Troubles in Rhode-Island—William Harris—Quakers—severe laws against them in other colonies—conduct of Rhode-Island—Mr. Williams and Mr. Harris—Mr. Williams not re-elected as President.

The following letter from Mr. Williams to Mr. Winthrop is chiefly on his common theme, the Indians:

“To my honored, kind friend, Mr. Winthrop, at Pequod, these present.

“Loving respects to you both presented, wishing you a joyful spring after all your sad and gloomy, sharp and bitter winter blasts and snows. Sir, one of your friends among the Narraganset sachems, Mexham, sends this messenger unto me and prays me to write to you for your help about a gun, which Kittatteash, Uncas his son, hath lately taken from this bearer, Ahauansquatuck, out of his house at Pawchauquet. He will not own any offence he gave him, but that he is subject to Mexham, though possibly Kittatteash may allege other causes, yea and true also. I doubt not of your loving eye on the matter, as God shall please to give you opportunity. Sir, the last first day divers of Boston merchants were with me, (about Sergeant Holsey run from Boston hither, and a woman after him, who lays her great belly to him.) They tell me, that by a bark come from Virginia, they are informed of God’s merciful hand in the safe arrival of Major Sedgwick and that fleet in the West of England, and that General Penn was not yet gone out, but riding (all things ready) in Torbay, waiting for the word; and by letters from good and great friends in England, I understand there are like to be great agitations in this country, if that fleet succeed.

“Sir, a hue and cry came to my hand lately from the Governor at Boston, after two youths, one run from Captain Oliver, whom I lighted on and have returned; another from James Bill, of Boston, who I hear past through our town, and said he was bound for Pequod. His name is James Pitnie; he hath on a blackish coat and hat, and a pair of greenish breeches and green knit stockings. I would now (with very many thanks) have returned you your Jesuit’s Maxims, but I was loth to trust them in so wild a hand, nor some tidings which I have from England. These merchants tell me, that Blake was gone against the Duke of Legorne, and had sent for ten frigates more. Sir, the God of peace fill your soul with that strange kind of peace which passeth all understanding.

Mr. Williams, being now invested with the office of President, watched over the interests of the colony with his usual vigilance and zeal. There was an urgent need of all his wisdom and firmness. A disposition to abuse the liberty of conscience, was one of the evils which disturbed the colony. Mr. William Harris “sent his writings to the main and to the island, against all earthly powers, parliaments, laws, charters, magistrates, prisons, punishments, rates, yea, against all kings and princes, under the notion that the people should shortly cry out, ‘No lords, no masters,’ and in open Court protested, before the whole colony Assembly, that he would maintain his writings with his blood.”^[295]

The avowal of such sentiments might well alarm the Assembly, not only for the peace of the colony, but for its character in the mother country. They accordingly appointed a committee, says Mr. Backus, “to deal with Mr. Harris.”

Although the several towns were re-united in the government, yet individuals, who were royalists in principle, refused to obey it, and created factions. Complaints were made through Mr. Clarke, to the Protector; but Cromwell was too busy with concerns at home, to give much attention to the colonies. He addressed the following letter to the colony:^[296]

“Your agent here hath represented unto us some particulars concerning your government, which you judge necessary to be settled by us here, but by reason of other great and weighty affairs of the commonwealth, we have been necessitated to defer the consideration of them to further opportunity; in the mean time, we are willing to let you know, that you were to proceed in your government according to the tenor of your charter, formerly granted on that behalf, taking care of the peace and safety of those plantations, that neither through intestine commotions or foreign invasions, there do arise any detriment or dishonor to their commonwealth or yourselves, as far as you by your care and diligence can prevent. And as for the things that are before us, they shall, as soon as the other occasions will permit, receive a just and sufficient determination. And so we bid you farewell, and rest,

“To our trusty and well beloved the President, Assistants and inhabitants of Rhode-Island, together with Narraganset Bay, in New-England.”

At the session of the Assembly, June 28, an act was passed, founded on the Protector’s letter, in which it was enacted, that “if any person or persons be found, by the examination and judgment of the General Court of Commissioners, to be a ring-leader or ring-leaders of factions or divisions among us, he or they shall be sent over at his or their own charges, as prisoners, to receive his or their trial or sentence, at the pleasure of his Highness, and the Lords of his Council.”

This act proves, that the Assembly, while they recognized the rights of conscience, were resolved to enforce civil obedience. It produced the desired effect. Mr. Coddington soon after signed a public declaration of his submission to the government of the colony, as now united, and he and Mr. Dyre subscribed, in the presence of Mr. Williams and others, an agreement, by which the long-standing feud between them was amicably settled. Mr. Harris, also, felt the genial influence of the better spirit which now prevailed, and in the words of Mr. Backus, “cried up government and magistrates, as much as he had cried them down before.”

In November, 1655, Mr. Williams wrote the following letter to the General Court of Massachusetts, in which he remonstrated, though in a courteous tone, against the disorders which still continued at Warwick and Pawtuxet, and which were countenanced, if not fomented, by Massachusetts. We learn from this letter, and from other sources, that the inhabitants of Rhode-Island were not allowed to procure arms and ammunition from Boston, though they were exposed to attacks from the savages, who were abundantly supplied from various quarters.^[297] Mr. Williams modestly alludes to his sufferings, when he attempted to pass through Massachusetts, at his last embarkation for England. With all these causes of complaint, the mildness of this letter must be deemed a favorable evidence of a gentle and pacific temper. The solemn confession, that it might be better for Rhode-Island to be placed under the sway of Massachusetts, certainly does honor to his feelings, whatever may be thought of its wisdom:

“Copy of a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, President of Providence Plantations, to the General Court of Magistrates and Deputies assembled, at Boston.

“It is my humble and earnest petition unto God and you, that you may so be pleased to exercise command over your own spirits, that you may not mind myself nor the English of these parts (unworthy with myself of your eye) but only that face of equity (English and Christian) which I humbly hope may appear in these representations following.

“First, may it please you to remember, that concerning the town of Warwick, (in this colony) there lies a suit of £2000 damages against you before his Highness and the Lords of his Council; I doubt not, if you so please, but that (as Mr. Winslow and myself had well nigh ordered it) some gentlemen from yourselves and some from Warwick, deputed, may friendly and easily determine that affair between you.

“Secondly, the Indians which pretend your name at Warwick and Pawtuxet, (and yet live as barbarously, if not more than any in the country) please you to know their insolencies upon ourselves and cattle (unto £20 damages per annum) are insufferable by English spirits; and please you to give credence, that to all these they pretend your name, and affirm that they dare not (for offending you) agree with us, nor come to rules of righteous neighborhood, only they know you favor us not and therefore send us for redress unto you.

“Thirdly, concerning four English families at Pawtuxet, may it please you to remember that two controversies they have long (under your name) maintained with us, to a constant obstructing of all order and authority amongst us.

“To our complaint about our lands, they lately have professed a willingness to arbitrate, but to obey his Highness’ authority in this charter, they say, they dare not for your sakes, though they live not by your laws, nor bear your common charges, nor ours, but evade both under color of your authority.

“Honored Sirs, I cordially profess it before the Most High, that I believe it, if not only they but ourselves and all the whole country, by joint consent, were subject to your government, it might be a rich mercy; but as things yet are, and since it pleased first the Parliament, and then the Lord Admiral and Committee for Foreign Plantations, and since the Council of State, and lastly the Lord Protector and his Council, to continue us as a distinct colony, yea, and since it hath pleased yourselves, by public letters and references to us from your public courts, to own the authority of his Highness amongst us; be pleased to consider how unsuitable it is for yourselves (if these families at Pawtuxet plead truth) to be the obstructers of all orderly proceedings amongst us; for I humbly appeal to your own wisdom and experience, how unlikely it is for a people to be compelled to order and common charges, when others in their bosoms, are by such (seeming) partiality exempted from both.

“And, therefore, (lastly) be pleased to know, that there are (upon the point) but two families which are so obstructive and destructive to an equal proceeding of civil order amongst us; for one of these four families, Stephen Arnold, desires to be uniform with us; a second, Zacharie Rhodes, being in the way of dipping is (potentially) banished by you. Only William Arnold and William Carpenter, (very far, also, in religion, from you, if you knew all) they have some color, yet in a late conference, they all plead that all the obstacle is their offending of yourselves.

“Fourthly, whereas, (I humbly conceive) with the people of this colony your commerce is as great as with any in the country, and our dangers (being a frontier people to the barbarians) are greater than those of other colonies, and the ill consequences to yourselves would be not a few nor small, and to the whole land, were we first massacred or mastered by them. I pray your equal and favorable reflection upon that your law, which prohibits us to buy of you all means of our necessary defence of our lives and families, (yea in this most bloody and massacreing time.)

“We are informed that tickets have rarely been denied to any English of the country; yea, the barbarians (though notorious in lies) if they profess subjection, they are furnished; only ourselves, by former and later denial, seem to be devoted to the Indian shambles and massacres.

“The barbarians all the land over, are filled with artillery and ammunition from the Dutch, openly and horridly, and from all the English over the country, (by stealth.) I know they abound so wonderfully, that their activity and insolence is grown so high that they daily consult, and hope, and threaten to render us slaves, as they long since (and now most horribly) have made the Dutch.

“For myself (as through God’s goodness) I have refused the gain of thousands by such a murderous trade, and think no law yet extant, amongst yourselves or us, secure enough against such villany; so am I loth to see so many hundreds (if not some thousands) in this colony, destroyed like fools and beasts without resistance. I grieve that so much blood should cry against yourselves, yea, and I grieve that (at this instant by these ships) this cry and the premises should now trouble his Highness and his Council. For the seasonable preventing of which, is this humble address presented to your wisdom, by him who desires to be

“Hon. Sirs, since my letter, it comes into my heart to pray your leave to add a word as to myself, viz. at my last return from England I presented your then honored Governor, Mr. Bellingham, with an order of the Lords of the Council, for my free taking ship or landing at your ports, unto which it pleased Mr. Bellingham to send me his assent in writing; I humbly crave the recording of it by yourselves, lest forgetfulness hereafter, again put me upon such distresses as, God knows, I suffered when I last past through your colony to our native country.”

The following letter to Mr. Winthrop, belongs to this period:

“To his much honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at Pequod or elsewhere, these presents.

“This opportunity makes me venture this salutation, though we hear question of your being at Pequod. These friends can say more of affairs than I can write. I have letters from England of proceedings there, which yet are not come; some I have received, which tell me, that the Lord hath yet created peace, although the sword is yet forced (by garrisons) to enforce it. I cannot hear of open wars with France, but only with Spain, and that the prosecution of that West India expedition is still with all possible vigor on both sides intended. This diversion against the Spaniards hath turned the face and thoughts of many English; so that the saying of thousands now is, crown the Protector with gold, though the sullen yet cry, crown him with thorns. The former two or three years with plenty unthankfully received in England; the Lord sent abundance of waters this last summer, which spoiled their corn over most parts of the land. Sir Henry Vane being retired to his own private, in Lincolnshire, hath now published his observations as to religion; he hath sent me one of his books, (though yet at Boston.) His father is dead, and the inheritance falls to him, and 10 or 12,000 more than should if his father had lived but a month longer; but though his father cast him off, yet he hath not lost in temporals, by being cast off for God. Our acquaintance, Major Sedgwick, is said to be successor to unsuccessful Venables, cast into the tower. Your brother Stephen succeeds Major General Harrison. The Pope endeavors the uniting of all his slaves for his guard, fearing the heretics. The Lord knows whether Archer (upon the reign of Christ) said true, ‘that yet the Pope, before his downfall, must recover England; and the protestant countries revolted from him.’ Sir, we are sure all flesh is grass, and only the word of the Lord endures forever. Sir, you once kindly intended to quench a fire between Mr. Coddington and others, but now it is come to public trial. We hear the Dutch fire is not quenched. I fear this year will be stormy; only may the most gracious Lord by all drive and draw us to himself, in whom, Sir, I desire to be ever

The letter of November 15, to the General Court of Massachusetts, did not produce any favorable change in her measures. Mr. Williams afterwards wrote to the Governor, Mr. Endicott, who invited him to visit Boston. The following address to the General Court was prepared, in which some of the same topics are again touched:

“Copy of a letter from Providence Plantations to the General Court of the Massachusetts.

“May it please this much honored Assembly to remember, that, as an officer and in the name of Providence colony, I presented you with our humble requests before winter, unto which not receiving answer, I addressed myself this spring, to your much honored Governor, who was pleased to advise our sending of some of Providence to your Assembly.

“Honored Sirs, our first request (in short) was and is, for your favorable consideration of the long and lamentable condition of the town of Warwick, which hath been thus: they are so dangerously and so vexatiously intermingled with the barbarians, that I have long admired the wonderful power of God in restraining and preventing very great fires of mutual slaughters, breaking forth between them.

“Your wisdoms know the inhuman insultations of these wild creatures, and you may be pleased, also, to imagine, that they have not been sparing of your name as the patron of all their wickedness against our English men, women, and children, and cattle to the yearly damage of 60, 80 and 100 pounds.

“The remedy is (under God) only your pleasure, that Pumham shall come to an agreement with the town or colony, and that some convenient way and time be set for their removal.

“And that your wisdom may see just grounds for such your willingness, be pleased to be informed of a reality of a solemn covenant between this town of Warwick and Pumham, unto which, notwithstanding that he pleads his being drawn to it by the awe of his superior sachems, yet I humbly offer that what was done, was according to the law and tenor of the natives, (I take it) in all New-England and America, viz. that the inferior sachems and subjects shall plant and remove at the pleasure of the highest and supreme sachems, and I humbly conceive that it pleaseth the Most High and Only Wise to make use of such a bond of authority over them, without which, they could not long subsist in human society, in this wild condition wherein they are.

“2. Please you not to be insensible of the slippery and dangerous condition of this their intermingled cohabitation. I am humbly confident, that all the English towns and plantations in all New-England, put together, suffer not such molestation from the natives, as this one town and people. It is so great and so oppressive, that I have daily feared the tidings of some public fire and mischief.

“3. Be pleased to review this copy from the Lord Admiral, and that this English town of Warwick should proceed, also that if any of yours were there planted, they should, by your authority, be removed. And we humbly conceive, that if the English (whose removes are difficult and chargeable) how much more these wild ones, who remove with little more trouble and damage than the wild beasts of the wilderness.

“4. Please you to be informed, that this small neck (wherein they keep and mingle fields with the English) is a very den of wickedness, where they not only practise the horrid barbarisms of all kind of whoredoms, idolatries, conjurations, but living without all exercise of actual authority, and getting store of liquors (to our grief) there is a confluence and rendezvous of all the wildest and most licentious natives and practices of the whole country.

“5. Beside satisfaction to Pumham and the former inhabitants of this neck, there is a competitor who must also be satisfied; another sachem, one Nawwushawsuck, who (living with Ousamaquin) lays claim to this place, and are at daily feud with Pumham (to my knowledge) about the title and lordship of it. Hostility is daily threatened.

“Our second request concerns two or three English families at Pawtuxet, who, before our charter, subjected themselves unto your jurisdiction. It is true, there are many grievances between many of the town of Providence and them, and these, I humbly conceive, may best be ordered to be composed by reference.

“But (2.) we have formerly made our addresses and now do, for your prudent removal of this great and long obstruction to all due order and regular proceedings among us, viz. the refusal of these families (pretending your name) to conform with us unto his Highness’ authority amongst us.

“3. Your wisdom experimentally knows how apt men are to stumble at such an exemption from all duties and services, from all rates and charges, either with yourselves or us.

“4. This obstruction is so great and constant, that (without your prudent removal of it) it is impossible that either his Highness or yourselves can expect such satisfaction and observance from us as we desire to render.

“Lastly, as before, we promised satisfaction to the natives at Warwick, (and shall all possible ways endeavor their content) so we humbly offer, as to these our countrymen, First, as to grievances depending, that references may settle them. Secondly, for the future, the way will be open for their enjoyment of votes and privileges of choosing or being chosen, to any office in town or colony.

“Our third request is, for your favorable leave to us to buy of your merchants, four or more barrels of powder yearly, with some convenient proportion of artillery, considering our hazardous frontier situation to these barbarians, who, from their abundant supply of arms from the Dutch, (and perfidious English, all the land over) are full of our artillery, which hath rendered them exceedingly insolent, provoking and threatening, especially the inlanders, which have their supply from the fort of Aurania. We have been esteemed by some of you, as your thorny hedge on this side of you; if so, yet a hedge to be maintained; if as out sentinels, yet not to be discouraged. And if there be a jealousy of the ill use of such a favor, please you to be assured that a credible person in each town shall have the disposal and managing of such supplies, according to the true intent and purpose.

“For the obtaining of these, our just and necessary petitions, we have no inducement or hope from ourselves, only we pray you to remember, that the matters prayed, are no way dishonorable to yourselves, and we humbly conceive, do greatly promote the honor and pleasure of his Highness, yea, of the Most High, also; and lastly, such kindnesses will be obligations on us to study to declare ourselves, upon all occasions,

“In the name, and by the appointment, of Providence colony.

“I pray your patience to one word relating to myself, only. Whereas, upon an order from the Lords of his Highness’ Council, for my future security in taking ships and landing in your ports, it pleased your honored then Governor, Mr. Bellingham, to obey that order under his own hand, I now pray the confirmation of it, from one word of this honored Court assembled.”

A few days after, Mr. Williams addressed the following letter to the General Court. It bears the unwonted date of Boston, and it breathes a gratified feeling:

“Copy of a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, to the General Court.

“I do humbly hope, that your own breasts and the public, shall reap the fruit of your great gentleness and patience in these barbarous transactions, and I do cordially promise, for myself, (and all I can persuade with) to study gratitude and faithfulness to your service. I have debated with Pumham (and some of the natives helping with me) who shewed him the vexatious life he lives in, your great respect and care toward him, by which he may abundantly mend himself and be united in some convenience unto their neighborhood and your service. But I humbly conceive, in his case, that dies et quies sanant hominem, and he must have some longer breathing, for he tells me that the appearance of this competitor Nawwushawsuck, hath stabbed him. May you, therefore, please to grant him and me some longer time of conference, either until your next general assembling, or longer, at your pleasure.

“My other requests I shall not be importune to press on your great affairs, but shall make my address unto your Secretary, to receive, by him, your pleasure.

This year is made remarkable by the arrival at Boston, of several persons, of the new sect called Quakers.^[298] They were imprisoned and banished. The books which they brought with them were seized and burnt. Severe laws were enacted to exclude them from the Commonwealth. In October, 1656, (says Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 181,) “An act passed, laying a penalty of one hundred pounds upon the master of any vessel who should bring a known Quaker into any part of the colony, and requiring him to give security to carry them back again; that the Quaker should be immediately sent to the house of correction, and whipped twenty stripes, and afterwards kept to hard labor until transportation. They also laid a penalty of five pounds for importing, and the like for dispersing, Quaker books, and severe penalties for defending their heretical opinions. And the next year, an additional law was made, by which all persons were subjected to the penalty of forty shillings for every hour’s entertainment given to any known Quaker; and any Quaker, after the first conviction, if a man, was to lose one ear, and the second time the other; a woman, each time to be severely whipped, and the third time, men or women, to have their tongues bored through with a red hot iron, and every Quaker, who should become such in the colony, was subjected to the like punishments. In May, 1658, a penalty of ten shillings was laid on every person present at a Quaker meeting, and five pounds upon every one speaking at such a meeting. Notwithstanding all this severity, the number of Quakers, as might well have been expected, increasing rather than diminishing, in October following, a further law was made for punishing with death all Quakers, who should return into the jurisdiction after banishment.”

By this sanguinary law, which passed the Court by a majority of one vote only, four persons were afterwards executed, and a large number were imprisoned, whipped, fined and banished, until an order from the King, Charles II. in 1661, put an end to these proceedings. The conduct of some of these persons was scandalous,^[299] and deserved punishment, as offences against civil order and decency; but nothing can justify the severity with which some of them were treated. The impolicy of persecution was fully displayed on this occasion; for the Quakers multiplied, in proportion as they were threatened and punished.

The other united colonies passed severe laws against the Quakers; and they endeavored to prevail on Rhode-Island to unite in this general persecution. But she remained true to her principles. The General Assembly, which met at Portsmouth, March 13, 1657, returned an answer to the commissioners of the united colonies, in which they held this language:

“Whereas freedom of different consciences to be protected from enforcements, was the principal ground of our charter, both with respect to our humble suit for it, as also to the true intent of the honorable and renowned Parliament of England, in granting of the same to us, which freedom we still prize, as the greatest happiness that men can possess in this world, therefore we shall, for the preservation of our civil peace and order, the more especially take notice that those people, and any others that are here, or shall come among us, be impartially required, and to our utmost constrained, to perform all civil duties requisite. And in case they refuse it, we resolve to make use of the first opportunity to inform our agent, residing in England.”

The commissioners were not satisfied with this reply, and the next autumn they wrote again to the Assembly. An answer was returned, dated October 13, 1657, which, while it expresses disapprobation of the conduct of some of the Quakers, unfolds the Rhode-Island doctrine concerning liberty of conscience, and contains some excellent remarks on the good effects of toleration in allaying sectarian zeal:

“As concerning these Quakers (so called) which are now among us, we have no law among us whereby to punish any for only declaring by words, &c. their minds and understandings concerning the things and ways of God, as to salvation and an eternal condition. And we find, moreover, that in those places where these people, aforesaid, in this colony, are most of all suffered to declare themselves freely, and are only opposed by arguments in discourse, there they least of all desire to come; and we are informed, that they begin to loathe this place, for that they are not opposed by the civil authority, but with all patience and meekness are suffered to say over their pretended revelations and admonitions, nor are they like or able to gain many here to their way. And surely we find, that they delight to be persecuted by the civil powers, and when they are so, they are like to gain more by the conceit of their patient sufferings, than by consent to their pernicious sayings.” The letter then expressed a belief, that their doctrines were dangerous to civil government, and promised, that at the next General Assembly, the subject should be considered, and proper measures adopted to prevent any “bad effects of their doctrines and endeavors.”^[300]

This letter was not suited to the prevailing opinions of that day. The other colonies were incensed by the inflexible adherence of Rhode-Island to the principles of her founder. The commissioners again wrote to the General Assembly, virtually requiring Rhode-Island to unite in a general persecution, under the penalty of being herself put under the ban of an excommunication from all commercial intercourse with the other colonies. This attempt to force Rhode-Island into measures subversive of her own institutions, and abhorrent to her feelings, was resisted as resolutely as were the threats of the British ministry by a subsequent generation. Rhode-Island adopted the only course then left to her. She appealed to the government in England, for protection, while she pursued her settled policy. The following letter to Mr. Clarke, the agent of the colony in England, throws much light on her condition and relations at that time. It was written by a Committee appointed by the General Assembly, at Warwick, November 5, 1658:^[301]

“We have found, not only your ability and diligence, but also your love and care to be such concerning the welfare and prosperity of this colony, since you have been intrusted with the more public affairs thereof, surpassing the no small benefit which we had of your presence here at home, that we in all straits and incumbrances, are emboldened to repair unto you, for further and continued care, counsel and help, finding that your solid and christian demeanor hath gotten no small interest in the hearts of our superiors, those noble and worthy senators, with whom you had to do in our behalf, as it hath constantly appeared in our addresses made unto them; we have by good and comfortable proofs found, having plentiful experience thereof. The last year we had laden you with much employment, which we were then put upon by reason of some too refractory among ourselves, wherein we appealed unto you for advice, for the more public manifestation of it, with respect to our superiors; but our intelligence fell short in that great loss of the ship, which we concluded here to be cast away. We have now a new occasion given us by an old spirit, with respect to the colonies round about us, who seem to be offended with us, because a sort of people, called by the name of Quakers, who are come amongst us, who have raised up divers who at present seem to be of their spirit, whereat the colonies about us seem to be offended with us, being the said people have their liberty with us, are entertained in our houses, or any of our assemblies; and for the present, we have found no just cause to charge them with the breach of the civil peace; only they are constantly going forth amongst them about us, and vex and trouble them about their religion and spiritual state, though they return with many a foul scar in their bodies for the same. And the offence our neighbors take against us, is because we take not some course against the said people, either to expel them from amongst us, or take such courses against them as themselves do, who are in fear lest their religion should be corrupted by them. Concerning which displeasure that they seem to take, it was expressed to us in a solemn letter, written by the commissioners of the united colonies at their sitting, as though they would either bring us in to act according to their scantling, or else take some course to do us a greater displeasure. A copy of which letter we have herewith sent unto you, wherein you may perceive how they express themselves; as also we have herewith sent our present answer unto them, to give you what light we may in the matter. There is one clause in the letter, which plainly implies a threat, though courtly expressed, as their manner is; which we gather to be this, that themselves (as we construe it) have been much awed in point of subjection to the state of England, lest in case they should decline, England might prohibit all trade with them, both in point of exportation and importation of any commodities, which were a host sufficiently prevalent to subdue New England, not being able to subsist:—even so they seem to threaten us, by cutting us off from all commerce and trade with them, and thereby to disable us from any comfortable subsistence, being that the concourse of shipping, and all other sorts of commodities, are universally conversant among themselves: as also knowing that ourselves are not in a capacity to send out shipping of ourselves, which in great measure is occasioned by their oppressing us, as yourself well knows:—as in many other respects, so in this for one, that we cannot have any thing from them, for the supply of our necessities, but in effect they make the price, both of their commodities and our own. Also, because we have no English coin, but only that which passeth among these barbarians, and such commodities as are raised by the labor of our hands, as corn, cattle, tobacco, &c. to make payment in, which they will have at their own rates, or else not deal with us; whereby though they gain extraordinarily by us, yet, for the safeguard of their religion, they may seem to neglect themselves in that respect; for what will not men do for their God? Sir, this is our earnest and pressing request unto you in this matter, that as you may perceive by our answer unto the united colonies, we fly as our refuge in all civil respects to his Highness and honorable Council, as not being subject to any other in matters of our civil state, so may it please you to have an eye and ear open, in case our adversaries should speak, to undermine us in our privileges granted unto us, and plead our cause in such sort, as that we may not be compelled to exercise any civil power over men’s consciences, so long as human orders in point of civility are not corrupted and violated, which our neighbors about us do frequently practise, whereof many of us have absolute experience, and judge it to be no less than a point of ABSOLUTE CRUELTY.

The concluding sentences of this letter are worthy of special note, as showing, that the rulers of Rhode-Island carefully distinguished between the rights of conscience and the duty of obedience to the laws which guard the civil peace. They permitted no disorderly license, and if any persons had been guilty, in Rhode-Island, of the acts which some individuals, calling themselves Quakers, practised in Massachusetts, they would have been punished. Mr. Williams, in his subsequent controversy with George Fox, expressed his approbation of the punishment of certain females in Massachusetts, for their shameless conduct, affirming it to be a perversion of terms to call the punishment of such actions, persecution.

We must now return to Mr. Williams. He held the office of President two years. On the 1st of February, 1657–8, he issued a warrant against Mr. William Harris, for the alleged crime of opposing the Protector’s government. The warrant ordered his arrest and imprisonment, for the purpose of sending him to England, in accordance, probably, with the act of June, 1655. How far this strong measure was deserved by the conduct of Mr. Harris, we cannot now determine.^[302] It has been inferred that it was not sustained by public opinion, because, at the next election, Mr. Williams was superseded, as President, by Mr. Benedict Arnold. It is not improbable, that he was urged too far, by zeal to uphold the charter and the Protector’s authority, and perhaps by personal hostility towards Mr. Harris, between whom and himself there was, for many years, a very acrimonious feud.^[303] There is, however, no very conclusive evidence, that Mr. Williams’ conduct, in this case, was generally disapproved. He occupied a seat in the General Assembly, at intervals, for several years, both as an assistant, and as a representative from Providence. He was often chosen on important committees, and he continued, till his death, to serve the public, in various ways, with ability and patriotic zeal.^[304]