Letters to John Winthrop—organization of the government—vote of money to Mr. Williams—agreement of several inhabitants of Providence—dissentions—Indian troubles.

We have now the pleasure of presenting the first of a number of unpublished letters, addressed to John Winthrop, the son of Governor Winthrop, of Massachusetts.^[255] Mr. Winthrop resided, for several years, at Nameug, or Pequod, now New-London, in Connecticut. It appears from one of the letters, that Mr. Williams became acquainted with him in England; and the correspondence which we shall introduce, will show that the friendship was strong and mutual. We cannot stay to offer comments on the letters. They relate to politics, literature, agriculture, and various other topics, while religion is diffused, like a grateful fragrance, through them all.

This and other letters are dated at Narraganset, or Cawcawmqussick, (now North-Kingstown,) where Mr. Williams, about this time, purchased an estate, and built a trading house, which he afterwards sold, to obtain money for his second visit to England.

“For his honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at Pequod, these.

“Best salutations, &c. William Cheesbrough, now come in, shall be readily assisted, for yours and his own sake. Major Bourne is come in. I have, by Providence, seen divers papers, (returning now yours thankfully,) which are snatched from me again. I have, therefore, been bold to send you the Medulla and the Magnalia Dei. Pardon me, if I request you, in my name, to transfer the paper to Captain Mason, who saith he loves me. God is love; in him only I desire to be yours ever,

“Loving salutes to your dearest and kind sister.

“I have been very sick of cold and fever, but God hath been gracious to me. I am not yet resolved of a course for my daughter. If your powder, with directions, might be sent without trouble, I should first wait upon God in that way: however, it is best to wait on him. If the ingredients be costly, I shall thankfully account. I have books that prescribe powders, &c. but yours is probatum in this country.”

We know little of the condition of Providence at this time. We may presume, however, that it continued to flourish. It is stated, that about this period, there were, in Providence and its vicinity, one hundred and one men, fit to bear arms.^[257] This fact indicates a large increase of population, in a period of less than ten years.

After a considerable lapse of time, the inhabitants of Providence, Portsmouth, Newport, and Warwick, agreed on a form of civil government. This form, says Mr. Backus, provided for the election of “a President and four Assistants annually, who had the executive power, were judges in the courts of law and kept the peace. An Assembly, of six commissioners, or representatives, from each town, made laws, and ordered their general affairs; but their laws must be sent to every town, to be deliberately considered in their town meetings, from whence the clerk was to send an account of their votes to the General Recorder; and, if the majority of the towns approved the law, it was confirmed, if not, it was disannulled. The Assembly chose yearly a Treasurer and a General Recorder and General Sergeant, which are only other names for a Secretary and Sheriff. In each town, six persons were yearly chosen, who were called the Town Council, who had the powers of a Court of Probate, of granting licenses to inn-keepers and retailers, and the care of the poor.”

The first General Assembly met at Portsmouth, May 19, 1647, when John Coggshall was chosen President, Roger Williams assistant for Providence, John Sanford for Portsmouth, William Coddington for Newport, and Randall Holden for Warwick. William Dyer was chosen Recorder. They agreed upon a body of laws, chiefly taken from the laws of England, with the addition of a few suited to their particular circumstances. In the introduction of this code, the form of government established is called “democratical, that is to say, a government held by the free and voluntary consent of all, or the greater part of the free inhabitants.”

The code, which contains nothing except civil regulations, concludes thus: “Otherwise than thus, what is herein forbidden, all men may walk as their consciences persuade them, every one in the name of his God. And let the lambs of the Most High walk, in this colony, without molestation, in the name of Jehovah, their God, forever and ever.” This noble principle was thus established, as one of the fundamental laws, at the first Assembly under the charter. It is indigenous to the Rhode-Island soil, and is the glory of the state.

Mr. Williams had a large share in thus organizing the government. His services were gratefully recognized by the Assembly, who, at their first session, adopted the following resolution:^[258]

“That forasmuch as Mr. Roger Williams hath taken great pains, and expended much time, in obtaining the charter for this province, of our noble Lords and Governors, be it enacted and established, that, in regard to his so great trouble, charges and good endeavors, we do freely give and grant unto the said Mr. Roger Williams an hundred pounds, to be levied out of the three towns, viz.: fifty pounds out of Newport, thirty pounds of Portsmouth, twenty pounds out of Providence; which rate is to be levied and paid in by the last of November.” Backus, vol. i. p. 199.

This grant of one hundred pounds was voted, but for some reason, Mr. Williams never received it all.^[259] It was, undoubtedly, a very inadequate compensation for his toils and expenses, in procuring the charter.

The following very characteristic letter belongs here. The seal is a rude representation of a tulip, or other flower, the impression sunk, and not raised:

“For his worshipful, and his much honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at Nameaug, these.

“Loving respects and salutations to your kind self and your kindest companion. Some while since, you desired a word of direction about the hay seed. I desired my brother to collect his own and other neighbors’ observations about it, which (with his respects presented) amounts to this.

“First, usually three bushels seed to one acre land.

“2. It hath been known to spread, to mat, &c. the Indian hills being only scraped or levelled.

“3. This may be done at any time of the year, but the sooner the better.

“4. It is best to sow it upon a rain preceding.

“5. Some say let the ripe grass stand until it seed, and the wind disperse it (susque deque) up and down, for it is of that thriving and homogeneal nature with the earth, that the very dung of cattle that feeds on it will produce the grain.

“6. The offs, which can hardly be severed from the seed, hath the same productive faculty.

“7. Sow it not in an orchard, near fruit trees, for it will steal, and rob the trees, &c.

“Sir: Concerning Indian affairs, reports are various; lies are frequent. Private interests, both with Indians and English, are many; yet these things you may and must do. First, kiss truth where you evidently, upon your soul, see it. 2. Advance justice, though upon a child’s eyes. 3. Seek and make peace, if possible, with all men. 4. Secure your own life from a revengeful, malicious arrow or hatchet. I have been in danger of them, and delivered yet from them; blessed be his holy name, in whom I desire to be

The following letter relates, probably, to the collection of the wampum to be paid to the commissioners, by the Narragansets, in accordance with the treaty.

“Due respects presented, &c. I am importuned by Ninigret,^[260] in express words, to present his respects and love to your honored father, and to the honored President of the commissioners, giving great thanks for the great favor and kindness showed him. Withal, he prays you earnestly to present his humble suit, that since he, by reason of his travel and illness, can, as yet, get no further towards his own home, and finds he must have much work with the natives of these parts, before he repair home, and time to spend exceeding fast, it may be accounted no breach of faithfulness of his promise, if he finish the contribution he is now about, within a few days after the punctual time. The other sachems, upon agitations, have promised their utmost concurrence, to finish all within a month from the day of his promise, which time he earnestly requests may be assented to, hoping to make payment before, but not questioning by the expiration of that time. By this bearer, he humbly prays a word of answer, that, with the more cheerful concurrence of the other sachems, (who join with him in this request,) he may be the more cheerful in the work. Sir, I discern nothing but reality and reason in his request; otherwise, I should not dare to molest you, or those honored persons whom it concerns; to whom, with my humble respects, and to yourself presented, beseeching the Most High to be your portion, I rest,

“Pesickosh desired me to present his great thanks for his child.

“Sir: Your man is with me at present writing, well, this last of the week, and will be going instantly. Humble thanks for the sight of papers from England. The sea will be the sea till it be no more. Revel. 21.

“Respects to your dearest.”

The following agreement, written, evidently, by Mr. Williams, and signed by himself and several of the citizens of Providence, is a proof of his pacific principles, and of his desire for the peace and welfare of the colony:

“Considering the great mercy afforded unto us, in this liberty thus to meet together, being denied to many of our countrymen in most parts, especially in our poor native country, now deploring their distressed condition in most sad and bloody calamities: That ingratitude and disacknowledgments for favors received, are just causes for the deprivation of them, together with home divisions and home conspiracies, the ruination of families, towns and countries. Moreover, the many plots and present endeavors, at home and abroad, not only to disturb our peace and liberties, but utterly to root up both root and branch of this our being; that government held forth through love, union and order, although by few in number and mean in condition, yet (by experience) hath withstood and overcome mighty opposers; and, above all, the several unexpected deliverances of this poor plantation, by that mighty Providence who is still able to deliver us, through love, union and order. Therefore, being sensible of these great and weighty premises, and now met together to consult about our peace and liberty, whereby our families and posterity may still enjoy these favors; and that we may publicly declare unto all the free discharge of all our consciences and duties, whereby it may appear upon record that we are not wilfully opposite, nor careless and senseless, and thereby the means of our own and others’ ruin and destruction;—and especially in testimony of our fidelity and cordial affection unto one another here present, that so there may be a current placable proceeding, we do faithfully and unanimously, by this our subscription, promise unto each other to keep unto these ensuing particulars: First, that the foundation in love may appear among us, what causes of difference have heretofore been given, either by word or misbehavior, in public or private, concerning particular or general affairs, by any of us here present, not to mention or repeat them in the assembly, but that love shall cover the multitude of them in the grave of oblivion. Secondly, that union may proceed from love, we do promise to keep constant unto those several engagements made by us, both unto our town and colony, and that, to the uttermost of our powers and abilities to maintain our lawful rights and privileges, and to uphold the government of this plantation. Also, that love may appear in union, we desire to abandon all causeless fears and jealousies of one another, only aiming at the general and particular peace and union of this town and colony. Lastly, for our more orderly proceeding in this assembly, whereby love and union may appear in order, if in our consultations differences in judgment shall arise, then moderately in order, through argumentation, to agitate the same; considering the cause, how far it may be hurtful, or conducing unto our union, peace and liberty, and accordingly act, not after the will or person of any, but unto the justice and righteousness of the cause. Again, if such cause shall be presented, wherein such difficulties shall appear, that evident arguments cannot be given for present satisfaction, but that either town or colony, or both, shall suffer, then to take into consideration a speech of a beloved friend, “better to suffer an inconvenience than a mischief,” better to suspend with a loss that may be inconvenient, than to be totally disunited and bereaved of all rights and liberties, which will be a mischief indeed. Moreover, that offences and distractions may be prevented, that so the current of business may peaceably proceed in this assembly, we do faithfully promise to carry ourselves, in words and behavior, so moderately and orderly as the cause shall permit; and if any of us shall fly out in provoking, scurrilous, exorbitant speeches, and unsuitable behavior, that he or they so doing shall be publicly declared, branded, and noted upon record, to be a covenant violator, and disturber of the union, peace and liberty of this plantation. We do here subscribe, without partiality. Dated December, 1647.

It is a proof, that Mr. Williams was not a very ambitious man, that he put himself entirely on a level with his fellow citizens, and was willing to serve the colony in the subordinate situation of an assistant. He was entitled, from his character and services, to be the first President; but he was, doubtless, disposed to yield his own claims, to conciliate the other towns. His services, as a peace-maker, were often needed.

It could scarcely be expected, that towns, composed of so many discordant materials, would coalesce quietly in one government. The principle on which the colony was founded, made it the resort of many uneasy spirits, who occasioned difficulties which disturbed its peace, and brought undeserved odium on the better portion of the inhabitants.

In May, 1648, Mr. Coddington was elected President, and Jeremiah Clarke, Roger Williams, William Baulstone, and John Smith, Assistants; Philip Sherman, Recorder; and Alexander Partridge, General Sergeant.

In September following, Mr. Coddington and Mr. Partridge applied, in person, to the commissioners of the united colonies, requesting that the island of Rhode-Island might be received as a member of the league, alleging it to be the desire of a majority of the inhabitants. But the commissioners refused to admit them, unless the island were placed under the jurisdiction of Plymouth. It was a happy event for Rhode-Island, that this request was refused, for had it been granted, the effect might have been the separation of the island from the rest of the colony.

In this posture of affairs, Mr. Williams again tried his influence as a peace-maker. In August, 1648, he addressed the following letter to the town of Providence:

“Worthy friends, that ourselves and all men are apt and prone to differ, it is no new thing. In all former ages, in all parts of the world, in these parts, and in our dear native country and mournful state of England, that either part or party is most right in his own eyes, his cause right, his carriage right, his arguments right, his answers right, is as wofully and constantly true as the former. And experience tells us, that when the God of peace hath taken peace from the earth, one spark of action, word or carriage is too powerful to kindle such a fire as burns up towns, cities, armies, navies, nations and kingdoms. And since, dear friends, it is an honor for men to cease from strife; since the life of love is sweet, and union is as strong as sweet; and since you have been lately pleased to call me to some public service and my soul hath been long musing how I might bring water to quench, and not oil or fuel to the flame, I am now humbly bold to beseech you, by all those comforts of earth and heaven which a placable and peaceable spirit will bring to you, and by all those dreadful alarms and warnings, either amongst ourselves, in deaths and sicknesses, or abroad in the raging calamities of the sword, death and pestilence; I say humbly and earnestly beseech you to be willing to be pacifiable, willing to be reconcilable, willing to be sociable, and to listen to the (I hope not unreasonable) motion following: To try out matters by disputes and writings, is sometimes endless; to try out arguments by arms and swords, is cruel and merciless; to trouble the state and Lords of England, is most unreasonable, most chargeable; to trouble our neighbors of other colonies, seems neither safe nor honorable. Methinks, dear friends, the colony now looks with the torn face of two parties, and that the greater number of Portsmouth, with other loving friends adhering to them, appear as one grieved party; the other three towns, or greater part of them, appear to be another: Let each party choose and nominate three; Portsmouth and friends adhering three, the other party three, one out of each town; let authority be given to them to examine every public difference, grievance and obstruction of justice, peace and common safety: let them, by one final sentence of all or the greater part of them, end all, and set the whole into an unanimous posture and order, and let them set a censure upon any that shall oppose their sentence. One log, without your gentle help, I cannot stir; it is this: How shall the minds of the towns be known? How shall the persons chosen be called? Time and place appointed in any expedition? For myself I can thankfully embrace the help of Mr. Coddington or Mr. Clarke, joined or apart, but how many are there who will attend, (as our distempers are) to neither? It is, gentlemen, in the power of the body to require the help of any of her members, and both King and Parliament plead, that in extraordinary cases they have been forced to extraordinary ways for common safety. Let me be friendly construed, if (for expedition) I am bold to be too forward in this service, and to say, that if within twenty days of the date hereof, you please to send to my house, at Providence, the name of him whom you please to nominate, at your desire I will acquaint all the persons chosen with place and time, unto which in your name I shall desire their meeting within ten days, or thereabouts, after the receipt of your letter. I am your mournful and unworthy

“This address,” says Mr. Backus, “had such an effect, that Mr. Williams was received to act as President of the colony, till their election at Warwick, May 22, 1649.”

The following letter to Mr. Winthrop, throws some light on the state of things at that time:

“For my much honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at his house, at Nameug, these.

“Best salutations to your dear selves and loving sister. I am bold and yet glad to trouble you, that by this occasion I may hear of your welfare. Capt. Mason lately requested me to forbid the Narragansets to hunt at Pequod, and to assure them of his visiting of them if they so did. I have written now an answer, which I am bold to request you to send at your next opportunity. Two days since I was at Providence, and then Mr. Brown was not returned, only he had wrote home some angry passage against the Narragansets, who are now in expectation of some assault from the English. Sir, whether it please God to visit us with peace or war, in life and death I desire to be

“Sir, our neighbors Mr. Coddington and Capt. Partridge, ten days since, returned from Plymouth with propositions for Rhode-Island to subject to Plymouth; to which himself and Portsmouth incline; our other three towns decline, and Mr. Holden and Mr. Warner, of Warwick, came from thence also, and they say, gave satisfaction why they dare not (the other three towns) depart from the charter. Sir, in this division of our neighbors, I have kept myself unengaged, and presented motions of pacification, amongst which I was bold to propose a reference to your worthy self and some other friend to be chosen; our town yields to it, and Mr. Boston (though opposite) and possibly you may have the trouble and honor of a peace-maker.

“Sir, pray seal the enclosed.”

It appears by this letter, and by other evidence, that Plymouth was desirous to add the beautiful island to her territory. Three years before, she claimed it as belonging to her jurisdiction; and Massachusetts insisted on her title to the allegiance of the inhabitants of Pawtuxet and Warwick.^[261] Winthrop says, under the date of May, 1645:^[262] “The government of Plymouth sent one of their magistrates, Mr. Brown, to Aquetneck island, to forbid Mr. Williams, &c. to exercise any of their pretended authority upon the island, claiming it to be within their jurisdiction. Our Court also sent to forbid them to exercise any authority within that part of our jurisdiction at Pawtuxet and Shawomet, and although they had boasted to do great matters there, by virtue of their charter, yet they dared not to attempt any thing.”

Connecticut afterwards laid claim to a part of the western territory of Rhode-Island. Thus was the little colony pressed on each side by her more powerful neighbors, who would gladly have enacted, at that early day, the same scene which was long afterwards presented in Poland, though the wrong would certainly have been less flagrant, and the motive less criminal. Thanks to the protection of God, and to the prudent firmness of Mr. Williams and others, the colony escaped all the designs of her neighbors, and has continued till this day, small in territory, but strong in her love of freedom, and consistent in her maintenance of the principles of her founder.

The Indians again disturbed the colonies. “In August, 1648,” says Mr. Backus,^[263] “about one thousand Indians from various parts were collected in Connecticut, with three hundred guns among them, and it was reported that they were hired by the Narragansets to fight with Uncas. The magistrates of Hartford sent three horsemen to inquire what they designed, and to let them know, that if they made war with him, the English must defend him, upon which they dispersed. When the commissioners met at Plymouth the next month, they ordered four men to be sent to the Narragansets, with instructions how to treat with them, both concerning their hiring other Indians to war upon Uncas, and also about the tribute of wampum that was behind. Captain Atherton and Captain Prichard undertook the service, and going to Mr. Williams, they procured the sachems to be sent for, but they, hearing that many horsemen were come to take them, shifted for themselves. Passacus fled to Rhode-Island, but soon after, they were, by Mr. Williams’ means, delivered of their fears, and came to the messengers as they were desired, and denied their hiring the Mohawks to war against Uncas, though they owned that they had sent them a present.”

The following letters to Mr. Winthrop, relating to the concerns of the Indians, with occasional references to the important events which were then transpiring in England, may be properly introduced here:

“For his much honored and beloved Mr. John Winthrop, at Nameug.

“Best salutations to your dear selves and loving sister. In my last I intimated a promise of presenting you with what here passeth. Captain Atherton, Captain Prichard, Richard Wood and Strong Tuchell, have been with me (as also Wm. Arnold, instead of his son Benedict, who withdrew himself, though sent unto,) these six or seven days. They were at Niantick two nights. Captain Atherton purposed to visit you, but they appointing their meeting with all the sachems at my house, they came back; and this morning, (the fourth day of the week,) they are departed with good content toward the Bay. From the commissioners they brought several articles, but the main were three; concerning the Mohawks, &c.; 2d, the payment; 3d, Uncas’ future safety. To the first, they sent answer (and that they confirmed with many asseverations, and one of them voluntarily took the Englishmen’s God to witness) that they gave not a penny to hire the Mohawks against the Mohegans, but that it was wholly wrought by Wussoonkquassin, (which they discovered as a secret) who being bound by Uncas, and Wuttouwuttauoum, Uncas his cousin, having attempted to shoot a Mohawk sachem at that time, resolved with the Mohawks (to whom he also gave peag) to take revenge upon Uncas; Wussoonkquassin sent them word and desired peag of them in the spring, but they profess they consented not, nor sent not a penny, afterwards they sent Waupinhommin up to inquire to Pawcatuck and however they have given some of the Mohegans peag this year, (as they have always done) yet they say they are clear from giving a penny in hire, &c. They confess their enmity against Uncas, and they (to the 2d) will not rest until they have finished their payments, that they may present their complaints against Uncas, who (they say) and other Indians, within these three years, have committed thirteen murders with impunity, being out of their reach in the English protection. This last year they pleaded they were near starved, and, therefore, sent but a small quantity. Now they promise, upon return of their men from hunting this winter, to make a contribution, the next spring another, and so according as they can draw the people to it, will not cease to furnish, and if they die, their children shall fulfil, and that it is their sore grief, &c. with much to this purpose. For Uncas they profess neither directly nor indirectly, to have to do with him, yet hope the English will not deal partially with him. They desired the English receipt of their peag; I produced the note you sent me, which, because it was not signed with your father’s hand or the Treasurer’s, &c. the messengers promised to send them one from the Bay. Ninigret, made great lamentation that you had entertained hard thoughts of him in this business, and all the sachems here professed their sorrow and that you had hearkened to Wequashcook, who they say never contributed nor joined in the Pequod wars, and now flatters to draw his neck out of the payments to the English. They hope you will not countenance him to rob Ninigret of those hunting places which the commissioners gave him leave to make use of, and he with the English had fought for with the expense of much treasure and hazard of his life. They desire that he may and Causasenamon and the rest of the Pequods, be as your little dogs, but not as your confederates, which they say is unworthy yourself, &c. Sir, I perceive the English about the Bay inquire after new places. Captain Atherton prays me shortly to convey a letter to you. I forgot one passage that the sachems discovered, that Wussoonkquassin gave peag to the Mohawks to retreat. It seems they are (Switzer like) mercenary, and were hired on and off; these sachems I believe desire cordially to hold friendship with both the English and the Mohawks together; I am confident (whether they lie or not, about Wussoonkquassin) that they never intended hurt against the English nor yourself and yours especially, to whom they profess great respect, and jointly they desire that Wequashcook may come back to Connecticut from whence he went, for if he join with Uncas they suspect he will secretly be a means of some of their deaths. Lastly, whereas they heard that the women with you were something fearful, Ninigret prays Mrs. Winthrop to be assured, that there never was, nor never shall be, to his knowledge, the least offence given to her or her neighbors, by any of his (though he hath learnt it partly by your just abhorring of Uncas his outrageous carriage among you, and of which I have not softly told these messengers and the admired partiality in the case.) For a token of his fidelity to Mrs. Winthrop, Ninigret he prays me to write, that all the women of his town shall present Mrs. Winthrop with a present of corn at Pawcatuck, if she please to send in any conveyance to Pawcatuck for it.

“Sir, to gratify them, I am thus bold with you, and desiring your eternal peace, I rest

“Sir, I formerly wrote to you and now still crave your help with Wequashcook, who keeps basely from me for five or six coats, and can neither get peag nor cloth.”

“For his much honored and beloved Mr. John Winthrop, at Nameug.

“Best salutations, &c. I am requested by letter of Captain Atherton, to certify what I can advise about Block-Island, whether it might be had of the natives, for divers of the English (it seems to my conjecture) upon some agitations at the last Court, have thoughts this way. Sir, because God hath pitched your tent these ways, and you know much among the natives of these parts, I judged it not unfit to pray you help me with a word of your information, before I write what otherwise I can, from the barbarians. The counsels of the Most High are deep concerning us poor grasshoppers, hopping and skipping from branch to twig in this vale of tears. Wm. Peacock hath had a very heavy task in carrying Joseph with cattle from you; six or seven days and nights the poor fellow was seeking them (being lost and scattered from Niantick.) Then he brought six to my house, four being finally lost; I took what pains I could to get them sought again, and three I hear are found, after which Wm. Peacock is now out, and I look for him this night with those three; Ninigret did his part honestly, but the youths and boys thereabouts (by some occasion hallooing) the cattle thence took the woods. Joseph Wild hath written to me, and I acquaint him with the cause, that one man alone cannot well drive cattle amongst barbarians, especially without an Indian guide. It were exceeding well that three or four poles were enclosed at Niantick, to keep cattle there at night, for if God vouchsafe peace and plantations (prosperity) there is great needs of it.

“Loving respects to yourself and dearest, and Mrs. Lake, premised. Two days since, Ninigret came to me and requested me to write two letters; the one, in answer to Captain Atherton’s motion for some English planting on Block-Island, and on a neck at Niantick; the other, to yourself, in which protesting his innocence as to the death of his son-in-law, with which Uncas and the Pequods charge him. He prays you (as of yourself) to signify (as much as you can) items to the Pequods, that they be quiet and attempt nothing (at least, treacherously,) against him, which he suspects, from words from Uncas, that it will be pleasing to the English. He prays you also to be mindful of endeavoring to remove Wequashcook, so constant a provocation before him; and, at present, he prays you to send for some skins, which lately, as lord of the place, he hath received. I hope the English sachems, as I tell him, in the spring will hear and gratify him in his just desires, the want of which, I guess, is the cause that he is not free, as yet, for Block-Island, &c.; but expresseth much, if the English do him justice against his enemies. Oh, sir, how far from nature is the spirit of Christ Jesus, that loves and pities, prays for and doth good to enemies? Sir, it is like he will request a line of answer, which, if you please to give, I pray, sir, write when either of those ships you write of are for England, and by which you write yourself; also where Mr. Throgmorton is, and whether he desires I should trouble you with the peag of which I wrote, which I propose, if God please, (unless countermanded by either of you) to send immediately upon hearing from you.

“Sir, since I wrote this, it pleased God to send a Dutchman for an old debt, and the same night Mr. Goodyear also, to whom and his wife (for her former husband) I am indebted, and so was necessitated to make satisfaction to Mr. Goodyear also. These providences of God so falling will necessarily cause me to be preparing some few days more that peag for Mr. Throgmorton. But most certainly it, (God please I live) notwithstanding ways and weather, shall be sent; this I write, that although Mr. Throgmorton should depart, or come home, yet he may presume on your faithfulness and love to dispose of it, as he requesteth.

“Captain Underhill, now here in a Dutch vessel, presents loving respects.”

“For the worshipful Mr. John Winthrop, at Nameug, these.^[265]

“Respective salutations to you both, and sister Lake. At this instant (the first of the week, toward noon,) I received yours, and shall be glad, (if God will,) you may gain a seasonable passage by us, before the hardest of winter, although I cannot advise you (but to pray against winter flights and journies,) yet if the necessity of God’s providence so cast it, I shall be glad that we might have you prisoner in these parts, yet once in a few days (though in deep snow) here is a beaten path, &c. Sir, Ninigret again importunes me to write to your father and yourself, about his and hunting at Pequod, that you would also be pleased to write to your father. I have endeavored to satisfy him what I can, and shall, yet I am willing at present to write to you, not so much concerning that you can further gratify him at this time, but that I may by this opportunity, salute you with the tidings from the Bay the last night. Skipper Isaack and Moline, are come into the Bay with a Dutch ship, and (as it is said) have brought letters from the States to call home this present Dutch Governor to answer many complaints, both from Dutch and English, against him. In this ship are come English passengers, and they bring word of the great trials it pleaseth the Most High and Only Wise, to exercise both our native England and these parts also.

“The Prince is said to be strong at sea, and among other mischiefs hath taken Mr. Trevice his ship which went from hence, and sent it for France, it seems their rendezvous.

“It is said that after Cromwell had discomfited the Welch, with six thousand, he was forced to encounter nineteen thousand Scots, of whom he took nine hundred prisoners, &c. Great store of Scots and Welch are sent and sold as slaves into other parts. Cromwell wrote to the Parliament that he hoped to be at Edinburgh in a few days. A commission was sent from the Parliament, to try the King in the Isle of Wight, lately prevented from escape.

“The Prince of Orange and the States are falling, if not already fallen, into wars, which makes some of the States to tender Manhattoes, as place of retreat.

“Sir, to Him in whose favor is life, I leave you, desiring in Him to be

“John prays you to be earnest with Mr. Hollet about his house, hoping to be back in a fortnight.”

“Best salutations to your worthy self and yours, premised. I am glad for your sake, that it hath pleased God to prevent your winter travel; though I gladly, also, this last week, expected your passage, and being at Providence, hastened purposely to attend you here. Our candle burns out day and night, we need not hasten its end (by swaling) in unnecessary miseries, unless God call us for him to suffer, whose our breath is, and hath promised to such as hate life for him, an eternal. Sir, this last week, I read an ordinance of both houses, (dated third month, May last) decreeing death to some consciences, but imprisonment to far more, ever (upon the point) to all but Presbyterians. We have a sound, that Fairfax and Cromwell are proclaimed traitors, but I rather credit that report, that Cromwell only was sent for by the Parliament, which, it seems, inclines with the king, and the city all against the army. The Earl of Warwick was gone for Holland with twenty-two ships pursuing the Prince. Mr. Foot and others went to Holland, (whither Mr. Trevice his ship was carried) and were offered the ship for two thousand pounds, but I cannot hear of their agreement. About forty from the Parliament went to the King, to the Isle of Wight, (who was lately and strangely prevented of escape) to treat, but could not agree upon the first, viz. that the King should acknowledge the beginning of the war to be his. Sir, this is the chief of matters told me few days since, by Mr. Throgmorton, who came ten days since from the Bay, and came well in a full laden vessel to anchor by Saconet rocks, but it pleased God his new cable was cut by the rocks, and he drove upon Rhode-Island shore, where it is feared the vessel is spoiled, but (through God’s mercy) he saved his goods. Sir, Mr. Brewster, (by letter) requests me to convey three letters and bags of metal to you. I wish they may have worth in them, especially to draw us up to dig into the heavens for true treasure. Sir, (though Mr. Brewster wrote me not word of it) yet in private, I am bold to tell you, that I hear it hath pleased God greatly to afflict him in the thorns of this life. He was intended for Virginia; his creditors in the Bay came to Portsmouth and unhung his rudder, carried him to the Bay, where he was forced to make over all, house, land, cattle, and part with all to his chest. Oh how sweet is a dry morsel and a handful, with quietness from earth and heaven. Sane nescio de quo scribis furti suspecto. John Jones is thought here to be false or faulty. He said he was your servant, that you gave him 10s. in peag to bear his charges, which being stolen out of his pocket, he borrowed so much of me here in your name, promising to pay me at his return, being to receive money for you in the Bay; he had, also, 10s. more, to buy, for me, two or three necessaries. He took 27s. 6d. of Valentine, Mr. Smith’s man, my neighbor at the trading house, for a drum, which he said he left at my house at Providence, which drum cost him 48s., and he promised to send it by an Indian, but refused, and offered to sell it again at Providence; it is now attached.

“Mr. Brewster requested me to pay the Bay carriers, which I have thus ordered, that six awl blades I pay to a native to carry to Ninigret, and pray you to pay six more to him that brings them to you. I am sorry you had no more corn from Ninigret, yet glad you had so much, for I am forced to pay 4s. the bushel for all I spend. Sir, I have not known the like of Indian madness. The Father of lights cause us to bless him for and with our reason, remembering Nebuchadnezzar.

In March, 1648–9, the town of Providence obtained a charter of incorporation from the General Assembly. [See Appendix F.]