Controversy with the Quakers—Philip’s war—letters—Mr. Williams’ death.

We will now give a brief account of Mr. Williams’ controversy with the Quakers. It was an unhappy strife, in which all parties displayed more zeal than Christian meekness or charity. It was especially unfortunate for Mr. Williams, for it plunged him, in his old age, into a dispute, in which he could not hope to effect much good, and which was certain to draw upon him much odium.

His motives, however, ought to be clearly understood. The colony of Rhode-Island had incurred reproach among the other colonies, because she refused to join in a persecution of the Quakers. Rhode-Island was the refuge of these persons, some of the magistrates, at this time, were of that sect, and it was asserted, that the public feeling in Rhode-Island was friendly to their doctrines and practices. Mr. Williams declares, in his book on the controversy, that he was induced to engage in a dispute with them, in order to bear public testimony, that while he was decidedly opposed to any measures which tended to impair liberty of conscience, he nevertheless disapproved the principles of the Quakers.^[342] He says, that when he met them at Newport, on the first day of the dispute, “I took my seat at the other end of the house opposite to them, and began telling them, that the Most High was my witness, that not out of any prejudice against, or disrespect to, the persons of the Quakers, many of whom I knew and did love and honor, nor any foolish passion of pride or boldness, for I desired to be sensible of my many decays of my house of clay, and other ways; nor any earthly or worldly ends I had, that occasioned this trouble to myself and them.” p. 26.

Candor must admit, that his motives were laudable—a zeal for the honor of the colony, and for what he believed to be the truth. He accordingly took occasion, when the celebrated George Fox^[343] was in Rhode-Island, to propose a public discussion, at Newport and Providence, in which the principles of the Quakers should be examined, in a friendly debate.

The challenge was in these words:

“To George Fox, or any other of my countrymen at Newport, who say they are the apostles and messengers of Christ Jesus. In humble confidence of the help of the Most High, I offer to maintain, in public, against all comers, these fourteen propositions following, to wit: the first seven at Newport, and the other seven at Providence. For the time when, I refer it to George Fox and his friends, at Newport.”

Such public debates were not uncommon during the reformation, in Germany, and in later times, in England. They have been held, in our own days, but their effect has seldom been beneficial to the cause of truth. They are more adapted to irritate than to convince. Few men have sufficient self-command to preserve their temper, in a controversy conducted through the press. When brought into personal contact, before a large assembly, the meekest men could scarcely avoid being chafed and petulant. Such contests are like the battles of old times, when the spear or the sword was the chief weapon, and the combatants, being brought hand to hand, fought with embittered rancor and dreadful carnage. Modern battles, in which the parties are at a greater distance, are less sanguinary. The result of these disputes, moreover, is as uncertain a test of truth and justice, as the termination of the ancient appeals to personal combat. Stronger lungs and greater self-conceit have sometimes enabled the advocate of error to win the victory.

The fourteen propositions of Mr. Williams we shall not quote. They affirmed, that the principles of the Quakers were unscriptural and pernicious.

Mr. Williams sent these propositions to Newport, but George Fox left the town for England, without seeing them. Mr. Williams asserted, that Fox departed in order to avoid the debate, and he condescended to a pun on “George Fox’s slily departing.” This insinuation was unfounded and unjustifiable. Fox unceremoniously charged him with lying, but this gross accusation cannot be admitted. Mr. Williams undoubtedly thought his assertion true,^[344] though he ought not to have made it without better authority.

The debate commenced, however, at Newport, on the 9th of August, 1672. Mr. Williams rowed, in a boat, to Newport, thirty miles, a feat which few men of seventy-three years could perform, in these degenerate days. He arrived at Newport about midnight.^[345] The next day the debate commenced, in the Quaker meeting-house. John Stubs, John Burnyeat and William Edmundson were the champions opposed to him. He speaks of the two former as able and learned men. The debate continued three days. It was, according to his account, a very disorderly scene. There was no moderator, and Mr. Williams complains of frequent and rude interruptions. His health was feeble, and he says, that, on the morning of the second day, “I heartily wished that I might rather have kept my bed, than have gone forth to a whole day’s fresh disputes.” His brother, Robert Williams, then a schoolmaster in Newport, attempted to aid him, but his interference was not permitted by his opponents. Mr. Williams’ demeanor, during the controversy, was, apparently, patient and collected. The debate was renewed at Providence on the 17th, and continued one day, when it was terminated, without producing any change of opinion on either side.

Mr. Williams wrote an account of this dispute, in a large book, of 327 pages. It was entitled, “George Fox digged out of his Burrowes,” &c., in allusion to a book which Fox and his friend Edward Burrowes (or Burrough) had written. Of Mr. Williams’ book we shall give a further account. It is able and acute, but it is disfigured by much severe language.

Fox and Burnyeat wrote a reply, entitled, “A New-England Firebrand Quenched,” in which they railed at Mr. Williams, in a coarse and bitter style.^[346]

The following letter of Mr. Williams alludes to the publication of his book against Fox:^[347]

“To yourself and aged companion, my loving respects in the Lord Jesus, who ought to be our hope of glory, begun in this life, and enjoyed to all eternity. I have herein returned your little, yet great remembrance of the hand of the Lord to yourself and your son, late departed. I praise the Lord for your humble kissing of his holy rod, and acknowledging his just and righteous, together with his gracious and merciful, dispensation to you. I rejoice, also, to read your heavenly desires and endeavors, that your trials may be gain to your own souls, and the souls of the youth of the place, and all of us. You are not unwilling, I judge, that I deal plainly and friendly with you. After all that I have seen and read and compared about the seventh day, (and I have earnestly and carefully read and weighed all I could come at in God’s holy presence) I cannot be removed from Calvin’s mind, and indeed Paul’s mind, Col. ii. that all those sabbaths of seven days were figures, types and shadows, and forerunners of the Son of God, and that the change is made from the remembrance of the first creation, and that (figurative) rest on the seventh day, to the remembrance of the second creation on the first, on which our Lord arose conqueror from the dead. Accordingly, I have read many, but see no satisfying answer to those three Scriptures, chiefly Acts 20, 1 Cor. 16, Rev. 1, in conscience to which I make some poor conscience to God as to the rest day. As for thoughts for England, I humbly hope the Lord hath hewed me to write a large narrative of all those four days’ agitation between the Quakers and myself; if it please God I cannot get it printed in New-England, I have great thoughts and purposes for old. My age, lameness, and many other weaknesses, and the dreadful hand of God at sea, calls for deep consideration. What God may please to bring forth in the spring, his holy wisdom knows. If he please to bring to an absolute purpose, I will send you word, and my dear friend, Obadiah Holmes, who sent me a message to the same purpose. At present, I pray salute respectively Mr. John Clarke and his brothers, Mr. Tory, Mr. Edes, Edward Smith, William Hiscox, Stephen Mumford, and other friends, whose preservation, of the island, and this country, I humbly beg of the Father of Mercies, in whom I am yours unworthy,

The calamitous and decisive war with Philip claims our notice. This chief, whose Indian name was Metacom, but who received the name of Philip from the English, was the second son of Massassoit, the principal sachem of the Pokanokets. Philip succeeded his brother Alexander, who died in 1662, in consequence, it has been supposed, of his shame and resentment for what he thought an insult from the whites. Philip was an able and ambitious chief. He saw the increasing power of the colonists, and clearly perceived, that the utter extinction of the Indians would be the result, unless the progress of the whites could be arrested. It is said, however, that he was averse to commencing hostilities, being aware that the colonists were too powerful to be successfully resisted;^[348] but he was forced into the war by the ardor of his young warriors. All the Indian tribes remained quiet, with the exception of a few hostile indications, for nearly forty years after the destruction of the Pequods.

Rumors of intended war on the part of Philip were circulated in 1671. The Governor of Plymouth, and several other gentlemen from Plymouth and Massachusetts, invited Philip to meet them at Taunton; but he refused to come, till, it is said,^[349] Mr. Williams and Mr. Brown, of Swansea, were employed as mediators. Mr. Williams’ agency was, as usual, successful, and Philip met the Governor, disclaimed all hostile designs, promised future fidelity, and surrendered about seventy guns, as a proof of his sincerity. The war was thus delayed four years.

The interval was, it appears, employed by Philip in making preparations for war. He endeavored to concert a general league among the Indians in New-England, and it is said, that most of the tribes entered into his plans. The Narragansets, especially, who still nourished a desire of vengeance for the treacherous murder, as they viewed it, of their sachem, Miantinomo, engaged to aid Philip, with a force of four thousand warriors, in the spring of 1676.^[350]

But, for some cause, hostilities commenced before the time appointed. Philip is supposed to have been urged to begin the war, by the death of John Sassamon, an Indian, who had served Philip as a secretary. He communicated to the English the designs of Philip, and he was soon after found murdered. Three Indians, who were believed to be his murderers, were tried and executed, at Plymouth, in June, 1675. Philip, who was thought to be implicated in the murder, immediately commenced hostilities, by attacking the town of Swansea, on the 24th of June. The war, being commenced, was prosecuted with great fury, many towns were burnt, and many of the inhabitants killed. It was a mercy to the whites, that the Indians had not fully matured their plans and begun the contest in concert. The Narragansets renewed their league with the colonists,^[351] though they afterwards joined in the war against them.

The following letter of Mr. Williams to Governor Leverett, of Massachusetts, is very interesting and characteristic:

“To the Governor at Boston, present. Per neighbor Samuel Whiffel.

“Yours of the 7th I gladly and thankfully received, and humbly desire to praise that Most High and Holy Hand, invisible and only wise, who casts you down, by so many public and personal trials, and lifts you up again with any (lucida intervalla) mitigations and refreshments. Ab inferno nulla redemptio: from the grave and hell no return. Here, like Noah’s dove, we have our checker work, blacks and whites come out and go into the ark, out and in again till the last, whom we never see back again.

“The business of the day in New-England is not only to keep ourselves from murdering, our houses, barns, &c. from firing, to destroy and cut off the barbarians, or subdue and reduce them, but our main and principal opus diei is, to listen to what the Eternal speaketh to the whole ship, (the country, colonies, towns, &c.) and each private cabin, family, person, &c. He will speak peace to his people; therefore, saith David, ‘I will listen to what Jehovah speaketh.’ Oliver, in straits and defeats, especially at Hispaniola, desired all to speak and declare freely what they thought the mind of God was. H. Vane (then laid by) wrote his discourse, entitled “A Healing Question,” but for touching upon (that noli me tangere) State sins, H. Vane went prisoner to Carisbrook Castle, in the Isle of Wight. Oh, Sir, I humbly subscribe (ex animo) to your short and long prayer, in your letter. The Lord keep us from our own deceivings. I know there have been, and are, many precious and excellent spirits amongst you, (if you take flight before me, I will then say you are one of them, without daubing,) but rebus sic stantibus, as the wind blows, the united colonies dare not permit, candida et bona fide, two dangerous (supposed) enemies: 1. dissenting and non-conforming worshippers, and 2. liberty of free (really free) disputes, debates, writing, printing, &c.; the Most High hath begun and given some taste of these two dainties in some parts, and will more and more advance them when (as Luther and Erasmus to the Emperor, Charles V., and the Duke of Saxony,) those two gods are famished, the Pope’s crown and the Monks’ bellies. The same Luther was wont to say, that every man had a pope in his belly, and Calvin expressly wrote to Melancthon, that Luther made himself another Pope; yet, which of us will not say, Jeremiah, thou liest, when he tells us (and from God) we must not go down to Egypt?

“Sir, I use a bolder pen to your noble spirit than to many, because the Father of Lights hath shown your soul more of the mysteries of iniquity than other excellent heads and hearts dream of, and because, whatever you or I be in other respects, yet in this you will act a pope, and grant me your love, pardon and indulgence.

“Sir, since the doleful news from Springfield, here it is said that Philip, with a strong body of many hundred cutthroats, steers for Providence and Seekonk, some say for Norwich and Stonington, and some say your forces have had a loss by their cutting off some of your men, in their passing over a river. Fiat voluntas Dei, there I humbly rest, and let all go but himself. Yet, Sir, I am requested by our Capt. Fenner to give you notice, that at his farm, in the woods, he had it from a native, that Philip’s great design is (among all other possible advantages and treacheries) to draw C. Mosely and others, your forces, by training and drilling and seeming flights, into such places as are full of long grass, flags, sedge, &c. and then inviron them round with fire, smoke and bullets. Some say no wise soldier will so be caught; but as I told the young prince, on his return lately from you, all their war is commootin; they have commootined our houses, our cattle, our heads, &c., and that not by their artillery, but our weapons; that yet they were so cowardly, that they have not taken one poor fort from us in all the country, nor won, nor scarce fought, one battle since the beginning. I told him and his men, being then in my canoe, with his men with him, that Philip was his cawkakinnamuck, that is, looking glass. He was deaf to all advice, and now was overset, Cooshkowwawy, and catcht at every part of the country to save himself, but he shall never get ashore, &c. He answered me in a consenting, considering kind of way, Philip Cooshkowwawy: I went with my great canoe to help him over from Seekonk (for to Providence no Indian comes) to Pawtuxet side. I told him I would not ask him news, for I knew matters were private; only I told him that if he were false to his engagements, we would pursue them with a winter’s war, when they should not, as musketoes and rattlesnakes in warm weather, bite us, &c.

“Sir, I carried him and Mr. Smith a glass of wine, but Mr. Smith not coming, I gave wine and glass to himself, and a bushel of apples to his men, and being therewith (as beasts are) caught, they gave me leave to say any thing, acknowledged loudly your great kindness in Boston, and mine, and yet Capt. Fenner told me yesterday, that he thinks they will prove our worst enemies at last. I am between fear and hope, and humbly wait, making sure, as Haselrig’s motto was, sure of my anchor in heaven, Tantum in Coelis, only in heaven. Sir, there I long to meet you.

“To Mrs. Leverett, and other honored and beloved friends, humble respects, &c.

“Sir, I hope your men fire all the woods before them, &c.

“Sir, I pray not a line to me, except on necessary business; only give me leave (as you do) to use my foolish boldness to visit yourself, as I have occasion. I would not add to your troubles.”

The war occasioned great alarm and distress. It spread over New-England, and threatened, for a while, the destruction of the colonies.

Many of the inhabitants of Providence and of other towns removed to Newport, for safety; but a considerable number remained, among whom was Mr. Williams, though it seems his wife and family removed to the island.^[352]

Mr. Williams was very active, notwithstanding his age. He accepted a military commission, and the title, “Captain Roger Williams,” appears on the records. It certainly displayed spirit and patriotism in a man of seventy-seven years, to buckle on his armor for the defence of his home and his fellow-citizens. He sent the following proposition to the town: “I pray the town, in the sense of the late bloody practices of the natives, to give leave to so many as can agree with William Field, to bestow some charge upon fortifying his house, for security to women and children. Also to give me leave, and so many as shall agree, to put up some defence on the hill, between the mill and the highway, for the like safety of the women and children in that part of the town.” This proposal was signed by eleven persons, who subscribed various sums, to defray the expense. The highest subscription was two pounds, six shillings, except that of Mr. Williams, which was ten pounds, though we may presume that he was not the richest man among them.

A garrison was established at Providence, by the General Assembly, with seven men, under the command of Captain Arthur Fenner, with a provision, however, that it should “not eclipse Captain Williams’ power in the exercise of the train bands there.”

The town was attacked by the Indians, on the 29th of March, 1676, and twenty-nine houses were burnt, among which was that, in which the records of the town were kept. These were thrown into the mill-pond, and afterwards recovered, though much injured.

It is said, that when the Indians approached Providence, Mr. Williams took his staff, and went to meet them on the heights north of the cove. He remonstrated with the sachems, and warned them of the power and vengeance of the English. “Massachusetts,” said he, “can raise thousands of men at this moment, and if you kill them, the King of England will supply their place as fast as they fall.” “Well,” answered one of the chieftains, “let them come. We are ready for them. But as for you, brother Williams, you are a good man. You have been kind to us many years. Not a hair of your head shall be touched.”^[353]

We cannot narrate the incidents of this dreadful war. The Indians suffered a severe defeat, December 19, 1675, at the capture of their fort, situated in a swamp in the present town of South-Kingstown. In the battle, about a thousand of the Indians are supposed to have been killed, and about two hundred of the whites, including six captains.

Philip was finally killed, August 12, 1676, near Mount Hope, by an Indian, under the command of Col. Church. The war now closed. It decided the fate of the New-England Indians. The Pokanokets were nearly exterminated. The Narragansets never recovered from the blow. Thousands of the natives were killed, and many who were made prisoners, were sent out of the country and sold as slaves.

But the victory was dearly bought by the colonists. Their whole disposable force was put in requisition. Thirteen towns were entirely destroyed by the Indians; six hundred dwelling-houses were burnt, and about the same number of the colonists, including twelve captains, were killed, so that almost every family lost a relative. The destruction of property, and the cost of the war, were immense. The disbursements of the colonies were estimated at one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling.^[354]

The terror and distress which this war produced may explain, if they cannot justify, many acts of the whites. The body of Philip was treated with an indignity, which dishonored his captors. His head was sent to Plymouth, where it was exposed on a gibbet, and his hand was sent to Boston. His little son was taken prisoner, and several of the divines were of opinion, that he ought to be put to death, on the strength of Jewish precedents; but he was spared, only to be sold as a slave in Bermuda.

At Providence, the following occurrence took place, in August, after the death of Philip:

“August 25. One Chuff, an Indian, so called in time of peace, because of his surliness against the English, could scarcely come in, being wounded some few days before, by Providence men. His wounds were corrupted and stank, and because he had been a ring-leader all the war to most of the mischiefs to our houses and cattle, and what English he could, the inhabitants of the town cried out for justice against him, threatening themselves to kill him, if the authority did not. For which reason the Captain Roger Williams caused the drum to be beat, the town council and council of war to be called. All called for justice and execution. The council of war gave sentence, and he was shot to death, to the great satisfaction of the town.”

At a town meeting, August 14, 1676, a list was made of persons “who stayed and went not away,” and to these persons, it was judged, certain Indians, who were captives, ought to be delivered as slaves, or servants, for a term of years. A committee was appointed on the subject, who presented the following report:

“We, whose names are underwritten, being chosen by the town, to set the disposal of the Indians now in town, we agree, that Roger Williams, Nathan Waterman, Thomas Fenner, Henry Ashton, John Mowry, Daniel Abbott, James Olney, Valentine Whitman, John Whipple, sen., Ephraim Pray, John Pray, John Angell, James Angell, Thomas Arnold, Abraham Mann, Thomas Field, Edward Bennett, Thomas Clements, William Lancaster, William Hopkins, William Hawkins, William Harris, Zachariah Field, Samuel Winsor, and Captain Fenner, shall have each a whole share in the product. Joseph Woodward, and Richard Pray, each three fourths of a share. John Smith, miller, Edward Smith, Samuel Whipple, Nelle Whipple, and Thomas Walim, each half share.

“Inhabitants wanting to have Indians at the price they sell at Rhode-Island or elsewhere:

“All under five years, to serve till thirty; above five and under ten, till twenty-eight; above ten to fifteen, till twenty-seven; above fifteen to twenty, till twenty-six years; from twenty to thirty, shall serve eight years; all above thirty, seven years.

We cannot, at this day, determine, fairly, the question, how far the sale of the Indian captives was necessary or just. It is, however, painful to our feelings; and we cannot but be surprised and sorry, to see the name of Roger Williams connected with such a transaction.

In May, 1677, Mr. Williams was elected an Assistant, but he declined, on account, probably, of his age. About this time, he wrote thus to the town of Providence: “I pray the town, that the place of meeting be certain, and some course settled for payment; that the clerk and sergeant be satisfied, according to moderation, that the town business may go on cheerfully; that the business of the rate (paid by so many already) be finished; that the old custom of order be kept in our meetings, and those unruly be reproved, or upon obstinacy, cast out from sober and free men’s company; that our ancient use of arbitration be brought into esteem again; that (it being constantly reported, that Connecticut is upon the gaining of his Majesty’s consent to enslave us to their parish worship) we consider what we ought to do.”^[355]

In October, 1677, commissioners from the several colonies met at Providence, to settle the long contested disputes between Mr. Harris and others about lands. Mr. Harris laid before the Court a long statement, in which he preferred heavy charges against Mr. Williams, and the latter made counter statements, in a similar style. The result of the examination was favorable to the claims of Mr. Harris and his friends, who obtained five verdicts from a jury. But the disputes were not settled, till more than thirty years afterwards.^[356] Our limits do not allow us to enter into particulars, which could not be detailed without a tedious and unprofitable prolixity. They properly belong to a history of the State.

Of the few last years of Mr. Williams’ life, we have scanty notices. The following letter^[357] contains a reference to his age and health, and is a specimen of his constant zeal to serve his friends:

“Roger Williams, of Providence, in the Narraganset Bay, in New-England, being (by God’s mercy) the first beginner of the mother town of Providence, and of the colony of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, being now near to fourscore years of age, yet (by God’s mercy) of sound understanding and memory; do humbly and faithfully declare, that Mr. Richard Smith, senior, who for his conscience to God left fair possessions in Glocestershire, and adventured, with his relations and estate, to New-England, and was a most acceptable inhabitant, and a prime leading man in Taunton and Plymouth colony; for his conscience sake, many differences arising, he left Taunton and came to the Narraganset country, where, (by God’s mercy and the favor of the Narraganset sachems) he broke the ice at his great charge and hazard, and put up in the thickest of the barbarians, the first English house amongst them. 2. I humbly testify, that about forty years from this date, he kept possession, coming and going himself, children and servants, and he had quiet possession of his housing, lands and meadow; and there, in his own house, with much serenity of soul and comfort, he yielded up his spirit to God, (the Father of spirits) in peace. 3. I do humbly and faithfully testify as abovesaid, that since his departure, his honored son, Capt. Richard Smith, hath kept possession, (with much acceptance with English and pagans) of his father’s housing, lands and meadows, with great improvement also by his great cost and industry. And in the late bloody Pagan war, I knowingly testify and declare, that it pleased the Most High to make use of himself in person, his housing, goods, corn, provisions and cattle, for a garrison and supply for the whole army of New-England, under the command of the ever to be honored General Winslow, for the service of his Majesty’s honor and country of New-England. 4. I do also humbly declare, that the said Capt. Richard Smith, junior, ought, by all the rules of equity, justice and gratitude, (to his honored father and himself) to be fairly treated with, considered, recruited, honored, and, by his Majesty’s authority, confirmed and established in a peaceful possession of his father’s and his own possessions in this pagan wilderness, and Narraganset country. The premises I humbly testify, as now leaving this country and this world.

The following note was directed to Mr. Daniel Abbott, the town clerk of Providence.^[358] The “considerations presented touching rates,” seem to have accompanied it. They deserve to be preserved, for many reasons. They show the unabated zeal of Mr. Williams, for the public welfare. The opposition to the payment of taxes was a sore evil, which he often mentioned and condemned:

“My good friend, loving remembrance to you. It has pleased the Most High and Only Wise, to stir up your spirit to be one of the chiefest stakes in our poor hedge. I, therefore, not being able to come to you, present you with a few thoughts about the great stumbling-block, to them that are willing to stumble and trouble themselves, our rates. James Matison had one copy of me, and Thomas Arnold another. This I send to yourself and the town, (for it may be I shall not be able to be at meeting.) I am grieved that you do so much service for so bad recompense; but I am persuaded you shall find cause to say, the Most High God of recompense, who was Abraham’s great reward, hath paid me.

“1. Government and order in families, towns, &c. is the ordinance of the Most High, Rom. 13, for the peace and good of mankind. 2. Six things are written in the hearts of all mankind, yea, even in pagans: 1st. That there is a Deity; 2d. That some actions are nought; 3d. That the Deity will punish; 4th. That there is another life; 5th. That marriage is honorable; 6th. That mankind cannot keep together without some government. 3. There is no Englishman in his Majesty’s dominions or elsewhere, who is not forced to submit to government. 4. There is not a man in the world, except robbers, pirates and rebels, but doth submit to government. 5. Even robbers, pirates and rebels themselves cannot hold together, but by some law among themselves and government. 6. One of these two great laws in the world must prevail, either that of judges and justices of peace in courts of peace, or the law of arms, the sword and blood. 7. If it comes from the courts of trials of peace, to the trial of the sword and blood, the conquered is forced to seek law and government. 8. Till matters come to a settled government, no man is ordinarily sure of his house, goods, lands, cattle, wife, children or life. 9. Hence is that ancient maxim, It is better to live under a tyrant in peace, than under the sword, or where every man is a tyrant. 10. His Majesty sends governors to Barbadoes, Virginia, &c. but to us he shews greater favor in our charter, to choose whom we please. 11. No charters are obtained without great suit, favor or charges. Our first cost a hundred pounds (though I never received it all;) our second about a thousand; Connecticut about six thousand, &c. 12. No government is maintained without tribute, custom, rates, taxes, &c. 13. Our charter excels all in New-England, or in the world, as to the souls of men. 14. It pleased God, Rom. 13, to command tribute, custom, and consequently rates, not only for fear, but for conscience sake. 15. Our rates are the least, by far, of any colony in New-England. 16. There is no man that hath a vote in town or colony, but he hath a hand in making the rates by himself or his deputies. 17. In our colony the General Assembly, Governor, magistrates, deputies, towns, town-clerks, raters, constables, &c. have done their duties, the failing lies upon particular persons. 18. It is but folly to resist, (one or more, and if one, why not more?) God hath stirred up the spirit of the Governor, magistrates and officers, driven to it by necessity, to be unanimously resolved to see the matter finished; and it is the duty of every man to maintain, encourage, and strengthen the hand of authority. 19. Black clouds (some years) have hung over Old and New-England heads. God hath been wonderfully patient and long-suffering to us; but who sees not changes and calamities hanging over us? 20. All men fear, that this blazing herald from heaven^[359] denounceth from the Most High, wars, pestilence, famines; is it not then our wisdom to make and keep peace with God and man?

The following letter to Governor Bradstreet,^[360] of Massachusetts, contains a notice of Mr. Williams’ health, and other interesting topics:

“To my much honored, kind friend, the Gov. Bradstreet, at Boston, present.

“Your person and place are born to trouble as the sparks fly upward; yet I am grieved to disturb your thoughts or hands with any thing from me, and yet am refreshed with the thought, that sometimes you subscribe [your willing servant:] and that your love and willingness will turn to your account also.

“Sir, by John Whipple of Providence, I wrote lately (though the letter lay long by him) touching the widow Messinger’s daughter, Sarah Weld, of Boston, whom I believe Joseph Homan, of Boston, hath miserably deluded, slandered, oppressed (her and his child) by barbarous inhumanity, so that I humbly hope your mercy and justice will gloriously in public kiss each other.

“Sir, this enclosed tells you that being old and weak and bruised (with rupture and colic) and lameness on both my feet, I am directed, by the Father of our spirits, to desire to attend his infinite Majesty with a poor mite, (which makes but two farthings.) By my fire-side I have recollected the discourses which (by many tedious journeys) I have had with the scattered English at Narraganset, before the war and since. I have reduced them unto those twenty two heads, (enclosed) which is near thirty sheets of my writing: I would send them to the Narragansets and others; there is no controversy in them, only an endeavor of a particular match of each poor sinner to his Maker. For printing, I am forced to write to my friends at Massachusetts, Connecticut, Plymouth, and our own colony, that he that hath a shilling and a heart to countenance and promote such a soul work, may trust the great Paymaster (who is beforehand with us already) for an hundreth for one in this life. Sir, I have many friends at Boston, but pray you to call in my kind friends Capt. Brattle and Mr. Seth Perry, who may, by your wise discretions, ease yourself of any burthen. I write to my honored acquaintance at Roxbury, Mr. Dudley and Mr. Eliot, and Mr. Stoughton, at Dorchester, and to Capt. Gookins, at Cambridge, and pray yourself and him to consult about a little help from Charlestown, where death has stript me of all my acquaintance. Sir, if you can return that chapter of my reply to G——ton, concerning New-England, I am advised to let it sleep, and forbear public contests with Protestants, since it is the design of hell and Rome to cut the throats of all the protestors in the world. Yet I am occasioned, in this book, to say much for the honor and peace of New-England.

“Sir, I shall humbly wait for your advice where it may be best printed, at Boston or Cambridge, and for how much, the printer finding paper. We have tidings here of Shaftsbury’s and Howard’s beheading, and contrarily, their release, London manifestations of joy, and the King’s calling a Parliament. But all these are but sublunaries, temporaries and trivials. Eternity (O eternity!) is our business, to which end I am most unworthy to be

“My humble respects to Mrs. Bradstreet, and other honored friends.”

The foregoing letter furnishes proof, that Mr. Williams, even after Philip’s war, and consequently after he had passed his 77th year, went to Narraganset, and delivered discourses. His zeal for the salvation of men was not extinguished by his age, nor was he prevented from efforts to save them, by his theory respecting the ministry. That zeal is displayed in his desire to print these discourses, after disease confined him to his home. The letter, too, leads us to infer his poverty. He would not, probably, have solicited aid to print so small a work, if he had possessed the means. His son’s letter, quoted in a preceding page,^[361] intimates, that Mr. Williams was dependent on his children, to some extent, at least, during the last years of his life. Poverty was honorable in a man, who had spent his best days in the public service, and who had been more intent on making others happy, than on the promotion of his own private interests.

Of the immediate cause and exact time of Mr. Williams’ death, we are not informed. It is certain, however, that he died, at some time between January 16, 1682–3, and May 10, 1683. On the former day, he signed a document which was intended as a settlement of the controversy respecting the Pawtuxet lands. On the 10th of May, Mr. John Thornton wrote to the Rev. Samuel Hubbard, from Providence: “The Lord hath arrested by death our ancient and approved friend, Mr. Roger Williams, with divers others here.”^[362] He was in the 84th year of his age. It would be gratifying to have some account of his last hours, but we have every reason to believe, that his end was peace. He “was buried,” says Mr. Callender (p. 93,) “with all the solemnity the colony was able to show.” His remains were deposited, in his own family burying-ground, on his town-lot, a short distance only from the place where he landed, and from the spot where his dwelling-house stood. His wife probably survived him,^[363] and all his children, it is believed, were living at his death.^[364]

Thus terminated the long and active life of the founder of Rhode-Island, fifty-two years of which elapsed, after his arrival in America. It now remains, to present a summary view of his writings, and some comments on his character.