgeographie, bearb. u. hg. v. O. SchlÜter (Berlin, 1908), p. 11. 88.“... Ritter selbst hat keine methodische Darstellung, kein LehrgebÄude gegeben; sondern nur Andeutungen, die anregend sind. Daher blieb Ritters Grundidee fast ohne Einfluß auf die Geographie; nur die Historiker haben sie sich angeeignet und haben seitdem grÖßeres Gewicht auf die Landesnatur gelegt.”—Ibid., p. 11. 89.Cosmos, a Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe, translated by E. C. OttÉ (5 vols., New York: Harper, 1875–77), p. 48. 90.Die Erdkunde im VerhÄltnis zur Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen oder eine allgemeine, vergleichende Geographie was published in two volumes at Berlin in 1817–18; the second edition, completely revised, appeared in nineteen volumes from 1822 to 1859, the year of his death. Neither edition is finished; the second deals only with Africa (vol. 1) and Asia (vols. 2–19). 91.Die Naturkunde, etc.—See Th. Achelis, Moderne VÖlkerkunde (Stuttgart, 1896), p. 71. 92.Ibid., see Achelis, l.c., pp. 72 f. 93.In Felix Lampe’s book, Große Geographen, Bilder aus der Geschichte der Erdkunde (Leipzig u. Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1915, 288 S. [Band 28 der v. B. Schmid in Zwickau herausgegebenen “Naturwissenschaftlichen Bibliothek”]), neither the chapter on Ritter (pp. 227–33), nor that on “Die wissenschaftliche Geographie der Gegenwart” (pp. 281–87) is very full. 94.Stuttgart & TÜbingen, 1808. 95.Views of Nature (London, 1850), Author’s Preface, p. X. 96.p. 382. See Achelis, Moderne VÖlkerkunde, pp. 88 f.—The relation of man to environment is also referred to in Cosmos (English translation by OttÉ), I, pp. 351–9.—Kosmos was originally published as follows: vols. 1 and 2 in 1845–7; vols. 3 and 4 in 1850–8; vol. 5 in 1862. 97.Leipzig, 1841. 98.Kohl, Der Verkehr, etc., p. 111. See Achelis, l.c., pp. 80 f. 99.Ibid. 100.Kohl, l.c., p. 537. See Achelis, l.c., pp. 81 f. 101.Kohl, Ibid.,—See Achelis, l.c., pp. 82 f.—The manifold influences of nature are also exemplified in Kohl’s Die geographische Lage der HauptstÄdte Europas, 1874, and L. Felix, Der Einfluß der Natur auf die Entwicklung des Eigentums, 1893. 102.Über den Einfluß der Äußeren Natur auf die sozialen VerhÄltnisse der einzelnen VÖlker und die Geschichte der Menschheit Überhaupt, 1848; later published in Studien aus dem Gebiete der Naturwissenschaft, I, 1876. 103.Deutschlands Boden, sein geologischer Bau und dessen Einwirkungen auf das Leben der Menschen, 2 Bde., Leipzig, 1854. 104.501 pp., Breslau: F. Hirt, 1855. 105.Kutzen himself says in the Vorwort that he “leans on” Cotta; he cites the latter, for instance, on p. 466. 106.Die Naturgeschichte des Volkes als Grundlage einer deutschen Sozialpolitik, vol. 1 (11th ed., Stuttgart: Cotta, 1908): Land und Leute. 107.Vide the first Preface, written in 1853, to volume one, pp. VI-VII. 108.Die Naturgeschichte, etc., I, p. 42. 109.Ibid., Vorwort zur achten Auflage, 1883, p. X. 110.Die Naturgeschichte, etc., Vierter Band, “Wanderbuch,” als zweiter Teil zu “Land und Leute.” Vierte Aufl., 1903, p. 32. 111.G. P. Gooch, History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century (London & N. Y.; Longmans, Green & Co., 1913), p. 576. 112.Gooch, ibid., p. 575. 113.For Riehl’s view of milieu in a scheme of sciences, cf. Die Naturgeschichte, etc., I, pp. 40–2. 114.164 pp., Meyers VolksbÜcher, Leipzig u. Wien: Bibliographisches Institut, s.a.—This essay forms the second chapter in Hans Meyer’s Das deutsche Volkstum (2. Aufl., 1903), pp. 41–122. 115.Moderne VÖlkerkunde, p. 81, n. 116.2. Aufl., 1905 (Aus Natur und Geisteswelt, 31. BÄndchen, Leipzig: B. G. Teubner), 127 pp.—It has been translated into English under the title Man and Earth (London & N. Y., 1906. Reprinted 1914, 223 pp.) by A. S. “from the second amended German edition,” in which are intercalated two chapters: Chapter V, on The British Isles and Britons, by the author; and Chapter VI, on America and the Americans, by the translator.—The first four chapters of a general nature—features of the globe, sea, steppes and deserts, in their influence on civilization, the influence of man on landscape—are followed by four chapters on The British Isles and Britons, America and the Americans, Germany and the Germans, China and the Chinese. 117.Vorlesungen, etc., delivered at Berlin in 1891 and 1897/8. 118.“... Es ist mehr unsere Aufgabe gewesen, in dem großen Getriebe der Siedlung und des Verkehrs der allmÄhlichen Entwicklung nachzugehen, das steigende Maß der Überwindung von WiderstÄnden durch den Menschen zu zeigen, die KrÄfte zu untersuchen, welche in der Entwicklung wirksam sind,—als bei der großen FÜlle des TatsÄchlichen der heutigen Zeit zu verweilen.” Vorlesungen, p. 351. 119.It will be noted that Herder is not mentioned here. 120.Ellen C. Semple, Influences of Geographic Environment (N. Y., 1911), p. V. 121.“In Germany the exponents of these theories [of environmental influence] were Cotta and Kohl, and later Peschel, Kirchhof, Bastian, and Gerland; but the greatest name of all is that of Fr. Ratzel, who has written the standard work on Anthropogeographie.”—Haddon and Quiggin, Hist. of Anthropology (London, 1910), p. 152.—The first vol. of Ratzel’s Anthropogeographie was published in 1882, 2nd ed. in 1899, the second vol. in 1897. 122.As further illustration, it might be instructive to compare here the chapter headings of Semple’s Influences of Geographic Environment, which book was written “On the Basis of Ratzel’s System of Anthropo-geography.” They are as follows: I—Operation of Geographic Factors in History (1–31); II—Classes of Geographic Influences (22–50); III—Society and State in Relation to the Land (51–73); IV—Movements of Peoples in Their Geographical Significance (74–128); V—Geographical Location (129–67); VI—Geographical Area (168–203); VII—Geographical Boundaries (204–41); VIII—Coast Peoples (242–91); IX—Oceans and Enclosed Seas (292–317); X—Man’s Relation to the Water (318–35); XI—The Anthropo-geography of Rivers (336–80); XII—Continents and Their Peninsulas (380–408); XIII—Island Peoples (409–72); XIV—Plains, Steppes and Deserts (473–523); XV—Mountain Barriers and Their Passes (524–56); XVI—Influences of a Mountain Environment (557–606); XVII—The Influences of Climate upon Man (607–37). 123.Richthofen’s Vorlesungen, p. 13. 124.1897; 2. Aufl. 1903. 125.“Diese [die enge Erdgebundenheit] in ihrer ganzen tiefgreifenden Bedeutung fÜr das staatliche Leben erkannt und dargelegt zu haben, bleibt freilich fÜr immer ein großes Verdienst der ‘Politischen Geographie’ ...”—O. SchlÜter, “Die leitenden Gesichtspunkte d. Anthropogeogr.,” Arch. f. Sozialwiss., Bd. IV, p. 620. 126.Vide Richthofen, l.c., p. 12. 127.2 vols., MÜnchen, 1893; see vol. 2, 2nd ed.: Politische Geographie der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, unter besonderer BerÜcksichtigung der natÜrlichen Bedingungen u. wirtschaftlichen VerhÄltnisse (763 pp.), esp. pp. 1–176. 128.London, 1896 (this is a translation of his VÖlkerkunde, 1887/8), cf. the opening pp. of vol. 1. 129.In Helmolt, The History of the World (N. Y., 1902), vol. 1, pp. 62–103, where Ratzel discusses in turn The Coherence of Countries, The Relation of Man to the Collective Life of the Earth, Races and States as Organisms, Historical Movement, Natural Regions, Climate and Location, Geographical Situation, Area, Population, The Water-Oceans, Seas, and Rivers, Conformation of the Earth’s Surface. 130.London & N. Y.: Longmans, 1915. 131.See The Nation, N. Y., March 18, 1915, p. 310. 132.Paris, 1911, 420 pp. 133.Semple, l.c., p. VI; cf. also Ratzel, Anthropogeogr., I,2 p. XII. 134.Archiv f. Sozialwissenschaft, Bd. IV (1906), pp. 581–630. 135.For Ratzel, cf. also Paul Barth, Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Soziologie, I (Leipzig: Reisland, 1897), pp. 227–30; Jean Brunhes, La GÉographie Humaine, 2e Éd. (Paris: Alcan, 1912), pp. 39–47. 136.Buckle, History of Civilization (1867), p. 32 n. 137.Robertson, Buckle and his Critics (London, 1895), p. 8 n. 138.4. vols., 1822–3. 139.Flint, l.c., pp. 577–9. See also p. 576. 140.Vide supra my note no. 84. 141.Flint, l.c., p. 467. 142.The History of Civilization from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the French Revolution (4 vols., translated by Wm. Hazlitt, N. Y.: D. Appleton & Co., 1867—the lectures were delivered in the years 1828, 1829, and 1830), vol. 2, pp. 109 f. 143.“Gothein had attracted attention by a study of the civilisation of Southern Italy, which he had traversed on foot as Riehl had traversed the Palatinate.”—Gooch, l.c., p. 587. 144.“Voila pourquoi il [Michelet] va en Italie avant d’Écrire son Histoire Romaine; il veut avoir l’impression, le contact du sol, du climat, du paysage.”—Lanson, Hist. de la Litt. FranÇ. (1912), p. 1021 n. 145.Abry-Audic-Crouzet, LittÉrature FranÇaise (3e Éd., Paris, 1916), p. 580. 146.Jules Simon, Mignet, Michelet, Henri Martin (Paris, 1890), p. 191. 147.Flint, l.c., p. 540. 148.Philos. Erdk. als wissenschaftliche Darstellung der ErdverhÄltnisse u. des Menschenlebens nach ihrem inneren Zusammenhange, 2 vols., Braunschweig, 1845; the 2nd ed. appeared in 1868 under the title Allgemeine Vergleichende Erdkunde.—This book holds a high place in Ratzel’s estimation: “Kapp, dessen Philos. Erdk. eine tiefgedachte, von Überragendem philosophischem Standpunkte aus gewonnene Übersicht der Naturbedingtheit des Geschichtsverlaufes in den grÖßten ZÜgen entrollt, ...”—Ratzel, Anthropogeographie, I2, p. 34. 149.See Achelis, l.c., pp. 76 f. 150.Brunhes, l.c., p. 38 n. 151.Boston, 1849—It has been translated into English under the title The Earth and man, or Physical geography in its relation to the history of mankind, Slightly abridged, etc. (London: Parker, 1852), and into German as GrundzÜge der vergleichenden physikalischen Erdkunde in ihrer Beziehung zur Geschichte des Menschen (1851). 152.(N. Y.: D. Appleton & Co., 1867—first published in 1857–61), vol. I, pp. 29–106: Influence exercised by physical laws over the organization of society and over the character of individuals. 153.Buckle and his Critics, London, 1895, 548 pp. 154.Camille Vallaux, GÉographie Sociale (Paris, 1911), p. 23. 155.Vide supra, p. 46 f. 156.Anthropogeographie, I2, p. 87. 157.The German original appeared in 1857–67, and the English translation by A. W. Ward in 1868–73. 158.New York: Scribner, vol. I (1871), pp. 9–46; cf. esp. pp. 9–25, 34, 37. 159.Boden und Klima von Athen. Rede in der Öffentlichen Sitzung [der Kgl. Akademie der Wissenschaften] am Leibniztage 5. Juli 1877 (15 pp.). 160.For the same, cf. also H. Koester “Über den Einfluß landschaftlicher VerhÄltnisse auf die Entwicklung des attischen Volkscharakters” (Progr., SaarbrÜcken, 1898). 161.E.g. by Ratzel, jointly with Curtius’ account thereof. Cf. Anthropogeogr., I2, p. 37. 162.In 12 vols., vol. II (London: John Murray, 1869), Part II, ch. I, pp. 213–37. 163.Political effects of locality: strengthened defense; difficulty of attack; politically disunited; indefinite multiplication of self-governing cities. 164.Intellectual effects of locality: the geographical position made them mountaineers and mariners; variety of experience; each petty community possessed an individual life, yet sympathized with the remainder; commerce with a great diversity of half-country-men; Grecian festivals; Homer dependent upon the conditions of his age. 165.Oxford, Clarendon Press (1911, 454 pp.), pp. 13–64. “It is now generally admitted that neither an individual nor a nation can be properly understood without a knowledge of their surroundings and means of support—in other words, of their geographical and economic conditions.”—Ibid., Preface, p. 5. 166.Zimmern refers in this book—e.g. p. 18, 41, 43, et al.—to the writings of Myres: “Greek Lands and the Greek People,” “Herodotus and Anthropology” (in “Anthropology and the Classics”), and “The Geographical Aspect of Greek Colonization” (in Proceedings of the Classical Association, vol. VIII—1911).—Cf. also H. Dondorff, Das hellenische Land als Schauplatz der althellenischen Geschichte, in Sammlung gemeinverstÄndlicher wissenschaftlicher VortrÄge, begrÜndet von Virchow u. Holtzendorf, 1889, Neue Folge, Serie 3, Heft 72. 167.Revised ed., in 2 vols. (N. Y.: Harper & Brothers, 1876). The Preface of the first ed. is dated 1861. 168.Heinrich Boehmer, Geschichte der Entwicklung der naturwissenschaftlichen Weltanschauung in Deutschland (Gotha, 1872, 232 pp.), p. 195: “... Herdersche Ideen waren leitend fÜr den Aufbau der Geschichte.” 169.Leipzig, 1878–86. 170.Cited by Achelis, l.c., p. 84. 171.Ibid., pp. 85 f. 172.Ibid., p. 86. 173.“... Indessen darf man nicht vergessen, daß die allgemeine Gestalt der Kontinente und der Meere und aller besonderer ZÜge der Erde in der Geschichte der Menschheit einen wesentlich wechselnden Wert besitzen, je nach dem Stande der Kultur, auf welchem die Nationen angelangt sind ...”—Ibid. 174.Ibid., p. 87. 175.Paris, 1886. 176.Vide P. Barth, Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Soziologie (Leipzig, 1897), p. 230. 177.See Barth, l.c., pp. 231 f. 178.Ibid., p. 233.—Mougeoulle makes the milieu account for the great men in history, the great popular epics, social and historical life in general; the tendencies of the three historical schools—German, French, and English—are connected with the differences in the milieus of their respective countries.—Cf. ibid., pp. 230–2. 179.Avec une PrÉface de M. ÉlisÉe RÉclus (Paris: Hachette, 1889, 369 pp.), pp. 53–71. 180.Ibid., p. 156; 130. 181.Ibid., p. 154; 157 f. 182.Ibid., p. 278; 190 ff.; 188; 135.—But why does he confine himself to these four countries? 183.Ibid., p. 185; 364. For a general statement on the significance of rivers, cf. ibid., pp. 188–90. The particular nature of the rivers of the “territoire des civilisations fluviales” imposed on the inhabitants the yoke of despotism.—Ibid., p. 161. 184.Ibid., pp. 364 f. 185.Ibid., p. 364. 186.Ibid., e.g., p. 128; 224–27. 187.His general theory is stated on pp. 39–42, 53–71, 79 f., 89, 99 f., 102–60. Chapter 7, pp. 161–90, is a general discussion of the geographical environment of the “Civilisations Fluviales,” followed successively by a detailed treatment of “Le Nil” (ch. 8, pp. 191–234), of “Le Tigre et L’Euphrate” (ch. 9, pp. 235–78), of “L’Indus et Le Gange” (ch. 10, pp. 279–319), of “Le Hoang-Ho et Le Yangtse-Kiang” (ch. 11, pp. 320–66). 188.W. D. Babington, Fallacies of Race Theories as Applied to National Characteristics (Longmans, Green & Co., 1895). 189.N. Y., Scribner, 1893, 290 pp. 190.For the rÔle of the physical milieu in American history, cf. also: Justin Winsor, The Mississippi Basin, The Struggle in America between England and France: 1697–1763 (Boston & N. Y., 1898) [influence of geography over history during colonization and settlement]; Frederick Jackson Turner, Rise of the New West: 1819–1829 (N. Y. & London: Harper & Brothers, 1906) [vol. 14 of The American Nation, A History, ed. by A. B. Hart, in 27 vols. In the Author’s Preface, p. XVII, Turner remarks: “In the present volume I have kept before myself the importance of regarding American development as the outcome of economic and social as well as political forces.” And, he should have added, of geographical environment. Vide especially the first half of his book for the working out of his milieu idea]; James Bryce, The American Commonwealth, (2 vols., new ed., completely revised, N. Y.: Macmillan, 1910–11) [see vol. 2, ch. 91 (pp. 449–68), “The home of the nation,” for a statement of the influence of physical conditions on American history]; E. C. Semple, American History and Its Geographic Conditions (Boston & N. Y.: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1903, 435 pp.) [regarded, I believe, as one of the best treatises on the subject]; A. P. Brigham, Geographic Influences in American History (Boston: Ginn, 1903, 355 pp.) [a concrete essay; has much physiography; includes present conditions]; A. M. Simons, Social Forces in American History (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1914, 325 pp.) [a discussion of the effect of the industrial and economic environment on social institutions in America]; perhaps it may be added here that some American universities offer a course on the relation of geography to American history. 191.See Ripley, “Geography and Sociology” (1895), p. 637; and Ripley, The Races of Europe (1899), pp. 4 ff.; for titles of their writings on this subject, cf. ibid., pp. 4–6 nn., and “Geogr. and Soc.,” pp. 654 f. 192.8 vols., N. Y., Dodd, Mead & Co., 1902–7. 193.See Bryce’s article in Helmolt’s Hist. of the World, vol. 1, p. XL. 194.“Anderseits wieder hat ja Helmolt in seinem geschichtlichen Sammelwerke im Geiste Ratzels den Versuch gemacht, ein Gesamtgeschichtsbild auf geographischer Grundlage aufzubauen, so daß kein Teil der Ökumene aus der Weltgeschichte ausgeschlossen bleibt.”—L. Gumplowicz, Der Rassenkampf (2 .... Aufl., 1909), p. 403 (Anhang). 195.“... die bisherigen Weltgeschichten waren gar keine Geschichte der Welt oder auch nur unserer Welt, sondern einzig eine solche der Kulturnationen. Mit dieser Gepflogenheit hat Helmolts Werk in ebenso glÜcklicher wie origineller Weise gebrochen, indem es zum ersten Male die LÄnder- und VÖlkerkunde in den Dienst der Weltgeschichtsdarstellung hineinzog.”—From a review of the first ed. of Helmolts Weltgeschichte (1899) in the “Braunschweigische Landeßeitung” (February 4, 1908), quoted in the prospectus of the second German edition. 196.History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1913). 197.Second ed., Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1903, 288 pp. 198.George, l.c., p. V (Preface). 199.Ibid., pp. 111 f.—George cites no authorities or sources; he has no bibliography; he does not quote a single book in his discussion; he has no Auseinandersetzung with his predecessors in the field; and finally, he gives no clue as to the origin of his data.—Chaps. 1–8 (pp. 1–110) are the general part of the book; chaps. 9–20 (pp. 111–282) deal with: The Outlines of Europe, The British Islands, France, The Spanish Peninsula, Italy, The Alpine Passes, Switzerland, The Rhineland, The Baltic Region, The Danube Basin, Theatres of European War, The Mediterranean Basin. 200.A. W. Small, General Sociology (Chicago, 1905), p. 53. 201.The distinguished Italian historian is the son-in-law of the late eminent Italian criminologist Cesare Lombroso. 202.Vide Jean Brunhes, La GÉographie Humaine (2e Éd., Paris, 1912), p. 721.—For references to historical works dealing with history on a geographical basis, cf. ibid. (1e Éd., Paris, 1910), ch. X, 1: L’esprit gÉographique dans les sciences Économiques, sociales et historiques (pp. 739 ff., esp. 774 ff. [Michelet, Vidal de la Blache, Th. Reinach, A. Leroy-Beaulieu, C. Jullian, A. Harnack, H. F. Helmolt, G. Ferrero, E. C. Semple, Erwin Hanslick, & o.]). 203.Die geographischen Grundlagen der Österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie u. ihrer Außenpolitik (Leipzig u. Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1915). 204.See the review of Sieger’s book by Edwin Rollett in the Österreichische Rundschau, Bd. 43, H. 4 (15. Mai 1915), pp. 188 f. 205.Boston & N. Y., Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1907. 206.Cf. esp. ch. 18 (pp. 359–85) for a summary of conclusions. 207.Vide e.g. James Harvey Robinson’s The New History, Essays Illustrating the Modern Historical Outlook (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1912), for references to the theory of milieu, cf. esp. p. 64, 73, 76 f., 92 f., 97 f., 124–6, 144, 145 f., 247, 253–7, and ch. 3 (pp. 70 ff.): The new allies of history. Or take for choice the title of a recent book by Charles A. Beard: An Economic Interpretation of American Politics (Macmillan, 1916), to be further persuaded of the attention bestowed by historians on the milieu. Or, see works by Seligman and J. T. Shotwell. 208.Vide C. Vallaux, GÉographie Sociale, Le Sol et L’État (Paris, 1911), p. 23.—Such economists as Blanqui, Bastiat, and J.—B. Say, brought to light the geographical bases of the material life of societies. The sociologists themselves, “bien que leur science soit jeune, n’ont pas toujours oubliÉ le cadre naturel et la position terrestre des agrÉgats qu’ils Étudient. Par tous ces chercheurs de tendances diverses, la gÉographie humaine et la gÉographie politique ont progressÉ tout autant que par les efforts des gÉographes proprement dits.”—Ibid. 209.E. Bernheim, Lehrbuch der historischen Methode (5. u. 6. Aufl., Leipzig, 1908), p. 316; 636.—Cf. also E. Fr. Th. Lindner, Geschichtsphilosophie, das Wesen der geschichtlichen Entwicklung (2. erweiterte u. umgearb. Aufl., Stuttg. u. Berlin: Cotta, 1904, 241 pp.), 2. Abschnitt (pp. 23–34): Die VerÄnderung, but more esp. 10. Abschnitt (pp. 217–41): Die Ursachen u. die Weise der Entwicklung. 210.For orientation and literature on views opposing the naturalistic interpretation of history, cf. L. Stein, Philosophische StrÖmungen der Gegenwart (Stuttgart, Verl. v. F. Enke, 1908), pp. 430 ff. 211.See G. P. Gooch, History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century (London & N. Y.: Longmans, Green & Co., 1913), p. 573; see ch. 28 (pp. 573–94): “The History of Civilisation;” also The Cambridge Modern History [ed. by A. W. Ward and others, Cambridge: The Univ. Press, 1910], vol. 12: The Latest Age, ch. 26 (pp. 816 ff.: “The Growth of Historical Science” by G. P. Gooch). 212.Economic Geography (N. Y.: Macmillan, s.a.—1915?—; not earlier than 1910, for statistics for that year are given in the text; 560 pp.), p. 1. 213.“Since his [Buckle’s] time much more has been done, not only in studying, as Buckle himself did, the immediate influence of climate and soil, but also in explaining the allied field of the effect of the fauna and the flora on social development. The subject of the domestication of animals, for instance, and its profound effect on human progress has not only been investigated by a number of recent students [especially E. Hahn, Die Haustiere u. ihre Beziehung zur Wirtschaft des Menschen, 1896], but has been made the very basis of the explanation of early American civilization by one of the most brilliant and most learned of recent historians [Payne, History of the New World called America; esp. vol. 1, bk. II]. A Russian scholar has shown in detail the connection between the great rivers and the progress of humanity, and the whole modern study of economic geography is but an expansion on broader lines of the same idea.”—Edwin R. A. Seligman, The Economic Interpretation of History (N. Y.: The Columbia Univ. Press, 1902, 166 pp.), pp. 13 f. 214.See Wm. Morris Davis, Geographical Essays, ed. by D. W. Johnson (Ginn & Co.: Boston, s.a., copyright 1909), esp. the first two essays: “An inductive study of the content of geography” (1906), pp. 3–22, and “The progress of geography in the schools” (1902), pp. 23–69. 215.In an address delivered at the dedication of Julius Rosenwald Hall, printed in The University of Chicago Magazine (vol. VII, No. 6—April, 1915—, pp. 175–8) under the title “Some Matters of History.” See p. 177. 216.Felix Lampe, in Große Geographen (Leipzig, 1915), has a rather brief chapter (pp. 281–7) on “Die wissenschaftliche Geographie der Gegenwart.” 217.See the Introductory Essay by the Right Hon. [now Viscount] James Bryce in Helmolt’s Hist. of the World, vol. 1, pp. I-LX, esp. pp. XXV-XLI. 218.A. J. Herbertson and F. D. Herbertson, Man and his Work, an Introduction to Human Geography (London: Black, 1909, 132 pp.), p. 6. 219.N. Y., G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1908, 363 pp. 220.“In the chapters on the life of man in the different zones, I have made liberal use of Ratzel’s Anthropogeographie (2d ed., Stuttgart, 1899).”—Ward, op. cit., p. VI. 221.Ward, op. cit., p. V. 222.N. Y. and London, 1911. See ch. 4, pp. 94–129. 223.Paris, 1911, 420 pp. 224.Vide supra, p. 27. 225.“Die soziale Geographie, hauptsÄchlich von Bastian und Ratzel tiefer begrÜndet, wird gegenwÄrtig immer sorgsamer ausgebaut und hat namentlich in dem Wiener Erwin Hanslick einen eifrigen FÖrderer, der auf die Ermittlung von geographischen Kulturgrenzen ausgeht. In andrer Weise nimmt von ihr Willy Hellpach seinen Ausgang, der Geographie, Psychologie und Soziologie zu einem neuen Gebiet zu vereinigen sucht.”—Rudolf Goldscheid, “Soziologie” in Das Jahr 1913, Ein Gesamtbild der Kulturentwicklung, herausgegeben von D. Sarason (Leipzig und Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1913), p. 432. 226.Leipzig, W. Engelmann, 1911, 368 pp.—“Hier [in Hellpach’s book] wird alles zusammengefaßt, was Über den Einfluß von ‘Wetter, Klima und Landschaft’ auf das Seelenleben bekannt ist.”—Otto SchlÜter, “Anthropogeographie” in Das Jahr 1913, etc., p. 401. 227.See Hellpach, op. cit., p. 4.—Chiefly with those of the atmosphere; he devotes nine pages (98–107) to the telluric elements of the weather, and 87 pages (230–317) to the third main part of the book: “Landschaft und Seelenleben.” For soil as a co-factor, cf. also the ch. “Klimawechsel” in Part II (pp. 118–38). Hellpach defines Landschaft (p. 230) as follows: “Unter Landschaft verstehen wir den sinnlichen Gesamteindruck, der von einem StÜck der OberflÄche und dem dazu gehÖrigen Abschnitt des HimmelsgewÖlbes in uns erweckt wird. ... das sichtbare Landschaftsbild bildet unter allen UmstÄnden den Kern dessen, was wir Landschaft nennen ... [And he adds that for an investigation of the effect of Landscape upon the human soul] sind die nicht-optischen sinnlichen Eigenschaften der Landschaft von unentbehrlicher Bedeutung: TÖne und GerÄusche, DÜfte und GerÜche und eine hÖchst verwickelte Summe von Affizierungen der BerÜhrungs-, Temperatur-, ja zuweilen der Schmerzempfindlichkeit erst bilden mit Farben und Formen zusammen das natÜrliche Ganze, das wir in seelischen Wirkungen als Landschaft erleben.” 228.Vide, e.g., p. 8. 229.Hellpach himself testifies (p. 318) that his book is a “Sammlung der Tatsachen.” Cf. also SchlÜter’s opinion cited above in note no. 226. 230.Manifestly, this is to be understood as a virtue in Hellpach, and not as a fault, since this conviction is gained only by dint of Hellpach’s clear delimitation of the scope of his work; it constitutes one of the results of his own labor. 231.See SchlÜter’s art. in Das Jahr 1913, p. 402. 232.Paris, 1910; 2nd ed. 1912. 233.For a statement of principles (theoretical exposition), cf. the first two chaps. (pp. 1–92); for a summary, cf. ch. X, section 2 (pp. 780–9): “Le facteur psychologique dans les phÉnomÈnes naturels et l’activitÉ humaine,” and section 3 (pp. 790–807): “L’adaptation humaine aux conditions gÉographiques.” In the preface to the second ed., there are quoted seven pages from a review of the first ed. of Brunhes’ work by Paul Mantoux, wherein the scope, content, and import of the first ed. are succinctly summarized. 234.N. Y., 1911, 637 pp. 235.Vide Wm. J. Thomas, Source Book for Social Origins (Chicago and London, 1909), p. 138 (Bibliogr. to Part I).—Without fear of contradiction, it may be said that the best two recent treatises on human geography are those by Brunhes and Semple.—For a brief concrete anthropo-geographical sketch, besides the works previously cited, cf. also W. Ule, Grundriß der Allgemeinen Erdkunde (2. verm. Aufl., Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1915, 487 pp.), pp. 361 ff. See also the brief rÉsumÉ in G. Schmoller’s Grundr. d. Allgem. Volkswirtschaftslehre (Leipzig, 1901), pp. 144 ff. 236.“Unverkennbar ist es, daß die Naturgewalten in ihren bedingenden EinflÜssen auf das PersÖnliche der VÖlkerentwicklung immer mehr und mehr zurÜckweichen mußten, in demselben Maße wie diese vorwÄrts schritten. Sie Übten im Anfange der Menschengeschichte als Naturimpulse Über die ersten Entwicklungen in der Wiege der Menschheit einen sehr entscheidenden Einfluß aus, dessen Differenzen wir vielleicht noch in dem Naturschlage der verschiedenen Menschenrassen oder ihrer physisch verschiedenen VÖlkergruppen aus einer gÄnzlich unbekannten Zeit wahrzunehmen vermochten. Aber dieser Einfluß mußte abnehmen, ... Die zivilisierte Menschheit entwindet sich nach und nach, ebenso wie der einzelne Mensch, den unmittelbar bedingenden Fesseln der Natur und ihres Wohnortes. Die EinflÜsse derselben NaturverhÄltnisse und derselben tellurischen Weltstellungen der erfÜllten RÄume bleiben sich also nicht durch alle Zeiten gleich.” Ritter, l.c.; see Achelis, op. cit., p. 74 et seq. 237.“Man ist in Nachfolge C. Ritters vielfach geneigt, anzunehmen, daß die NatureinflÜsse sich mit zunehmender Kultur immer weniger geltend machen.”—E. Bernheim, Lehrb. d. hist. Methode (Leipzig, 1908), p. 642. 238.Theo. Waitz, Anthropologie der NaturvÖlker, I (Leipzig, 1859), p. 341; see Achelis, op. cit., p. 185. 239.“Die Einteilung der Menschheit war nur geographisch-historisch mÖglich. Denn der Mensch steht in fester AbhÄngigkeit, in engstem Verbande zu der Natur, aus und an welcher er sich entwickelt hat, zur Natur der Erde, welcher letzteren kleiner, aber integrierender Teil er ist. Auch seine Entwicklung ist noch im Steigen, aber nur im Bereiche seines inneren, geistigen Lebens ... je hÖher der Mensch steigt, um so mehr macht er sich von dem zwingenden Einfluß der Erde frei; und wenn er demselben auch nie ganz entgehen wird, da er Nahrung braucht, von der Schwere sich nicht loslÖsen kann, so ist dennoch diese immer wachsende Freiheit ... eine stÄrkende ... Aussicht fÜr die Zukunft ...”—Anthropologische BeitrÄge, 1. Bd. (Halle, 1875), p. 423; see Achelis, op. cit., p. 227. 240.Principles of Sociology, I, sec. 21. 241.Vide Ripley, “Geography and Sociology,” p. 649. 242.Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection, p. 319; cited by E. B. Tylor in the article “Anthropology,” Ency. Brit. (11th ed.), vol. 2, p. 114. 243.RÉclus, op. cit., (1879); quoted by Achelis, l.c., pp. 86 f. 244.“... je crois, que la civilisation dans son premier stade dÉpend bien plus du milieu physique et tellurique, qu’aux Époques suivantes.”—Aug. Matteuzzi, Les Facteurs de l’Évolution des Peuples (Paris, 1900), p. 29. “... Tout ceci nous amÈne À affirmer ce fait, que les premiÈres civilisations, dans des milieux favorables, eurent une relation Étroite avec la culture du sol; et que dans un dÉveloppement ultÉrieur, ce rapport se relÂcha ...”—Ibid., p. 25. For best summaries of immense material collected on the relation of primitive human life to environment, see the five papers in the Smithsonian Report for 1895: “Relation of Primitive Peoples to Environment” by J. W. Powell (pp. 625 ff.); “Influence of Environment upon Human Industries or Arts” by O. T. Mason (pp. 639 ff.); “The Japanese Nation—A Typical Product of Environment” by G. G. Hubbard (pp. 667 ff.); “The Tusayan Ritual: A Study of the Influence of Environment on Aboriginal Cults” by J. W. Fewkes (pp. 683 ff.); and, probably the best of the five, “The Relation of Institutions to Environment” by the eminent ethnologist W. J. McGee (pp. 701 ff.). 245.Anthropogeogr., I2: “Der Mensch und die Umwelt” (pp. 41–65). 246.“Geogr. and Sociol.,” p. 650. 247.See his presidential address on the Origin of Man before the Section of Anthropology (Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1912; London, 1913), p. 576. 248.The Positive Philosophy of Aug. Comte, Freely Translated and Condensed by Harriet Martineau (In 2 vols., 3rd ed., London, 1893—the original appeared from 1830–42), vol. 2, p. 96. 249.Aug. Comte’s Positive Philosophie im Außug von I. Rig, Übersetzt von Kirchmann (2 Bde, Heidelberg, 1883), S. 94 ff.; Achelis, op. cit., p. 130. 250.A System of Logic (New Impression; London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1911—first published in 1843), p. 572. 251.A. SchÄffle, Bau und Leben des sozialen KÖrpers, TÜbingen, 1875, 2. Aufl., 1881; Achelis, op. cit., p. 161. 252.“Post’s general attitude is best seen in his ‘Introduction to the Study of Ethnological Jurisprudence,’ which was published in 1886, and in his ‘African Jurisprudence’ of 1887.”—John L. Myres, “The Influence of Anthropology on the Course of Political Science” (Presidential address to the Anthropological Section of the British Assoc. for the Advancement of Science), Report Brit. Assoc., 1909 (London, 1910), p. 613. 253.Myres, ibid., pp. 613 f. 254.See Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., p. 231. 255.See the 4th ch. of his GÉographie Sociale (Paris, 1911): “Agents et CaractÈres Physiques ConsidÉrÉs IsolÉment” (pp. 92–144). 256.“... as political and legal institutions are indissolubly bound up with social and religious, it follows inevitably that the political and legal institutions of a race cradled in Northern Europe are exceedingly ill adapted for the children of the equator. Accordingly in any wise administration of these regions it must be a primary object to study the native institutions, to modify ... them ..., but never to seek to eradicate and supplant them. Any attempt to do so will be but vain, for these institutions are as much part of the land as are its climate, its soil, its fauna, and its flora. ‘Naturam expellas furca, tamen usque recurret.’”—The Application of Zoological Laws to Man, in Rep. Brit. Assoc, f. the Adv. of Sci., 1908 (London, 1909), p. 843. 257.Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., pp. 310 et seq. 258.Vide pp. 141–75 in Der Weltkrieg im Unterricht, VorschlÄge u. Anregungen, etc. (Gotha: F. A. Perthes), esp. pp 163–5; he also discusses other phases of the relation between physical environment and the present war. 259.I: Deutsche Rundschau, April, 1915, pp. 78–91, and II (Schluß): ibid., May, 1915, pp. 207–17. 260.In Monatshefte fÜr den Naturwissenschaftlichen Unterricht, 1. Kriegsheft von Bastian Schmid (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1915). 261.Cf. Gooch, op. cit., pp. 585 et seq. 262.See his Introduction to Dexter’s Weather Influences (N. Y., 1904), p. XXIV. 263.Les Facteurs de L’Évolution des Peuples (Paris, 1900), p. 25, 29, 27.—“C’est dans l’intensitÉ de l’effort dirigÉ par les groupes sociaux contre les rÉsistances du milieu, que rÉside la premiÈre impulsion vers la civilisation.”—Ibid., p. 27. 264.But he adds, “... no disturbing causes, acting on social development, could do more than to affect its rate of progress. This is true of the operation of influences from the inorganic world, as of all others. In our view of biology we saw that the human being cannot be modified indefinitely by exterior circumstances; that such modifications can affect only the degrees of phenomena, without at all changing their nature; and again, that when the disturbing influences exceed their general limits, the organism is no longer modified, but destroyed.”—The Positive Philosophy of Aug. Comte, tr. by Harriet Martineau, vol. 2, p. 98; 97. 265.See Ripley, Races of Europe (1899), p. 11; cf. the references given there, and in the note on the same page.—Cf. also Ellsworth Huntington’s Palestine and its Transformation (1910), and his suggestive articles on “Changes of Climate and History” (in The American Historical Review for January, 1913, vol. 18, pp. 213–32) [for references to other writings on the subject by the same author,—and by A. T. Olmstead—cf. p. 214 n.]; on “Climate and Civilization” (in Harper’s Magazine for February, 1915, vol. 130, pp. 367–73); on “Is Civilization Determined by Climate?” (ibid. May, 1915, pp. 943–51); a new book of his, entitled Civilization and Climate (333 pp.), is announced for publication by the Yale Univ. Press. 266.Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., pp. 280 et seq. 267.“... cetera [Mattiaci] similes Batavis, nisi quod ipso adhuc terrae suae solo et caelo acrius animantur.”—F. Ritter, P. C. Taciti Opera (1864), p. 643. In RÖmische Prosaiker in neuen Übersetzungen (hg. v. C. N. von Osiander und G. Schwab, 51. BÄndchen, Stuttg., 1852, S. 123) this is rendered as follows: “Im ganzen gleichen sie [die Mattiaker] den Batavern, nur daß Boden und Klima ihres Landes sie noch kriegerischer macht.” 268.Cesare Lombroso, Crime, Its Causes and Remedies (Boston, 1911), pp. 3 f. 269.Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., p. 282. 270.Vide Flint, l.c., pp. 582 et seq. 271.Haddon & Quiggin, Hist. of Anthropology (London, 1910), pp. 84 et seq. 272.Cesare Lombroso, Crime, etc., p. 2. 273.N. S. Shaler, Nature and Man in America (N. Y., 1893), p. 288. 274.In Abhandlungen der KÖnigl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Classe, 1912, p. 13: “In einer Wendung, die an Distinktionen Schleiermachers erinnert, hat er [Dilthey] in seiner letzten grÖßeren Arbeit erklÄrt, daß unser wissenschaftliches Denken von zwei großen Tendenzen beherrscht sei. Der Mensch finde sich auf der einen Seite bestimmt von der physischen Welt, in der die seelischen VorgÄnge nur wie Interpolationen erscheinen. [The other is: das Leben (life), das Erlebnis (experience).]” 275.Ridgeway, l.c., p. 843. 276.Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., pp. 258 et seq.—For the effect of physical environment on the Jews in Palestine, cf. Friedrich Otto Hertz, Rasse und Kultur (Leipzig, 1915, 421 pp.), pp. 162 ff.; and “Soziale Grundlagen des Monotheismus u. Polytheismus” (pp. 170 ff.) and the literature there cited. Cf. also ibid., “NatÜrliche u. Soziale Grundlagen der indischen Entwicklung” (pp. 198 ff.). 277.Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., pp. 309 et seq. 278.Vide his Weather Influences, An Empirical Study of the Mental and Physiological Effects of Definite Meteorological Conditions, with Introduction by Cleveland Abbe (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1904, 277 pp.). 279.I saw somewhere that exception had been taken to his results, but I failed at the time to make a note thereof and have been unable to find the passage again. 280.Ibid., p. 266; 269; 272 f.—The fifth and last is not cited here. 281.Ward, op. cit., p. 310; 335, where ref. is also made to F. A. Cook’s article on “Some Physiological Effects of Arctic Cold, Darkness and Light” (MED. REC., June 12, 1897, pp. 833–36). 282.London and N. Y., 1892. 283.Ibid., p. 90. 284.Ibid., pp. 113–5. 285.“Diese PrioritÄt (der erste Versuch Überhaupt, die EinflÜsse des naturalen Milieus auf die Psyche darzustellen) gebÜhrt, nach mancherlei VorlÄufern minder geschlossenen Charakters (z. B. QuÉtelet, Sur l’homme etc. 1835, Bd. 2, Kap. 3, Abschn. 2–3, Influence du climat et des saisons sur le penchant au crime) ohne Zweifel Lombroso, aus dessen 1878 erschienenem Buche ‘Pensiero e meteore’ Extracte auch in seine andern Publikationen, namentlich in ‘Genio e follia,’ Übergegangen sind.”—Hellpach, Die Geopsychischen Erscheinungen (Leipzig, 1911), p. 336. 286.Criminal Man, According to the Classification of Cesare Lombroso Briefly Summarized by his Daughter Gina Lombroso Ferrero (“The Science Series”; N. Y. and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1911, 322 pp.), p. 145.—Lombroso’s L’Uomo di genio appeared in 1888, L’Uomo delinquente in 1889, and La Donna delinquente in 1893. 287.Criminal Man, p. 145. 288.Tr. by H. P. Horton, “The Modern Criminal Science Series,” Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1911, 471 pp. 289.“It is brought out in Guerry’s statistics that the crime of rape occurs in England and France oftenest in the hot months; and Curcio has observed the same thing in Italy.... “In England, according to Guerry, and in Italy, according to Curcio, the maximum number of murders falls in the hottest months.... “Poisoning also, according to Guerry, occurs oftenest in May. The same phenomenon is to be observed in the case of Rebellions. In studying (as I have in my ‘Political Crime’) the 836 uprisings that took place in the whole world in the period between 1791 and 1880, one finds that in Asia and Africa the greatest number falls in July. In Europe and America the greater prevalence of rebellions in the hot months could not be more clearly marked. In Europe the maximum proved to be in July [in this connection one might also point to the beginning of the present European war which falls in the midsummer of 1914], and in South America in January, which are respectively the two hottest months. The minimum falls in Europe in December and January, and in South America in May and June, which again correspond in temperature. “If now we pass from the whole of Europe to the particular countries, we still find the greatest number of uprisings in the hot months.... “Benoiston de Chateauneuf points out that duels in the army are more frequent in the summer. “I have proved that the same influence manifests itself in the case of men of genius (‘Man of Genius,’ Part I.). “Ferri, in his ‘Crime in its Relation to Temperature,’ has proved from a study of the French criminal statistics from 1825 to 1878 that one can deduce an almost complete parallelism between heat and criminality, not only for the different months, but also for years of different degrees of heat. The influence of the temperature on crime from 1825 to 1848 appears to be very pronounced and constant, and is often even greater than that exercised by agricultural production. Since 1848, notwithstanding the more serious agricultural and political disturbances, the coincidence between temperature and criminality becomes from time to time plainly apparent, especially in the case of homicide and murder.... “The connection comes out much more plainly, however, in the statistics of rape and offenses against chastity, which follow to an even greater degree the annual variations in temperature.... “As regards crimes against property there is a marked increase in the winter (theft and forgery being the most abundant in January), while the other seasons differ little from one another....”—Lombroso, Crime, Its Causes and Remedies, pp. 4–8. “Superintendents of prisons have generally observed that the inmates are more excited when storms are approaching and during the first quarter of the moon....”—Ibid., p. 12. 290.Ibid., p. 13.—“In studying the distribution of simple and aggravated homicides in Europe, we find the highest figures in Italy and the other southern countries, and the lowest in the more northerly regions, England, Denmark, Germany. The same can be said of political uprisings in all Europe. We see, in fact, that the number of crimes increases as we go from north to south, and in the same measure as the heat increases.”—Ibid., p. 14. 291.This follows Laing. See Robertson, Buckle and his Critics (London, 1895), p. 553.—Cf. also C. M. Gießler’s article, “Über den Einfluß von WÄrme und KÄlte auf das seelische Funktionieren des Menschen,” in Vierteljahrsschrift fÜr wissenschaftliche Philosophie u. Soziologie, 1902, pp. 319–38. Gießler refers (p. 334) to Oppenheimer “Über den Einfluß des Klimas auf den Menschen” (Berlin, 1867). Vide also E. Huntington’s article on “Work and Weather,” Harper’s Magazine, vol. 130 (January, 1915), pp. 233–44. 292.Rep. Brit. Assoc., 1908 (London, 1909), p. 844. 293.On the use of alcohol in its relation to the northern climate, cf. also Auguste Matteuzzi, Les Facteurs de L’Évolution des Peuples (Paris, 1900), pp. 329 et seq. 294.Some of these are to be discussed in a subsequent paper. |
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