PART II.

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EXPEDITION TO GOLDSBORO—SKIRMISHING—SOUTHWEST CREEK—BATTLES OF KINSTON, WHITEHALL, AND GOLDSBORO—INCIDENTS—RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION TO NEWBERN—THE 17TH RELIEVED BY THE 45TH IN NEWBERN—ACROSS THE TRENT—BUILDING FORTS—SICKNESS—BEAUFORT—AN ACCOUNT OF THE FREEDMEN, ETC., ETC.

The indulgent reader, who has accompanied me thus far in my peregrinations through Dixie, need not be alarmed, upon looking at the caption of this page, at the prospect of being bored with so many dry, solid pages as he has waded through in the first part of this work. I have prepared this literary feast, if not of the best materials (and I have no better, I assure you), at least after the most approved style of French cookery, and, therefore, have kept back the best dishes to the last. It is in this second part of my humble work, that I hope to give the most stirring (I might say thrilling) and interesting part of my narrative of

"Moving accidents by flood and field,"—

and, if I do not succeed to my own satisfaction, I hope, at least, to give satisfaction to my patrons. This done, I can pocket the profits with a clear conscience.

In November, 1862, when the nine-months troops had about all arrived, the work of brigading them with the old regiments, and drilling them in field movements, was undertaken and vigorously prosecuted.

Preparations on a scale of considerable magnitude for a large expedition had been going on for some time; but to what point it was destined was wisely kept a secret, though it was generally understood to have some connection with the movement of Burnside in Virginia.

On the 8th of December, the war-worn veterans of General Wessells' brigade (of Gen. Peck's division) arrived in Newbern, and preparations for the expedition were hastily completed. The same evening, at dress parade, an order was read from Gen. Foster to all the regiments, to be ready to march in thirty-six hours in light marching order, viz.: without knapsacks, carrying only blankets and overcoats, with three days cooked rations to be carried in haversacks, seven days' to be conveyed in wagons.

The following day was a busy one for the quartermasters of the Subsistence Department, and the cooks. In the evening the guards were withdrawn, and the 8th Mass. regiment, which had not yet been fully provided with arms and equipments, took charge of the city, and sent out details of men to patrol the streets.

This was a busy night for us all. Like sailors before a storm, we had to make snug our tackle, and spread only as much sail as we thought the ship could conveniently carry. Everything in the shape of spare clothes and blankets were snugly packed in our knapsacks; and, when the final order came for us to be in line at three o'clock in the morning, we were ready at the moment to start. But we visited Billy Patterson, and each man proceeded to stow away into his haversack what he judged would be sufficient to subsist him for three days. We then turned in, to gain a little repose and freshen our energies against the morrow.

At three o'clock on the morning of Thursday, Dec. 11, 1862, we were awakened by the bugle call, and after a hasty meal, formed in the yard of our quarters, and proceeded to the place of rendezvous for the regiment on —— street. A gray, frosty mist enveloped the city, which was alive with marching men, horse, foot, and artillery, and forage and ambulance trains. As early as was the hour, however, the whole population—especially the negro portion—seemed abroad in the streets, and many a fervent prayer and good wish for our success were showered upon us by the poor negro women as we passed along.

"Oh," exclaimed one, "I know de Lord am walkin' alongside ob you, and you will beat de rebs, I knows—I knows!"

"Aunty," sang out a soldier from the ranks, "if I don't come back you'll never get paid for them clothes you washed for me."

"Nebber mind de close, honey," exclaimed the generous old woman; and then, changing her tone, she continued, as if to herself—"Oh, Lord!—de Lord!—Oh good Lord!—Nebber come back!—Oh, de poor sojer!—Lord, help de poor sojer! Amen for de poor sojer!—Amen! Glory!"

We halted on the Trent road, just beyond Fort Totten, and awaited the movement of the various bodies of troops that were to precede us.

The morning broke clear and cool, and beheld a fine array of infantry, cavalry, and artillery taking up their line of march by the Trent road from Newbern. The sight was magnificent as the long lines of infantry with their polished arms, and the cavalry and artillery, slowly but cheerfully took up their line of march, with an elasticity of step and a merry hum of voices that unmistakeably showed how high the spirits and expectations of all were aroused, and that it required only an able general to lead such an army on from victory to victory.

As we advanced into the country the evidences of former strife everywhere met the eye, in the desolated plantations, houses burned to the ground or partially destroyed, and an air of ruin and desolation pervading all.

After a tedious, plodding and plunging march of about fourteen miles, the army bivouacked for the night on a plantation which seemed more fortunate than many others we passed. But its time had come; and as regiment after regiment arrived and stacked arms, it was a curious study to watch the rush they made for the nearest fence, the eager scramble for rails, and the disappearance of the fences, as if by magic. As night darkened over the scene, the countless bivouac fires rose in all directions, casting a lurid glare up to the sky, and forming about as picturesque a scene as could possibly be imagined. And the sound of voices and laughter, and the neighing of horses and unearthly braying of mules, all combined to render that (my first) bivouac a something to be remembered forever.

Beyond where we encamped Thursday evening, the rebels having notice of our approach, blockaded the road for two miles, by felling trees across; but the pioneers set about removing them during the night, and when the army resumed its march in the morning the way was cleared, and we passed on 'into the bowels of the land.'

About 10 A.M., on Friday, a skirmish occurred near Trenton, between our advanced guard of cavalry and some rebel cavalry and infantry, in which the latter were routed with the loss of three or four killed and several wounded and taken prisoners.

Our advance reached Southwest Creek about noon on Saturday, and the enemy, about 2,000 strong, were posted beyond, with a battery commanding the road.

The 9th New Jersey and Morrison's battery were sent forward to feel their position, and a smart cannonade of some two hours' duration took place, when the 9th New Jersey made a detour through the woods and captured the battery, putting the rebels to flight. They made another stand about four miles this side of Kinston, when the same force pushed after them and engaged them for about half an hour, when the rebels again fell back.

While the skirmish was going on, the troops, as they arrived, were assigned their places in line of battle, almost parallel with the road. Towards evening, the regiments bivouacked in the same position they had taken when expecting the assault of the enemy. We were pretty hungry by this time, you may depend, not having, some of us, tasted food for nearly two days. When orders were given to stack arms, there was a general rush for rails, but some of the boys, while seeking out the latter, came across some luckless porkers, which bit the dust, were skinned, and their still quivering flesh subjected to a barely warming process, ere it was devoured by the half-famished soldiers. I fell in for a stray piece, and computed that the flesh I was then devouring, had fifteen minutes before formed a portion of an animate pig, careless of sorrow, and only seeking some innocent pieces of garbage or succulent root wherewith to tickle his palate and satisfy the cravings of hunger. How rapid are transmutations, sometimes! Little did that pig dream that on the morrow he would stimulate the nerves of many a soldier in the defeat of rebels and the capture of Kinston. But so it was; and this curious fact might lead me, if I were given to abstract reasoning, to trace this influence of forces by the abundance of pork. But no; for me are plainer and perhaps more demonstrative revelations.

There was a house in our front about one fourth of a mile distant, whither some of our lads found their way, and soon all the available beds and bedding which the frightened inmates left behind were confiscated and appropriated by the tired soldiers. The pig did not satisfy me. I was too fond of vegetables to be satisfied with flesh, and, accordingly, set out at the first opportunity in search of sweet potatoes. Espying a house upon a rising ground, about a mile to the right of our encampment, I made for it; but night came down just as I was starting, and I was compelled, as it were, to grope my way through a rice-field or swamp that intervened, where I met many a ditch and slough, some of which I avoided, and some I fell into. But, nothing daunted, I held on, and drew near the house, when I beheld in the darkness the dim outlines of a man in my path, of what description—union soldier or guerilla, friend or foe—I could not make out. Not being in the mood to stand upon ceremony, I accosted him as I approached (he proved to be a friend), inquiring if he knew of any deposit of sweet potatoes in that region. Returning a cavalry pistol to his belt with which he had covered me on my approach, he directed me to where I could find what I desired: and it may be inferred that I was not slow in availing myself of the opportunity afforded, and soon set out on my return loaded with sweet potatoes. I had almost cleared the swamp, and was approaching the camp-guard of one of our batteries—in fact I was almost upon the guard—without being perceived, when plump! down I went into an undiscovered ditch or drain, frightening myself as well as the guard, who brought his piece down to the 'charge,' expecting he had some atrocious guerilla on hand. I soon explained matters to his satisfaction, however, and went on my way rejoicing. My success awakened the hungry ones of Co. K, and the officer in command, appreciating the necessity of the men having a good supper, sent half-a-dozen along with me to the scene of my discoveries. I was a willing guide, and we soon returned with an abundance of provisions, and made a hearty supper upon the plunder. We slept well, and awoke next (Sunday) morning refreshed, and ready for the road and the fight.

On Sunday morning the 14th, we resumed our march on Kinston. From the place where we encamped, a steep hill descended, and the road wound through a low, swampy ground for about two miles, when we came out upon higher land, where our advanced guard (the 9th New Jersey and Wessells' brigade) had bivouacked for the night. The advance was already in motion, and our regiment followed. In the low grounds of Southwest Creek, we saw the evidences of yesterday's strife—two cannon captured, and a few dead rebels. When we passed the low lands, we saw abundant evidences of hasty preparation for resisting our advance; but, I suppose, as a very considerable body of the enemy—who expected us on the other road where they were very strongly fortified—could not be got up in time, Evans thought it prudent to abandon them. We had not proceeded far, however, when the crack of musketry told us that our advance was driving in the enemy's pickets; and soon, as we shortened the distance between us and the scene of the coming battle, the more regular and deliberate volleys of small arms announced that the ball had opened in earnest. Soon the artillery came galloping up, and took position, just as we reached the wood skirting the battle field. We were halted, and ordered on to the right of the road to support a battery.

The enemy were advantageously posted in a swamp, and on a rising ground beyond, about a mile from the bridge leading across the river to Kinston.

The action, which was commenced by our advance in the morning, was sustained with vigor, until the main body of our forces came up, when the battle became more earnest and terrible, and, as battery after battery arrived in position, and opened its fire on the enemy, the ground fairly shook with their repeated reverberations, while the sharp roll of musketry—whole battalions delivering their fire at once—filled up the intervals. The rebel position was well chosen, under cover of a dense undergrowth of wood, their foreground protected by groves of pines, which, however, offered no impediment to our artillery, which mowed them down like grass.

I stated that the 17th were ordered to the right to support a battery. As we marched in to take our position, the officer in command of the battery, asked—

"What regiment is that?"

"The 17th Massachusetts," was the reply.

"All right, boys," said the officer, and turning to his men, he remarked, "I'm glad they didn't send me one of those d—d nine months regiments."

We stood a few minutes in the position we had first taken, the cannon booming away like thunder, and the bullets began to p-e-e-w athwart our line, quite lively—hurting nobody however—when the artillery officer, who was on horseback, said—

"Here they come—the devils are on us!"

We could see the flash of bayonets at the edge of the wood, and fully expected a charge. Our Colonel ordered the men to fall back a few yards to a fence, unsling their blankets, and fix bayonets. This was done in less time than it takes me to record it, and we waited with anxiety the onset of the rebels.

Here, for the first time, was I brought into a position that required courage and resolution; but though I felt determined to 'do or die,' a strange feeling came over me, and if I was not really frightened, the feeling was marvelously like fear. I suppose every man who first goes into action is troubled with a sensation something akin to that which I felt at this time; but, like every new sensation, it soon wears off, and the experience of the actual dangers of conflict serves to obliterate all such qualms, and leaves the individual in the full enjoyment of a reckless indifference to what may betide, and an implicit confidence in that fate which may be the preservation or destruction of his dear life.

While we were in position awaiting the onset of the enemy, an incident occurred, which showed how serene men will look upon others going into the same danger they are in themselves.

A negro teamster, with his ammunition cart, was ordered further on, to supply another battery on our right whose caissons were running low of ammunition. The poor fellow thought he was going to his death, and if ever mortal fear displayed itself upon the countenance of any human being, it was upon that poor darky's face. I shall never forget the wild rolling of his eyes, nor the frenzied and agonized expression of his face, as he hesitatingly guided his team in front of our regiment, urged on by our men with such encouraging remarks as—

"Go it nig; don't be afraid!" "You're a goner, old darky,—good bye!" "Won't the rebs chaw him up?" &c.

We waited some time for the rebels to appear, but they came not. In the meantime, the battery we were supporting was ripping up the woods in front in fine style—at every discharge cracking off the pine trees as it they had been pipe stems.

At length an order came for us to proceed further down to the right, where the 9th New Jersey and a battery had preceded us, and here we crossed a swamp, and turned the enemy's right.

We were to push on; but our Lt. Colonel, not, perhaps, understanding the order fully, halted us in a cleared field beyond the swamp, and ordered us to lay down. The 9th New Jersey were off in the woods to our right, and when I first beheld them I took them for rebels. From the position occupied, we could see the long line of intrenchments in our front; but we did not suppose a river intervened, which was the case. During the movements just recorded, the firing had been rapid and tremendous, and, from the cheers of our men, we could clearly infer that the rebels were giving way. Then was the golden opportunity for us—for, had we then advanced as we did afterwards, instead of taking a few hundred prisoners, we should have captured an entire brigade—but it was lost. Col. Amory coming up soon after, said—

"Why do you stay here? Forward, as quick as you can!"

The regiment rose like one man, and, on the order being given to go forward at the double quick, rushed down with a yell. As we neared the bridge, we beheld a rout—an almost indescribable body of men running for their lives. All discipline seemed lost, and casting aside guns, equipments and clothing, and, in fact, whatever might retard their flight, they fled like a herd of frightened deer, while close upon their heels came on the charging columns of our men. It was a magnificent, and yet it was a pitiable sight. As intimated before, we succeeded in bagging a goodly number; but the bridge being set on fire, we were forced to give over the pursuit until the flames were extinguished.

While laying down in the field, I observed a substantial looking two-story house in our front, and near the bridge, a large portion of the rear of which had been shattered by a shell, evidently the work of the enemy. I found this the case when we halted near the bridge, from which position I could observe that the missile had entered the roof of the piazza, went clean through the house, bursting as it was penetrating the rear wall, and making the havoc described. Standing upon the piazza, the picture of anguish and despair, were two women, who seemed watching the rout of their army with a terrible and heart-sick interest, perfectly heedless of the missiles of death flying around thick and fast. Some of our officers, taking pity upon the poor women, and solicitous lest the exposure should endanger their lives, approached, and advised them to retire to a place of safety. But they resolutely refused to stir from their dangerous position. Doubtless, they had friends near and dear to them in the fight, and anxiety for the fate of those loved ones made them forget the natural timidity of their sex, and thus risk their lives.

It has been often stated that the women of the South did more to drive the men to take up arms against the Government than the politicians. If this be so—and my experience makes me think it probable—then they have most surely reaped in the whirlwind of desolation which has burst upon their hitherto peaceful homes the most bitter fruits of the wind of treason they have sown. To them, unlike the women of the North, the fields of strife are not afar off, and they do not have to weep for their braves fallen in the distant battle-field. The clouds of strife gather and burst about their homes. They see their fields laid waste,—their towns and villages made the abode of desolation and anguish. They behold their sons, brothers, fathers, and friends stricken down by the hand of war before their eyes. Danger lurks forever at their doors. Famine—gaunt, ghastly, insatiate—forever hovers in their future, like a bird of ill omen. They are forced to many a weary struggle to provide the necessaries of life for their helpless, and too frequently, alas! fatherless children. Like the first of their sex, they incited disobedience, and now they find their paradise changed to an abode of wretchedness and misery, and are compelled, in tears and wretchedness to eat the bitter fruit of their crime. I have seen the widowed wife and orphan children standing pale, motionless and horror-struck over the dead body of the husband and father, and, with glassy eyes look upon the passing array of their foes, fierce and triumphant in the 'pomp and circumstance of war;' and I have thought what a pity that even so great an offence should have so terrible a punishment. But 'those whom the gods wish to destroy they first make mad.'

The attack on Kinston was planned and carried out by Gen. Wessells, and, though the fight was more severe, and of much longer duration than the battle of Newbern, a difficult position was carried with comparatively small loss—(about 100 killed and 400 wounded).

The rebels had chosen their position, as before stated, upon a slight elevation beyond a swamp, and on both sides of the Kinston road. Their left was protected by a church and a growth of scrub oaks, and their right by a grove of large trees, their front and both flanks being pretty well protected by a swamp, difficult to cross, and densely covered with a growth of small trees and pines.

Battle of Kinston

The brigade of Gen. Wessells opened the ball in fine style, driving in the rebel advance, and alone sustained the onset of the rebels, until the brigades commanded by Cols. Amory, Heckman, and Stevenson got into position, when they formed the left wing of our line of battle—Stevenson and Heckman the centre, and Amory the right.

Gen. Evans commanded the rebel army, which consisted of over five brigades of about 15,000 men, including a brigade of home-guards from Raleigh. The other troops were mainly from South Carolina, Georgia and Mississippi. Evans disposed his men in a skilful manner upon and behind the rising ground he had chosen for the battle-field, and had several batteries so disposed as to command the approaches by the road in front, and his left flank, which, however, was his weak spot. The fire of the rebels upon our attacking columns was rapid and well-directed, and did great havoc among them; but our line kept steadily though slowly, from the nature of the ground, advancing upon them, and, after a severe contest of over five and a half hours, and just as the 17th and 9th New Jersey had succeeded in turning their left, an impetuous charge was made, and the day was ours.

We halted in a field, and were ordered to lay down, our left resting on the river. The few remaining rebels on the other side kept up a desultory but sharp fire upon our men and the 9th New Jersey in our front.

Orders to fire had not been given, and we had to lay quietly and forego many a good opportunity of picking off a stray rebel. But human nature could not stand such inaction always, and many a sly shot was planted upon the opposite bank, sometimes with excellent effect. I had my eye upon a rebel who kept firing from behind a tree, and seemed particularly active in picking off our men, and suddenly formed the resolve to shoot him if I possibly could. Slipping quietly to the rear, I made quick time for the left of our line on the river bank. Just as I arrived, I found one of Co. K's men, named Kendrick, in the act of firing, and on looking across to see the result of his shot, saw a huge porker jump into the air as if struck. Sam fixed that fellow's hash for him, and it afterwards became a common saying—"Who killed that pig?—Sam Kendrick." But my man, who was behind a tree, abandoned his shelter and made off just as I had got my battery into position. I fired, and, throwing up his arms, he fell forward on his face. Feeling like a prize-fighter, who had drawn his 'first blood,' I leisurely returned to my place in the ranks, reloading my piece as I went along, when I was accosted by Capt. Day, who was acting Major—

"You have been firing without orders."

"Yes, sir."

"What name?"

I told him.

"What company?"

"K."

Going along the line with me to where the company was, he ordered the officer (Lieut. Greeley) to put me under arrest.

"What will all this amount to, lieutenant?" I asked.

"Nothing," he laconically replied, "take your place in the ranks."

"What's the matter?" queried some of the men.

"Nothing," I replied, "only I've been arrested for shooting a reb."

"Is that all!"

Men were detailed, under the guidance of Major Frankle, Provost Marshal, to put out the fires which had been kindled by the retreating rebels, which, in a short time, was accomplished, and the 9th New Jersey crossed over followed by the 17th. And here I had an opportunity of seeing some of the most terrible evidences of human strife. The bridge was actually paved with cast-off arms and equipments, while in the midst of where some of the fires had been, I beheld one of the most sickening sights that ever met my gaze. Some of the poor fellows who had been wounded by our fire on the retreat, or been trampled down by the rush of the flying host, were burnt to a cinder, and I could actually see the fat seething and boiling in the hollow of the temple of one of the charred remains.

Upon reaching the other side of the river we halted, amidst a promiscuous mass of dead, dying, and wounded men—of clothes, arms and equipments. It was here that the 9th New Jersey picked up (captured?) the battle-flag of the 22d South Carolina regiment, a magnificent silk banner, with the palmetto tree on one side of the field, and a wreath of stars on the other, and the red, white and red stripes.

A few yards from where we halted, was an abandoned field piece with its caisson, which the rebs had left behind in their flight. It was the same cannon which had fired the last rebel shot in the battle, directed at our regiment, over which it burst, and wounded two or three men. I had the curiosity to examine some of the cartridges in the caisson, and found them, as well as the fixed ammunition of the small arms used by the rebels labelled with the maker's name (which I forget) 'London, England.'

After a short halt we advanced up towards the town of Kinston, whither the 9th New Jersey had preceded us. The road wound along the river bank to the left for a short distance, and then took a turn to the right into the centre of the town. At the entrance to the town, the 9th New Jersey were halted, and when we came up mutual cheers were exchanged.

Just then Gen. Wessells came riding up at the head of his brigade of Pennsylvanians and New Yorkers. He was a fine specimen of a man, tall, straight as an arrow, and with a pleasing, and even gentle expression of countenance, that indicated a humane disposition, and these indications were not false, if the love and admiration of his men were any evidence. He seemed, by his gray hair and a few wrinkles on his noble face, to be over fifty years of age; but, otherwise, in elasticity of movement, apparent vigor, and by the keen, quick glances of his honest gray eyes, he looked much younger.

The rebels, after collecting their stores and all the cotton they could gather into a heap, set them on fire. They also set fire to the railroad depot, a handsome brick structure, but this was extinguished by our men before it had made any considerable headway.

Previous to our entering the town, a flag of truce demanding its surrender had been sent in; but as it was found the enemy had abandoned the town, a messenger was sent back acquainting Gen. Foster with the fact, the party kept on to find the skedaddlers, if possible. About two miles beyond the town they came up with Evans, who sent back word to Gen. Foster to have the women and children removed, as he was going to return the fire, which all the while had been kept up by our heavy guns upon his retreating forces. This was simply a ruse to gain time; for, after our forces had been brought up and disposed in line of battle, and the cavalry and skirmishers had advanced up to where they expected to find the enemy, it was ascertained the bird had flown.

Our regiment, which had been detailed from the brigade, and when we entered Kinston was ordered on provost duty, in view of the anticipated fight, was ordered to rejoin the brigade; but, when the skedaddle was discovered, we were again assigned to provost duty, and such marching and countermarching, and shifting, and looking around for a vacant place to serve as quarters for the night, as the men of Co. K had, never fell to the lot of so tired and hungry a set of men to experience. I suppose some of the other companies could boast of a similar experience.

But do not suppose the men of the 17th were satisfied with only one job on hand at a time. No, sir. They could do provost duty; but they could also, when hungry, find something to eat (and drink) if such were comeatable. In this instance the way poultry suffered was a caution; and there was something truly ludicrous, too, in the exhibition of men gravely marching in the ranks, each having in his hand a couple of hens, or a turkey, or a goose, all of which made such a noise and flutter that it was next to impossible to hear the word of command when spoken.

The Major (Frankle), who, as a general thing, was very severe in his denunciations of such proceedings, replied to a woman, who complained that she had lost all her fowl:

"Vat—all your shickens gone? You may be tankful it was no more! If you did not have more to eat than my men, and march and fight so hard, I tink you would take a little shicken, too!"

The town of Kinston is one of the neatest and most tidy-looking I have seen in North Carolina, or, in fact, elsewhere. It is finely laid out, in a splendid location upon the banks of the river, the streets running at right angles; the houses well built, painted white, and to each is attached a beautiful and tasteful flower garden. The jail was a small but solid-looking structure, and empty. A church, small, but with a high steeple, (the top of which had been struck and bent by a cannon-shot), stood in the centre, and an air of so much quiet and comfort—so different from anything we had seen in Dixie, and so unexpected in this place—pervaded it, that the men of the 17th incontinently fell in love with the place, and wished for nothing better than to do provost duty in Kinston forever.

We had not been long in the town when mines of apple-jack, peach brandy, and tobacco were discovered, and the various expedients resorted to by the men to get at the same were as amusing as they were generally successful. People who left their houses with clothing and other matters behind, must have found a considerable change when they came back. Indeed, some of them returned during our occupation, and a more pitiable sight could not well be imagined, than those small processions of timid women and helpless children who came flocking back to their homes upon being assured of protection.

Apple-jack and peach brandy, which had been discovered somewhere by the most expert foragers, soon made their influence felt, and incited the soldiers to committing many curious pranks. Here would be seen a burly soldier, with a woman's dress, even to the bonnet, put on over his own, his musket still on his shoulder, and linked arm in arm with another soldier, presenting as grotesque an appearance as could well be imagined—while in another place could be seen a party intently engaged in harnessing a diminutive mule to a vehicle, the quadruped resenting such freedom as only a mule can.

A cavalryman passed us, with a bucket in each hand, urging his horse to its utmost speed, and shouting as he went on—

"Plenty of rum, boys!—lashins!—lashins!"

The inhabitants (those who remained) looked glum and chop-fallen enough; but the negroes—it seemed a gala day to them, especially the juvenile portion, who ran around among 'de sojers' as if they were friends returning after a long absence.

"How is you, Yankees? I's glad you'm come!" was the general salutation; and the negro women vied with each other in emptying their larders to give 'de sojers suffen good.'

Towards night (having, like Ishmaelites, wandered about all the evening in search of quarters) we obtained an entrance into a hardware and furniture store; but just as we were going in an order came, directing us to guard the prisoners. We proceeded to the upper end of the town, near the depot, and there took charge of a squad of about 400 rebels, and escorted them to a large unoccupied building at the other end of the town. On our way thither, I had an opportunity of speaking with several of them. Although they differed in some things, yet they all seemed to agree in one thing, viz., in being heartily sick of the war, and desirous of peace.

Observing among them a man in Quaker's garb, I remarked—

"Friend, you do not look like a fighting man. How did you get here?"

To which he replied, in a half-crying tone—

"Thou art right, friend. I am no fighting man. I never fought in my life! I don't want to fight—I won't fight! Thy horsemen caught me on the road, and thee seest the result."

Observing an elderly gentleman in civilians' clothes, I remarked—

"You do not look like a soldier either, friend?"

"No, sir," he replied, "I'm not a soldier; nor would my conscience allow me to fight in the confederate cause. I've always been a Union man, and am so still."

I cautioned him about expressing sentiments that might compromise him when we left, as it was not certain how long he would receive protection from our arms; but he replied, that he cared not; his sentiments were already well known, and while he lived he would express them to friend or foe.

Observing he was lightly clad, I asked if he had any friends in the city who could supply him with clothes and something to eat. He said his son-in-law, named Patterson, lived just across the street, and would attend to his wants, if acquainted with his situation. I offered to carry a message to Mr. Patterson, who expressed surprise at his father-in-law's arrest, saying he was one of the few men in that neighborhood, who had all along remained true to the old flag.

He immediately repaired to the provost marshal's office, and, I had the satisfaction of knowing, was successful in obtaining the old gentleman's unconditional release.

We left our blankets and overcoats on the field, and the night being cold, after our blood had cooled somewhat, when the day's excitement was ended, we felt the need of some covering, and a party of our company was made up to go over and get them; but we could not procure a team, and the project was abandoned. I, however, had no notion of doing without my overcoat, and, with two or three others, who were of the same mind, started for the field. We passed over the place where the fighting had been thickest, and stumbled upon, and over, evidences of the deadly strife—inanimate bodies of friend and foe, maimed and disfigured. But I will not dwell upon the sickening scene revealed to us by the light of the camp fires; suffice it to say, that we were successful in obtaining our clothing and returned to our temporary quarters tired and hungry.

During our absence, a hotel had been set on fire, whether by design or through accident, could not be found out. It was burning fiercely when we returned; and, despite the efforts of our men to extinguish it, was destroyed, together with some small dwellings adjacent.

The gunboats had come up to a blockade about four miles below the city, which was commanded by an earthwork fort; and, after we had driven the rebels out of Kinston, we could hear the continuous boom of heavy artillery in that direction. A squad of the 3d New York Cavalry started for the scene, and surprised and captured the fort that was pounding away at the gunboats, and nearly all in it.

The result of our day's work may be summed up in a few words—we beat the rebels from a strong position, took over 500 prisoners, and 11 pieces of artillery.

The battle of Kinston was won on the same day on which the battle of Fredericksburg was fought.

On Monday morning we were awakened early, and with the 9th New Jersey, took up the advance. Recrossing the bridge, we passed over the battle-field, and here I observed a fine mastiff laying down beside the body of his dead rebel master. I had often read of such things; but I had at last the privilege of seeing for myself that noble instinct of affection which binds so closely the ties between man and the inferior animals.

About two miles on the road to Whitehall (for we had turned off in that direction), I left the ranks, and went into a house at the roadside. A poor widow, with three or four young children, constituted the family. The poor woman seemed terribly frightened, and in a tremulous voice told me her husband had been in the rebel army, and had died at Manassas; that she had to depend for her support, and that of her children, upon the labor of the loom, and that the house she lived in was given her for occupation, free, by a gentleman who owned the plantation on which it stood. She gave me some corn-bread, and I gave her in exchange a few biscuit and some tobacco, for she smoked; and with pity in my heart for the poor woman and her helpless family, I left them, none the worse off for my visit, and rejoined the regiment which had halted for a rest a short distance ahead.

About mid-day, however, I began to feel my legs growing stiff, and being unable to keep up with the regiment, I 'fell out' and straggled—for the first time. Charles Renaud (our late cook, whom I have mentioned before) was in the same boat, and we soon came together, and together trudged on as best we could, rested together, made our coffee together, and together visited many points of interest and attraction on our route, gathering a stray honeycomb here, and a stray piece of corn bread there; but the grand object of our search (which was anything of a spirituous or malt nature we could get hold of—whiskey preferred) could not be found. At length, shortly after mid-day, we came in sight of a really handsome one-story cottage house, evidently the abode of wealth and refinement, and thither we went, but only to find that we had been anticipated; the house deserted by all save a negro, and every thing in the most delightful confusion—drawers pulled out, and their contents scattered about, chairs and furniture broken, and every portable thing of value missing. But we were not disappointed at this, as our object was not plunder, but—whiskey. Bringing the point of my bayonet in close proximity to the darky's breast, I conjured him as he wished for the success of the North, and his own freedom and life, to tell me if he had any whiskey or apple-jack stowed away about the premises. He turned pale (that is, for a darky), his knees smote together, and, with an agonizing appeal to spare his life (which was perfectly unnecessary, inasmuch as I had no notion of confiscating it) and solemn assurances that there was nothing of the kind on the premises, directed me to a distillery, which, he averred, lay in from the road about 'haaf' a mile, on the right hand, just after crossing the second branch. Off we started, and on our way questioned a farmer, who, with horse and team, was requested to accompany the army so that he should not give information to his rebel friends of its whereabouts—Foster having given them the slip—but he stoutly denied all knowledge of its whereabouts, averring that there was nothing of the kind within twenty miles. Somewhat staggered by this information, we were about giving up the search; but depending more upon the darky's word than that of Mr. Secesh, we finally concluded to give the place a trial. We struck off at the point indicated, and followed a rough cart-road, which, a short distance onward, diverged into numerous roads and bridle-paths, to choose between which was no little difficulty. At length we pitched upon one, and having disencumbered ourselves of blankets, overcoats, and haversacks, which we secreted behind a fallen tree, set forward, determined to see the end of that road, at the same time keeping a wary eye in case we should stumble upon a stray guerilla party. Instead of going 'haaf' a mile, we went over two miles before we came in sight of the object of our search, which was just beyond a grist-mill, on the bank of a stream. We knew it to be a distillery by the number of casks and barrels around it, and by the peculiar odor arising from it, borne to our nostrils on the wings of the wind. But all was deserted; the mill and still-house were locked, bolted and barred, and our cautious advance found no opposition from anything animate. We paused before the strongly protected door of the distillery, and I doubted our ability to break the lock.

"Well, then, let us smash in ze door."

"But we will be heard by the guerillas who may not be far off, and what would we do if a dozen of them should come upon us?"

"Fight, I teenk."

"Fight! What chance would we have against so many?"

"We could fire, and re-treet."

"Yes; but they would probably surround us before we knew it."

"Well—dhan, I suppose we must be tak-en pree-so-neer."

"And would you like that, Charley?"

"I sup-pose if we cannot help it—what you do?" and he shrugged his shoulders.

"Are you willing to run the risk?"

"Oui—if you say so!"

But believing there might be an easier way of 'breaking and entering,' besides attacking the formidable door before us, I suggested a reconnoitre of the rear, where we found an opening defended only by a few boards nailed crosswise. These were soon ripped off, and, leaving Charley to guard against any surprise from without, I entered, taking his canteen, and proceeded to explore. There was corn in soak, and plenty of empty casks; but no whiskey. At length I lit upon a stone jug nearly full, from which came the smell of whiskey, and, giving Charley to understand I had found the prize, I proceeded to fill both the canteens, after having accomplished which, I thought it would be nothing out of the way to save what I had secured as much as possible, and therefore proceeded to fortify myself with a pull at the jug; but the first mouthful convinced me that the prize I had secured was not whiskey, but water (no doubt, the jug had contained whiskey once, as was evident from the smell). Vexed at my disappointment, I proceeded to examine further, but with no success, and I finally emerged empty-handed as I had entered. Charley was as much disappointed as I, but a shrug and muttered 'sacre' was all the evidence he gave of it. We then broke into the mill; but found nothing there except corn and some empty kegs. We went to a house or barn in the rear, filled with corn, but were equally unsuccessful. There was a house about a mile distant from the mill, and after a consultation, in which it was taken for granted that it must belong to the owner of the distillery, we started for it. Within a quarter of a mile of the house was a grove of young pines, and there we halted and arranged that I should go forward alone, and in case of danger Charley could come up at the proper, time, when I would ask him where he left the rest of the men, and he was to reply—"Waiting in the grove." Fixing on my bayonet, and looking to see if the cap of my piece was all right, I moved for the house, which I reached without molestation or discovery, except by a sentinel dog (not a fierce one), who retreated in good order at my approach. I entered the first door I came to, and proceeded through a bed room into which it opened, to the kitchen or general room of the house. My heavy tread announced a stranger, I suppose, for half a dozen females and as many children came in at once, and seemed transfixed and terrified at the apparition they beheld. Giving assurance that I intended no harm to any of them, I inquired if the master of the house was at home, and if so, where he then was? After a little hesitation, they told me he was in the garden, in front. I went out to him, and he returned my salutation without any exhibition of ill-will. I inquired if guerillas were numerous in the neighborhood, which he denied, saying, however, at length, that there had been 'a right smart' of mounted men in the neighborhood a short time previously. At this juncture Charley came up, and I questioned, and received such answer from him as agreed upon. I inquired about the distillery, but the planter disclaimed its ownership, saying that the man who owned it, lived a 'right smart' distance beyond. Had he any whiskey? No, sir; he hadn't a drop—we might search if we pleased—he had nothing in that line but some peach brandy (spirits), which had been burnt in the distillation, but was just as good, and we were welcome to it. Taking him at his word, we poured into our canteens enough of the spirits to warrant our filling them with water, and still leave a strong drink (I didn't have the heart to take all). We then asked if he had anything to eat, as we were hungry, when his wife immediately set before us a good dish of pork, corn bread, and sweet potatoes, which we did ample justice to. The children became more familiar, and some of the youngest actually came up to us, to share in our meal. They were the finest children I had seen in North Carolina. Thanking our host—for we had nothing better to give in return—we retraced our steps in better spirits, and soon rejoined our struggling and straggling comrades, who had been, and were still, wending along on their weary way.

We had in Co. K a young fellow, of small stature, named Tom McNally, who was one of the regimental 'markers.' Tom was full of fun, and had a great love for horseflesh. He accompanied the regiment on every expedition, and it was remarked, that he always managed to have a horse to ride ('confiscated,' of course, from rebels, in a manner peculiar to Tom). At the battle of Kinston, he came in possession of a fine colt; but, during the afternoon, while engaged in exploring the town, the animal was stolen by one of the 51st. Tom went up boldly to the headquarters of the regiment, and demanded the horse; but the colonel of the 51st told him he had no right to the animal, and should not have him.

"I've as much right to him as the other fellow," said Tom; "and if I can't get him any other way, I'll steal him back again!"

And he would have carried out his threat, but eight men of the 51st were detailed to guard the animal that night, and, of course, he stood no chance of being successful, and did not try his hand at the game.

Nothing disheartened, however, he next morning struck off ahead of the regiment, and had not proceeded above three miles before he came to a plantation, where he found a fine young mare; and actually compelled the owner to put on bridle, saddle, and assist him to mount. The wife of the planter did not wish to lose the animal, and told Tom she had a better horse in one of the fields, which he could have instead; but, suspecting the horse could not be better, he made off amid the complaints of the woman. One of the 9th New Jersey, who witnessed the affair told him it was a shame, &c.

"Shut up your head!" answered Tom, "you'd be only too glad to get a horse to ride yourself!"

And, sure enough, it was not long until Tom saw the Jersey-man mounted on a blind mule he had taken from a negro.

Shortly after, Tom procured a pair of spurs, and on applying them to the mare's flanks, developed a peculiarity, which his ready wit soon turned to account, as the following will show:

Riding up to a planter's house, he accosted a negro girl, and asked her for some eggs. She refused to give him any, when, turning the horse's heels towards her, and applying the spurs, the animal began kicking furiously, Tom at the same time exclaiming—

"If you don't get me some eggs, I'll kick your brains out!"

"O lor, massa, don't kill me, and I get de eggs!" she said, and retreated to the hen-house; but once inside, and feeling secure, she again attempted to put him off by saying there were no eggs; when, without further parley, he backed his nag up against the hen-house, and giving her the spurs, the animal commenced kicking against it so violently, that the wench, fearing the building would be knocked about her ears, piteously begged him to desist, and she would get him all the eggs he wanted. Tom drew off from the attack, and received the fruits of his victory, in the shape of a dozen eggs. The same persuasive force also procured a canteen full of peach brandy. But luck is often a fickle jade, as is a strange mare, sometimes; for, the very qualities in Tom's animal of which he was so proud, and which had served his turn so well, came near being the death of him. Passing too close to her heels one evening, the vicious brute gave him a kick in the side, and broke two of his ribs, which eventually ended in his being discharged from the regiment.

I might here pause, and give a description of the stragglers (among whom I found myself for the first time.) The mass of stragglers, as a general thing, are composed of men who become worn out with marching, or who are too foot-sore to keep up with their respective battalions, and fall behind, keeping on as best they can, and generally rejoining the regiments when they bivouac, though, of course, some hours after the halt for the night takes place. Some—often a great portion—of them, however, straggle for the sake of picking up stray fowls, victuals, and whatever else palatable which might fall in their way; and it was an amusing study to watch these fellows scattered and squatted along the roadside, or snugly ensconced in the angles of the fences, leisurely engaged in the work of plucking geese, turkies and other fowl, or skinning and dissecting dead porkers. Sometimes a cow would be met with and slain, and then quite a number of these stragglers would congregate, light a fire, and proceed to roast and devour the not unsavory pieces of flesh hewn from the still quivering carcase. There is, of course, a rear-guard to each brigade; but they do not succeed in keeping the men moving fast enough, and are generally compelled to 'let them slide.' Some of the stragglers, however, take a different method of prosecuting their researches, and, instead of falling behind, push ahead, and spread themselves like locusts on each flank, and generally make a clean sweep of all things eatable in their course.

The army bivouacked for the night within about five miles of Whitehall. In the morning, just before we started, a difficulty occurred between Billy Patterson and a little drummer. Words grew hot, and the drummer, making a demonstration on Billy's physiognomy, the latter (a burly, double-fisted fellow), as if resolved to die in the last ditch, exclaimed—

"Well, be——, a man has got to die but once, and I might as well die now"—

But his further utterance was stopped by the little drummer springing up and dealing him a 'sockdologer' under the ear. Before Billy could draw in his skirmishers, however, and prepare for a general engagement, an officer stepped up and separated the belligerents.

About nine o'clock on Tuesday, our advance came up with the enemy at Whitehall, who, after a sharp skirmish, retired across the river, burning the bridge behind them.

Whitehall consisted of one house, which looked as if it never knew a coat of paint, and why it was called by that name has been a mystery to me to this day. The only reasonable solution I can give to the apparent misnomer is, that a man named White, or a white man, lived there.

Upon the advance of our forces towards the river—a feint being made as if we intended to cross the same—the enemy opened on us from the opposite side with artillery and musketry. They had also a number of sharpshooters in the tree-tops, and other advantageous positions on the other bank, who kept up a continuous and pelting fire upon us, with perfect impunity, too, for we could not see them, though they could see us, and picked off many of our poor fellows.

The 17th were ordered down to the river bank on the right of the road, and got into a hornet's nest and no mistake; for the shells burst around and among us, and the bullets made the air vocal with their insinuating p-e-w-phet; but though we had quite a number wounded, not one of our number was killed.

While being actively engaged upon the river bank, our own artillery had come up, and commenced pelting at the rebs in glorious style. We had six batteries (forty-two pieces) in the expedition, and here they were all brought into play. The enemy had also a good share of artillery, and when they all got into full working order, what with the bursting of shells and the diapason of small arms, the ground fairly shook with the reverberations.

The wooded bank of the river, in which the 17th were posted, becoming dangerous from the fire of our artillery, which ripped through the trees and drove the splinters about in all directions, wounding some of our men, Col. Amory sent in his aide with instructions for Lt. Col. Fellows to draw his men further to the rear. I was sitting cosily on the edge of a sloping bank, my legs astride the butt of a tree, and anxiously dodging my head about in search of a sharp-shooter who was, as I had occasion to believe, exclusively engaged in the endeavor to put me out of suspense and existence at the same time, when the aide came up and inquired where the Lt. Col. was. Perhaps it was officiousness on my part to direct him in the most safe and expeditious way to find Lt. Col. Fellows, who, as usual was at the front; for, without noticing my directions he proceeded further, and came near faring much worse. Just as he was taking advantage of an opening in the underbrush to go down the bank, whizz-herr-r-r-bang came a shell from the enemy which passed within two feet of him. He drew back, pale, and looking frightened enough; but, rallying, he proceeded a few yards further; but, just as he had found another opening, one of our batteries sent a discharge ripping through the woods just in front of him again, when, thinking, probably, he had gone far enough in that direction, he came to the right about, and sought the path I pointed out to him in the first place.

Our regiment was withdrawn about one hundred yards to the rear, ordered to lay down, and remained there under fire for three hours. We had, however, time to smoke, and take a survey of the battle-field on our left. The batteries were thundering away, and the regiments which were ordered in on the left of the road (among which were the 23d, 44th and 45th), were tiring rapidly, and losing heavily, if one could form a judgment from the way in which the ambulance corps were carrying the wounded to the rear. Not only did the infantry suffer from the fire of the enemy, but the batteries which were most advanced suffered their share of the casualties.

A sergeant, of Belger's battery I think, was in the act of dismounting from his horse, when a shot or shell passed through the animal, and hit the sergeant, tearing the left side completely out of him.

One of our men wishing to have a better view of some object in his front, elevated his head, and opened his mouth, when a rifle ball passed into the cavity, and out at the back of his neck, the first intimation of which we had was a stream of blood spirting out of his mouth.

Major John G. Chambers was in command of the 23d, and marched his men in under fire; then formed them in line of battle, and I could not help noticing the extreme coolness of this officer in giving the order, in a deliberate voice—

"Captains of companies, see to your allinements."

Before the engagement had any sign of abating, the 17th were ordered to take up the advance for Goldsboro. We had to pass across the battle-ground under fire every step of the way; but, strange to say, no casualties occurred during this movement. We halted opposite the house which constituted the city or town of Whitehall, when we were accosted by an enthusiastic but prudent defender of his country, who had taken shelter in the lee of the house, safe from the enemy's bullets, who exclaimed:

"I say, boys, aint we giving 'em hell?"

Bestowing upon the hero a few 'O you be d—ds,' we resumed our march, and soon left the fierce cannonade far behind us.

The battle of Whitehall was little more than an artillery-duel, and would be deserving only of a few lines of record if it occurred on the Potomac or the Rapidan. I think, in the engagement, which lasted about four and a half hours, there must have been a great deal of lead wasted and iron thrown away on our side. The only sensible impression made by our projectiles, that we could see, was upon the frame of a gunboat on the stocks at the other side of the river (intended for an iron-clad), and this was certainly riddled up in fine style.

The mention of the gunboat, or frame of one, puts me in mind of a daring act performed the evening previous to the battle by one of the 3d New York cavalry. He stripped off, swam the river, and was in the act of setting the gunboat on fire, when he was discovered and fired upon, and had to dive into the river, leaving his work undone, and swim back again amid a perfect shower of bullets, not one of which, strange to relate, touched him.

The loss on our side at Whitehall was about 30 killed and 120 wounded.

Our regiment was followed by the 9th New Jersey and others, until all the infantry were under full headway, leaving only a battery and a company of cavalry to engage the attention of the enemy until nightfall.

We continued our march to within about five miles of Steep Creek, and eight of the Wilmington Railroad, and halted for the night.

On Wednesday morning our regiment, followed by the 9th New Jersey, again took up the advance, and proceeded cautiously along to within about two miles of the railroad, where, as we came out upon the brow of a hill, we could see about a mile in our front the gleaming of the enemy's arms, as they slowly withdrew. Our advance companies came up with them, and quite a lively skirmish ensued, in which Sergeant Hardy of Co. F was mortally wounded.

Lt. Col. Fellows seemed in his element, and went on even in advance of the skirmishers.

A battery had been planted on the hill just mentioned, and commenced shelling the retreating rebels.

We advanced through a wood, skirting the mill pond, and, just on the further edge of the wood, where we struck the county road, we came upon a deserted rebel camp, the fires still burning, and in the ashes of which many roasted sweet potatoes were found.

After a short halt, we advanced along the county road which crossed the railroad about a mile to the south of the railroad bridge over the Neuse river, on arriving at which place abundant evidences were manifest of a hasty preparation to receive us, abandoned in greater haste, the hoes and shovels used in making rifle-pits and breastworks being left in confusion along the track. Axes were immediately brought into requisition, the telegraph posts cut down and the wires destroyed.

We halted a few minutes just beyond the railroad, and, two companies being sent out as skirmishers to the left, took up our march on the track towards the bridge, which it was the purpose of the expedition to destroy.

This bridge was a magnificent structure, about 200 feet long, and is said to have taken twelve months to build.

The 17th had proceeded but a quarter of the distance, however, when they were opened upon by a battery placed on the track across the bridge, which, having the exact range of our position sent shot and shell into us with terrible accuracy.

The track was immediately cleared, the regiment dividing, taking each side of the railroad, (the bed of which there rose to an elevation of about ten feet,) and gradually advanced towards the bridge. The fire from the battery and sharpshooters on each side of the railroad, became so continuous and heavy that it was difficult to tell whether moving along or laying still was most dangerous; but we kept pressing on, returning the fire as best we could. Our firing was rapid, but, though the bullets flew into where the enemy were supposed to be, yet I doubt if they did much execution.

While advancing cautiously onward, and during one of those pauses in our progress rendered prudent by the iron and leaden hail directed against us, an incident occurred, which impressed me at the time as being truly ludicrous. A Co. K man, named Gately, who was hugging the side of the railroad with commendable zeal, was approached by a rebel of the canine species, which, with that instinct that often approaches to reason, and is at times wonderfully developed in this species of animal, seemed to realize that he was in the midst of danger, and sought the nearest place of shelter. For this purpose, he insinuated himself between the soldier and the ground. The man not relishing the companionship, from prudential reasons, no doubt—an inch of elevation in the position he then was affording so much of an additional mark for bullets or erratic pieces of shell,—endeavored to dislodge him, saying—

"Clear out of this, d—n you!"

But the dog would not stay repulsed, and again returned.

"Give him the butt of the musket!" suggested Phil. Mealley, (another of Co. K's men), "knock him over into the ditch!"

This suggestion was acted upon, and the dog driven off.

As we were marching down the railroad in the first place, and when the enemy opened upon us, the cry was raised among the men—Billy Patterson's stentorian voice being among the loudest—

"Unfurl the flag!"

"Let the d—d rebs see what we fight under!"

"Show them our colors!"

A man named Carney, of Co. I, who was color-sergeant, immediately responded to the call, and shook out the folds of the old 'star spangled banner;' and there he stood on the railroad track, alone, for half an hour, a mark for the enemy's sharpshooters; but, strange to relate, though two of the color guard who were lying down behind him were wounded, and the old flag riddled with bullets, he received not a scratch. This act of true bravery, no matter how ill-advised it might have been, is, I think, deserving of a record, and the honor of this deed should be given to the man who so nobly faced death while upholding his country's flag.

Having progressed in the manner described about half a mile, somebody gave the order, and every one repeated it, to form on the railroad, and charge across the bridge—what for, except to take the battery just beyond, which had so annoyed us, I could not understand. Supposing however, that everything was correct, I scrambled up the bank and took my place with the rest. Then with a shout and a cheer we commenced the charge on the double quick; but had not proceeded twenty yards when, from the skirt of woods bordering the field on our left there came—tr-r-r-r-r—a volley of musketry fired by file, followed in half a minute's time by another volley delivered at once. (I should judge from the length of the line that no less than three regiments fired each time). And then commenced a scene that it would be vain to attempt a description of, especially by an actor in it. In less time than I can relate it, every man who was not wounded, had jumped, tumbled headlong or rolled over into the ditch at the right of the track, and the regiment apparently thrown into the wildest confusion. I have been told that those who witnessed the scene thought for the moment that the 17th were cut to pieces; but were agreeably surprised to see the brave fellows spring up again, and commence a rapid fire upon the enemy, using the elevated bed of the railroad as a breastwork.

There were but four or five men wounded from these volleys. The rebels, evidently mistaking the distance (about 200 yards), and the height of the railroad bed did not fire high enough, and most of their bullets lodged in the bank at the left—an extremely lucky circumstance for us all, as was also the interruption to our progress thus given; for had we crossed the bridge few of us would ever have returned to tell the tale.

When the sound of the first volley struck my ear, I involuntarily turned my head to see where it came from, and I mentally remarked—"What splendid file-firing!" But when the second volley burst out at once, the smaller sounds uniting to swell the volume into a deafening crash, I was too absorbed in calculations upon whether any of the musical messengers of death singing about my ears, were intended for my especial misfortune, and hesitating among the confused mass of men what to do with myself, when, just as a shell burst close over me, I received a knock on the left side which doubled me up, and I toppled over, with the others, head heels into the ditch. The breath was knocked out of me, but sensibility remained; and, strange to say, while falling the short distance down the bank, I made twice over this mental calculation—

"If the bullet [I thought it was a bullet, and went quite clean through me, for I felt the pain equally in both sides] has not gone through my stomach I may get over it. If it has, I'm a goner, sure."

Picking myself up, as best I could, and, with a rueful visage, I suppose, replying to the inquiries of my comrades if I was hit, I took off my blanket, unbuckled my belt, and proceeded to search for the wound. I will freely acknowledge, that at this time my thoughts were not of the most lively character; but, upon searching and finding no wound save a painful bruise, I could have jumped for joy, and felt better pleased than if I had come into possession of the best plantation in North Carolina. In picking myself up after the tumble just described, I noticed the 9th New Jersey, who had advanced down the field to our right, retire on the order at the double-quick. And yet, afterwards, in Gen. Foster's report, this regiment received all the credit for what the 17th had done.

After a while Morrison's battery came thundering along, and got into position in the field at the right of the railroad, and commenced hurling shot and shell into the enemy in fine style.

The men were loading and firing away in splendid fashion, though I think with questionable results, and, catching the spirit of the occasion, I added my feeble quota to their efforts.

At one time, after discharging my piece over the railroad, and coming down to reload—the shot and shell of the enemy screaming and bursting over and around us, they having brought a number of their batteries to bear upon our particular position—I beheld one of our men (a very young fellow), with his head punched into the bank; and looking the picture of bewilderment and terror. Seeing that he appeared unhurt, I questioned him while loading my piece:

"What's the matter? Why don't you fire?" [No answer.]

"Is your piece loaded?" "Yes."

"Then, d—n you, get up, and act like a man!"

But he was too terrified to move, and I left him in disgust, although pitying the infirmity that should have deterred him from ever entering the army.

I have omitted to state that half a dozen of the marines, whom we had been guarding, had volunteered into Co. I (our smallest company in point of numbers), and in this engagement they acted with great gallantry. Our men were crowding the embankment towards the bridge, and one of the marines anxious to have his share of the fun, sung out—

"Make room for a marine, there, will you?"

"Bully for the marine!" shouted the boys, as they made way for him.

One of our fellows had taken shelter behind a log, and a non-commissioned officer observing the act, routed him out, telling him to go forward and do his duty. The man departed, and the officer took his place, snugly ensconcing himself behind the log.

Lt. Col. Fellows was continually going up and down the line, encouraging his men, showing them by his example a pattern of the most fearless bravery.

Lieut. Graham, of the Artillery, went forward with combustibles to fire the bridge, but soon returned pell-mell, jumping behind a log, exclaiming—

"D—n them, they won't give a fellow the ghost of a chance out there!"

An order then came to form into line, and I thought it a case of particular hardship in taking up my place in the ranks to have to stand upon a log, which elevated me about two feet above my comrades, and thereby exposed me more to the flying shot and shell of our own batteries, as well as those of the enemy; for our own shells were bursting just over us, and Morrison's battery was belching forth its destructive missiles just above our heads.

The order was given, and we marched out from behind the embankment, and were halted in the rear of Morrison's battery, and ordered to lie down in a hollow made by taking earth for the bed of the railroad. The rebels seemed to have the exact range of the position, and the way the shell and solid shot scattered and tore up the earth about us, and in our midst, was a caution. Col. Fellows alone stood, and some of the officers were remonstrating with him upon the rashness of thus exposing himself, when a shell at that moment came screaming by, apparently within a few feet of his head—

"Phew! there she goes!" exclaimed Col. Fellows; and replying to the officers, he said—"Well, it appears to me, that it is just as safe standing here, as lying down; if a man is to be hit, he'll be hit lying down as well as in any other position!"

"Poor philosophy, Colonel," I thought, "but very inspiriting words."

Lieut. Barnabas F. Mann then came forward, with a bundle of prepared combustibles in his hands, and called for two volunteers to accompany him to the bridge, to operate with another party in an endeavor to fire the same. The men were instantly forthcoming, of course, and the trio started on their dangerous errand. We watched them with anxiety, and saw them gain the bridge amid a perfect death-shower of bullets, one of which, unfortunately, hit our brave Lieut. Mann on the plate of his belt, causing a severe contused wound. They returned with the wounded officer, reporting that they did not succeed in their enterprise; but were mistaken, as will be seen presently.

Faint cheers were now heard from the rebels, and on looking to ascertain the cause, it was discovered that a train had arrived with reinforcements, which could be seen rapidly defiling from the cars and forming in line of battle across the railroad. Capt. Morrison learning this, immediately jumped upon the railroad, and directed the fire of his battery. The first shell fired fell rather to the left of the rebel line. The second fell in their midst almost on the railroad track, and the way they scattered into the woods was amusing.

A 'monitor' or battery came up with this train, and immediately commenced shelling us, every shell bursting directly above our heads. At the third fire from Morrison's battery, the shell exploded the engine, and a column of white smoke shot up into the air, carrying with it, no doubt, the lives of many poor rebels.

The enemy's fire began to slacken, and just as another attempt was about to be made to fire the bridge, smoke could be seen issuing from it, and soon the whole structure was wrapped in flames. The most important part of the work was accomplished.

In the meantime the work of tearing up the rails and sleepers of the railroad, and setting them on fire, was efficiently performed by the gallant 5th Mass. regiment and the New York Cavalry, the latter destroying another railroad bridge about two miles north of the great bridge; and when the fight was concluded I had time to notice the smoke of hundreds of fires, extending as far as the eye could reach on the bed of the road, indicating how completely the work of demolition had been accomplished.

Our regiment then marched out from under fire, and were received with cheers from all the other regiments that had come up to our support.

We then took up the advance on the return movement; but had not proceeded far, when we heard firing, and cheers of men, indicating that the fighting was not yet over, and soon an order reached us to halt. We were formed in line of battle, in case the forces in front would be compelled to retreat; but after a half hour's suspense in this position, were ordered again to the scene of our late labors, where we arrived in time to see the tail end of the fight, and to find we were not needed.

It appears that just after we had retired from the field, and towards sunset, the rebels having crossed the county bridge, some two or three miles above, to the number of three or four thousand, came down and charged across the railroad upon battery B, 3d New York Artillery. They formed in three lines of battle and came on with a terrible swoop intending to crush all before them.

The captain of the battery ordered his pieces to be loaded with double charge of grape and canister, and when they came within about sixty yards, sent a hail storm into their midst which mowed them down like grass, and before they could rally or fly, sent another discharge into them which threw them into such confusion that they incontinently fled, and were seen no more. The 5th Massachusetts was supporting this battery, and received great praise for its gallant behaviour. About forty prisoners were taken, and if the artillery supports had charged, no doubt many more would have been captured.

Our aid not being required, we went to the right about, and again took up the backward track; but though night had fallen on the scene, our way was not in darkness; for, some of the men—stragglers, perhaps—of the advanced regiments, had amused themselves in setting the woods on fire, on each side of the road. The scene was grand. The huge pitch-pines, which had been stripped to obtain the gum, from which turpentine and rosin were made, were ignited, and burned fiercely, and lined our road on either side like flaming sentinels. The underbrush had also caught, as well as the dried leaves, and with their volume of light added, rendered our pathway as clear and distinct as if the noonday sun poured down his burning beams. The heavy and regular tread of the marching battalions; the rumbling of the artillery and the baggage wagons and ambulances; the braying of mules; the confused hum of voices; the occasional cry of pain from the wounded men; the fierce, flaming, crackling, and cracking of the trees on fire; the occasional crashes of the falling giants of the forest; and the illuminated cloud of smoke which hung over all, made up a picture of sight and sound that, once witnessed, can never be forgotten.

I was tired, weary, bruised, and exhausted, and felt truly glad when we halted for the night, which we did in the same place we had bivouacked the night previous.

We resumed our march next morning; but I could not keep up, and arrived at the bivouac long after the regiment had stacked arms. But on emerging from the wood in full view of the encampment, I beheld a sight which was the grandest I ever witnessed. The ground rose to a considerable elevation from and on each side of the road, on both sides of which were encamped the infantry, cavalry and artillery. I could see the long lines of bivouac fires extending to the woods on either side, and the swarthy visages of the men as they moved around, or gathered about the fires, smoking and talking over the events of the day; and, what with the braying of mules and the barking of isolated and astonished dogs, there came a hum from the host that resembled the murmuring of 'many waters.' Added to this sight of magnificence the surrounding woods on fire, and the crashing of falling trees and branches, which might lead to the delusion that quite a number of small skirmishes were going on at the same time, and you will have some faint idea of the picture that met my gaze. To one unacquainted with military matters, looking upon that scene, it would appear that instead of an army of fifteen or twenty thousand men, there were at least double or treble that number encamped before him.

On our return, we were accompanied by a goodly number of escaped slaves, and any one who beheld the processions of these escaped bondmen—and they were dotted all through and along the line—men, women and children, and witnessed the patient and even cheerful manner in which they toiled along, with all they could hastily gather up in their flight, would be convinced that their love of liberty was prompted by more than an indefinite idea of the blessings of independence. I could not help occasionally smiling at the grotesque appearance of some of the females, who had, apparently, left the more useful articles of their own wardrobe, to indulge in the inevitable female taste for finery and gewgaws, by 'confiscating' and bringing off in triumph some of their late mistresses' finery. Some were apparently unmarried, and they carried the largest amount of 'plunder,' while those who had children to carry or look after, could not bring more than a few necessaries of life, and, perhaps, a bed-quilt or blanket. Some had mules or carts; but the majority were on foot. After a tedious and toilsome march of over three days, in which no enemy annoyed our flanks, front or rear, we arrived in Newbern, as 'hard' a looking set of men as probably ever entered that city before. We were thankful, however, that our toils and fighting were over for the present, at least, and enjoyed the short repose granted us, ere we resumed our duty as provost guard of Newbern.

The 17th regiment continued in the city until the 26th of January, 1863, when it was relieved by the 45th, and went into barracks near the old county bridge across the Trent river. Here the regiment was engaged in doing picket duty, and constructing earthworks under the superintendence of Major Frankle, in which latter duty they were assisted by the 43d Mass., encamped near by.

The winter wore away heavily enough, but was enlivened by occasional dancing assemblies in the different companies' quarters, each emulating the other in the taste displayed in their decoration.

On the 14th of March (the anniversary of the battle of Newbern), the enemy made an attack upon an entrenched camp of two regiments of Wessells' brigade, across the Neuse river, and at the same time attempted to shell the city; but the gunboat Hunchback coming to the rescue, they were driven off. The affair was a fizzle on the part of the enemy, although from a sketch of it which I have seen in one of the New York illustrated papers, the public might be led to suppose it was most sanguinary and terrible.

I omitted to mention, in the proper place, the departure on the 7th of Feb'y, '63, of an expedition composed of a portion of the 18th Army Corps and Gen. Peck's Division of the Army of the Potomac, which arrived from Norfolk in January. This expedition, upon which so much was counted, proved a failure, owing to a disagreement between Gens. Foster and Hunter as to which general should have the chief command and direction of affairs in the operations against Charleston; and, as Foster could not have his own way, he withdrew a considerable portion of his forces, and with them returned to North Carolina in March.

About the first of April, the rebel Generals Hill and Garnett, with about fifteen thousand troops invested Little Washington, and erected batteries so as to command the approaches by water. Gen. Foster arrived the day it was invested, and great fears were entertained for his safety as well as that of the garrison. The rebels commenced a vigorous bombardment of the position, but after fifteen days pounding, and being pounded in turn, they fell back, and raised the siege. During all this time we could distinctly hear the sound of the cannonade, although the scene of conflict was fifteen or twenty miles distant.

On the 7th of April, the 17th formed part of an expedition undertaken for the relief of the besieged city; but upon approaching a place called Blounts' Mills, the enemy was discovered in force strongly entrenched. A severe skirmish ensued, the 17th losing seven men and an officer wounded, when the position being found too strong, the troops were withdrawn, and the expedition returned, without having accomplished anything. The expedition renewed its attempt on the 17th of April, and reached Washington on the 22d, without opposition, the enemy having previously withdrawn.

On the 27th, the 17th with the other regiments of the brigade, including the 45th Mass., started on an expedition to Green Swamp, upon the railroad leading to Kinston. On the 28th, at a place called Sandy Ride, near Cove or Cole Creek, the enemy were encountered, and the 45th advanced towards where they were entrenched, and would, no doubt have driven them out in fine style, for the 45th was really a good fighting regiment, but the Col. (Codman) hesitated, not from fear, I think, but ill-judged prudence, when two companies of the 17th were ordered up by Lt. Col. Fellows, and marched into the enemy's works, which they found abandoned. The expedition returned to its bivouac of the night previous, amidst a drenching rain, having marched nineteen miles in nine hours.

On the 5th of July, the 17th formed part of an expedition under Gen. Heckman, and proceeded to Warsaw, where they made some important captures of rebel stores, and destroyed salt works, &c.

On the 1st of October, the 17th again assumed the provost duty of Newbern, relieving the 27th Mass., where it has, I believe, remained ever since.

The rebels had during the winter of 1863, made several feints upon Newbern, and drove in our pickets at various times, but never approached nearer the city than ten miles. During the Fall of '63, after the nine months troops had been all withdrawn from the department, their time having expired, the comparatively small garrison had been still further depleted by Gen. Butler (who succeeded Gen. Foster as department commander) for the purpose of strengthening other posts. The rebels fully aware of this, determined upon the capture of Newbern, and, during January, collected a force of 15,000 or 20,000 men at Kinston, and on the 26th, reached our outposts, which they drove in. About 114 men of the various companies of the 17th under command of Lieut. Col. Fellows, went to the assistance of the pickets at Batchelder's Creek, and on the 1st of Feb. were attacked by an overwhelming force of rebels, and lost eight officers and fifty men taken prisoners, and one killed and four wounded. Among the prisoners were Lieut. Col. Fellows, Adjutant Cheever (wounded), Capt. Lloyd (wounded), and Lieuts. B. F. Mann and Comins. But the rebs didn't get Newbern, although they captured Plymouth and its brave commander (Gen. Wessells), and the heroic garrison under his command. And after all the blood shed in the efforts to hold Little Washington, it has been abandoned to the enemy. Let us hope that the same policy will not be pursued in the case of Newbern, which is certainly one of the most important and strongly fortified posts held by our army on the coast.

I was taken sick in April, and sent down to Beaufort with thirty or forty other sick men. We took the cars at Newbern, and in about three hours were transported from the heat and dust of the interior to the cool, bracing air of the sea coast. On the way down I noticed that the country we passed through seemed little better than a continuation of swamps. We passed Havelock station, where a block-house had been erected in the midst of a swamp, and I pitied the poor fellows whose duty it would be to garrison that post during the coming warm season. Further on we came to clearing, and saw a line of breastworks behind which it was intended to dispute the advance of Burnside's forces in their march from Slocum's Creek to Newbern, but which he drove them from with little trouble. Newport Barracks, about ten miles from Morehead City, was a collection of some dozen houses, and the quarters of the cavalry and infantry pickets in that section. Carolina City was next reached, but where the city was I couldn't for the life of me make out. It was not anything like so grand a place as Newport Barracks, and I should not have known of its whereabouts but for the camp of the 23d Mass., which was said to be in the city. We next passed through Morehead City to the railroad terminus or wharf, about a mile further on. Morehead consists of one or two hotels, and forty or fifty houses and stores. A number of steamers and transports were laying at and off the railroad wharf. To the south, across the sound, I beheld Fort Macon, and anchored abreast of it and inside the sound were ships of all descriptions, from the captured blockade runner to the huge blockaders which were taking their rest and preparing to resume their dangerous duties off Wilmington, relieving in turn some other blockader. The city of Beaufort lay to the eastward, and looked much larger than it really was, and quite imposing.

While waiting for transportation, and looking at the various objects of interest around, my eye lit upon an individual (a sergeant in the—Mass.) whom I instantly recognized as having seen at Camp Cameron, whither he had been detailed to gather up recruits. But what a change had been wrought in his appearance! When I saw him at Cambridge he was full of life, spirit, confidence, and business—and drove a profitable trade there in the retail of porter, ale, &c. (under the rose, of course.) Now he looked cheerless and forlorn—utterly 'played out,' and as anxious as the most peacefully inclined rebel that 'this cruel war' should be ended. Hard marching, hard beds, hard usage, hard fighting and hard tack, had evidently left their mark upon him. And yet he was not sick—only dispirited a little.

A boat being at length in readiness we embarked, and after an hour's sail reached the Hammond Hospital at Beaufort. This hospital was in a building or series of buildings formerly known as Pender's Hotel, and was one of the most considerable and extensive of its class in Beaufort, and before the war was the summer residence of many planters and their families from the interior who made this city their watering place. The main structure was built out upon the shore, on piles, so that the tide ebbed and flowed under it, and was altogether one of the most delightful places I have seen in that section. The former owner (Pender) was among the first and most active in the secession movement in North Carolina, and, with a company of men he had raised in Beaufort, took possession of Fort Macon; but Burnside came along, and after taking Newbern, Morehead City and Beaufort, leisurely proceeded to knock him and his fellow traitors and their arrangements into a 'cocked hat,' and Pender was taken prisoner and forced to leave his fine hotel, with its plate, furniture and bedding, behind him; and the story went that the negroes, the poor whites who remained, and some of the officers of a Rhode Island regiment divided the spoils.

The city of Beaufort is well laid out and looks quite pleasant from the water; but though there are a few good dwellings and some old-fashioned stores, the houses are scattering and the sand ankle-keep in the streets. In fact, the city is built upon a bank of sand; and how the inhabitants managed to cultivate gardens was a mystery to me—but they did make gardens, and in some instances very creditable ones. The soil, however, seemed too sandy for any fruit trees but the fig, which flourished in great plenty. The majority of the people—who, I judge, never exceeded two thousand in number—seemed to live by fishing and gathering shells. Beaufort is so situated within the folds of a marsh, and the approaches to it are so intricate and shallow, that it can never become a place of any great commercial importance—Morehead City will be its successful rival in that respect.

We (that is, the sick men) were assisted to land, and, after our names were checked and our surgeons' certificates or assignments deposited, shown to our ward room; and, to tell the truth, we had no cause to complain of our new quarters, which were pleasantly situated in the main building, commanding an extensive view of the harbor and the sea beyond. The beds were really good—but to us poor devils who had known nothing of the kind since leaving home, they appeared truly luxurious. A little experience in the productions of the culinary department of the hospital, however, did not impress us so favorably with that part of the programme. The bread was often hard and mouldy, and the beef as solid as a frozen turnip and salt as Lot's wife. As for the soup, it was whispered around that it was nothing but sea water in which salt junk was boiled, and a few carpenters' shavings thrown in for vegetables—it was called 'salt-water soup.' Of fresh meat I never tasted any in the hospital, while of fish and oysters, which were in great abundance in the market, I did not have more than two meals during the four weeks I was in hospital. When we complained to our fellow patients of the fare, they told us it was much better than it had been.

A few days after our arrival we were called up to undergo examination by the hospital surgeon, Dr. Ainsworth. In answer to one of his queries, we all told him we liked our quarters very well, but complained about the poor quality of the 'grub.'

When Tom McNally (the hero of the kicking mare) came up, Dr. Ainsworth asked—

"Well—what's the matter with you, sir?"

"O nothing particular," replied Tom.

"What were you sent here for, then?"

"Why—to recruit my health, I suppose."

"Ah—I see. I think you'd better go back to your regiment. I send some others off tomorrow, and you can go with them."

"I'd just as soon go now, sir."

"No. You can't go till I send you."

"Well, for God's sake, give me something to eat while I am here!" returned Tom.

"Here," said the doctor to the clerk, "make out papers for this man, and have him sent off immediately!" Then, taking another sip from a glass on the counter beside him, which looked like whisky, he added—

"These 17th men seem hard to please. I shouldn't wonder if they boarded at the Revere House before they came into the army!"

That the hospital at Beaufort was not well conducted, I could plainly see, though to a visitor everything seemed to work well. And I was reminded of a reply made to an observation of mine to one of the patients in a general hospital at Newbern, that everything seemed favorable to the comfort and recovery of the sick—"Ah," he replied, "what you see is all very well—but there are many things you don't see!"

It was so with the Hammond Hospital at Beaufort. A pack of idle, worthless fellows, in the enjoyment of the most robust health—who should have been doing duty with their regiments in the field—were employed as clerks and orderlies, who, by a system of espionage upon the actions of the men and of persecution to all who incurred their displeasure, exercised a kind of petty tyranny which made them obnoxious but at the same time feared. These understrappers, while the patients were often deprived of some of the most common and desirable necessaries, reveled in the choicest dishes and delicacies to be obtained, including wines and preserves. This I have seen myself, and mentally contrasted it with the coarse fare of the poor patients who were forced to swallow the barely parboiled salt junk and dry bread, and the abominable milkless and unsweetened slops dignified with the name of tea or coffee.

And yet there was one man in authority, who seemed to do all in his power to remedy the too palpable evils. This was the assistant surgeon, Dr. Vaughan—a New Yorker, I believe. He was a kind, humane man—and to his exertions were due, in a great measure, the reforms that had been made in affairs. I have seen him day after day in the kitchen enforcing a reform in its arrangements; and I noticed, too, that on such occasions our meals were so much better than usual as to elicit remarks of satisfaction from the partakers.

'Red tape,' I presume, is indispensable in the conduct of all affairs pertaining to Government; but no where does its knotted folds tighten with more deadly effects around the destiny of its victims than in the hospitals. Hundreds die in the hospitals every year, who, if transferred to their homes at the North, might recover—if not, they would at least have the consolation of dying among their friends, which is the least that might be accorded by the Government to the poor fellows who become disabled in its service; but as they can not be sent North without a discharge from the service, and often while the discharge papers are passing through the tedious processes of signature ('the mill of the gods grinds slowly') the unfortunate patient becomes impatient, fretful and gloomy at the delay, and that 'hope deferred which maketh the heart sick' in many cases increases the virulence of the disease or brings on a relapse—and the poor fellow, so lately warmed with the pleasing hope of seeing once more his friends and his home, closes forever in blank despair his eyes in the bitterness of death.

[Since the above was written, I find that, through the efforts of Governors of different States and other good men in power, this evil has been partially remedied. I would respectfully but earnestly call the attention of those in power—and especially our good Governor of Massachusetts, who has always been the soldier's friend—to the adoption of some system whereby all sick men who will bear transportation can be sent home to their friends, and by this means thousands of lives may be saved.]

I will instance a case in point, to show the fatal effects of delay in the matter of discharges of sick men. A young man, named Palmer, who belonged to a New York regiment, was sent to the hospital at Beaufort, very sick from chronic dysentery. It was thought by the surgeons, after they had treated his case for a while, that nothing could save his life but a change to a more northern climate; but this could not be effected without a discharge. They interested themselves, however, and the discharge papers were forthcoming in an unusually short space of time. The poor fellow, buoyed with the hope of again seeing his friends, rallied a little, and actually gained considerably in strength; but just as he had got on board the boat at the wharf, which was to take him with a squad of other discharged men to the steamer in waiting, an order came from the surgeon that he must return, as there was some informality in his papers, and a new set would have to be made out. The poor fellow returned; but the shock occasioned by the disappointment was too much for his enfeebled constitution to bear. A relapse ensued, and in a few days he was a corpse—the victim of 'red tape,' or incompetency, or criminal carelessness—which?

I have said the understrappers at the hospital made a 'good thing' out of the necessities of the patients. They did more. The whisky intended for hospital uses was not only used by them, but frequently disposed of to the man-o'-war's men, who paid liberally for the same. The loss to the hospital (or rather the patients) was made up in this wise: When a pail-full of whisky was drawn from the cask, it was said that an equal quantity of water was thrown in—so that when the cask got pretty well down from the withdrawal of the legitimate supplies for hospital use, it was remarked by the patients that they got water diluted with whisky, instead of whisky weakened with water as in the earlier stages of this peculiar process.

There were many other things in the management of this hospital open to criticism—though, doubtless, the fault did not always lay at the door of the surgeon in charge. For example—there was quite a large number of disabled men, whose discharge papers had been made out and sent to headquarters for signature, but had been kept back two, three, and even six months—for no reason whatever save some contemptible quibble or pretense that these papers were not made out correctly. Here were a large number of men unfit for any duty—some of them permanently disabled, others in the last stages of decline, and all anxious to be sent home as soon as possible, since they could be of no further use to and only a burthen upon the Government—kept against their own wishes, at a heavy public expense, and all because Dr. So-and-so, or Medical Director Bobolink, or their understrappers, were too indolent or careless to do their duty properly. Many of the nine-months men who had become disabled and were placed in the hospitals for discharge, were retained for some time after their regiments had been mustered out of service. No doubt it is a good and a very charitable thing to retain disabled men in hospitals whose discharge therefrom would throw them upon the charity of the world; but cases of this kind are very rare. Nearly all have friends who would willingly care for them, or belong to communities who have providently considered such contingent demands upon their charity, and made liberal arrangements to that end. In any case, I believe the condition of such men would be eminently improved by a transfer to the North—either to their friends or to some convalescent hospital or home for disabled soldiers.

I have now drawn towards the close of my narrative, and find that, instead of having room left for an elaborate essay (were I capable of writing one) upon the condition, character and habits of the freedmen, I have only space for a few general remarks. I do not regret this, however, when I reflect that there are many others better qualified for such a task than me.

In the course of my experience with the contrabands, I have been favorably impressed with their capacity for becoming a free people. The negroes seem, as a general thing, to possess a superior vitality to the white men of the South; for, with comparatively poor domestic arrangements and an inferior style of nutriment, they seem to thrive better and be capable of greater endurance and more continued physical exertion. They display a thirst for knowledge—a desire for information—an indomitable faculty of acquisitiveness, and a superior power of imitation, which must lead the social philosopher to but one conclusion, viz., their eminent fitness for advancement in the social scale from the position of bondmen to that of freemen. And the necessity of some such change in the social condition of the negroes of the South cannot but be too apparent to every fair-minded man who has beheld the universal manifestations of the desire for freedom displayed by them. They are endowed with a temperament at once docile and energetic, light and serious. They have considerable aptitude for the mechanic arts, and are probably, some of them, the best practical farmers of the South. They are generally moral and deeply impressed with the sacredness of religion; but it is true at the same time that they have many petty vices—and the wonder is, that under so debasing a system they have any virtues at all. Of the length, breadth and depth of their mental capacity I do not pretend to judge—all white men are not equal in that respect; and I trust I am not one of those who believe that nothing good can come out of Nazareth. As to the radical mental and physical difference which is said to exist between the black and the mulatto, I must confess I could never perceive it—there are the weak, puny and imbecile of both shades of color, at well as the strong and active, intelligent and energetic.

It cannot be denied that, above all other things, the negroes have an unbounded desire for freedom—extravagant only in the risks it will cause them to run to obtain that boon; for, once free, they are content—nay, happy—to begin on the most humble scale to climb the ladder of fortune. They are very domestic in their habits, and where they can find no habitation ready for them when they come into our lines, will set to work, and with such materials as very few white men would make available, erect a hut—not an elaborate one, to be sure, but all sufficient for their humble wants.

In and around Newbern I should judge there were from 5,000 to 8,000 escaped slaves, and of that number at least one half were located in camps or collections of huts of their own construction in different localities adjacent. There was one of those on the left of the Trent road, near Fort Totten; another near Fort Spinola on the other side of the Trent river, and a third just across the railroad bridge and to the left of the railroad.

This latter village, inhabited by over one thousand negroes of all ages and sexes, was under the supervision of Mr. G. R. Kimball, of Nashua, N. H. (Mr. K. was formerly Sutler of the 17th.) Upon expressing a desire to learn some facts in regard to the negroes under his charge, he kindly offered to give me all the facts in his possession.

The adult negroes under Mr. Kimball's charge were all in the employ of the Government—the females were engaged in cooking, washing, and making pies and sweetmeats, for which they found a ready sale among the soldiers. "And a more contented and happy lot of mortals," said Mr. K., "you can not find anywhere." This I verified from a personal inspection.

Among other places I visited the village school. It was kept by a negro named Mack Bourne, and contained twenty-five pupils. When I entered, Mack did not seem pleased at the intrusion, and said—

"Look here, sojer—I dusent want any body in de sojer business to come in here; for d'oder day one of you sojer men—he cum'd in here, and he stole a testament from me—he did—a bran new one, too—and I don't like sich work—I don't!"

I told him I did not come to take anything from him.

"What did you cum for, den?"

"My dear sir," I replied, in a melo-dramatic tone, "I am a member of the press, and take an interest in your welfare."

"You is—you do? De press—wha-what press—de ex-press?"

"No—the printing press—for printing newspapers."

"Oh!—Is you a-gwine to print a paper? I tought you was a sojer!"

"And so I am, my friend; but I'm a printer also."

"Dus you make books like dis-a-one?" displaying a primer.

"Yes; I could print a book like that, or—a testament."

"Look here, sojer," he said, the remembrance of the loss he had sustained making him suspicious—"I tink you'm foolin' me. Now, sar, I dusent like to be fooled—I dusent!"

But I assured him I didn't want to fool him, and so pacified him that he became confidential, and told me his history. He was 'raised' in Plymouth, and had been taught to read by a nephew of his master's, who gave him lessons on Sundays, on the sly. None of his scholars had advanced beyond lessons in spelling, and most of them were in the alphabet. The girls seemed to make the most rapid progress; and two of these—named respectively Rosette and Melvina—could spell words of two syllables, after a tuition of only four weeks.

"Ise glad Ise free now—dat's so!" I one day heard a little curly-headed ebony urchin say to another. They had just been let out of school in Newbern. Struck by the oddity of the saying, I stopped and questioned the lad—

"Why are you glad you're free, my little fellow?"

"'Cause, sar, I can go to school, and learn to read; and den—"

"Well, what then?"

"Why, den de ole woman'll guv me heaps of sweet 'tater pies!"

When the Goldsboro expedition was about to start a requisition for thirty negroes was made upon Mr. Kimball. These, together with a like number from other camps, were to be used as auxiliaries to the pioneer corps. He called them together and stated that an expedition was going off, that Gen. Foster wanted thirty of them to go with it, and called for volunteers. Only six men stepped forward in answer to the call.

"What," said he, "only six! Is that all the men I have?"

When one of the delinquents stepped forward and asked—

"If we goes, Massa Kimball, will dey guv us guns?"

"Yes—you will have guns if you need them."

Upon this announcement they all came forward and offered to go, and he had no easy task to select the thirty men required from the eager crowd.

This was before Wild's brigade had an existence; but showed that the negroes had manhood enough to fight for their freedom—which they have since fully proved on many a bloody field.


My task is done—would I could think it well done; but as it is it must go forth, like the ghost of Hamlet's father, with 'all its imperfections on its head.' I might have made it better—but I did not. The world moves on rapidly—things get jumbled up strangely in these troublous times—and, I suppose, the minds of men get confused and jumbled up also, for sympathy is a law of nature;—life is short, and greater men than I have made mistakes; but no man who fights in the cause of mankind—of universal freedom—can greatly err in its advocacy. The soldier who braves the hardships and perils of the campaign and suffers in a good cause, holds that cause dearer the more he endures for it; and the remembrance of those scenes, filled with glowing and startling pictures, often serves to renew that patriotic fire which forever burns in a corner of his heart. The armies of the rebellion have been flanked—the Confederacy will also soon be flanked, and, like my book, must sooner or later come to an

END.


Transcriber's Note:

Obvious typographical errors were repaired, but valid archaic spellings were retained.

Handwritten "Thomas Kirwan" on title page was retained, although it is uncertain whether this is an actual author's signature.

Darkey (3) was standardized to the more frequent darky (6).

P. 124: "all the facts in his possession"—original omitted the word "facts."






                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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