Sir John William Kaye

——?——

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

THE COMMAND OF THE CAUBUL ARMY.—WILLIAMS, LUMLEY, AND POLLOCK.

[Book VII., chapter 1, pages 19, 20.]

On the 20th of November the Commander-in-Chief wrote to Lord Auckland: “I purpose that H.M.’s 9th should proceed with the second army. This corps is 900 and upwards strong, including serjeants and drummers. The Buffs are somewhat nearer, but they have been nineteen and a-half years out of England, and should be moved towards Calcutta for early embarkation, especially as the 49th and 55th are so far out of reach. The Buffs have now nearly 200 men in hospital. The right to join, which the Court’s order gives to Major-General Sir Edmund Williams, may be especially dispensed with by your Lordship, should you not choose to give him the command. Sir Edmund is in very good health, a hale, strong man—moreover, was Lieutenant-Colonel of a Light Infantry battalion of Portuguese in the Peninsular war.”—[MS. Correspondence.]

On the 15th of December, Sir Jasper Nicolls wrote to Lord Auckland: “I very much regret that the state of Major-General Lumley’s health entirely forbids the hope of his being able to undertake the command of the troops advancing to Peshawur. If, therefore, the force is raised to six regiments, I shall order the Major-General Sir Edmund Williams to join my camp by dawk, and push him forward, as soon as I shall have furnished him with instructions, and armed him with all the information and advice which the known state of affairs at his departure may seem to require.”—[Papers relating to Military Operations in Afghanistan.]

“In your Lordship’s letter of the 8th, you have, I think, given a preference to General Nott, wherefore Sir E. Williams need not be disturbed. To send him to Cawnpore merely to force his way to Jellalabad and Caubul, and then return, giving over the command to a junior officer, would, I think, be unfair. As to his holding the chief command, it is a matter of no moment to me. The officer to command, if your Lordship could find such a man, should be also the Envoy—a Malcolm, Close, or Ochterlony.”—[Sir Jasper Nicolls to Lord Auckland: December 19, 1841. MS. Correspondence.] “Twice I laid before the Governor-General the name of Major-General Sir Edmund Williams, and as a Light Infantry officer he was deemed most qualified to meet an enemy in a mountainous country; he was active, zealous, and in perfect health. In the command of a division he had shown a clear judgment, and given me satisfaction.... The Governor-General gave such an unwilling and discouraging reply to my second communication, that I clearly saw the whole onus of the appointment and its consequences would be mine.”—[Sir J. Nicolls to Lord Fitzroy Somerset: September 2, 1842. MS. Correspondence.]

“In obedience to your Lordship’s wishes, that Major-General Lumley should be placed in command of the force assembling at Peshawur, I requested his attendance at my tent, and placed the despatch now acknowledged (Governor-General in Council to Sir J. Nicolls: December 15, 1841) in his hands. The general is still very weak, though improved in health; he is willing to proceed, but requested that his medical adviser should be consulted as to his ability to undertake such a service. Assistant-Surgeon Turner decidedly assured me that his state of health would by no means admit of the required exertion and exposure.”—[Sir J. Nicolls to Government: December 24, 1841. Papers relating to Military Operations in Afghanistan.]

LORD AUCKLAND AND THE RETRIEVAL QUESTION.

[Book VII., chapter 1, page 27.]

Lord Auckland’s private letters to the Commander-in-Chief exhibit better than anything else the alternations in the Governor-General’s opinions. On the 3rd of January he wrote: “It is melancholy to think how mighty interests may be compromised by such errors as seem to have been committed. Our officers are very wild in their requisitions. We have given all that we can prudently give—perhaps even more; and the chance of operations must be measured by those means.”—On the 5th of January, after describing the tidings from Caubul as “inexplicable as they are appalling,” and declaring that he “was prepared for everything but for such misdirection and misconduct as seem to have taken place,” he proceeded to say, “I can make no further suggestions to you until I know more; but you may shortly have to consider what instructions should be given to General Sale, and as to whether it may not be better that he should fight down, than that Brigadier Wild or General Pollock should fight up, the pass. This must greatly depend on the manner in which matters may end at Caubul.”—On the 21st of the same month he wrote, that he “still adhered to his opinion, that it would be madness with such force and means of carriage, as we could easily collect, to attempt a fresh advance upon Caubul; and that such a movement would only have been justified, if we had been led to it by objects of rescue. It would be my wish, if it could be done with safety, that Jellalabad should be retained for some weeks, and until the fate of the British troops in other parts of Afghanistan should be ascertained.”—On the 26th he wrote: “I agree with you that, at least so long at the fate of the force at Caubul is uncertain, the post as Jellalabad must be maintained. I think it will be absolutely necessary, under any circumstances, to maintain for a time a strong force at Peshawur—also at Quettah and Sukkur. If our retirement carry with it a general appearance of defeat and of flight, it will bring on Peshawur and the Punjab—on Beloochistan and Sindh—a tide of aggression and disaster which it may be difficult to stem, and against the chance of which we must endeavour to guard.”—On the 28th, growing still more convinced of the expediency of doing something for the recovery of our lost honour, he wrote to the Commander-in-Chief, speaking first with reference to the refusal of Sale and Macgregor to evacuate Jellalabad: “We approve of the determination taken at Jellalabad not to withdraw the troops as directed. Far from withdrawal, under such circumstances, I am anxious to learn that Brigadier Wild has found it safe to advance to Jellalabad.... Whatever happens beyond the passes, we should be strong for a time in Peshawur.... For the present, at least, Jellalabad should be firmly held;—General Elphinstone was not in a condition to make stipulations, except for his own troops at Caubul.”—On the 3rd of February he expressed his opinion that Jellalabad should be held so long as there was a chance of assisting the escape of fugitives: “I apprehend,” he added, “that its evacuation will, in a very short time, become absolutely necessary; if so, the movement should not be long delayed.” He expressed a doubt, too, whether, with the “force that we can employ, the pass (Khybur) can be so occupied as to secure through it a safe passage of detachments and convoys. A descent through the Jugdulluck passes to Caubul is beyond our present power. It would require vast exertions and months of preparation, and in the end would be an enterprise of no light danger. I almost conceive that it would be an impossible enterprise with any means that we could bring to bear upon it, unless some party should separate from the present combination, and then with what confidence should we render it? I have therefore, in dissent from many for whom I have the highest respect, earnestly wished that the force at Jellalabad could be safely and creditably withdrawn to Peshawur.... I would not have it hastily retire beyond Peshawur, or any healthy spot near it.... The post should be as forward as it safely can be; and my successor could then pursue the line of policy which he may think best. I would not have the government inextricably pledged to measures which my successor may regard as rash, impolitic, and ruinous.” But he soon came to modify these opinions in favour of a forward position; and later on the same day wrote that the disaffection of the Sikhs might cause him to alter his views with regard to Peshawur: “I am coming fast to the opinion,” he said, “that our furthest point of support in advance must be Ferozepore, and that we must bear the disgrace and disadvantage of retiring to this frontier with as little of loss as may now be ensured.”—[MS. Correspondence.]

THE JANUARY PROCLAMATION.

[Book VII., chapter 1, page 27.]

“Fort William, Jan. 31, 1842.

“Intelligence having been received which leaves no room to doubt that, after the British force at Caubul had maintained its position against overpowering numbers of insurgents for more than six weeks, the officer commanding had judged it necessary, in consequence of a failure of provisions, to agree to a convention of the enemy, and to retire, in reliance on the faith of that convention, towards Jellalabad, when the troops, exposed to the worst rigours of cold and privation, in the mountain defiles, and harassed by treacherous attacks, suffered extreme disasters—the Governor-General in Council deems it proper to notify that the most active measures have been adopted, and will be steadfastly prosecuted, for expediting powerful reinforcements to the Afghan frontier, and for assisting such operations as may be required in that quarter, for the maintenance of the honour and interests of the British Government.

“The ample military means at the disposal of the British Government will be strenuously applied to these objects, so as at once to support external operations, and to cause efficient protection for its subjects and allies.

“A faithless enemy, stained by the foul crime of assassination, has, through a failure of supplies, followed by consummate treachery, been able to overcome a body of British troops, in a country removed, by distance and difficulties of season, from the possibility of succour. But the Governor-General in Council, while he most deeply laments the loss of the brave officers and men, regards this partial reverse only as a new occasion for displaying the stability and vigour of the British power, and the admirable spirit and valour of the British-Indian army.

“By order of the Right Honourable the Governor-General of India in Council,

“T. H. Maddock.”

THE APPOINTMENT OF GENERAL POLLOCK.

[Book VII., chapter 2, page 45.]

SIR JASPER NICOLLS TO LORD HILL.

My Lord,

I have the honour to acknowledge your Lordship’s letter of the 13th of June, calling upon me for an explanation of the appeal made to the General Commanding in Chief, by Major-General Sir Joseph Thackwell, in consequence of his not being permitted to accompany the regiment of which he is senior Colonel, on service beyond the Indus—I beg you will apprise his Lordship, that, in addition to the rule quoted by Sir J. Thackwell, the special appointment of Major-General Pollock prohibited his employment in Afghanistan.

I shall explain the circumstances of that appointment.

In December, 1841, the Governor-General of India in Council instructed me to place Major-General Lumley, of the Company’s army, in command of the reinforcements which passed through the Punjab in January last; and, in addition to the command of the whole force in Afghanistan, it was his Lordship’s intention to place in his hands the political control also.

Major-General Lumley’s health was such as to preclude all hope, or even desire, that he should undertake so great a charge, and it became necessary that I should propose another officer for this important duty. Twice I laid before the Governor-General the name of Major-General Sir Edmund Williams; and as a Light Infantry officer he seemed most qualified to meet an enemy in a mountainous country: he was active, zealous, and in perfect health. In the command of a division he had shown a clear judgment, and given me satisfaction.

I need not inform Lord Hill that the management of the native army, or of small portions of it, is a matter, at times, of delicacy and difficulty. It will not do to distrust or disparage it, as Colonel Monson did. The Governor-General gave such an unwilling and discouraging reply to my second communication, that I clearly saw the whole onus of the appointment and of its consequences would be mine. This I would not undertake, and Major-General Pollock being near at hand, and honoured by Lord Auckland’s confidence (as I know), I ordered him by dawk to join the 9th Foot and other corps. This done, Government was pleased to confer upon him the political powers intended for Major-General Lumley; without which Sir Edmund Williams would have had to act, not from himself, but according to requisitions made by the local political authorities—viz., Brevet-Captains Mackeson and M’Gregor. Upon the more abstract question of the Lieutenant-Colonelcy, it must be remarked that Sir Edmund Williams held that rank in the 9th Foot, which gave him no claim to go to Afghanistan, though some officious friend has since asserted it.

I had soon occasion to rejoice that Sir Edmund was not appointed to the command on my sole responsibility, for the four sepoy corps first sent, under Brigadier Wild, having been most sadly mismanaged (at the instance of the political authorities, against my instructions and earnest caution), when Major-General Pollock arrived at Peshawur he found 1800 men of the four regiments in hospital; the sepoys declaring that they would not advance again through the Khybur Pass; the Sikh troops spreading alarm, and in all ways encouraging and screening their desertion, which was considerable. It was well that a cautious, cool officer of the Company’s army should have to deal with them in such a temper, 363 miles from our frontier. General Pollock managed them exceedingly well, but he did not venture to enter the pass till April (two months and a-half after Brigadier Wild’s failure), when reinforced by the 3rd Dragoons, a regiment of cavalry, a troop of horse artillery, and other details. Lord Hill will at once perceive that the morale must have been low when horse artillery and cavalry were required to induce the General to advance, with confidence, through this formidable pass. Any precipitancy on the part of a general officer panting for fame might have had the worst effect. I must now return to Sir J. Thackwell’s appeal. The General Order, quoted very ingenuously by the Major-General, contains a full and complete reply to his complaint. He was senior to Major-General Pollock, and his proceeding with the 3rd Dragoons would have interfered with a divisional command. He certainly did offer to serve under that officer, but I could not recommend the government to suffer him to do so, all such arrangements being in my opinion most faulty in principle, and, depending chiefly on good temper, dangerous. I have since called up Sir Joseph Thackwell to my head-quarters, in order to command the cavalry, had it been necessary (as seemed possible) last winter to collect an army. The Major-General is in error when he states that I intended him to command an army of observation on the Sutlej: that post I retained for myself, aided by Lieutenant-General Sir Robert Arbuthnot. In November next it is proposed to collect an army of reserve in this vicinity, and Sir J. Thackwell will have the command of the cavalry. I cannot have the smallest objection to the Major-General’s bringing himself to Lord Hill’s notice as he has done, except the infraction of a rule in doing so direct. But if he had remembered that he commanded the cavalry of Lord Keane’s army; had been twice named by me for similar duty; has long been a Brigadier commanding a division or station; he would have found little cause to complain of ill-fortune or neglect. I have known many of Her Majesty’s officers, Colonels and old Lieutenant-Colonels, to reside ten to fifteen years in India without having had any such opportunities of service and distinction, and, further, to command divisions without receiving the smallest remuneration.

I have the honour, &c.

(Signed)——J. Nicolls.

P.S.—I am happy to say that the Governor-General has displaced all the minor political agents in Afghanistan but one, and entrusted the power to the Generals Pollock and Nott.

J. N.

Simlah, 2nd Sept., 1842.

[MS. Records.]

SALE’S FRENCH AND ENGLISH LETTERS.

[Book VII., chapter 2, pages 51, 52.]

Jellalabad, Feb. 14th, 1842.

My dear General,

Captain Macgregor’s cossids yesterday brought me the information of your arrival at Peshawur, and of full military and political powers in Afghanistan being vested in you. I lose no time in sending such a view of the state of this garrison as may enable you to form your own opinion on the necessity of moving to its relief. Nous avons des provisionnemens pour les soldats Britanniques pour soixante-dix jours, pour les Sipahis et les autres natifs demi-provisionnemens pour le mÊme temps, et pour les chevaux de la cavalerie et l’artillerie de large pour vingt-cinq jours. Autant que nous pouvons renvoyer nos parties pour la fourrage, nous ne manquerons cela pour la cavalerie, mais nous serons entiÈrement privÉ de cette ressource aprÈs le premier jour d’investissement. A prÉsent nous n’avons de fourrage que pour trente jours pour tous les animaux. Les chevaux d’artillerie et les yaboos des sapeurs sont de ce pays et mangent seulement boozeut kurlise. Nous manquons beaucoup aussi des munitions de guerre, plomb, &c.

When our animals can no longer be sustained by corn or forage only, we must of course destroy them. The hospitals are ill supplied with medicines, and much sickness may be apprehended when the weather grows hot. At present the health of the garrison is excellent. We have no prospect of adding to our resources above detailed even if we had money, which we have not. The country possesses abundance of supplies, of which the presence of a force would give us command.

Mahomed Akbar is at Cherbyl, in the Lughman district, and threatens an attack; and we may, in about fifteen days, though I think not sooner, be invested by a large force from Caubul, with a considerable artillery.

Believe me to be, my dear General,

Yours very truly,

Rt. Sale, M.-G.

P.S.—I shall view la perte of my cavalry, should such occur, with much sorrow, as from their successes against the enemy they have acquired a confidence in themselves, and contempt for their enemies, which feeling is equally participated in by the rest of the troops. As I cannot now get an opportunity to send you a return, I give a memorandum:—Cavalry, effective, deux cents quarante-un; malade, vingt-un. Artillerie, effective, un cent soixante-onze; malade, quarante-onze. Sapeurs, effective, trois cents quatre; malade, quarante-cinq. Infanterie Britannique, effective, sept cents dix-neuf; malade, trente. Sipahis, effective, huit cents trente-huit; malade, quarante-huit.

February 16.—Hier Mahomed Akbar a passe la riviÈre, et a pris position sur ce cÔtÉ prÈs de dix milles de cette ville. On dit qu’il a des soldats de tous armes et quatre piÈces de canon. On peut voir son camp d’ici.

R. Sale.

February 16.—I have received this morning yours of the 9th instant. S’ils n’envoyent pas des canons de siÈge de Caubul, peut-Être je puis maintenir ma position dans cette ville pour le temps que vous avez Écrit; mais si une force avec les piÈces (que nous avons perdu) arriveront ici, ce sera impossible, et avant cette Époque nos chevaux moureront de faim. Il sera bien difficile et incertain de vous donner avis de mon intention de retirer, parce qu’À ce moment Mahomed Akbar est prÈs avec une force de deux milles hommes (qui s’augmente jour par jour), et À prÉsent ses patrouilles et videttes parcourent tout le pays.

Rt. Sale, M.-G.

THE EARTHQUAKE AT JELLALABAD.

[Book VII., chapter 3, page 67.]

Sale and Macgregor were both writing to Pollock when this event occurred. I subjoin their letters:—

Jellalabad, February 19th, 1842.

My dear General,

——*——*——*——A l’Égard À mon pouvoir de maintenir ma position ici, j’ai dÉjÀ vous donnÉ avis de tous mes moyens et ressource. Je n’ai pas rien de craindre de la force À prÉsent avec Akbar Khan, mÊme si il est joint par tous les colors de Ningraher; mais je veux bien que vous vous comprenez que nos parapets ne sont pas assez forts pour rÉsister les bouts de canon, et il est sujet de doubte si nous pouvons rÉsister une siÈge pour peu de temps si l’ennemi envoyent des piÈces de siÈge de Caubul; et en aucune cas les chevaux de la cavalerie et de l’artillerie comme les yaboos et les chameaux aprÈs vingt-cinq jours periront. Cette Époque le rendre impossible pour nous À vous ajouter dans aucun plan de retraite que vous voudrais; et de plus il sera impossible communiquer avec vous au moment que je me trouverais au point d’Être ÉcrassÉ (overwhelmed) par une force irrÉsistible. En perdant las yaboos et les chameaux, qui sont absolument nÉcessaire pour les travaux de la fortification, je perd aussi tous mes moyens de transporter mes malades et les munitions de guerre, sans laquelle il ne faut pas contempler une retraite. J’ai extrÊme.... Soixante-huite chameaux et cinq trente neuf yaboos. Ces circonstances me semble de demander que votre avance À notre secours sera prompt—the only means of securing the avowed object of government, i.e., the relief of the troops who have so long defended Jellalabad. After writing the above, the dreadful earthquake of this day a fait tomber deux bastions, et plusieurs autres sont culles—une brÈche de cÔtÉ de Peshawur dans les murs et beaucoup des maisons (casÈmees) aussi. Sans doute l’ennemi prend avantage de cet calamitÉ. Nous travaillons sans cesse de rÉparer le dedommage.

Believe me to be, my dear General, yours, very truly,

R. Sale, M.-Genrl.

[MS. Records.—I give the postscript to this letter in a note, though of no historical importance,[351] as I cannot deny myself the pleasure of quoting a tribute to the worth of one whom I am proud to recognise as a fellow-labourer in the field of Afghan history: “P.S.—Understanding from the 3rd para. of the letter from the Adjutant-Gen. that the authority of Major-Gen. Elphinstone has ceased, I venture to mention to you that Captain Havelock, 13th L.I., was appointed in general orders Persian Interpreter to the M.-General, so long as he continued to command in Afghanistan. He was by his permission, however, attached to me from the period of my force leaving Caubul, and I have received from him very valuable assistance in every way throughout our operations, as I have already intimated in public despatches. I trust you will pardon my undertaking to say, that if you would be pleased to re-appoint him to the same situation under yourself, I feel persuaded that his local experience would render him most useful to you. In the meantime, I have nominated him Per. Intr. to myself, subject to confirmation, as I cannot, under present circumstances, dispense with his services. Be good enough to make this known also to H. E. the C. in C.”]

Jellalabad, February 19th, 1842.

My dear General,

——*——*——*——Since I commenced writing to you, we have been visited by a very severe earthquake, which has in a great measure demolished two or three of our bastions, and nearly the whole of the parapet of the ramparts, to raise which cost the troops more than a couple of months of hard labour. A number of houses in the town have been thrown down by the shock, and the small court-yard attached to the house in which the General and myself reside, is filled with the rubbish of a number of out-offices which fell crashing at our feet, we having sought the centre of the yard as a place of safety. It was with difficulty we could preserve our footing, so great was the undulating motion of the ground we stood upon. Our dwelling-house seemed to heave to and fro, as if it would topple on us. I have not heard of more than two or three persons who have been killed by the falling houses or walls. Colonel Monteith was buried up to the neck; but he has not, I believe, sustained any serious injury. If this town had been seriously bombarded for a month, I don’t think it could have suffered more than at present. God grant that we may not have to witness anything so fearful again. I feel still giddy, although the earthquake took place a couple of hours ago. It is to be expected that on the enemy discovering the damage which our defences have sustained, they will be encouraged to attack us.

Gold mohurs and bootkees would be of use to us, but I fear that Mackeson would find it impracticable to send them to us in safety.

Captain Bygrave is alive, and with Mahomed Akbar Khan. Captain Souter, 44th Regiment, is also there. He saved the Queen’s colour of his regiment by rolling it round his waist, and he writes that a shot struck him there, and the colour saved his life.

Believe me, very truly yours,

G. H. Macgregor.

THE ADVANCE FROM PESHAWUR.

[Book VII., chapter 3, page 72.]

[The following is the correspondence to which reference is made in the text.]

Jellalabad, March 8th, 1842, 9 P.M.

My dear General,

I had the pleasure of receiving a few hours ago yours of the 26th ultimo. I must confess that its contents have deeply disappointed me, since I gather from it that it is not your intention to advance to my succour until you shall have been reinforced by the brigade which you expect to reach Peshawur on the 22nd instant. Now, independently of other considerations, Macgregor will inform you that he yesterday got a Dust-i-Khat from the Shah’s Durbar at Caubul, demanding categorically our evacuation of this place. He referred the King and his councillors to you, and their next measure will probably be to march an overwhelming force against us, aided by our captured iron nine-pounders. I have reiterated in several letters the fact that mes mains ne sont pas assez forts pour rÉsister tel artillerie, and therefore desire to make you once more fully aware of the risk, if not certainty, of our being overpowered if your advance to our support is not sufficiently prompt to anticipate this movement of our enemies. The responsibility, therefore, of such a result, will now rest entirely upon you, and not on me. Money is not now of the slightest use to me, Mahomed Akbar having established a most rigid blockade, which effectually prevents all supplies from reaching us. Our foraging parties are also daily attacked.

Believe me to be, my dear General, yours sincerely,

Robert Sale, M.-G.

P.S.—As I remark that your letter does not contain any distinct avowal of an intention of advancing even when your reinforcements reach you, I shall be obliged, for the sake of this garrison, if you will specifically inform me when it is probable I may calculate on its being relieved.[352]

At the same time Macgregor despatched another letter of a similar tendency, and to this letter Pollock replied:

March 12th, 1842.

My dear Macgregor,

I will write you a very short note in reference to yours and Sale’s of the 8th. It must no doubt appear to you and Sale most extraordinary that, with the force I have here, I do not at once move on. God knows it has been my anxious wish to do so, but I have been helpless. I came on ahead to Peshawur to arrange for an advance, but was saluted with a report of 1900 sick, and a bad feeling among the Sepoys. I visited the hospital, and endeavoured to encourage by talking to them, but they had no heart. I hoped that when the time came they would go. This, however, I could not write to you or Sale in ink, either in English or French. On the 1st instant the feeling on the part of the Sepoys broke out; and I had the mortification of knowing that the Hindoos, of four out of five native corps, refused to advance. I immediately took measures to sift the evil, and gradually a reaction has taken place, in the belief that I will wait for reinforcements. This has caused me the utmost anxiety on your account. Your situation is never out of my thoughts; but having told you what I have, you and Sale will at once see that necessity alone has kept me here.

I have sent five expresses to hurry on the first division of the next brigade. It consists of the 3rd Dragoons, a troop of Horse Artillery, 1st Light Cavalry, the 33rd N.I., and two companies of the 6th N.I., all fresh and without a taint. I really believe that if I were to attempt to move on now without the reinforcement, the four regiments implicated would, as far as the Hindoos are concerned, stand fast. Pray, therefore, tell me, without the least reserve, the latest day you can hold out. If I could, I would tell you the day when I expect reinforcements, but I cannot. I may, however, I believe with safety say, that they will arrive by the end of this month.

The case, therefore, now stands thus:—Whether I am to attempt with my present materials to advance, and to risk the appearance of disaffection or cowardice, which in such a case could not again be got over, or wait the arrival of a reinforcement, which will make all sure. This is the real state of the case. If I attempted now, it might risk you altogether; but if you can hold out, the reinforcements would make your relief as certain as any earthly thing can be.

Our only object in going to Jellalabad is to relieve you and bring you back with us to this; but it is necessary that this should be kept a profound secret.

I am, &c. &c.

George Pollock.

To this Sale replied:

Jellalabad, 23rd March, 1842.

My dear General,

Yesterday arrived yours of the 12th instant addressed jointly to Captain Macgregor and myself. I have only, in reply thereto, to say that in my last I informed you definitively that I would, by God’s blessing, hold this place to the 31st instant, by which time you acquainted me that you could arrive at Jellalabad with the dragoons. You now state to me your expectation that they will only reach your present encampment by that date. Our European soldiers are now on two-thirds of their rations of salt meat, and this the commissariat supply; on the 4th proximo that part of the force will then be without meat, notwithstanding every arrangement to lessen the consumption. I have this day directed all the camels to be destroyed, with the view of preserving the boosa for the horses of the cavalry and artillery; and these valuable animals cannot receive any rations of grain whatever after the 1st proximo, but must be subsisted entirely on boosa and grass, if the latter can be procured.

Believe me to be, yours sincerely,

R. Sale.[353]

GHOLAB SINGH AND THE SIKH ARMY.

[Book VII., chapter 3, page 77.]

On the 10th of February Mr. Clerk wrote to the Government Secretary: “There seems to have been no good reason for the delay of Rajah Gholab Singh in crossing the Attock, unless he really feared a collision with the Nujeeb battalions, encamped on the other side. But for the Rajah’s apparent reluctance immediately to undertake to co-operate in the Khybur Pass, there may be better grounds. These may be either an apprehension of his inability to oppose the enemy there; or, as supposed by Captain Lawrence, a want of incentive to exertion—or both these causes may retard his movements. In regard to the former, the presence of the large body of British troops assembling at Peshawur will encourage him. With respect to the latter, I should be glad to be provided with the instructions of government.”—[MS. Records.]

Writing again, on the 13th of February, he says: “In regard to the means of inducing zealous co-operation on the part of the Sikh troops, I do not think that the expectations of Captains Mackeson and Lawrence are quite reasonable, or the almost indefinite extent of proposed reward judicious, or the direct negotiation with the Jummoo Rajahs for their immediate aggrandisement honourable.... It would not be compatible with the friendship long subsisting between the British Government and the Lahore Government, now to assign suddenly and directly to the Jummoo Rajahs any territories as a compensation for services demanded of the Sikh Durbar. This would be precipitating the decline of a power which it may be soon expedient to prop, both against Afghans and Jummooees.”—[MS. Records.] But though Mr. Clerk thought, at this time, that it would not be honourable openly to treat with the Jummoo Rajahs for the transfer of Jellalabad, he was not unwilling to place it permanently in their hands by a stroke of finesse. I confess that I cannot see very distinctly how the course suggested by Mr. Clerk is so much more “honourable,” and “compatible with friendship,” than that suggested by Captains Mackeson and Lawrence.

POLLOCK’S APPEAL TO HIS ARMY.

[Book VII., chapter 4, page 84.]

After alluding to the defence of Jellalabad, and the probability that the Peshawur force would immediately advance to its relief, General Pollock said: “Success in relieving these troops will raise for this force the admiration and gratitude of all India, and the Major-General commanding feels assured that officers and men will cheerfully make any sacrifices to attain so noble an object. He therefore now calls upon the Brigadiers to assemble the commanding officers under their orders, and determine on the least quantity of baggage and the smallest number of camp-followers with which their regiments can advance. The success of this enterprise will greatly depend upon the quantity of baggage taken, as from the nature of the country between Peshawur and Jellalabad, the line most consistent with safety must be as little incumbered as possible. The Major-General commanding trusts that the confidence he feels in the troops will be repaid by their confidence in him. The soldiers may rest assured that his thoughts are constantly engaged in ensuring their provisions and securing their comforts, and they may be convinced they will never be called upon by him to make useless sacrifices, or to undergo unnecessary hardships. Arrangements will be made for placing such baggage as may be left behind in perfect security at Peshawur.”

FORCING THE KHYBUR.—POLLOCK’S GENERAL ORDERS.

[Book VII., chapter 4, pages 87, 88.]

[The following are the rules laid down for the guidance of commanding officers, to which allusion is made in the text.]

1. A bugler or trumpeter to be attached to each commanding-officer of a party or detachment of the several columns.

2. Whenever an obstacle presents itself, or accident occurs, of a nature to impede the march of any part of either of the columns, and occasions a break in its continuity, the officer in command nearest to the spot will order the halt to be sounded, which will be immediately repeated by the other buglers, and the whole will halt till the removal of the difficulty enables the columns to proceed in their established order, when the signal to advance will be given.

3. The baggage-master will superintend the placing of the baggage, &c., in the order prescribed, and the Major-General commanding requests that commanding-officers will use their best exertions to facilitate this important object. The quarter-master of each corps will see that the baggage of his regiment is placed in its proper position in the column, and an officer from each is to be appointed to the duty.

4. No private guards are to be allowed. The parties of cavalry and infantry, allotted at intervals in the line of march, are to be the only troops attending it.

5. The officers entrusted with the command of the parties which are to flank the rear-guard on the heights, must give their most vigilant attention to the important duty of preventing their men from hurrying in advance of it; its rear must never be left exposed to fire from the heights.

6. The troops to be told off on their regimental parades, as above detailed, and marched at the appointed hour to their respective posts.

7. The force will march to Jumrood to-morrow morning, in the order above prescribed. The general to beat at four, and the assembly at five o’clock.

8. The baggage and camp-followers of each corps are to be kept with their respective regiments till notice is given by the baggage-master that they are required to take their places in the column.[354]

Camp Jumrood, 4th April, 1842.

The force to be under arms to-morrow morning at half-past three o’clock, ready to move forward, at which time all the treasure, ammunition, baggage, &c., will be moved to the low ground to the right front of the hills now occupied by picquets. No fires are to be lighted on any account; no drums to beat, or bugles to be sounded. The six companies of the 60th Regiment, and six companies of the 33rd Regiment, will remain with the baggage, in the vicinity of the treasure and ammunition. The parties for crowning the heights, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor and Major Anderson, will move forward to the hill on the right of the pass. The parties for the same duty, under the command of Major Huish and Lieutenant-Colonel Moseley, will in like manner move forward to the hill on the left. Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor’s party will be accompanied by the Irregulars who lately garrisoned Ali-Musjid.

Captain Ferris’s jezailchees will accompany the left advancing party.

When the heights have been crowned on both hills, four companies of the 9th Foot, the eight companies of the 26th, under Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor and Major Huish, also the jezailchees, under Captain Ferris, will descend the hills to be in readiness to enter the pass.

Six horse-artillery guns, four from the foot-artillery, with the two mountain guns, will be drawn up in battery opposite the pass.

The advance guard, seven companies of the 30th, and seven companies of the 53rd, will accompany the guns.

The whole of the cavalry will be so placed by Brigadier White, that any attempt at an attack from the low hills on the right may be frustrated. When the baggage, &c., is directed to advance, the same order of march will be preserved as was formerly prescribed, with the following alteration: Six companies of the 60th N.I. will be together on the right, and six companies of the 33rd, now arrived, will follow the 53rd N.I. When the rear of the column is entering the pass, the two rear companies of Lieutenant-Colonel Moseley’s and Major Anderson’s parties should descend the hills.

G. Ponsonby, Capt., A. A. General.[355]

LORD ELLENBOROUGH’S JELLALABAD PROCLAMATION.

[Book VII., chapter 4, page 98.]

Secret Department, Benares, 21st April.

The Governor-General feels assured that every subject of the British Government will peruse with the deepest interest and satisfaction the report he now communicates of the entire defeat of the Afghan troops, under Mahomed Akbar Khan, by the garrison of Jellalabad.

That illustrious garrison, which, by its constancy in enduring privation, and by its valour in action, has already obtained for itself the sympathy and respect of every true soldier, has now, sallying forth from its walls, under the command of its gallant leader, Major-General Sir Robert Sale, thoroughly beaten in open field an enemy of more than three times its numbers, taken the standards of their boasted cavalry, destroyed their camp, and recaptured four guns, which, under circumstances which can never again occur, had during the last winter fallen into their hands.

The Governor-General cordially congratulates the army upon the return of victory to its ranks. He is convinced that there, as in all former times, it will be found, while, as at Jellalabad, the European and Native troops mutually supporting each other, and evincing equal discipline and valour, are led into action by officers in whom they justly confide.

The Governor-General directs that the substance of this notification, and of Major-General Sir Robert Sale’s report, be carefully made known to all troops, and that a salute of twenty-one guns be fired at every principal station of the army.

STATE OF CAUBUL AFTER ITS EVACUATION BY THE BRITISH.

[Book VII., chapter 5, page 104, et seq.]

The letters of John Conolly written at this time afford a sufficiently clear insight into the state of parties at Caubul. On the 17th of January he wrote to Macgregor: “The accounts of our most ill-fated force become more distressing every day. Hundreds of Sepoys, wounded, frost-bitten, starving, and naked, come into the city. The Oosbegs buy many, and some find their way to us, and are relieved in the hospital, which is now crowded to excess; and the poor wretches are dying off fast. That villain, Ameen-oollah, is evidently anxious that the sick should die, for he will not assist them in any way, nor attend in the least to our repeated requests for assistance. The Newab is so completely in the hands of the Naib that he cannot afford us any relief. The Afghans are very sanguine in the expectation of assistance and co-operation of the Sikhs, and talk in court of Sultan Mahomed having received instructions from the Durbar to do our force as much injury as possible, and that Shere Singh has an understanding with them to prevent our force re-entering the country. You must be aware whether there is any foundation for these reports.... This morning the Newab, attended by Ameen-oollah and all the chiefs, went to pay their respects to the King in the Balla Hissar. The King has paid two lakhs of rupees already, and has promised one more in ten days. The Newab is Minister—Ameen-oollah, Naib; and oaths and protestations have been taken on the Koran that they are to be friends to each other, and supporters of the true faith. The Newab abuses the King most loudly and openly. The King does the same with the whole family of the Barukzyes. Ameen-oollah Khan has sworn eternal faith to the cause of his Majesty—bares his head and swears most solemn oaths in the Musjids to uphold the Newab’s dignity against the King and all the royal family. His Majesty has sent me several messages, saying that he submits to the extortion of the three lakhs because he is not strong enough to oppose the demand; but that, Inshallah! when he has received the salaam of the chiefs, he will gain power daily, and be able, should our troops come on, to play his own game with advantage to himself and ourselves. I believe that he is heart and soul in our interest; and it appears contrary to all reason to suppose otherwise. The measures which obliged the Newab to resign his throne are, I believe—1st. The dread of our vengeance, which the people think the King can in some way avert, if a force is sent strong enough to shut out all hope of opposition. 2nd. The dread of Akbar’s rising power. 3rd. The suspicions of the fidelity of their own party, who had shown symptoms of disaffection, and some of whom had openly espoused the cause of his Majesty. Such a condition cannot, I should think, last long between such Yorks and Lancasters. There is one thing very certain, that unless a very large force is sent up, which will preclude all hope of opposition, every man in the country will rise against us; and the people in the vicinity of Caubul have so compromised themselves, and dread our vengeance so much, that they will strain every nerve to oppose us, and may be his Majesty will feel that his safest plan is to join his countrymen against us. He said at the Durbar this morning that he was glad that affairs had taken such a turn, and that he was now able to call himself defender of the faith. This much could not have been avoided under the circumstances.... We are amused all day long by abuse and scurrilous verses about the Kaffirs. Books are being sold by the weight. I have not yet been able to get hold of the children—most exorbitant prices are demanded. The Newab promises, but has not the power to fulfil. Salutes are being fired, and there is a general rejoicing in honour of the coalition between the two Kings. Artillerymen are being sent to Akbar.”—[MS. Correspondence.]

On the 24th of January, John Conolly wrote: “The King holds Durbar regularly, at which all the chiefs attend. He pretends to have shaken off all connection with our government, but secretly sends me messages, professing all sincerity and attachment. There is much talk of a large force being sent to oppose the army which is said to be advancing from Hindostan; but money is wanting; the religious feeling against us continues very strong, and the chiefs have compromised themselves so much, that they will rise to a man, unless an overpowering force is sent. The Newab’s kindness is beyond description, and he professes, and I believe sincerely feels, great anxiety to secure the friendship of our government. He is most deeply distressed at the treacherous conduct of the chiefs. We are quite ignorant of the intentions of government. Mohamed Akbar is continually writing for guns and ammunition; but not a man can be induced to march without pay, and every one is jealous of Akbar Khan’s rising power. The Barukzye faction of his party view each other with great suspicion. Ameen-oollah is the go-between. Akbar Khan is procuring all the money he can by extortion from Sourkars and others.”—[MS. Correspondence.] This was interlined invisibly on the advice of a bill drawn by Major Pottinger on the Ferozepore treasury, and was produced on the application of iodyne to the paper. On the same day Lieutenant Conolly wrote to Mr. Clerk: “The King is obliged to talk of sending troops to oppose us at the Khybur; but he declares secretly to me his sincerity for the British Government. The chiefs talk of collecting an army, but the sinews of war are wanting.... Thanks to the Newab, we are safe; but it has more than once been proposed that we should be killed.... Since our troops left this, the King has been recognised by the Newab and the rebel chiefs on the payment of three lakhs of rupees to the Newab and Ameen-oollah Khan. The former is Vizier; the latter deputy. The Newab is most anxious to serve our government. He has not been in any way concerned in the treacherous conduct to our troops. His kindness and attention to us is great, and he is sincerely anxious to establish a friendship with the British Government—being afraid of the King and Mohamed Akbar, and disgusted with the conduct of the chiefs, who deceived him with oaths and protestations. Great excitement prevails in the town; the feeling against us continues very strong, and every man will oppose our re-entering the country, unless a force is sent which will preclude all hope of successful opposition.”—[MS. Correspondence.]

On the 15th of February Conolly wrote to Macgregor: “Since my former notes, the latest of which was dated the 10th, affairs have assumed a very different aspect. Naib Ameen-oollah, having given up the guns entrusted to his charge, has shaken the confidence of the Barukzye party in his (the Naib’s) sincerity, and exposed the King’s ultimate designs of making himself strong and independent of, if not inimical to, the Newab’s clique. Yesterday the Naib called on the Newab, on the part of his Majesty, to send his guns to the Balla Hissar. His demand was directly refused; and the Newab declared his determination of not again attending the Durbar until his Majesty gave proofs of confidence and honesty. This morning Fuzil-i-Almud, son of Kasee Hussun, brought an order from his Majesty that I should wait upon him; but I declined the honour in this instance, as I had done before, feeling that no good could come from an interview, ignorant as I am of the intentions of government and of your wishes, and having been, moreover, frequently warned against moving out of our present residence. I gathered from the Kasee’s son, that his Majesty was forming a party in opposition to the Barukzye faction, the principal characters being Ameen-oollah, the Populzye, many of the Kuzzilbash, and some of the Caubul chiefs. You will perceive among his partisans the chief conspirators in the late rebellion, Ameen-oollah, Abdool Salam, and Sekundur,—men who have nothing to hope for at our hands. I presume the first demand made by our government will be the persons of these chiefs, who planned and were most conspicuous in the late revolution; and if the information I have alluded to be correct, his Majesty may object to give up the chiefs. But these are matters for future consideration; and should his Majesty be disinclined to use his utmost endeavours for the furtherance of the wishes of government, such unwillingness must, of course, be regarded as hostility. It is generally believed and asserted throughout the town, that his Majesty instigated the late rebellion. I have never been able to prove the accusation, though I cannot but think that his Majesty was, directly or indirectly, the cause of the revolution. When you know the intentions of government, you will be able to see your way more clearly. I would, however, suggest that his Majesty be made to understand, either from yourself or through me, that he must either meet our wishes or go his own road. Things are so very unsettled here just now, that the most learned cannot foretell the events of the morrow. All eyes are turned upon you. The evacuation of Jellalabad will have the worst possible effect. Every one here has turned soldier and the people are in a high state of excitement, and hungering after pay, which is not forthcoming. Our host has assembled a regiment of 1000 bayonets, 1000 horsemen, some Jezailchees, and a park of twelve guns, the ammunition for which, by the Meerza’s return yesterday, amounted to about thirty shot, and no cartridges. There must be some serious disturbance ere long. We are very anxious about the sick, which we fear will be sacrificed in any popular tumult. For ourselves, we must trust to Providence; should things come to the worst, we shall try and escape to your stronghold.—P.S. We have just heard that a change of ministry has been proposed by his Majesty, and likely to be effected, Oosman Khan to be acting premier, and the Newab to be a sleeping partner.

“15th, P.M., 10 o’clock.—To-day there has been a noisy debate between the Newab and Ameen-oollah, the former abusing the latter in rather round terms. The Naib left the room in a huff, and things are as unsettled as can be. The Newab says he won’t give up his guns, or go to the Durbar: and insists upon ... his Majesty pursuing the non-interference system to which he is bound by the terms of his treaty. There is nothing but Nifag: everybody suspects his neighbour; everything is in capital trim for us if our army advances; I only wait your authority to spend a little money, and above all a guarantee to our host of a handsome provision if he sides with us, or stands neutral—for he is a most worthy and honest old gentleman, and had no hand in the late melancholy occurrences. Ghoolam Mahomed Khan has also kept aloof from the late rebellion. There is a report that Palmer has broken up the treaty, and is again besieged in the Balla Hissar. He writes for orders, which kindly send with all expedition. For God’s sake beware of Mahomed Akbar.”

In a letter of March 5th, the same writer says: “Futteh Jung (Shah Soojah’s son) has gone out yesterday to join Akbar. Things are very unsettled here still, and the Kohistanees are fighting amongst themselves. The Newab is still treating us with the greatest kindness. He has enlisted about 3000 men, principally for our protection, and is determined to fight rather than give us up. The Naib here has been trying to get us, and has a strong party of Sepoys enlisted also. The Newab asked me yesterday if, when his money is out, we shall be able to assist him, as he only has sufficient ready cash to pay his men for one month and a half more. Can you authorise me to make him an advance when his money fails? For, as I said before, his entertaining troops is almost entirely on our account. He would be safe enough were we not his guests. In the meantime he has bought ammunition, and got his guns ready in case of an attack.”

And in another letter of the same date: “The bearer will be able to tell you all the news. I have written to you several times, but have received no acknowledgment of my letters. Always try solution of iodyne on my notes.... We are very kindly treated by the Newab, but close prisoners. Ameen-oollah has tried stratagem and threats to get us out of the Newab’s hands, with a view of screwing us; but, thanks to the Newab, we are as yet safe, though our situation is an unpleasant one. The King is sitting in the Balla Hissar; but his authority is only nominal, all power being in the hands of Ameen-oollah. Prince Futteh Jung has started with a few horsemen towards Jellalabad, and will probably halt for some days at Bootkak. The King sends me occasionally messages professing sincerity for the British Government; but he does not, in his present circumstances, do anything which would lead his subjects to suspect his attachment to us, or the whole population would rise up against him.”—[MS. Correspondence.]

THE LETTERS OF SHAH SOOJAH.

[Book VII., chapter 5, page 108.]

[Containing the King’s version of the causes and circumstances of our disasters at Caubul, and throwing some light upon his own character and conduct, the unpublished letters of Shah Soojah are sufficiently curious and interesting to induce me to insert a few of them in this place. It is important also to consider their bearing upon some of the events recorded in the chapter on the Defence of Jellalabad.]

FROM SHAH SOOJAH TO CAPTAIN MACGREGOR.

(Received January 21st, 1842.)

Let it be known to Captain Macgregor: you are aware of all that has occurred here. Notwithstanding all I said regarding the treachery of these men, they (the British) did not understand, but were guided by the advice of my enemies—that is, the Barukzyes—until arrived at this pitch. The clans of the Barukzyes had this object, that suspicion and ill-will should exist between the British and me. To the British they said, that I had instigated the rebellion; and to the Mahomedans they said, that I and the Feringhees were one, until they made me generally unpopular. Well; such was fated! It has caused me much grief and regret. God grant this wish of my heart, that the fate of Sir William Macnaghten and Mr. Trevor and the other gentlemen may befall my enemies! I frequently desired them, on the first outbreak of the rebellion, to bring everything into the Balla Hissar, which is a place of strength. They did not listen to my advice. I then begged them to endeavour to gain time—that when I could arrange matters with these men (Afghans) all would be well. During the time that I was besieged, I expended all that I had collected with so much labour, until I brought every one of influence over to my side by payment. Please God they may remain faithful to me!

No one but myself could manage these people (Afghans) and carry on the government. My sincerity and friendship to the East India Company was formerly well known: at present it is as evident to all the world as the light of day. If I had only some treasure, that during the two or three remaining months of winter I might strengthen myself, please God there is no one in this country who could displace me, and, by the blessing of God, everything would be arranged according to my desire. The men here are not to be won without money. God grant this wish of my heart! Before this I spent four lakhs of rupees in this affair, and I also gave two lakhs more; I have nothing else left. If some money could be received that I might win over these men, please God everything could be arranged according to my desire. It is to be hoped, as you will see, that in a few months I could collect horse and foot so that no one could stir. God grant this wish of my heart!

The bearer of this will verbally inform you of all other circumstances. It is advisable that you should send this paper to Peshawur, or even to the Governor-General. And send me an answer to this speedily. Whenever you hear of the arrival of this paper at Peshawur, be good enough to let me know, that I may feel sure of its having passed out of this country; because the evil-disposed are spreading reports that I am united to the Feringhees. Until I have gained my proper footing, it is necessary that, for some time, money should be sent to enable me to manage matters. When I have succeeded in establishing my power, I shall not require assistance from any one. Everything will be easy. Don’t let the men of this country know these things. Afterwards, whatever may be desirable for my good and for yours, God will grant. And God grant this wish of my heart! The bearer will tell you how matters stand. Whenever money has been received and I have reinstated myself, I shall have these people so much under my control, that if I order it they will carry the shoes of the Sahibs on their own heads.—[MS. Records].

FREE TRANSLATION OF A LETTER FROM SHAH SOOJAH TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA.

(Without date, brought on the 2nd of February, by a messenger fifteen days from Caubul.)

Be it known to my friend that I am King, and know the people well. It is right to treat people according to their deserts; some by kindness, others by severity.

Some evil-disposed persons, from fear of me, took refuge with Sir W. Macnaghten and Sir A. Burnes, and I could say nothing to them; they stirred up strife.

During the last two or three years I considered the Sahibs, and especially the Envoy, whom I valued more than my life, as my equals; without their pleasure I did nothing.

It was God’s will I should see what I would have wished not to have seen. May no other have such experiences.

Could it have been my wish to see my enemies and their families in the place of my friends?

Once or twice I wrote to you to send a person to inquire and inform you of the state of things in this country; but it was not done.

For two or three years I consoled the people, who told me if I was not King, they should understand it was the Feringhee; and they (the former) told me that when I came they expelled Dost Mahomed, but that I had disappointed them; that now their women left them, their country was lost; and, although at first they received pay, even that was stopped. I could not console the people, but I spoke of them to the Envoy, and told him that, sooner or later, there would be a disturbance; but he listened not to me. I told him they were deceiving him; but he believed me not, and desired me to be at ease, for that he would settle the country with two Pultuns (regiments).

He further told me to confine and expel some evil-disposed persons. I did so; but they got access to Nizam-oo-dowlah, and through him to the Envoy, who asked me to release them. I did so. Now I am distressed by those very people.

When the Envoy was going away I asked him to take me with him; for that I was in an extremity; I told him of what was going on, and was not listened to. I told him that complaints were daily made to me of Afghan women being taken to Burnes’s Moonshee, and of their drinking wine at his house, and of women being taken to the Chaonee (cantonments) on horseback, and of my having myself witnessed it. When people complained to me of such things, I asked who did so, that I might inquire; and told them not to defame the Sahibs. I first comforted and then reproved them; and said, if any person uses violence to your women, tell me, and inquiry shall be made.

The people have often before acted as they have now; they confined my brother Mahmood in the Balla Hissar; the conspirators then were Mooktear-oo-dowlah and Ahmed Khan, Noorzye, &c. They pretended it was a quarrel between the Sheeahs and Soonees; but it proved a great matter, and they saw that without me they could not settle matters. I was then among the Kakurs. The Khans sent for me, and all obeyed me.

In the present instance people said, “There are crores of rupees in the Chaonee; let us strengthen Islam.” Such are the people. Three or four dogs are gone (dead); as many remain.

Nizam-oo-dowlah was a dog and ruined all. I begged the Envoy not to ruin the people. Nizam-oo-dowlah said to the Douranees, the King and Envoy will destroy you. I will help you, but Captain Trevor will not let me. The people were thus stirred up. I was annoyed, but could not help myself; now, please God and by the help of friends, much may be done.

All were against me on account of you. They sent to me to separate myself from you, and for the sake of the faith to be King myself (some Sahibs were then in the Balla Hissar). I did not give a reply at the time, but sent word to the Envoy, who told me to turn them away. I did so, saying I owed everything to the Sahibs. They told me I would repent.

For some days there was fighting near the Chaonee and Balla Hissar and Balla Boorj; at which time I sent word to the Envoy to come with all his baggage to the Balla Hissar, where the troops could hold out for a year or two, telling him that three or four thousand of the inhabitants might be turned out, and guns and stores brought. After much debate, no answer was given. I said, “Very good! Please yourselves.”

Some days after I sent to the Chaonee, and warned them not to abandon it; that I knew the designs of the enemy, who intended to attack them; and by expending five or six lakhs of rupees I endeavoured to bring the people from the common enemy towards myself; but they told me to separate myself from you. On this account three or four Barukzyes separated themselves from me; but though I could not trust people, I managed matters by first paying three or four lakhs, and afterwards two or three, which they asked of me, thinking I would refuse, and they would have an excuse for separating from me; but I gave all I had, and now am moneyless. If, however, I had money, I could openly do much; but nothing is to be done without money (they are dogs). If I had money I could raise troops, and many of my old (Hindostanee) ones who returned naked are anxious to serve me; but I have no money. In heart I am yours, though all the world are separated from me.

Nizam-oo-dowlah knew a night before it occurred what was to happen, but did not tell me or the Envoy that we might prevent it.

The conspirators told the people that I was with them; and when the Prince went out with the troops, they (the traitors) said, “They are with us.”

I sent Mahomed Sherreef to settle matters, but he was not attended to; and he, as well as many of my troops, was killed, which event opened the eyes of the people of Caubul; so the conspirators, to implicate the people, attacked Sir A. Burnes.

If my counsel is taken much may yet be done; or, if not, I will go to Mecca. Here the people are confirmed traitors, or I could easily settle the whole country, and Persia and Khorassan.

What was fated has happened. I have not seen it in my sleep, but have actually witnessed it. May God remove the sorrow, that my enemies and their families should be in the place of my friends. Is there any in the world who gave their enemies the means to kill them? The dog Akbar came as a beggar from Toorkistan. His enmity to the Sahib-Log and myself was apparent; but lakhs of rupees were given him to escort the troops in their retreat; and what was the consequence? In the midst of the discussions I sent several times to the Envoy, and asked him why he nourished his enemy; but I was not attended to.

All Mussulmans turned from me on account of you; and for three months, for your sake, I experienced trouble and distress, and then the Envoy agreed to give the country to Mahomed Akbar, and to allow me a lakh of rupees a year, or four lakhs in Hindostan; but I knew and said, that as soon as they left the Chaonee they would be destroyed; and so it has proved.

Between us there were no differences, and there will not be.

When I saw how things were going, I expended money to draw the people from Mahomed Akbar; but now I can do nothing. I sent news to Macgregor, and to Ghuznee, and to Candahar.

The road is unsafe, so I cannot write aright.—[MS. Records].

FROM SHAH SOOJAH TO CAPTAIN MACGREGOR (WRITTEN IN SECRET BY HIS MAJESTY’S OWN HAND).

(Received February 6th.)

Let it be known to Captain Macgregor what misfortunes have befallen me! Everything occurs contrary to expectation. I wrote, that after labouring from earliest morning to nightfall, I had by a thousand schemes satisfied these men and made them swear fidelity. One came and another went; but all saying, “Be not united to the Feringhees.” This is what the Barukzyes are spreading among the people. I said in reply to them, “You yourselves have said that they (the Feringhees) have done nothing for the Sirkar, and have not fulfilled their promises; then how should the Sirkar be well disposed towards them? During the time that I was with them I felt that my name suffered, and I felt this disgrace—that it was known to all the world. I continued with them until the time when Sir William Macnaghten purposely told me to cast them (the Feringhees) off.[356] I then dismissed them, and you yourselves informed me that they (the Feringhees) had come to an understanding with Mahomed Akbar. How then could I still preserve any understanding with them? Rest perfectly satisfied. At present I have no understanding with the Feringhees.” At length, by every means in my power, I pacified them. These men at present, whether Barukzyes or other Afghans or Parsewans, are all obedient to me. Without my orders they do nothing. However, I place no trust in them. God grant that I may obtain the wish of my heart! I have no other desire. I cannot think that you are possessed of a proper sense of honour, since Dost Mahomed and his family remain there with honour. Should Akbar fall into my power, if I am a Mussulman or a man, what treatment he shall receive! Dost Mahomed and his wives and children, in revenge for the Sahibs who have fallen in this country, should be seen wandering in destitution through the bazaars and streets, that it should be known to all the world. What has been your treatment of that dog (Dost Mahomed)? So much wealth! And what return have you received from this faithless wretch (Mahomed Akbar)? May God accomplish this desire of my heart! It is now some days since they (the Afghans) have requested me to send Shumshoodeen Khan to Ghuznee. Until to-day I have delayed. I have also made delays in the direction of the Khybur. At length I am helpless, and if I do not consent I shall be suspected. And from Khybur intelligence has come that 200 men have been killed, and two loads of treasure and two guns abandoned to the enemy, and that Mackeson Sahib is shut up in Ali-Musjid requiring succour. If this is true, what management! How often have I said that if I possessed money I might collect some thousands of troops of my own! I should not require assistance from any one. I could do anything I liked. But I have nothing whatever. At this moment there is only remaining two or three thousand ducats. These men, who are my own servants, have remained with me; but, poor wretches, how many months are they in arrears! The other Afghans I have ordered to be mustered daily in my presence. Such as I may select I shall continue in service. I never have had and never can have any interest separate from yours. Alas! that you should not have known my worth! I will delay the despatch of the men some days longer. I shall be suspected. If I could know the truth I would arrange accordingly. If you think that this affair will succeed, and that an army will come, let me know the truth, and if it is unlikely, write to me that I may make such arrangements as shall fully satisfy you that not a cat belonging to you shall be injured. The retreat of the Caubul Pass was quite a different affair. All were then our mortal enemies. If I had money I should not require assistance from any one. Since I have no money, if the Lord (Auckland) does not think it advisable to send it, I must go somewhere else. There is not another person but myself who could manage this affair. I know these men well; and I have not seen a man who could do anything without my permission. Write these circumstances to the Governor-General, and tear up this paper. What misfortunes have befallen! Write explicitly, that arrangements may be made accordingly. They (the Afghans) have made many petitions regarding Candahar, that an order may be sent to the prince. It has been written and sent, carefully worded, to the best of my ability.

About this affair of Mackeson, I cannot understand what management this is. If it is true, you are destroying yourselves. I don’t know whether there is an understanding between you and Shere Singh that your troops should have a free passage (through the Punjab). I wrote to Shere Singh that it was a religious war, that he might understand. Tear up this paper; and remove from about your person the men of this country.—[MS. Records.]

FROM SHAH SOOJAH TO CAPTAIN MACGREGOR.

(Received February 8th.)

Let it be known to Captain Macgregor, I have no certain intelligence about affairs. I don’t know what perverseness is this, that up to the present time you will not appreciate my worth, nor understand your own position or interests. You do not correctly explain things to me; and if there is a prospect of your being supported from the rear, and you have, or are likely to have, a good understanding with Shere Singh, so that an army may come, then I would act here as such a state of circumstances would render expedient; but if there be no prospect of this, and you determine on any other course, I will then take such measures as may be desirable. May God grant the wish of my heart! I have prayed God to grant this prayer. God is omnipotent. Write to the Governor-General. I am not happy in this country; but if my friends desire it, I cannot oppose myself to their wishes. The settlement of that country can be satisfactorily managed; but the country could never have been settled in the manner in which you were making arrangements.—[MS. Records.]

FROM H. M. SHAH SOOJAH TO CAPTAIN MACGREGOR.

Let it be known to Mr. Macgregor, to the General, and to the other gentlemen, that which I did not wish to see, and which never entered into my imagination, it has been my lot to see. What I have already suffered, and am suffering, is known only to God.

Although I frequently remonstrated, they paid no attention to my words. These men have made fraud and deceit their trade. * * * During the time they were committing these excesses, and would not come in for some days, they continued plundering the shops and exciting disturbances in the city; and in this business all the Sirdars were concerned, and on this account the lower orders became like hungry dogs: but God shamed them, for they got nothing. What has happened was fated, and was owing to our own neglect. However much I said, “Come up above; the fort is strong; for one year no one can be brought within it; with my servants, and from 500 to 1000 others, the fort would be strong; and 2000 or 3000 others, with guns, sallying out might collect grain”—[it was in vain.] However, it has passed—such was our fate. I sent messages to cantonments, begging them not to defer their coming from to-day to to-morrow, from to-morrow to next day—that, please God, all would be right.

I had collected five or six lakhs of rupees in gold mohurs, knowing that these people, except for money, would not act honestly, even with God. I spent three or four lakhs of rupees amongst them. Every tribe made oath, wrote on the Koran, and sealed; but they still said, “The King and the Feringhees are one.” However, I have managed to bring them thus far, and given two lakhs more. It is a pity that I have no more money. If I had any more, and could raise 2000 or 3000 sowars, and 2000 foot-soldiers of my own, I would defy any one to stir. The foot-soldiers, too, who returned from the army, I collected—300 or 400—that they might be with my regiment. Oh! that God had never let me see this day! Although, if money reaches me, God will prosper everything. To give money to an enemy to collect troops, and to come and kill you, did ever any one so trust an enemy? Even now have nothing to say to that dog.[357] This, too, I have said to you, even as I warned you before. I am night and day absorbed in this one thought; it has occurred to my mind that it would be better if the few ladies and gentlemen should be brought here, in order that they might be released from the hands of that dog. This entered my mind, and I consulted with the Sirdars, and brought them to agree; before this, I had sent a paper to this effect to that dog. It struck me that that dog would not release and send them here. I then decided that it would be judicious that Jubbar Khan should be sent. I hope that he will bring them to this place in safety. By the blessing of God, my mind will be at ease. No one will have power to say anything to them; they will remain in safety. If this is approved of by you, I will take this course; but inform me if you do not approve of it, and can suggest anything else, that it may be arranged. Now, men of all ranks are flocking to me. * * * I have asked of God—if some money could be obtained all would go well, by God’s assistance. * * * At present, my subjects make petition to me to send money, and one of the princes with guns and an army to Candahar. * * * I had sent for Mr. Conolly, and other gentlemen, to consult with them, as they had themselves asked the Sirdar to send for them; but some one said to them, “If you go to the King he will kill you.” It was their (the Sirdars’) intention that the King should kill them. They had sent me word secretly beforehand. I replied, that if the world was upset, and every one my enemy, I would not do so. They then said, that it was really true what Jubbar Khan and Oosman Khan had said—that the King was not separate from the Feringhees. If he is, they said, give these (English gentlemen) to the king, that he may kill them. I heard this, and gave them answer. They understood their position, and repented of the step they had taken. Since this occurrence they come and go; and I have re-assured them. They now swear and protest that they will do nothing whatever without my wishes. If you think it can be done, God will shame my enemies.—[MS. Records.]

FROM SHAH SOOJAH TO CAPTAIN MACGREGOR.

(Written in secret by the Shah himself. Received at Jellalabad on the 7th of March.)

This is the state of affairs—that night and day I am disturbed about you. God help us! I did not wish to see such a day as this. All day I am thinking of this. The evil-disposed Mahomed Akbar, from the day he went to Lughman, has managed matters by the means of the money which was given to him. From that quarter letters arrived here (Caubul), and money was given to men who went to join him; at length it was put a stop to, some men were even stripped (on their way to join) in Bootkhak. At last, people went under the plea of Gazza (religious war); by these means only a few now go. It is nearly one month that I have delayed (sending troops to Jellalabad): no accounts have been received (from you). I have made myself unpopular with all Mahomedans on your account, and you have not comprehended it. This is an affair affecting life. Up to this time nothing is known (of your intentions). I know not upon what misfortunes I have fallen; and these men are displeased with me (saying) “It is not the Shah’s wish that we should go to Jellalabad; he wishes to destroy the true faith.” God help us! There is no saying when those men (British troops) will arrive. If things are thus managed, what may be expected in Hindoostan?

I am altogether devoted to you—may God protect me! If they (British troops) arrive within the next ten or fifteen days, it is well; but if not, what ought to be done? Whatever you think advisable, write to me plainly, that it may be well understood and arrangements made. I am always thinking how I can obtain possession of those gentlemen and ladies, that they may be in safety, and that this villain (Mahomed Akbar) may not injure them.

I sent a message to Mahomed Shah (Ghilzye) that, if any injury happened to them (the English prisoners), I would revenge it on him and his family, and root out his race, and that I would seize him. God will prosper this matter, though it is very difficult and complicated.

These rascals (Afghans) make numerous oaths, and in their hearts there is villany. May God put them to shame!

The true state of the case is this; if you think it will succeed, and that they (British troops) will arrive, the sooner the better. This is not a matter to be trifled with.

Shumshoodeen Khan, who went to Ghuznee, I ordered not to press the garrison hard until I had completed an engagement with you.

I have forgotten my own sorrows, and am grieving for yours. Neither day nor night can I rest, nor think of anything else.

If I came myself (to Jellalabad), I could arrange the affair as I wished. It has two advantages and one objection. I am puzzled. God deliver me! All that has happened has been caused by want of forethought. Now may God give me assistance!

I always said to Sir William Macnaghten that this affair would end badly.

The day that he made arrangements for leaving (Caubul for Bombay) I was ready to precede him, saying that I did not like the appearance of things here. He did not listen to me. The bearer will inform you of other particulars. What can I do? These men are the greatest curse in the world. If I had any money I could collect my army—then “could it be in the power of any one to injure even a dog that belonged to you?”—[MS. Records.]

The letters which Macgregor wrote in reply to the Shah were very brief, and intended to convey as little meaning as possible. One or two specimens will suffice:

CAPTAIN MACGREGOR TO HIS MAJESTY SHAH SOOJAH.

Your Majesty’s letter was received by me on the 21st of January, and I feel much honoured. The fact is, that what has occurred was fated. It is true that they (the British) made a mistake in not following your Majesty’s advice.

Please God, you may rest at ease regarding affairs here. In this quarter there is no enemy except Mahomed Akbar, who is at Lughman, and is the foe both of your Majesty and the British Government. The rabble of Ghilzyes who were with him have carried away to their homes what they were able to steal. With the exception of 200 or 300 Barukzyes there is no one else with him. And please God, if he comes, he will meet with a warm reception.

A copy of your Majesty’s letter was immediately forwarded to Peshawur, requesting that it might be sent with all possible haste to the Governor-General, and that an answer might be received, which may be soon expected. Rest at ease, that while I breathe I will not fail to assist your Majesty to the utmost of my ability. The army with the artillery may be considered to have arrived near this; indeed, they will be here as soon as the distance can be crossed.

FROM CAPTAIN MACGREGOR TO HIS MAJESTY SHAH SOOJAH.

March 9th.

Your Majesty’s letter, which was sent by the hands of a trustworthy person, has been received. Please God, if you can only cause delay for one month, whatever may be your wish can be arranged. Rest at ease, since the army under General Pollock, together with the Sikh force, has arrived at Peshawur, and may be considered as having arrived near this. Whatever the bearer of this may say is worthy of belief.—[MS. Records.]

NOTT’S LETTERS TO ENGLAND AND POLLOCK.

[Book VIII., chapter 1, page 179, et seq.]

Candahar, April 18th, 1842.

Sir,

I have been favoured with your letters of the 1st and 10th instant. I have also heard of the affair you had with the enemy on the 28th ultimo, and deeply regret the result. I have attentively perused the government despatch of the 15th ultimo forwarded through you. I have looked at our position in Afghanistan in every point of view that my judgment, aided by three years’ experience of its people, will admit of. I now deliberately note what I consider to be necessary to carry out the intention of the Supreme Government, and to assert and uphold the honour of our country, even should the government ultimately determine on withdrawing the British troops from the right of the Indus, it would be impossible to retire the troops below the passes before October. The troops at Candahar are four months in arrears, and we have not one rupee in the treasury. In the event of much field service we should run short of musket ammunition, and we are without medicine for the sick and wounded. I think it absolutely necessary that a strong brigade of 2500 men should be immediately pushed from Quettah to Candahar with the supplies noted in the foregoing paragraph. I therefore have to acquaint you that I will direct a brigade of three regiments of infantry, a troop of horse artillery, with a body of cavalry, to march from Candahar on the morning of the 25th instant. This force will certainly be at Chummun, at the northern foot of the Kojuck, on the morning of the 1st of May, and possibly on the 30th of this month. I shall, therefore, fully rely on your marching a brigade from Quettah, so that it may reach the southern side of the pass on the above-mentioned date. I believe there can be no difficulty whatever in accomplishing this, nor of crossing the Kojuck without loss, provided the heights are properly crowned on either side. I have crossed it three times in command of troops, and I know that what I now state is correct. There can be no danger in passing through Pisheen provided a careful and well-ordered march is preserved, and patroles and flanking parties of horse are thrown well out. The people of this country cannot withstand our troops in the open field. I am well aware that war cannot be made without loss, but yet, perhaps, the British troops can oppose Asiatic armies without defeat; and I feel and know that British officers should never despair of punishing the atrocious and treacherous conduct of a brutal enemy. You say you are not aware if I know the localities of Quettah. I know them well and I hope I shall be excused when I express my surprise that the authorities at Quettah should for a moment have thought of throwing up breastworks and entrenching that straggling and wretched cantonment, when the town and its citadel is so well calculated for every purpose which can render a post at all desirable in Shawl, and I am quite certain may be well defended by 500 men. Did I command at Quettah, I would relinquish the cantonment—it is useless. Quettah is not a place for a large body of troops. I feel obliged to you for pointing out the many difficulties attending our position, but you are aware that it is our first and only duty to overcome difficulties when the national honour and military reputation is so deeply concerned—nothing can be accomplished without effort and perseverance. On the last para. of your letter of the 10th instant, I have only to observe that I have not yet contemplated falling back. Without money I can neither pay the long arrears due to the troops, nor procure carriage for field operations. I deeply regret this state of things, which ought to have been attended to months ago. Had this been done, I should now have been on my march to Ghuznee. I shall fully rely on your brigade being at the Kojuck on the 1st of May or before. This letter I request may be forwarded to Major Outram.

W. Nott, Major-General.

To Major-General England, commanding

S. F. Force.

P.S.—You will of course perceive that I intend your brigade should join and accompany the detachment sent from this to Candahar. I have no cattle for treasure or stores.

[It was with no common anxiety that Nott awaited the return of his regiments from Candahar. He had sent them reluctantly to the Kojuck, and was eager to commence operations in another direction—to march upon Ghuznee, and then onward to meet Pollock at the capital. In the letters which he addressed at this time to his brother General at Jellalabad, his feelings found vent. They are eminently characteristic:]

Candahar, April 29th, 1842.

My dear General,

My last news from your side was of the 5th instant. I regret I am not on my way to Ghuznee—I am tied to this place. My troops have had no pay since December, 1841. I am in want of almost everything. I have not carriage even for three regiments, and I have not a rupee to buy or to hire cattle. For five months I have been calling for aid from Sindh—none whatever has been sent. At last Major-General England moved with money and stores, but received a check in Pisheen, and then retired to Shawl! I have now been obliged to send the best part of my force to the Kojuck Pass, in hopes of getting the treasure and stores I have so long been expecting, and without which my small force is paralysed. It is dreadful to think of all this. I ought to have been on my way to extend my hand to you from Ghuznee instead of which I am obliged to make a movement on the Kojuck. I have felt the want of cavalry. I have the Shah’s 1st Regiment, but I have never been able to get them to charge. My Sepoys have behaved nobly, and have licked the Afghans in every affair, even when five times their number. The moment my brigade returns from the Kojuck I move on Kelat-i-Ghilzye and Ghuznee, in hopes of saving some of our officers and men at the latter place. Instead of sending me cavalry, money, &c., the authority in Sindh coolly says, “When you retire bodily I hope to render you some assistance.” I believe I shall go mad! I have much to say, but am confined to a slip of paper.

Yours sincerely,

W. Nott.[358]

Candahar, May 6th, 1842.

My dear General,

I have this day received your letter of the 14th ultimo. I had before heard of your progress up to the 6th of April: this is the only note I have received from you. I enclose a copy of my note of the 29th of last month, which was sent vi Kelat-i-Ghilzye, and by which you will perceive how much I have been disappointed, and the state of the force under my command. It drove me almost mad to be forced to send the best part of my force to the Kojuck Pass instead of marching towards Caubul; but I had not a rupee to pay the long arrears of the troops, or to purchase cattle. The people of this country unfortunately have an idea that we are to retire whether we are successful or not, and therefore they will part with nothing; and, as far as cattle are concerned, we are nearly helpless. God knows why such delay has occurred in sending me money and stores. This is dreadful. I shall move towards Caubul the moment I can get carriage. General England’s retrograde movement has been a sad disappointment to me.

Yours sincerely,

W. Nott.[359]

P.S.—England has now, with the aid of my brigade, crossed the pass. He brings with him two twelve-pounder howitzers; but for these I should not have a single howitzer at command. Mortars I have none. I expect the troops here on the 10th. The Ghazehs still keep head within a few miles of us, not in great strength: the nucleus, however, exists. I have directed all camels within reach to be procured on any terms: want of money alone prevented me doing this earlier. The force I shall take from this must depend upon the available cattle. I trust it may amount to 5000 men. Rely on my making every effort to communicate with you; but from past experience I must regard this as extremely doubtful, and that we must not depend on mutual intelligence enabling us to make combined movements. No opportunity shall be lost; but if all attempts at correspondence fail, I will still hope that, as we have one object at heart, the similarity of our operations may in some measure supply the want of a concerted plan.

GENERAL NOTT AND THE SHAH’S FIRST CAVALRY.

[With reference to the passage in one of the above letters, to the effect that the Shah’s cavalry would not charge, I have received the following letter:]

Jhelum, April 28, 1852.

My dear Sir,

In the second volume of your “War in Afghanistan,” page 447. General Sir William Nott, in a letter to General Sir George Pollock, dated Candahar, April 29, 1842, states:

“I have felt the want of cavalry. I have the Shah’s 1st Regiment, but I have never been able to get them to charge.”

Captain Leeson, who commanded the regiment during my absence on sick leave, has since died. I therefore desire, without delay, to contradict this most extraordinary assertion. Fortunately, the regiment has built too solid a foundation by its own gallantry to be shaken by so malicious a representation, albeit made by a General Officer in whose word and opinion the public and Government placed such implicit faith; but General Nott was prejudiced against everything and everybody in any way connected with Shah Soojah and his country.

Facts are stubborn things, and I shall therefore make a few extracts from your valuable history of the War, which of themselves give denial to General Nott’s mis-statement.

Page 441, vol. i., states:

“A gallant charge of the Shah’s Horse, led by Peter Nicolson” (who took no undistinguished part in the after events of the war), “checked the onslaught of those desperate fanatics.”

In the engagement alluded to (page 591, vol. i.) at Assea Ilmee, no mention is made of the Shah’s 1st Cavalry; but it is well known that, under the command of Captain Leeson, aided by Lieutenant Moorcroft of the Madras Army, who was proceeding to join his regiment at Kelat-i-Gilzhee, and, who was a volunteer for the occasion, the Shah’s 1st Cavalry did make a very gallant charge by moonlight.

Page 603, vol. i., states:

“And then the Cavalry, headed by the young Prince Sufdur Jung, who had something more than the common energy of the Piczal race, charged with terrific effect, and utterly broke the discomfited mass of Dooranies.”

It is true that the Prince did accompany the charge, but a squadron of the Shah’s 1st Cavalry, under Lieutenant Crawford of the Bombay Army, who was wounded, did nearly all the execution, and followed in pursuit long after the Dooranie Horse under his Royal Highness had given up the chase.

Page 400, vol ii., states:

“A party of the Shah’s Horse, under Captain Leeson, and a detachment of Captain Wilson’s Jan Baz, who had remained true to us in the face of strong temptation, were sent out against the mutineers. The detachment came up with the rebels about twelve miles from Candahar. There was a brief but sturdy conflict. The mutineers charged in a body, but were gallantly met by Leeson’s men, and, after a hard struggle, were broken and dispersed.”

I send you a copy of Captain Leeson’s report of the affair. General Nott expressed to Captain Leeson his admiration of the gallantry of the regiment, and his determination to recommend it to the marked notice of Government.

Whatever his expressed intentions were, I have very good reason for believing that he never fulfilled them!

No. 235.

Candahar, 28th December, 1841.

Sir,

I have the honour to report for the information of the Major-General that, agreeably to his orders, I proceeded in search of the mutineers of the 1st Jan Baz Regiment with the details as per margin,[360] and, having received information on the road of a body of horse being in the direction of Chupreal, I ordered the Afghan Horse, who were in front, to proceed at a trot. After proceeding three or four miles they halted, and appeared in confusion, and on my riding to the front to learn the reason, I found they would not obey their officers’ orders to form, in consequence of the mutineers of whom we were in pursuit being drawn up to receive them, amounting from 250 to 300 men, joined by about 80 footmen, who, however, took no active part in the fight.

I immediately took the lead with my regiment, formed into line, and advanced at a trot. After proceeding a little distance, my progress was arrested by a wide ditch, through which I had to pass my regiment by files, and which was performed most steadily. The mutineers, seeing us advance so slowly, fancied us to be wavering and advanced to the charge. I waited for the last files to cross the ditch, when I charged them. The collision was severe, and the conflict, for the time it lasted, bloody, as will be seen by the accompanying return of killed and wounded. The struggle lasted for about five minutes, when the mutineers broke and fled in two bodies. I pursued that which appeared to me the largest one, upwards of fourteen miles, cutting down the only three stragglers we came up with, and having seen the body enter the enclosed country on the Urghandab below Hinz-i-Muddud Khan, and having only sixteen men with me, I gave up the chase.

It is impossible that men could have behaved better than those of the 1st Cavalry. Their formations were as steadily performed as ever I saw them done on parade, and they advanced on the foe in as beautiful a line as possible.

The whole of our work was done by the sabre, not a shot being fired on our side from either matchlock or pistol, thus proving the confidence these men have acquired in their proper weapon.

I regret to say that the conduct of the 2nd Jan Baz was shameful and cowardly. In the first instance, they refused to form when ordered by their officer, until sheltered by my line, and afterwards, when ordered by him to cross the water-course and join in the attack, they refused, notwithstanding the gallant example set them by Lieutenant Wilson, who charged, followed by his standard-bearer, alone. He was immediately joined by several of my men, who, seeing the precarious situation of their old adjutant, rallied round him, and I must not omit to mention that the lives of myself and Lieutenants Chamberlain and Wilson, who were with me, were saved by the devotion of these gallant men, who, whenever we were in danger, rushed to the rescue.

It seemed to be the main object of the mutineers to destroy the officers, which must inevitably have been the case, had it not been for the devotion of the men of the 1st Cavalry.

I have not mentioned the number of the enemy slain. I should say they must have amounted to between fifty and sixty, for I saw from twenty to twenty-five fall near me, and Lieutenant Wilson reports having seen thirty to forty bodies in the direction he took. The pursuit being immediate, there was no time to look about us, and on my return to the field of action, there were only three bodies remaining, which I believe to have been those of Sheeahs.

I have the honour to be, &c.,

(Signed)

Joseph Leeson,

Captain Commanding Shah’s 1st Cavalry.

To Captain Ripley,

Fort Adjutant, Candahar.

Killed: 1 sowar, 26 horses.—Wounded: 1 resaldar, 1 naib, 1 jemadar, 1 duffadar, 26 sowars, 16 horses.

Four months after this event, which I believe was the only instance throughout the whole war where both parties met at full gallop in good earnest, General Nott was pleased to say “I have never been able to get them to charge.”

But I will adduce further proof of General Nott’s untruth.

Page 404, vol. ii., states:

“But the Cavalry, with two Horse Artillery guns, were now slipped upon the enemy, who broke and fled in dismay.”

This was sixteen days after Chuplanee, and the men were mad to be at the enemy—indeed, they would not be restrained, and no sooner was the charge sounded than, with a terrific yell, they flew over the plain in pursuit of an intimidated foe, who knew from experience that they would give no quarter, and ask none.

We now come to the cause of General Nott’s aspersion of the Regiment.

Page 416, vol. ii., most truly states:

“But they shrank from meeting our bayonets, and it was long before they even ventured to come within reach of our guns. The artillery then told with such good effect on the dense masses of the enemy, that they were more than ever disinclined to approach us.”

It was on the 8th of March 1842, the day after General Nott took the field ostensibly to war, but truly to feed his half-starved cattle, that the enemy, who had threatened our camp on the previous evening, were now collected in dense masses and entirely cavalry. They owed the Shah’s 1st Regiment a grudge for the lesson read to the mutinous Jan Baz, and they were determined to pay them off. General Nott’s cavalry, consisting of 400 sabres Shah’s 1st Cavalry, and 150 of Skinner’s Horse, certainly the aggregate was not 600, were pushed to the front with Anderson’s twelve guns, commanded by Captains Cooper and Turner. The country was intersected by large, deep, wide water-courses, over which there was great difficulty in transporting the guns. General Nott and his Infantry were fully one mile in the rear, with two or three of the nullahs alluded to between. The cavalry and guns were halted after some cannonading at the enemy, who hovered in front and on both flanks. Captain Saunders, of the Engineers, brought up an order from General Nott, desiring Captain Leeson to charge the enemy, but which body, or to which flank, was not named. Captain Leeson’s reply was, “If I do, the enemy will possess himself of the guns, as they will be totally unsupported.” From a mound close at hand the enemy were seen in swarms, computed from 5000 men and upwards, and all cavalry. A second, and a third, and a fourth message were brought by Lieutenant North, Bombay Engineers, and Captains Polwhele and Waterfield, and one of them brought word to say that General Nott had desired him to say that if Captain Leeson would not lead the charge, he would do so himself. Whilst this delay occurred, a party of the enemy having seen Skinner’s Horse, under Lieutenant Travers, on the other side of a village, determined to destroy them, and came down to the attack. Travers flew for refuge to the guns, which had hardly wheeled about for action. Nor had the Shah’s 1st Cavalry much time to form close column in rear of the guns, which were drawn up in a curve, when a body of the Dooranie Horse charged down with yells, brandishing their swords and waving their flags along the ground. They were received with grape, and it was not until several saddles had been emptied that they withdrew. This attempt to charge the guns, supported by all General Nott’s cavalry, showed in what estimation, in their then overpowering numbers, the Dooranies held the Hindostanee Horse!! Opinions were divided as to the propriety of Captain Leeson’s refusal to charge: by many he was censured, and by many he was praised highly, for having had the moral courage (when from General Nott’s distance from the scene, and the amount of responsibility which devolved upon him) to determine not uselessly to lead a regiment to utter destruction, and not to sacrifice twelve out of General Nott’s only eighteen guns! He did all that he could do. He immediately tendered the resignation of his command, which was not accepted. He begged for a court of inquiry, and demanded a court martial. He attended upon General Nott, and personally tendered resignation a second time, and a second time it was refused, General Nott assuring him that he was well satisfied with him, &c., but that in having disobeyed his orders to charge, he had committed an error in judgment. I doubt not but that it was founded upon this event, that General Nott wrote as he did. But surely it was no fault of the regiment. The men had never been ordered to charge. Had they, they would have done so most willingly!

Again page 423, vol. ii., states:

“The bright afternoon sun shed its slant rays upon the sabres of the enemy, and lit them up like a burning forest. Our Infantry were drawn up in a hollow square, covering a crowd of camels. The Horse Artillery guns, which had done such good service before, were playing gloriously, under Turner’s direction, upon the dense bodies of the enemy’s Horse, whom their heavy fire kept at a cautious distance; and just as General Nott, with the reinforcements, came in sight, Lieutenant Chamberlain, of the Bengal Service, an officer of the Shah’s Cavalry, who, at the head of a small party, had charged the enemy, was driven back, and emerging from a cloud of dust, formed in rear of the Infantry with the loss of a few men killed, himself and many of his party wounded, but not without having given very satisfactory proof of his power as a swordsman, albeit his treacherous weapon had broken in his hand.”

This occurred at Baba Wullee 25th March, and everyone in the force except General Nott was aware that the combined charge of a party of the Shah’s 1st Cavalry, and a similar party of Skinner’s Horse, although most unnecessarily ordered by Colonel Wymer commanding, was most gallantly executed.

Page 587, vol. ii., in a foot note, in a letter from General Nott to Lieutenant Hamersley, dated June 2nd, alluding to an action fought under the walls of Candahar, he says “a detail of the 1st Cavalry, under Chamberlain, behaved very well indeed:” but he never said so in his public despatch, nor did he ever allude to the recovery by the Shah’s 1st Cavalry of the guns which Shumshoodeen carried off after the action of Ghoine, but to which allusion is made in page 602, vol. ii.

General Nott was determined that the Shah’s Cavalry never should have any credit. He said after the action at Ghoine that he would mention their gallantry, but that he did not do so, everyone knows.

I think I have said quite sufficient to disprove General Nott’s assertion. I do not consider it just, quietly to submit to the charge of cowardice imputed to the regiment on the page of history.

The Shah’s 1st Cavalry has for some years past been transferred into the 9th Regiment Irregular Cavalry, and the mottoes on the standards, gallantly displayed by them, are refutations of Sir William Nott’s assertion.

In proportion as your work has had an extensive circulation, so am I desirous that this explanation should be made known; and when your work goes through the second edition, I trust you will make such remarks as may be an antidote to the letter which has caused this long statement.

Believe me, my dear Sir, faithfully yours,

J. Christie, Lieutenant-Colonel,

Commanding 9th Irregular Cavalry,

Late Commanding Shah Soojah’s 1st Cavalry.

To J. W. Kaye, Esq., Bletchingley, Surrey.

[Book VIII., chapter 3, page 226.]

[The following is the letter from Pottinger to Macgregor, alluded to in the text. It is important, as showing what, in the course of my researches after truth has been emphatically denied, that at this early period Akbar Khan had begun to open negociations for the restoration of Dost Mahomed.]

“Sirdar Mahomed Akbar Khan has been with us to-day; and from what I can learn, it seems that Shah Soojah has entirely thrown us overboard, and is about to proceed to open war with us; and the following appears to be the grounds on which he wishes to treat. The agreement he wishes us to enter into is, that if Shah Soojah, or any of Shah Soojah’s sons in enmity to the English may send an army to attack Jellalabad, it will thus become evident that the King is the enemy of the English; and the English will treat him as such—and then Sirdar Mahomed Akbar Khan will be considered the friend of the English, who will act according to his wishes with respect to this country, and will release the Ameer Dost Mahomed Khan with all his family, and send them to this country with all honour and respect, and will restore him to his government, in the same manner as they took it from him to give it to Shah Soojah; but will leave to the Ameer and Sirdar Mahomed Khan the full control of the people and government; and if any enemy attack the government thus established, the British Government will aid it with either money or an army, and the friends of the one government will be the friends of the other. The agreement which the Sirdar will enter into is this, that he will hereafter be the friend of the English; but that at present, to prevent himself being abused by his people, he must proceed to close the Khybur Pass against the approach of the English army; but he will not attempt to attack Jellalabad before the arrival of Shah Soojah’s son and army; and after their arrival he will use every endeavour to secretly aid the garrison until the arrival of his father and family.” [Major Pottinger to Major Macgregor: Budeeabad, January 23, 1842. MS. Correspondence.] From Major Pottinger’s letters written about this time, his real opinion of the conduct of Akbar Khan can only be extracted by ascertaining the circumstances under which the different documents were prepared—some of them having been written at the request of the Sirdar himself. There are two letters of January 23, one of an official tendency, quoted above—the other of a more private and more genuine character, in which the writer says: “He” (Akbar Khan) “sent out the day before yesterday a Persian letter for me to send to you in English; I wrote a letter telling you the meaning, which he sent back to-day, and requesting me to give him an exact copy of his own. I have done so it is true; but I fancy his humanity was only a sham, and every sinew was strained to destroy our poor fellows. He has, however, treated us personally well, and very much so.”—[MS. Correspondence.] The despatch of these private letters was discovered by the Sirdar, who is said to have disarmed all the prisoners in consequence of this discovery.—[Eyre.]

THE EARTHQUAKE AT BUDEEABAD.

[Book VIII., chapter 3, page 226.]

“February 19.—At about eleven we were visited by the most fearful earthquake within the memory of any man in this country. The day was beautifully clear, and nothing indicated the approach of such a visitation. Most of us were inside our rooms, when we heard a heavy rumbling noise, as of thousands of heavy carriages. This was immediately succeeded by a heaving of the earth, which caused a rocking of the walls, and made us all rush out into the court-yard, which we had no sooner entered than the shock, which had ceased for an instant, again came on with a hundred-fold violence. The high massive walls by which we were surrounded, heaved to and fro most fearfully, whilst we, for security, huddled together as closely as we possibly could in the centre of the square, where there was a deep wood-cellar. All of a sudden, there was a frightful crash around us; and the earth heaved up and down to such a degree that we could scarcely stand. The crash was succeeded by a dense cloud of dust, which, for five or six seconds, prevented our seeing the amount of injury done. The walls of the wood-cellar fell in. The earth around us was giving way; and we were afraid to move to the right or left, as it would bring us within range of the walls which were falling on both sides of us. The shock had now expended itself. The dust cleared away. And we then saw that our out-houses and the roof of one of our sleeping-rooms had tumbled in. The upper parts of the walls were down, and those portions which still remained were either thrown out of their perpendicular or had large rents in them. God grant we may never again experience such a visitation. On the shock ceasing, we went outside the fort, and frightful was the devastation. The whole valley was one cloud of dust. Almost every part had been either wholly or partially destroyed, and great was the loss of life. Even mountains did not escape; and fearful were the crashes of huge rocks, as they were precipitated with awful violence to the plains below. We had shocks at least a dozen times during the day—but none of so alarming a nature as the first.”—[Captain Johnson’s Narrative of his Captivity. MS.]

LETTER OF FUTTEH JUNG TO CAPTAIN MACGREGOR.

[Book VIII., chapter 5, page 265.]

High in Place,

The astounding event of the Shah’s murder will be known to you. These treacherous tyrants, how tyrannical has been their act! If the Shah had not been united to the interests of the English, and had not attended and acted according to their advice, why should he have met with such an end, and why was he with them until the last, save that he hoped for their co-operation? They placed that ungrateful man, the Nizam-oo-dowlah (Oosman Khan), in power, and, by their acting according to his advice, matters came to such a pass. The Shah was aware of the treachery and disaffection of these persons, and how much soever he warned the English of this, it was of no use. It was because the Shah looked upon himself and the English as one, and attended to their pleasure, that the revolution took place; but this is known to you. The people, high and low, have sealed the Koran, sent their deputies with it to the Shah, stating that, if the Shah would forsake the English and ally himself to Islam, they would acknowledge him as their King. The Shah replied: “They and I are one; I am not separated from them.” These bastards united and proclaimed the Shah an infidel. The Shah told the English to leave the cantonments and enter the Balla Hissar. The English did not consent to this. The Shah then endeavoured to conciliate the rebels, and night and day took oaths with them, with the view of carrying out the plans of the English. After the English left the cantonments, the people tendered to the Shah their submission, and endeavoured to persuade the King to attack Jellalabad. The Shah, by a thousand devices, managed for two and a half months to put them off, in order that the British reinforcements might reach you. All the money that the Shah possessed he gave to the people. The people gave out that as the Shah would not go to Jellalabad, it was evident that he was friendly to the (British) infidels; he and they were one. The Shah felt embarrassed. He said to his confidential servants: “If I go to Jellalabad, lakhs of people would collect, and I should be unable to control them, and if by this time the British reinforcements had not arrived, it would be bad for the cause.” The King, not knowing that the reinforcements had arrived, agreed to leave the city, but determined not to reach Jellalabad for twenty days—500,000 registered troops—and if he saw that it was to their advantage, he would join the British. On the 22nd Suffur (5th of April), the Shah’s murder took place; on the 23rd Suffur, the Populzye nobles, and Ameen-oollah Khan, Loghuree, placed me on the throne. Even as the Shah was the friend and well-wisher of the English, so am I the friend and well-wisher of the English. On account of this friendship the King sacrificed his life and property. Had he accepted the friendship of the Mussulmans, the Shah would neither have been proclaimed an infidel, nor have thus met with his death from the hands of the Barukzyes. I am not pleased at having been placed on the throne by these people. If God places me on the throne, and if this country is again in the possession of the British, and they support me on the throne and in getting my revenge from these tyrants who killed the Shah, then I shall be pleased. The Shah sacrificed his life and property on account of the English, and now it is for them to uphold the reputation of his family. If in a few days your army does not arrive at Caubul, they will carry off the Shah’s family. Write speedily, and tell me what I am to do, and what the family of the Shah is to do. It is necessary that the British should arrive soon. The death of the Shah has caused disunion among the chiefs. It is necessary that your army, with a large army of the Sikhs (God willing), should advance. When I was first placed on the throne, the people were considering the death of the Barukzyes, but on hearing that your army had arrived at Jellalabad, and that Mahomed Akbar had been defeated, the people agreed to suspend hostilities among us, and endeavoured to induce me to attack Jellalabad. Up to the present time this is what they are striving to effect, but I tell them, that if they will in the first place avenge the Shah’s death, then I’ll go to Jellalabad. But I am powerless, and shall anxiously expect a letter from you. Tell me how to act. To defeat this people is at present very easy, for great is their disunion. Start soon for Caubul.—[MS. Records.]

DEFEAT OF THE NEWAB ZEMAUN KHAN.

[Book VIII., chapter 5, page 277.]

“The reason of the overthrow of the Newab is the disaffection of some of the most influential men of his party—the chief one being Oosman Khan, who was bought over with 1000 gold mohurs. The Pultuns also went over, and our host (Meer Hadjee) was bribed with 4000 gold mohurs, and during the fight his brother, Mahomed Dost, took an active part against the Newab. Poor old Zemaun Khan was a dupe throughout to Hotspur’s (Akbar Khan’s) perfidy, and a victim to misplaced confidence.”—[Lieutenant John Conolly to Captain Macgregor: Caubul, June 23, 1842. MS. Records.]

Akbar Khan’s own account of the affair, and of his subsequent treatment of Zemaun Khan, is on record in the following letter to the Shinwarree chiefs: “Up to the day of writing this, the 17th of Jamadi-ul-aroal (26th July), all is well here with me. As it was an object of paramount importance that in the contest with the race of misguided infidels the whole of the numbers of the true faith should be united together, and the attainment and perfecting of this object appeared indispensable, therefore did the whole of the devoted followers of the true faith consent to choose me as their head, and to place themselves under my command. All the tribes and leaders of the Douranees, Ghilzyes, and Kuzzilbashes and Kakulees and Kohistanees, have submitted to me, and I have placed on the throne the King, high in power, majestic as Alexander, ambitious as Kai-Khusro, Shah-zadah Futteh Jung, son of the late King, and caused the Khutba to be read and coin to be struck in his name, redoubted as that of Faridoon. Newab Mahomed Zemaun Khan, having in some respects opposed himself to my views and interfered with me, at length came to an open rupture, and commenced hostilities against me. After several of my people had been killed and wounded, then, and not till then, I, of necessity, gave the order to them to retaliate. In two hours the engagement was at an end; and all order being destroyed among the troops of the Newab, they were dispersed. His guns and magazines, stores and horses, and regiments and jezailchees, and other appendages of power which he had newly prepared, all fell into my possession. As the Newab was a part and parcel of myself—not wishing to reduce him to a state of poverty and want—I, on the same day, restored to him all his horses: the rest of his property I kept possession of. Since then, all the leaders of the different tribes have acknowledged my authority, and I firmly trust that all my future undertakings will in like manner be crowned with success, and that the object nearest the hearts of me and you, and all the race of Islam—viz., the extermination, root and branch, of the detested race of infidels, may be without difficulty accomplished. Set your mind perfectly at rest on this subject, and do not entertain any misgivings, and gird up your loins for action, and be ready with the fear-inspiring and punishment-inflicting Ghazees, and use your utmost exertions and efforts to close the Khybur road and intercept their dawk communications, that their messengers may not pass to and fro, and that no grain may reach them from any quarter; for this is the real way to defeat this misguided and detested race,—this is the real battle of martyrdom which you must fight: therefore consider this injunction as of the very first importance. In a short time, by the favour of God the Almighty, and the assistance of the founders of our religion, this humble servant of God, with a terror-inspiring army from this country, and an artillery thundering and flashing fire, and with jezailchees threatening like Mars, and with artillerymen like Saturn, and Ghazees, who march hand-in-hand with victory, will set out for your direction: and if it be the will of God, will soon clear the surface of that country, sweeping from it the rubbish from the bodies of the enemies of our religion. Meanwhile it behoves you, in anticipation of the arrival of the exalted standards, the emblems of victory, to spare no exertions to stir up the strife of religion, and send me constantly news of your welfare, and of the movements of the vile infidels, that according to your information I may take measures to counteract them. Futteh Mahomed, the son of Saadat Khan, is here, and will shortly leave me to join you with the Ghazees.”—[MS. Records.]

LORD ELLENBOROUGH AND SIR JASPER NICOLLS.

[Book IX., chapter 1, page 286.]

It was not until the 27th of August that the Commander-in-Chief was informed, by a letter from General Pollock, of the instructions sent to General Nott on the 4th of July. How entirely the Governor-General had set aside the authority of the Commander-in-Chief, and what Sir Jasper Nicolls thought both of Lord Ellenborough’s conduct and of the advance on Caubul, may be gathered from the following extracts from his journal:

“June 6.—To my astonishment, Lord E., in consequence of General Pollock’s complaints of want of carriage, has consented to his remaining beyond the Khybur till October, though he quotes the Duke of Wellington’s dictum, that an army, which cannot be moved as you will, is no army at all. He will thus have an unhealthy, difficult pass behind him for four or five months, and possibly involve us in another dreadful campaign. These changes are dreadful. I wish that I had nothing to do with them.”

“June 30.—The Secret Committee review the proceedings of Government, from December to February last, not with asperity, but with decided disapprobation of the uncertain policy of that time, and the contradictory resolutions and orders which were then passed. This is very well deserved, for it was then, in November or December, that Government ought to have decided to leave the country or to resume our full control over it.”

“August 8.—The wants of General Pollock’s army are put down at 6½ lakhs per mensem, and we are just going to send 20 to clear him off—the last, I believe and hope, which we shall send to be buried in the Punjab and Afghanistan. Twenty-one lakhs he had before.”

“August 15.—General Nott has fixed on the 2nd of this month for leaving Candahar, and in two divisions—the Bombay troops by Quettah and Sukkur—the Bengal column by Dehra Ismael Khan. This is quite new to me, and may be either ordered by the General or suggested by Lord E.”

“August 20.—This order as to retirement by Dehra Ismael Khan appears the effect of impulse. Its neglect of me I forgive, though a manifest slight; but I do not find that he has ordered the necessary supplies to be collected for the retreat through the Sikh territory, which is, in parts near that place, almost a desert.”

“August 24.—The 3rd Dragoons, and another troop of horse artillery, are about to join Sir R. Sale at Futtehabad. Can the General be now organising an advance on Caubul? Is he commanded to do so? Can he effect it? Is he to encamp at Gundamuck till Nott’s attack on Ghuznee (if that take place)? It is curious that I should have to ask myself these questions; but so it is. I am wholly ignorant of the intended movements of either. Lord Ellenborough means to surprise friend and foe equally.”

“August 27.—To-day I find, by a despatch from General Pollock, that General Nott has decided on returning to the provinces, vi Ghuznee and Caubul. Lord E., by letter dated 4th of July, gave him a choice as to the line by which to withdraw, and he has chosen this—certainly the noblest and the worthiest; but whether it will release our prisoners and add to our fame, I cannot venture to predict. Lord E.’s want of decent attention to my position is inexcusable.”—[Sir Jasper Nicolls’ MS. Journal.]

THE GHUZNEE PRISONERS.

[Book IX., chapter 3, page 349.]

I have stated in a note that the Caubul prisoners, before their removal to Bameean, had been joined by their fellow-captives from Ghuznee. Some idea of the sufferings of the latter may be derived from the following passages of Lieutenant Crawford’s Narrative: “Every little thing we had managed to secure, such as watches, penknives, money, &c., was taken from us, and we were strictly confined to a small room, eighteen feet by thirteen. In it there were ten of us. * * * When we lay down at night we exactly occupied the whole floor; and when we wanted to take a little exercise we were obliged to walk up and down (six paces) by turns. Few of us had a change of linen, and the consequence was we were soon swarming with vermin, the catching of which afforded us an hour’s employment every morning. I wore my solitary shirt for five weeks, till it became literally black and rotten. * * * On the 7th of April we heard of Shah Soojah’s death, and from that date the severities of our confinement were redoubled. They shut and darkened the solitary window from which we had hitherto derived light and air, and they also kept the door of our room constantly closed, so that the air we breathed became perfectly pestiferous. On the 21st of the month they tortured Colonel Palmer with a tent-peg and rope in such a manner that it is wonderful he ever recovered the use of his foot. I cannot in a letter explain the process of the torture, but we all witnessed it, and it was something on the principle of the Scotch boot described in ‘Old Mortality.’ * * * In the end of April our guards suddenly became particularly civil to us for a few days, and we found that they had a report of the advance of our troops. * * * On the 12th of May we were permitted to quit our prison-room, and walk on the terrace of the citadel for one hour. * * * Just at this period (June 15) one of our number, Lieutenant Davis, 27th N. I., had sickened with typhus fever. We had no medicines, no comforts for him, and he lay on the ground delirious, raving about home and his family, and every hour proving worse, till, on the 19th, death put an end to his sufferings. We read the burial service, and then made his body over to the guard to bury; but I am afraid they merely flung the poor fellow into a ditch outside the gate. On the following day we were removed to another building, where we had three or four rooms to ourselves, and a court-yard to walk about in. This was a delightful change. From this date the conduct of Shumshoodeen towards us improved greatly. * * * It was on the 19th of August, we had, as usual, wrapped ourselves up in our cloaks, and taken lodgings on the cold ground for the night, when the chief suddenly entered the yard, and told us we were to march immediately for Caubul; and sure enough in half an hour we found ourselves moving towards the capital. * * * We went direct to Mahomed Akbar’s quarters in the Balla Hissar, and from him we met with the kindest reception. He bade us be of good cheer, as our future comfort would be his care, and we should find ourselves treated like officers and gentlemen. * * * We found our countrymen living in what appeared to us a small paradise. They had comfortable quarters, servants, money, and no little baggage, and a beautiful garden to walk in.”

THE ALLEGED EXCESSES AT CAUBUL.

[Book IX., chapter 3, page 360.]

ABSTRACT TRANSLATION OF A LETTER FROM GHOLAM MAHOMED KHAN, THE WUZEER, AND KHAN SHEREEN KHAN THE KUZZIL-BASH CHIEF, TO THE ADDRESS OF GENERAL POLLOCK, C.B.	REMARKS BY GENERAL NOTT.
A.C.
On the 14th of Shah Bau (20th September) the inhabitants of Aushar and Chardeh were plundered by the Candahar force, and sustained loss of life and property(1): their women were not respected. In the village of Deh Dana Causim, and in Zeibah Shewan Khan, and at Chardeh, two persons were killed(2). The Ausharries are employed in your service, in the rescue of your prisoners: if their houses are plundered and their people(3) killed, all confidence among the people will at once be destroyed. If it is your intention that protection should be afforded to the people, and to avail yourself of our resources(4), redress should be granted under our promises of protection to the people returning to their homes. — We are satisfied that it is not your pleasure that the troops should behave in this manner(5). — To-day, the 15th of Shau Bau (21st September), the army which was appointed to destroy Meer Hajee’s fort also destroyed the property belonging to people of the neighbourhood: these people should also have redress granted them(6). — If the English do not grant them redress, the ryots(7) will fly from their homes, and they will have no longer confidence in us. — Just now news has reached us that the Candahar force has encamped at AllaÁbÁd(8), which belongs to us, and where our families are lodged(9); the force has already plundered our grain and fruit(10). — If your friends suffer in this way, what may your enemies expect?(11) Those people who returned to the town are leaving it again. — Redress should be speedily granted, and Lamars should be stationed at each village for its protection(12).	1. This is unfounded, with the exception of a few worthless articles, stolen by surwans and grass-cutters, for which they were most severely punished. —2. I never heard of two Afghans having been killed; but four Europeans unarmed, walking at a little distance from camp, were killed by these monsters. —3. What people? The population of this valley had left it before my force had arrived, and have not been here since, with the exception of a few individuals. —4. Why are not these resources brought in when an extravagant price is offered for them? —5. This is a false assertion, for which the writer ought to be instantly punished: the troops have not behaved ill. 6. What this man means by this I know not; no army, no detachment was appointed by me to destroy a fort. I did hear that General Sale ordered one to be burnt, but whether he did so or no I do not know; but if he did, I dare say he had good reasons. —7. I repeat that there are no ryots in the villages. All men capable of bearing arms are with different chiefs, and there is no knowing the hour we may be attacked by them. —8. Yes, I have encamped, and I can but admire the extreme insolence of this man in presuming to object to it. —9. This is false; there are no families near the place. –10. This is false; with the exception of fruit in the immediate vicinity of camp. –11. We have not a friend in Afghanistan; and I know what our enemies ought to expect for their cruelty, treachery, and bloody murders. –12. What insolence in this man, whose hands are still red with the blood of our countrymen, to dictate how and where we are to place our troops! –I cannot conclude my remarks on this document without offering my opinion that the writer should be instantly seized and punished for sending such a grossly false and insolent statement.

W. Nott, M.-Gen.

Camp near Caubul, 22nd September, 1842.

Sir,—I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this day’s date, and to acquaint you that I conceive that General Pollock, C.B., must have received some erroneous information. No army ever moved with fewer instances of plunder than that under my command, and not an instance of irregularity has occurred without punishment being inflicted. The persons who had made this complaint ought to be made to prove the truth of what they say. I believe the enemy (I mean Futteh Jung’s party and the rest of the people) are organising a system to bring our men to the same state of starvation to which General Elphinstone’s army was reduced, in hopes of the same results.

While I think it my duty to state this, I must declare that I will not, to please a few Afghans, who have scarcely washed their hands from the blood of our countrymen, allow my army to be destroyed, and my country to be dishonoured. There is grain in the country, and I think it ought to be brought in immediately, the same being paid for.

General Pollock’s order shall be proclaimed through my camp immediately, but I have not heard of a single act of plunder during the last twenty-four hours.

I have, &c.

W. Nott, Major-General,

Commanding Field Forces.

To Captain Ponsonby,

Assistant Adjutant-General, Camp.

SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE OF CAUBUL. FUTTEH JUNG AND SHAHPOOR.

[Book IX., chapter 3, pages 366-367.]

[The following extract of a letter from General Pollock, shows what was really done by that officer with respect to the Suddozye succession. The declaration of the chiefs alluded to at page 367 is subjoined.]

“Shortly after my arrival at Caubul I despatched a force, under Major-General M’Caskill, to disperse the followers of Ameen-oollah Khan and Mahomed Akbar, and to endeavour to secure the person of the latter. Futteh Jung continued for several days in power, and appeared disposed to endeavour to retain it. The hope which then existed, that Mahomed Akbar Khan would fall into our hands, no doubt had great influence with him; but when this hope vanished, the representations of his female relations, and the remembrance of the gross treachery he had experienced from the chiefs on former occasions, appear to have alarmed him; and at length he announced to me his determination to accompany the British troops to Hindostan. At the same time I received a letter, a translation of which I have now the honour to forward, from Gholam Mahomed Khan (the minister) and Khan Shereen Khan, the chief of the Kuzzilbashes, on the part of several other chiefs, avowing their determination to support the brother of Futteh Jung (Shahpoor) on the throne of Caubul. It was long before I could convince the chiefs comprising this party that they could not hope for any assistance from the British Government, either in money or troops; but as they still persisted in urging me to allow the Prince Shahpoor to remain, and as he repeatedly assured me he was anxious to do so, I did not conceive myself authorised by my instructions to remove him forcibly from Caubul, and only stipulated that the British Government should not be supposed to have raised him to the throne. On the morning of the 12th of October, after the British troops had marched from Caubul, Prince Shahpoor was put on the throne, and the chiefs took the oaths of fidelity to him.”—[General Pollock to Lord Ellenborough: MS. Correspondence.]

FROM WUZEER GHOLAM MAHOMED KHAN, POPULZYE; AND KHAN SHEREEN KHAN, CHIEF OF THE KUZZILBASHES, ON THE PARTS OF ALL THE CHIEFS AT CAUBUL.

A.C.

Be it known to you, that since we, the Populzyes and the other Douranee tribes and the Kuzzilbash cannot exist under the Barukzyes; and as such a state of things is altogether out of the range of possibility; and moreover, since his Royal Highness Futteh Jung has decided on quitting the country; we agree and accept of the Prince Shahpoor as our King, and will obey him as our ruler. But we hope that you will, from this time, put a stop to the destruction of forts and other property, that the people may regain confidence, and return to their own houses; and we also beg that Meer Soofaee Byanee, who is a prisoner in Charekur, be sent for and made over to us, that people may be induced to come in to us. And if you will make over to us any guns and ammunition, it will be a great assistance. For the rest, as long as we live we shall hope for the friendship of the British Government.[361]

DESTRUCTION OF THE BAZAAR AT CAUBUL AND THE IMPUTED EXCESSES OF THE TROOPS.

[Book IX., chapter 3, page 369.]

SIR GEORGE POLLOCK TO LORD ELLENBOROUGH.

April 2nd, 1843, Allahabad.

My Lord,

I have had the honour to receive your Lordship’s letter, dated 23 ultimo, intimating that disapprobation had been expressed at the destruction of the bazaar and mosque at Caubul, and of trees; also, that excesses have been imputed to the troops.

It is difficult to grapple with vague and anonymous accusations against the conduct of the troops. Many detailed statements in the newspapers were entirely unfounded, and were got up with the sole object of creating a sensation; but I confess that if individual and isolated instances of excess had occurred, I should not have been much surprised, composed, as all India armies are, of such a heterogeneous mass, comprising all classes and castes; more than two-thirds of whom are either public or private servants and adventurers, who, though nominally following some occupation useful to an army, proceed with it for the sole purpose of plundering when a favourable opportunity offers. Some excesses may, unknown to me, have been committed; but I will venture to assert that no troops ever conducted themselves with more forbearance under such unprecedented aggravations: perhaps no army was ever placed in a more trying situation.

During the whole course of their progress towards the capital they had ocular proofs of the treachery and brutality of a merciless enemy; but still I am unable to call to mind any wanton, deliberate act of inhumanity on the part of the troops; and cannot but regret that the culpable instances alluded to have not been specified, as I may possibly be suspected of suppressing facts. This, however, I beg to assure your Lordship I have no wish to do.

The feeling of the Hindoos against the Afghans was very naturally strong, in consequence of the latter having deprived the Hindoos of their caste whenever they came into their power; but no troops could feel otherwise than excited at the sight of the skeletons of their late brethren in arms, which still lie covering the road from Gundamuck to Caubul; and as if the more to rouse a spirit of revenge, the barricade at Jugdulluck was literally covered with skeletons.

What I have stated above will not be considered as justifying excesses on the part of a British army; but it may be admitted in extenuation of individual cases.

A few days previous to the march of the brigade under Brigadier Monteith, an European was murdered by the Afghans at Jellalabad. The destruction of Alli Boghan by some men under Brigadier Monteith’s command, was caused by one of those sudden bursts of feeling which, being wholly unexpected, no precautions were deemed necessary; but it was a solitary instance, and occurred nearly as follows:—Some camp followers entered the village, and having found parts of the dress of some of our soldiers who had been massacred on the march from Caubul, a number of men proceeded to the village, which was eventually burnt, whether accidentally or intentionally is doubtful; so very soon was the mischief perpetrated, that the Brigadier was hardly aware of it till the place was in flames. He immediately took measures to prevent a recurrence of such scenes, and I wrote in strong terms on the subject. Subsequent to that event, during the whole time the Brigadier was detached, I heard of no more excesses. In the instance of Alli Boghan, after a most minute inquiry, I have reason to believe that not a man, woman, or child was injured, and I know the greater part of the property was returned to the head man of the village.

In subsequent engagements with the enemy at Mamookail, Jugdulluck, and Tezeen, I neither saw or heard of any excesses. A report was circulated that an European was burnt alive at Jugdulluck, and that two Afghans were burnt in like manner by our troops in revenge, the whole of which was an infamous fabrication.

I know of no instances of cruelty or excess at Istaliff; and the feeling of the army could not have been very prone thereto when about four or five hundred women and children were protected from insult and injury, and made over to their families after the engagement. If any excess has been committed which I have not noticed, I can only affirm that I recollect none; and I beg to add, that the praise bestowed on the troops on a late occasion by your Lordship for their “forbearance in victory,” is, as far as I am able to judge, well merited; and I trust your Lordship will never have cause to alter your good opinion of their conduct.

On the subject of trees being destroyed, I am unable to call to recollection what occurred in Brigadier Monteith’s detachment; and the only instance of their destruction, which came under my personal observation, was at Mamookail, where the ground was such that I was obliged to encamp the different regiments in the gardens surrounding the fort. Without this precaution I should have been subjecting the troops to constant annoyance, as the enemy would certainly have occupied them. The destruction of the vines and other small plants was almost a necessary consequence of our occupying Mamookail.

With regard to the destruction of the Caubul bazaar and mosque, it may possibly be supposed that with them was destroyed other property; but this was not the case.

The insult offered to the remains of the late Envoy was notorious to the whole of the chiefs and inhabitants of the city. They admitted that the mutilated body was dragged through the bazaar and treated by the populace with every indignity, and eventually hung there, that every Afghan in the city might witness the treatment of the remains of the representative of the British Government. The intended measure was communicated to the chiefs, who not only admitted the propriety of destroying a place were such scenes had transpired, but offered to, and did, accompany the party sent for its destruction. Those who resided at and near the bazaar had two days’ previous notice to remove their property (which they did), and I am not aware of any instances of violence having occurred. It was not possible entirely to prevent plundering; but during the time the engineer was employed in the destruction of the bazaar and mosque attached, both cavalry and infantry were on duty in the city to prevent any outrage.

I have the honour, &c.

Geo. Pollock.

[MS. Records.]

FROM GENERAL POLLOCK TO LORD ELLENBOROUGH.

Ghazeepore, 10th April, 1843.

My Lord,

Since I had the honour to address your Lordship on the 2nd instant, in reply to your Lordship’s letter dated the 23rd ultimo, it has occured to me that I could not produce better proof of the forbearance of the troops under my command than by a reference to their conduct on the morning of the 16th of September last. I have already officially detailed the number of troops which accompanied me on the occasion of planting the colours on the Balla Hissar. It was deemed advisable on that occasion to go through a part of the city, and although the troops had arrived only the day before from a march which was abundantly calculated to irritate and exasperate them, they so fully and literally obeyed the orders I had previously given, that not a house or an individual was injured, either in going or returning from the Balla-Hissar. The destruction of the residence of Koda Bux, the chief of Teezeen, may perhaps have been considered an excess; I will therefore explain, that during the time the army remained in advance of Teezeen, the chief of that place was the cause of our communication being cut off. He was repeatedly warned what the consequences would be when an opportunity offered, if he persisted in such a course; but I beg to add that the injury sustained by the chief in the destruction of his residence entailed no loss on others that I am aware of, as the injury done was confined almost entirely to the fortified dwelling. Forage was found there and brought to camp, but not an individual was injured.

I have the honour to be, &c., &c.

Geo. Pollock.

FROM GENERAL POLLOCK TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL.

Dinapore, 18th April, 1843.

Sir,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter dated the 29th ult., which awaited my arrival here. I regret that I was not sooner in possession of your letter, as I fear this will be too late for the purpose required. Nearly all the information it is in my power to give is contained in the accompanying copies of letters which I have addressed to the Right Honourable the Governor-General in reply to a reference his Lordship was pleased to make to me. With respect to the extent of injury done by the brigade under Brigadier Monteith, I am unable to give any detailed account. The provisions, grain, etc., and materials for building, were taken from those of the inhabitants who were openly opposed to our troops; but in both cases the cost of things taken was carried to the account of government. I have already, in my letters to his Lordship, stated that I am not aware of any Afghans having been killed when unresisting, or from any feeling of revenge on the part of the troops. Torabauz Khan, the chief of Lallpoora, and the governor of Jellalabad, accompanied the brigade to point out what property should be respected. With regard to the violation of woman, I heard of no instance of the kind; and I am quite sure that Brigadier Monteith would have done his utmost to prevent such excuses. I have stated to his Lordship what occurred at Mamoo Kail, and I know most positively that no Afghan was killed on that occasion except in fair fighting. The families had, I believe, gone the day before the place was taken. I cannot say when or by whom the fort or adjoining houses were set fire to. I passed through with the right column in pursuit of the enemy, and did not return till the afternoon, when I had determined to encamp there. On my return I found Brigadier Pollock with his column (the left) occupying the gardens. The fort and adjacent houses were still burning. On the return of the whole of the troops, it was necessary for their security to take advantage of the gardens surrounded by walls, and the men were accordingly encamped there. The destruction of the vines was a necessary consequence, as every one must know who has seen how grapes are cultivated in Afghanistan. There were very few trees cut down, but the bark of a number of them was taken from about two or three inches. With reference to the third paragraph of your letter, I beg to state, that from the date of my arrival at Caubul on the 15th of September, the inhabitants commenced returning to their houses. They had assurances from me of protection, and, with the exception of the covered bazaar, I did my utmost to protect both the inhabitants and their dwellings from injury. I have already stated to his Lordship why I considered that particular spot (the bazaar) should suffer, and on the 9th of October the engineer commenced his operations. I believe I am quite justified in stating that no lives were lost; the private property had been removed, and I had both cavalry and infantry on duty in the city to prevent plundering. Some injury was no doubt sustained by the city, but the damage done even when we left it was partial and comparatively trivial. I consider it mere justice to the troops who proceeded under my command to Caubul, and who passed over scenes which were particularly calculated to cause great excitement among them, to state, that their conduct on proceeding to the Balla Hissar (passing through a part of the city) was quite unexceptionable, and the good effect resulting therefrom was immediately felt: confidence was restored; in proof of which I may state that supplies both of grain and forage were brought in abundantly, everything being paid for. I have no memorandum from which to quote the exact quantities of grain which came into camp, but my recollection of the quantities in round numbers is as follows:—The first day 500 maunds, second day 1000 maunds, third day 1600 maunds, fourth day 2000 maunds, fifth day 1000 maunds. The falling off of the supplies on the fifth day was the consequence, I was told, of some of the men of General Nott’s force having plundered those who were bringing in supplies. I wrote to General Nott on the subject; but from that period the supplies never came in so freely as before, and I am sorry to add that many complaints were made. I have hitherto been silent on this subject, and should have continued so, for reasons which it is perhaps unnecessary to explain; but as the third paragraph of your letter calls for a more particular report than I have hitherto made, I reluctantly forward the accompanying documents, upon which it is unnecessary for me to make any comments.

I beg, however, to state distinctly, that until plundering commenced supplies of every description were abundant, and the people were fast returning to the city. In reply to that part of the third paragraph in which I am directed to state what injury I understood had been committed by the Candahar force after my march, I have merely to observe, that from all I had heard I thought it advisable that the whole force should move from Caubul the same day; and this precaution, I have reason to believe, prevented some excesses.

In reply to the fourth paragraph, I believe I may with great truth state that no Afghans were destroyed in cold blood, either before or after reaching Caubul. No women were either dishonoured or murdered, that I am aware of. With regard to the destruction of that particular part of the Caubul bazaar where the envoy’s remains were treated with indignity, and brutally dragged through to be there dishonoured and spit upon by every Mussulman, I admit that I considered it the most suitable place in which to have decided proofs of the power of the British army, without impeaching its humanity.

I have, as directed by you, forwarded a copy of this letter and the original documents to Colonel Stewart, for the information of the Governor-General.

I have the honour to be, Sir, &c. &c. &c.

Geo. Pollock.

POLITICAL DEPARTMENT.

THE COURT OF DIRECTORS TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA IN COUNCIL.

London, 2nd April, 1843.

The Secret Committee has communicated to us the letters noted below,[362] relating to inquiries addressed by order of the Governor-General to the General Officers lately commanding in Afghanistan, on the subject of certain rumours of outrages alleged to have been perpetrated by the British troops, and conveying replies to those inquiries from Major-Generals Sir George Pollock, Sir William Nott,[363] and Sir John M’Caskill.

When these rumours were first brought to our knowledge, we deemed them to be great exaggerations, if not altogether unfounded; and we did not doubt that we should receive, in due course, full and exculpatory explanations as to what had actually taken place.

Whilst we regard the statements made by the three General Officers as generally satisfactory, we cannot avoid the expression of our regret that Sir William Nott should have been hurried, by the warmth of his feelings, into throwing on the government which he served the reflection contained in the last paragraph of that letter, and which was quite unnecessary to the vindication of his own character, and that of the troops under his command.

Neither can we do otherwise than notice with regret the publication of Sir William Nott’s letter in an English newspaper. We have not the means of ascertaining how this irregularity occurred, but we must observe, that unauthorised disclosure of official correspondence on any subject is highly improper, and may lead to the greatest inconvenience.

We are, &c.

[MS. Records.]

THE END.

LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET
AND CHARING CROSS.

June, 1878.

BOOKS, &c.,

ISSUED BY

MESSRS. Wm. H. ALLEN & Co.,

Publishers & Literary Agents to the India Office

COMPRISING

MISCELLANEOUS PUBLICATIONS IN GENERAL LITERATURE. DICTIONARIES, GRAMMARS, AND TEXT BOOKS IN EASTERN LANGUAGES, MILITARY WORKS, INCLUDING THOSE ISSUED BY THE GOVERNMENT. INDIAN AND MILITARY LAW. MAPS OF INDIA, &c.

In January and July of each year is published in 8vo., price 10s. 6d.,

THE INDIA LIST, CIVIL & MILITARY.

BY PERMISSION OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA IN COUNCIL.

CONTENTS.

CIVIL.—Gradation Lists of Civil Service, Bengal, Madras and Bombay. Civil Annuitants. Legislative Council, Ecclesiastical Establishments, Educational, Public Works Judicial, Marine, Medical, Land Revenue, Political, Postal, Police, Customs and Salt, Forest, Registration and Railway and Telegraph Departments, Law Courts, Surveys, &c., &c.

MILITARY.—Gradation List of the General and Field Officers (British and Local) of the three Presidencies, Staff Corps, Adjutants-General’s and Quartermasters-General’s Offices, Army Commissariat Departments, British Troops Serving in India (including Royal Artillery, Royal Engineers, Cavalry, Infantry, and Medical Department), List of Native Regiments, Commander-in-Chief and Staff, Garrison Instruction Staff, Indian Medical Department, Ordnance Departments, Punjab Frontier Force, Military Departments of the three Presidencies, Veterinary Departments, Tables showing the Distribution of the Army in India, Lists of Retired Officers of the three Presidencies.

HOME.—Departments of the Office of the Secretary of State, Coopers Hill College, List of Selected Candidates for the Civil and Forest Services, Indian Troop Service.

MISCELLANEOUS.—Orders of the Bath, Star of India, and St. Michael and St. George. Order of Precedence in India. Regulations for Admission to Civil Service. Regulations for Admission of Chaplains. Civil Leave Code and Supplements. Civil Service Pension Code—relating to the Covenanted and Uncovenanted Services. Rules for the Indian Medical Service. Furlough and Retirement Regulations of the Indian Army. Family Pension Fund. Staff Corps Regulations. Salaries of Staff Officers. Regulations for Promotion. English Furlough Pay.

Works issued from the India Office, and Sold by
Wm. H. ALLEN & Co.

Tree and Serpent Worship;

Or, Illustrations of Mythology and Art in India in the First and Fourth Centuries after Christ, from the Sculptures of the Buddhist Topes at Sanchi and Amravati. Prepared at the India Museum, under the authority of the Secretary of State for India in Council. Second edition, Revised, Corrected, and in great part Re-written. By James Fergusson, Esq., F.R.S., F.R.A.S. Super-royal 4to. 100 plates and 31 engravings, pp. 270. Price £5 5s.

Illustrations of Ancient Buildings in Kashmir.

Prepared at the Indian Museum under the authority of the Secretary of State for India in Council. From Photographs, Plans, and Drawings taken by Order of the Government of India. By Henry Hardy Cole, Lieut. R.E., Superintendent ArchÆological Survey of India, North-West Provinces. In One vol.; half-bound, Quarto. Fifty-eight plates. £3 10s.

The Illustrations in this work have been produced in Carbon from the original negatives, and are therefore permanent.

Pharmacopoeia of India.

Prepared under the Authority of the Secretary of State for India. By Edward John Waring, M.D. Assisted by a Committee appointed for the Purpose. 8vo. 6s.

ArchÆlogical Survey of Western India.

Report of the First Season’s Operations in the BelgÂm and Kaladgi Districts. January to May, 1874. Prepared at the India Museum and Published under the Authority of the Secretary of State for India in Council. By James Burgess, Author of the “Rock Temples of Elephanta,” &c., &c., and Editor of “The Indian Antiquary.” Half-bound. Quarto. 58 Plates and Woodcuts. £2 2s.

Adam W. (late of Calcutta) Theories of History.

8vo. 15s. (See page 27).

Advice to Officers in India.

By John McCosh, M.D. Post 8vo. 8s.

Allen’s Series. 2s. each.

1.—World We Live In. (See page 30).
2.—Earth’s History. (See page 6).
3.—Geography of India. (See page 8).
4.—2000 Examination Questions in Physical Geography.
5.—Hall’s Trigonometry. (See page 9).

Analytical History of India.

From the earliest times to the Abolition of the East India Company in 1858. By Robert Sewell, Madras Civil Service. Post 8vo. 8s.

?The object of this work is to supply the want which has been felt by students for a condensed outline of Indian History which would serve at once to recall the memory and guide the eye, while at the same time it has been attempted to render it interesting to the general reader by preserving a medium between a bare analysis and a complete history.

Ancient and MediÆval India.

2 vols. 8vo. 30s. (See page 16).

Anderson’s (P.) English in Western India.

8vo. 14s.

Andrew’s (W. P.) India and Her Neighbours,

With Two Maps. (In the press).

Ansted’s (D. T.) Water: Its Physical Properties, Source,

Distribution over the Earth, and Uses for Engineering and Sanitary Purposes. (In the Press.).

Ansted’s (D. T.) Elements of Physiography.

For the use of Science Schools. Fcap. 8vo. 1s. 4d.

Ansted’s (D. T.) Physical Geography.

5th Edition. With Maps. Crown 8vo. 7s. (See page 22).

Ansted’s (D. T.) World We Live In.

Fcap. 2s. 25th Thousand, with Illustrations. (See page 28).

Ansted’s (D. T.) Earth’s History.

Fcap. 2s. (See page 6).

Ansted’s (D. T.)

Two Thousand Examination Questions in Physical Geography, pp. 180. Price 2s.

Ansted’s (D. T.) Ionian Islands.

8vo. 8s. (See page 14.)

Ansted’s (D. T.) and R. G. Latham’s Channel Islands.

8vo. 16s. (See page 14).

Archer’s (Capt. J. H. Laurence) Commentaries on the

Punjaub Campaign—1848-49. Crown 8vo. 8s. (See page 6.)

Armies of the Powers of Europe, The.

Their Strength and Organisation, &c., with an Account of some of the Famous Regiments, their Composition, &c., &c.; also an Account of the Navies of the several Powers. By Captain H. B. Stuart. (In the press).

At Home in Paris.

By Blanchard Jerrold. 2 vols. Post 8vo. 16s.

Atterbury Memoirs, &c.

The Memoir and Correspondence of Francis Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester, with his distinguished contemporaries. Compiled chiefly from the Atterbury and Stuart Papers. By Folkestone Williams, Author of “Lives of the English Cardinals,” &c., 2 vols. 8vo. 14s.

Authors at Work.

By Charles Pebody. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Bengal Artillery.

A Memoir of the Services of the Bengal Artillery from the formation of the Corps. By the late Capt. E. Buckle, Assist.-Adjut. Gen. Ben. Art. Edit. by Sir J. W. Kaye. 8vo. Lond. 1852. 10s.

Bernays, (Dr. A. J.) Students’ Chemistry.

Crown 8vo. 5s. 6d. (See page 26).

Binning’s (R. M.) Travels in Persia, &c.

2 vols. 8vo. 16s.

Birth of the War God.

A Poem. By Kalidasa. Translated from the Sanscrit into English Verse. By Ralph T. H. Griffith. 5s.

Blanchard’s (S.) Yesterday and To-day in India.

Post 8vo. 6s. (See page 30).

Blenkinsopp’s (Rev. E. L.) Doctrine of Development,

In the Bible and in the Church. 2nd edit. 12mo. 6s. (See page 6).

Boileau (Major-General J. T.)

A New and Complete Set of Traverse Tables, showing the Differences of Latitude and the Departures to every Minute of the Quadrant and to Five Places of Decimals. Together with a Table of the lengths of each Degree of Latitude and corresponding Degree of Longitude from the Equator to the Poles; with other Tables useful to the Surveyor and Engineer. Fourth Edition, thoroughly revised and corrected by the Author. Royal 8vo. 12s. London, 1876.

Botany of the Himalaya Mountains.

And other Branches of Natural History of the Himalaya Mountains, and of the Flora of Cashmere. By J. Forbes Royle, M.D., V.P.R.S. 2 vols. folio. London, 1839. £5 5s.

?This Book is now very scarce.

Bowring’s Flowery Scroll.

A Chinese Novel. Translated and Illustrated with Notes by Sir J. Bowring, late H.B.M. Plenipo. China. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Bradshaw (John) LL.D. The Poetical Works of John Milton,

with Notes, explanatory and philological. 2 vols. Post 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Brandis’ Forest Flora of North-West and Central India.

Text and plates. £2 18s. (See page 7).

Briggs’ (Gen. J.) India and Europe Compared.

Post 8vo. 7s.

Browne’s (J. W.) Hardware; How to Buy it for Foreign

Markets. 8vo. 10s. 6d. (See page 9).

Canal and Culvert Tables.

By Lowis D’A. Jackson. (In the press).

Catholic Doctrine of the Atonement.

An Historical Inquiry into its Development in the Church, with an Introduction on the Principle of Theological Development. By H. Nutcombe Oxenham, M.A. 2nd Edit. 8vo. 10s.6d.

“It is one of the ablest and probably one of the most charmingly written treatises on the subject which exists in our language.”—Times.

Celebrated Naval and Military Trials.

By Peter Burke, Serjeant-at-Law. Author of “Celebrated Trials connected with the Aristocracy.” Post 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Central Asia (Sketches of).

By A. Vambery. 8vo. 16s. (See page 28).

Cochrane, (John) Hindu Law.

20s. (See page 13).

Commentaries on the Punjub Campaign 1848-49, including

some additions to the History of the Second Sikh War, from original sources. By Captain J. H. Lawrence-Archer, late 60th Rifles. Crown 8vo. 8s.

Cruise of H.M.S. “Galatea,”

Captain H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh, K.G., in 1867-1868. By the Rev. John Milner, B.A., Chaplain; and Oswald W. Brierly. Illustrated by a Photograph of H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh; and by Chromo-Lithographs and Graphotypes from Sketches taken on the spot by O. W. Brierly. 8vo. 16s.

Danvers (Fred. Chas.) On Coal.

With Reference to Screening, Transport, &c. 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Doctrine of Development in the Bible and in the Church.

By Rev. E. L. Blenkinsopp, M.A., Rector of Springthorp. 2nd edition. 12mo. 6s.

Doran (Dr. J.) Annals of the English Stage.

Post 8vo. 6s. (See p. 26.)

Drain of Silver to the East,

And the Currency of India. By W. Nassau Lees. Post 8vo. 8s.

Drury.—The Useful Plants of India,

With Notices of their chief value in Commerce, Medicine, and the Arts. By Colonel Heber Drury. Second Edition, with Additions and Corrections. Royal 8vo. 16s.

Earth’s History,

Or, First Lessons in Geology. For the use of Schools and Students. By D. T. Ansted. Third Thousand. Fcap. 8vo. 2s.

East India Calculator.

By T. Thornton. 8vo. London, 1823. 10s.

Edgar’s (J. G.) Modern History.

12mo. 6s. 6d.

Edinburgh (The Duke of) Cruise of the “Galatea.”

With Illustrations. 8vo. 16s.

Edwards’ (H. S.) Russians at Home.

With illustrations. Post 8vo. 6s. (See page 25).

Edwards’ (H. S.) History of the Opera.

2 Vols., 8vo. 10s. 6d. (See page 10).

Elementary Mathematics.

A Course of Elementary Mathematics for the use of candidate—for admission into either of the Military Colleges; of applicants for appointments in the Home or Indian Civil Services; and of mathematical students generally. By Professor J. R. Young. In one closely-printed volume. 8vo., pp. 648. 12s.

“In the work before us he has digested a complete Elementary Course, by aid of his long experience as a teacher and writer; and he has produced a very useful book. Mr. Young has not allowed his own taste to rule the distribution, but has adjusted his parts with the skill of a veteran.”—AthenÆum.

English Cardinals.

The Lives of the English Cardinals, from Nicholas Breakspeare (Pope Adrien IV.) to Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal Legate. With Historical Notices of the Papal Court. By Folkestone Williams. In 2 vols. 14s.

English Homes in India.

By Mrs. Keatinge. Part I.—The Three Loves. Part II.—The Wrong Turning. Two vols., Post 8vo. 16s.

Final French Struggles in India and on the Indian Seas.

Including an Account of the Capture of the Isles of France and Bourbon, and Sketches of the most eminent Foreign Adventurers in India up to the period of that Capture. With an Appendix containing an Account of the Expedition from India to Egypt in 1801. By Colonel C. B. Malleson, C.S.I. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.

First Age of Christianity and the Church (The).

By John Ignatius DÖllinger, D.D., Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the University of Munich, &c., &c. Translated from the German by Henry Nutcombe Oxenham, M.A., late Scholar of Baliol College, Oxford. Third Edition. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 18s.

Forbes (Dr. Duncan) History of Chess.

8vo. 7s. 6d. (See page 10).

Forest Flora, or North-Western and Central India.

By Dr. Brandis, Inspector General of Forests to the Government of India. Text and Plates. £2 18s.

Franz Schubert.

A Musical Biography, from the German of Dr. Heinrich Kreisle von Hellborn. By Edward Wilberforce, Esq., Author of “Social Life in Munich.” Post 8vo. 6s.

Gazetteers of India.

Gazetteer of Southern India.

With the Tenasserim Provinces and Singapore. Compiled from original and authentic sources. Accompanied by an Atlas, including plans of all the principal towns and cantonments. Royal 8vo. with 4to. Atlas. £3 3s.

Gazetteer of the Punjaub, Afghanistan, &c.

Gazetteer of the Countries adjacent to India, on the north-west, including Scinde, Afghanistan, Beloochistan, the Punjaub, and the neighbouring States. By Edward Thornton, Esq. 2 vols. 8vo. £1 5s.

Geography of India.

Comprising an account of British India, and the various states enclosed and adjoining. Fcap. pp. 250. 2s.

Geological Papers on Western India.

Including Cutch, Scinde, and the south-east coast of Arabia. To which is added a Summary of the Geology of India generally. Edited for the Government by Henry J. Carter, Assistant Surgeon, Bombay Army. Royal 8vo. with folio Atlas of maps and plates; half-bound. £2 2s.

German Life and Manners

As seen in Saxony. With an account of Town life—Village Life—Fashionable Life—Married Life—School and University Life, &c. Illustrated with Songs and Pictures of the Student Customs at the University of Jena. By Henry Mayhew, 2 vols. 8vo., with numerous illustrations. 18s.

A Popular Edition of the above. With illustrations. Cr. 8vo. 7s. “Full of original thought and observation, and may be studied with profit by both German and English—especially by the German.” AthenÆum.

Glyn’s (A. C.) Civilization in the 5th Century.

2 vols. post 8vo. £1 1s.

Goldstucker (Dr.) The Miscellaneous Essays of.

With a Memoir (In the press).

Grady’s (S. G.) Mohamedan Law of Inheritance & Contract.

8vo. 14s. (See page 13).

Grady’s (S. G.) Institutes of Menu.

8vo. 12s. (See page 13).

Griffith’s Ralph (T. H.) Birth of the War God.

8vo. 5s. (See page 4).

Hall’s Trigonometry.

The Elements of Plane and Spherical Trigonometry. With an Appendix, containing the solution of the Problems in Nautical Astronomy. For the use of Schools. By the Rev. T. G. Hall, M.A., Professor of Mathematics in King’s College, London. 12mo. 2s.

Hamilton’s Hedaya.

A new edition, with the obsolete passages omitted, and a copious Index added by S. G. Grady. 8vo. £1 15s.

Handbook of Reference to the Maps of India.

Giving the Lat. and Long. of places of note. 18mo. 3s. 6d.

?This will be found a valuable Companion to Messrs. Allen & Co.’s
Maps of India.

Handbooks for India.

Bradshaw’s Through Routes, Overland Guide, and Handbook to India, Egypt, Turkey, Persia, China, &c., &c. New Edition, 1875-76. With Maps, &c. 5s.; by post, 5s. 4d.

The “Times of India” Handbook of Hindustan; being a Short Account of the Geography, History, Present Administration, Native States, Sports and Places of Interest in India. Compiled by G. R. Abereigh-Mackay. With Maps. 8vo. 10s.

Maclean’s Guide to Bombay; containing an Account of the Geography and History of the Island, Population, Trade and Industry, Government and Revenue, Descriptive Accounts of the Town and Neighbourhood, Native Festivals, Official and Mercantile Directories, &c., &c. With Map and Plans. 10s.

Hardware; How to Buy it for Foreign Markets.

By. J. Wilson Browne. This is the most complete Guide to the Hardware Trade yet brought out; comprising all the principal Gross Lists in general use, with Illustrations and Descriptions. 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Hedaya.

Translated from the Arabic by Walter Hamilton. A New Edition, with Index by S. G. Grady. 8vo. £1. 15s.

Henry VIII.

An Historical Sketch as affecting the Reformation in England. By Charles Hastings Collette. Post 8vo. 6s.

Hindu Law.

By Sir Thomas Strange. 2 vols. Royal 8vo., 1830. 24s. (See page 13).

Historical Results

Deducible from Recent Discoveries in Afghanistan. By H. T. Prinsep. 8vo. Lond. 1844. 15s.

Histories of India.

Mill, 9 vols., cr. 8vo. £2 10s. (See page 22).
Thornton, 6 vols., 8vo. £2 8s. (See page 27).
Thornton, 1 vol., 8vo. 12s. (See page 27).
Trotter, 2 vols., 8vo. 32s. (See page 28).
Sewell (Analytical). Crown 8vo. 8s. (See page 3).
Owen, India on the Eve of the British Conquest. 8s. (See page 22).

History of the Indian Mutiny, 1857-1858.

Commencing from the close of the Second Volume of Sir John Kaye’s History of the Sepoy War. By Colonel G. B. Malleson, C.S.I. 8vo. With Map. £1.

History of Civilization in the Fifth Century.

Translated by permission from the French of A. Frederic Ozanam, late Professor of Foreign Literature to the Faculty of Letters at Paris. By Ashby C. Glyn, B.A., of the Inner Temple, Barrister-at-Law. 2 vols., post 8vo. £1 1s.

History of Chess,

From the time of the Early Invention of the Game in India, till the period of its establishment in Western and Central Europe. By Duncan Forbes, LL.D. 8vo. 7s. 6d.

History of China,

From the Earliest Records to A.D. 420. By Thomas Thornton, Member of the Royal Asiatic Society. 8vo., cloth. 8s.

History of the Opera,

From Monteverde to Donizetti. By H. Sutherland Edwards. Second edition. 2 vols., Post 8vo. 10s. 6d.

History of the Punjaub,

And of the Rise, Progress, and Present Condition of the Sikhs. By T. Thornton. 2 Vols. Post 8vo. 8s.

Horses of the Sahara, and the Manners of the Desert.

By E. Daumas, General of the Division Commanding at Bordeaux, Senator, &c., &c. With Commentaries by the Emir Abd-el-Kadir (Authorized Edition). 8vo. 6s.

“We have rarely read a work giving a more picturesque and, at the same time, practical account of the manners and customs of a people, than this book on the Arabs and their horses.”—Edinburgh Courant.

Hough (Lieut.-Col. W.) Precedents in Military Law.

8vo. cloth. 25s.

Hughes’s (Rev. T. P.) Notes on Muhammadanism.

Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Fcap. 8vo. 6s.

Illustrated Horse Doctor.

Being an Accurate and Detailed Account, accompanied by more than 400 Pictorial Representations, characteristic of the various Diseases to which the Equine Race are subjected; together with the latest Mode of Treatment, and all the requisite Prescriptions written in Plain English. By Edward Mayhew, M.R.C.V.S. 8vo. 18s. 6d.

Contents.—The Brain and Nervous System.—The Eyes.—The Mouth.—The Nostrils.—The Throat.—The Chest and its contents.—The Stomach, Liver, &c.—The Abdomen.—The Urinary Organs.—The Skin.—Specific Diseases.—Limbs.—The Feet.—Injuries.—Operations.

“The book contains nearly 600 pages of valuable matter, which reflects great credit on its author, and, owing to its practical details, the result of deep scientific research, deserves a place in the library of medical, veterinary, and non-professional readers.”—Field.

“The book furnishes at once the bane and the antidote, as the drawings show the horse not only suffering from every kind of disease, but in the different stages of it, while the alphabetical summary at the end gives the cause, symptoms and treatment of each.”—Illustrated London News.

Illustrated Horse Management.

Containing descriptive remarks upon Anatomy, Medicine, Shoeing, Teeth, Food, Vices, Stables; likewise a plain account of the situation, nature, and value of the various points; together with comments on grooms, dealers, breeders, breakers, and trainers. Embellished with more than 400 engravings from original designs made expressly for this work. By E. Mayhew. A new Edition, revised and improved by J. I. Lupton, M.R.C.V.S. 8vo. 12s.

Contents.—The body of the horse anatomically considered. Physic.—The mode of administering it, and minor operations. Shoeing.—Its origin, its uses, and its varieties. The Teeth.—Their natural growth, and the abuses to which they are liable.

Food.—The fittest time for feeding, and the kind of food which the horse naturally consumes. The evils which are occasioned by modern stables. The faults inseparable from stables. The so-called “incapacitating vices,” which are the results of injury or of disease. Stables as they should be. Grooms.—Their prejudices, their injuries, and their duties. Points.—Their relative importance and where to look for their development. Breeding.—Its inconsistencies and its disappointments. Breaking and Training.—Their errors and their results.

India Directory (The).

For the Guidance of Commanders of Steamers and Sailing Vessels. Founded upon the Work of the late Captain James Horsburgh, F.R.S.

Part I.—The East Indies, and Interjacent Ports of Africa and South America. Revised, Extended, and Illustrated with Charts of Winds, Currents, Passages, Variation, and Tides. By Commander Alfred Dundas Taylor, F.R.G.S., Superintendent of Marine Surveys to the Government of India. £1 18s.

Part II.—The China Sea, with the Ports of Java, Australia and Japan and the Indian Archipelago Harbours, as well as those of New Zealand. Illustrated with Charts of the Winds, Currents, Passages, &c. By the same. (In the Press).

Indian Administration.

By H. G. Keene. Post 8vo. 5s.

The India List, Civil and Military,

Containing Names of all Officers employed by the Indian Government, including those of the Public Works, Educational, Political, Postal, Police, Customs, Forests, Railway and Telegraphs Departments, with Rules for Admission to these Services, Furlough Rules, Retiring Pensions, Staff Corps Regulations and Salaries, &c., with an Index. Issued in January and July of each year, by permission of the Secretary of State for India in Council. 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Indian Code of Civil Procedure.

In the Form of Questions and Answers. With Explanatory and Illustrative Notes. By Angelo J. Lewis. 12s. 6d.

Indian Criminal Law and Procedure,

Including the Procedure in the High Courts, as well as that in the Courts not established by Royal Charter; with Forms of Charges and Notes on Evidence, illustrated by a large number of English Cases, and Cases decided in the High Courts of India; and an Appendix of selected Acts passed by the Legislative Council relating to Criminal matters. By M. H. Starling, Esq., LL.B. & F. B. Constable, M.A. Third edition. 8vo. £2 2s.

Indian Penal Code.

In the Form of Questions and Answers. With Explanatory and Illustrative Notes. By Angelo J. Lewis. 7s. 6d.

Indian and Military Law.

Mahommedan Law of Inheritance, &c. A Manual of the Mahommedan Law of Inheritance and Contract; comprising the Doctrine of the Soonee and Sheca Schools, and based upon the text of Sir H. W. Macnaghten’s Principles and Precedents, together with the Decisions of the Privy Council and High Courts of the Presidencies in India. For the use of Schools and Students. By Standish Grove Grady, Barrister-at-Law, Reader of Hindoo, Mahommedan, and Indian Law to the Inns of Court. 8vo. 14s.

Hedaya, or Guide, a Commentary on the Mussulman Laws, translated by order of the Governor-General and Council of Bengal. By Charles Hamilton. Second Edition, with Preface and Index by Standish Grove Grady. 8vo. £1 15s.

Institutes of Menu in English. The Institutes of Hindu Law or the Ordinances of Menu, according to Gloss of Collucca. Comprising the Indian System of Duties, Religious and Civil, verbally translated from the Original, with a Preface by Sir William Jones, and collated with the Sanscrit Text by Graves Chamney Haughton, M.A., F.R.S., Professor of Hindu Literature in the East India College. New edition, with Preface and Index by Standish G. Grady, Barrister-at-Law, and Reader of Hindu, Mahommedan, and Indian Law to the Inns of Court. 8vo., cloth. 12s.

Indian Code of Criminal Procedure. Being Act X of 1872, Passed by the Governor-General of India in Council on the 25th of April, 1872. 8vo. 12s.

Indian Code of Civil Procedure. In the form of Questions and Answers, with Explanatory and Illustrative Notes. By Angelo J. Lewis, Barrister-at-law. 12mo. 12s. 6d.

Indian Penal Code. In the Form of Questions and Answers. With Explanatory and Illustrative Notes. By Angelo J. Lewis, Barrister-at-Law. Post 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Hindu Law. Principally with reference to such portions of it as concern the Administration of Justice in the Courts in India. By Sir Thomas Strange, late Chief Justice of Madras. 2 vols. Royal 8vo., 1830. 24s.

Hindu Law. Defence of the Daya Bhaga. Notice of the Case on Prosoono Coomar Tajore’s Will. Judgment of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. Examination of such Judgment. By John Cochrane, Barrister-at-Law. Royal 8vo. 20s.

Law and Customs of Hindu Castes, within the Dekhan Provinces subject to the Presidency of Bombay, chiefly affecting Civil Suits. By Arthur Steele. Royal 8vo. £1 1s.

Chart of Hindu Inheritance. With an Explanatory Treatise, By Almaric Rumsey. 8vo. 6s. 6d.

Law relating to India, and the East India Company, with Notes and Appendix. Fifth Edition. 4to. London, 1855. £3 3s.

Manual of Military Law. For all ranks of the Army, Militia and Volunteer Services. By Colonel J. K. Pipon, Assist. Adjutant General at Head Quarters, & J. F. Collier, Esq., of the Inner Temple, Barrister-at-Law. Third and Revised Edition. Pocket size. 5s.

Precedents in Military Law; including the Practice of Courts-Martial; the Mode of Conducting Trials; the Duties of Officers at Military Courts of Inquests, Courts of Inquiry, Courts of Requests, &c., &c. The following are a portion of the Contents:—

1. Military Law. 2. Martial Law. 3. Courts-Martial. 4. Courts of Inquiry. 5. Courts of Inquest. 6. Courts of Request. 7. Forms of Courts-Martial. 8. Precedents of Military Law. 9. Trials of Arson to Rape (Alphabetically arranged.) 10. Rebellions. 11. Riots. 12. Miscellaneous. By Lieut.-Col. W. Hough, late Deputy Judge-Advocate-General, Bengal Army, and Author of several Works on Courts-Martial. One thick 8vo. vol. 25s.

The Practice of Courts Martial. By Hough & Long. Thick 8vo. London, 1825. 26s.

Indian Infanticide.

Its Origin, Progress, and Suppression. By John Cave-Brown, M.A. 8vo. 5s.

Indian Wisdom,

Or Examples of the Religious, Philosophical and Ethical Doctrines of the Hindus. With a brief History of the Chief Departments of Sanscrit Literature, and some account of the Past and Present Condition of India, Moral and Intellectual. By Monier Williams, M.A., Boden Professor of Sanscrit in in the University of Oxford. Third Edition. 8vo. 15s.

Ionian Islands in 1863.

By Professor D. T. Ansted, M.A., F.R.S., &c. 8vo., with Maps and Cuts. 8s.

Jackson’s (Lowis D’A.) Hydraulic Manual and Working Tables Hydraulic and Indian Meteorological Statistics.

Published under the patronage of the Right Honourable The Secretary of State for India. 8vo. 28s.

Jackson (Lowis D’A.) Canal and Culvert Tables.

(In the press).

Japan, the Amoor and the Pacific.

With notices of other Places, comprised in a Voyage of Circumnavigation in the Imperial Russian Corvette Rynda, in 1858-1860. By Henry A. Tilley. Eight Illustrations. 8vo. 16s.

Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, Sark, &c.

The Channel Islands. Containing: Part I.—Physical Geography. Part II.—Natural History. Part III.—Civil History. Part IV.—Economics and Trade. By David Thomas Ansted, M.A., F.R.S., and Robert Gordon Latham, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. New and Cheaper Edition in one handsome 8vo. Volume, with 72 Illustrations on Wood by Vizetelly, Loudon, Nicholls, and Hart; with Map. 16s.

“This is a really valuable work. A book which will long remain the standard authority on the subject. No one who has been to the Channel Islands, or who purposes going there will be insensible of its value.”—

Saturday Review.

“It is the produce of many hands and every hand a good one.”

Jerrold’s (Blanchard) at Home in Paris.

2 Vols. Post 8vo. 16s.

Kaye (Sir J. W.) The Sepoy War in India. (See page 25).

Vol. 1. 18s.
Vol. 2. £1.
Vol. 3. £1.

Kaye (Sir J. W.) History of the War in Afghanistan.

New edition. 3 Vols. Crown 8vo. £1. 6s.

Kaye (Sir J. W.) Christianity in India.

8vo. 16s.

Kaye (Sir J. W.) H. St. G. Tucker’s Life and Correspondence.

8vo. 10s.

Kaye’s (Sir J. W.) Memorials of Indian Governments.

By H. St. George Tucker. 8vo. 10s.

Keene’s (H. G.) Mogul Empire.

8vo. 10s. 6d. (See page 22.)]

Keene’s (H. G.) Administration in India.

Post 8vo. 9s.

Lady Morgan’s Memoirs.

Autobiography, Diaries and Correspondence. 2 Vols. 8vo., with Portraits. 18s.

Latham’s (Dr. R. G.) Nationalities of Europe.

2 Vols. 8vo. 12s. (See page 22).

Law and Customs of Hindu Castes.

By Arthur Steele. Royal 8vo. £1. 1s. (See page 13.)

Law Relating to India.

Fifth Edition. 4to. London, 1855. £3. 3s. (See page 13).

Lee’s (Dr. W. N.) Drain of Silver to the East.

Post 8vo. 8s.

Lewin’s Wild Races of the South Eastern Frontier of India.

Including an Account of the Loshai Country. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Lewis’s (A. J.) Indian Penal Code.

Post 8vo. 7s. 6d. (See page 12).

Lewis’s Indian Code of Civil Procedure.

Post 8vo. 12s. 6d. (See page 12).

Leyden and Erskine’s Baber.

Memoirs of Zehir-ed-Din Muhammed Baber, Emperor of Hindustan, written by himself in the Jaghatai Turki, and translated partly by the late John Leyden, Esq., M.D., and partly by William Erskine, Esq., with Notes and a Geographical and Historical Introduction, together with a Map of the Countries between the Oxus and Jaxartes, and a Memoir regarding its construction. By Charles Waddington, of the East India Company’s Engineers. 4to. Lond. 1826. £1 5s.

Liancourt’s and Pincott’s Primitive and Universal Laws of

the Formation and development of language; a Rational and Inductive System founded on the Natural Basis of Onomatops. 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Lockwood’s (Ed.) Natural History, Sport and Travel.

Crown 8vo. With numerous Illustrations. 10s. 6d. (In the press.)

McBean’s (S.) England, Egypt, Palestine & India by Railway.

Popularly Explained. Crown 8vo., with a coloured Map. 4s.

Mahommedan Law of Inheritance and Contract.

By Standish Grove Grady, Barrister-at-Law. 8vo. 14s. (See page 13).

Malleson’s (Col. G. B.) Final French Struggles in India.

Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. (See page 7).

Malleson’s (Col. G. B.) History of the Indian Mutiny,

1857-1858, commencing from the close of the Second Volume of Sir John Kaye’s History of the Sepoy War. Vol. I. 8vo. With Map. £1.

Manning (Mrs.) Ancient and MediÆval India.

Being the History, Religion, Laws, Caste, Manners and Customs, Language, Literature, Poetry, Philosophy, Astronomy, Algebra, Medicine, Architecture, Manufactures, Commerce, &c., of the Hindus, taken from their writings. Amongst the works consulted and gleaned from may be named the Rig Veda, Sama Veda, Vajur Veda, Sathapatha Brahmana, Baghavat Gita, The Puranas, Code of Menu, Code of Yajna-valkya, Mitakshara, Daya Bagha, Mahabharata, Atriya, Charaka, Susruta, Ramayana, Raghu Vansa, Bhattikavia, Sakuntala Vikramorvasi, Malali and Madhava, Mudra Rakshasa, Retnavali, Kumara Sambhava, Prabodah, Chandrodaya, Megha Duta, Gita Govinda, Panchatantra, Hitopadesa, Katha Sarit, Sagara, Ketala, Panchavinsati, Dasa Kumara Charita, &c. By Mrs. Manning, with Illustrations. 2 vols., 8vo. 30s.

Manual of Military Law.

By Colonel J. K. Pipon, and J. F. Collier, Esq., of the Inner Temple, Barrister-at-Law. 5s.

Mayhew’s (Edward) Illustrated Horse Doctor.

8vo. 18s. 6d. (See page 11).

Mayhew’s (Edward) Illustrated Horse Management.

New edit. By J. I. Lupton. 8vo. 12s. (See page 11).

Mayhew’s (Henry) German Life and Manners.

2 vols., 8vo. 18s.

Also a cheaper edition, Post 8vo. 7s. (See page 8).

Max Muller’s Rig-Veda-Sanhita.

The Sacred Hymns of the Brahmins; together with the Commentary of Sayanacharya. Published under the Patronage of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for India in Council. 6 vols., 4to. £2 10s. per volume.

Meadow’s (T.) Notes on China.

8vo. 9s.

Memorable Events of Modern History.

By J. G. Edgar, Author of the Boyhood of Great Men, &c. Post 8vo. With Illustrations. 6s. 6d.

Military Works—chiefly issued by the Government.

Field Exercises and Evolutions of Infantry. Pocket edition, 1s.

Queen’s Regulations and Orders for the Army. Corrected to 1874. 8vo. 3s. 6d. Interleaved, 5s. 6d. Pocket Edition, 1s.

Rifle Exercise and Musketry Instruction. 1878 (in preparation).

Musketry Regulations, as used at Hythe. 1s.

Dress Regulations for the Army. 1875. 1s. 6d.

Infantry Sword Exercise. 1875. 6d.

Infantry Bugle Sounds. 6d.

Handbook of Battalion Drill. By Lieut. H. C. Slack. 2s.; or with Company Drill, 2s. 6d.

Handbook of Brigade Drill. By Lieut. H. C. Slack. 3s.

Red Book for Sergeants. By William Bright, Colour-Sergeant, 37th Middlesex R.V. 1s.

Handbook of Company Drill; also of Skirmishing, Battalion, and Shelter Trench Drill. By Lieut. Charles Slack. 1s.

Elementary and Battalion Drill. Condensed and Illustrated, together with duties of Company Officers, Markers, &c., in Battalion. By Captain Malton. 2s. 6d.

Cavalry Regulations. For the Instruction, Formations, and Movements of Cavalry. Royal 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Cavalry Sword, Carbine, Pistol and Lance Exercises, together with Field Gun Drill. Pocket Edition. 1s.

Trumpet and Bugle Sounds for Mounted Service and Artillery. 1s. 6d.

The Training of Cavalry Remount Horses. By the late Capt. L. E. Nolan, of the 15th Hussars. 8vo. 10s.

Manual of Artillery Exercises. 1873. 8vo. 5s.

Manual of Field Artillery Exercises. 1875. 4s.

Standing Orders for Royal Artillery. 8vo. 3s.

Principles and Practice of Modern Artillery. By Lt.-Col. C. H. Owen, R.A. 8vo. Illustrated. 15s.

Artillerist’s Manual and British Soldiers’ Compendium. By Major F. A. Griffiths. 11th Edition. 5s.

Compendium of Artillery Exercises—Smooth Bore, Field, and Garrison Artillery for Reserve Forces. By Captain J. M. McKenzie. 3s. 6d.

Principles of Gunnery. By John T. Hyde, M.A., late Professor of Fortification and Artillery, Royal Indian Military College, Addiscombe. Second edition, revised and enlarged. With many Plates and Cuts, and Photograph of Armstrong Gun. Royal 8vo. 14s.

Notes on Gunnery. By Captain Goodeve. Revised Edition. 1s.

Text Book of the Construction and Manufacture of Rifled Ordnance in the British Service. By Stoney & Jones. Second Edition. Paper, 3s. 6d., Cloth, 4s. 6d.

Handbooks of the 9, 16, and 64-Pounder R. M. L. Converted Guns. 6d. each.

Handbook of the 9 and 10-inch R. M. L. Guns. 6d. each.

Handbook of 40-Pounder B. L. Gun. 6d.

Handbooks of 9-inch Rifle Muzzle Loading Guns of 12 tons, and the 10-inch gun of 18 tons. 6d. each.

Treatise on Fortification and Artillery. By Major Hector Straith. Revised and re-arranged by Thomas Cook, R.N., by John T. Hyde, M.A. 7th Edition. Royal 8vo. Illustrated and Four Hundred Plans, Cuts, &c. £2 2s.

Military Surveying and Field Sketching. The Various Methods of Contouring, Levelling, Sketching without Instruments, Scale of Shade, Examples in Military Drawing, &c., &c., &c. As at present taught in the Military Colleges. By Major W. H. Richards, 55th Regiment, Chief Garrison Instructor in India, Late Instructor in Military Surveying, Royal Military College, Sandhurst. Second Edition, Revised and Corrected. 12s.

Treatise on Military Surveying; including Sketching in the Field, Plan-Drawing, Levelling, Military Reconnaissance, &c. By Lieut.-Col. Basil Jackson, late of the Royal Staff Corps. The Fifth Edition. 8vo. Illustrated by Plans, &c. 14s.

Instruction in Military Engineering. Vol. 1., Part III. 4s.

Elementary Principles of Fortification. A Text-Book for Military Examinations. By J. T. Hyde, M.A. Royal 8vo. With numerous Plans and Illustrations. 10s. 6d.

Military Train Manual. 1s.

The Sappers’ Manual. Compiled for the use of Engineer Volunteer Corps. By Col. W. A. Frankland, R.E. With numerous Illustrations. 2s.

Ammunition. A descriptive treatise on the different Projectiles Charges, Fuzes, Rockets, &c., at present in use for Land and Sea Service, and on other war stores manufactured in the Royal Laboratory. 6s.

Handbook on the Manufacture and Proof of Gunpowder, as carried on at the Royal Gunpowder Factory, Waltham Abbey. 5s.

Regulations for the Training of Troops for service in the Field and for the conduct of Peace Manoeuvres. 2s.

Handbook Dictionary for the Militia and Volunteer Services, Containing a variety of useful information. Alphabetically arranged. Pocket size, 3s. 6d.; by post, 3s. 8d.

Gymnastic Exercises, System of Fencing, and Exercises for the Regulation Clubs. In one volume. Crown 8vo. 2s.

Army Equipment. Prepared at the Topographical and Statistical Department, War Office. By Col. Sir Henry James, R.E., F.R.S., &c., Director.

Part 1.—Cavalry. Compiled by Lieut. H. M. Hozier, 2nd Life Guards. Royal 8vo. 4s.

Part 4.—Military Train. Compiled by Lieut. H. M. Hozier, 2nd Life Guards. Royal 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Part 5.—Infantry. Compiled by Capt. F. Martin Petrie. Royal 8vo. With Plates. 5s.

Part 6.—Commissariat. Compiled by Lieut. H. M. Hozier, 2nd Life Guards. Royal 8vo. 1s. 6d.

Part 7.—Hospital Service. Compiled by Capt. Martin Petrie. Royal 8vo. With Plates. 5s.

Text-Book on the Theory and Motion of Projectiles; the History, Manufacture, and Explosive Force of Gunpowder; the History of Small Arms. For Officers sent to School of Musketry. 1s. 6d.

Notes on Ammunition. 2nd Edition. 3s.

Regulations and Instructions for Encampments. 6d.

Rules for the Conduct of the War Game. 2s.

Medical Regulations for the Army, Instructions for the Army, Comprising duties of Officers, Attendants, and Nurses, &c. 1s. 6d.

Purveyors’ Regulations and Instructions, for Guidance of Officers of Purveyors’ Department of the Army. 3s.

Priced Vocabulary of Stores used in Her Majesty’s Service. 4s.

Transport of Sick and Wounded Troops. By Dr. Longmore. 5s.

Precedents in Military Law. By Lt.-Col. W. Hough. 8vo. 25s.

The Practice of Courts-Martial, by Hough & Long. 8vo. 26s.

Manual of Military Law. For all ranks of the Army, Militia, and Volunteer Services. By Colonel J. K. Pipon, and J. F. Collier, Esq. Third and Revised Edition. Pocket size. 5s.

Regulations applicable to the European Officer in India. Containing Staff Corps Rules, Staff Salaries, Commands, Furlough and Retirement Regulations, &c. By George E. Cochrane, late Assistant Military Secretary, India Office. 1 vol., post 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Reserve Force; Guide to Examinations, for the use of Captains and Subalterns of Infantry, Militia, and Rifle Volunteers, and for Serjeants of Volunteers. By Capt. G. H. Greaves. 2nd edit. 2s.

The Military EncyclopÆdia; referring exclusively to the Military Sciences, Memoirs of Distinguished Soldiers, and the Narratives of Remarkable Battles. By J. H. Stocqueler. 8vo. 12s.

The Operations of War Explained and Illustrated. By Col. Hamley. New Edition Revised, with Plates. Royal 8vo. 30s.

Lessons of War. As taught by the Great Masters and Others; Selected and Arranged from the various operations in War. By France James Soady, Lieut.-Col., R.A. Royal 8vo. 21s.

The Soldiers’ Pocket Book for Field Service. By Col. Sir Garnet J. Wolseley. 2nd Edition. Revised and Enlarged. 4s. 6d.

The Surgeon’s Pocket Book, an Essay on the best Treatment of Wounded in War. By Surgeon Major J. H. Porter. 7s. 6d.

A Precis of Modern Tactics. By Colonel Home. 8vo. 8s. 6d.

Armed Strength of Austria. By Capt. Cooke. 2 pts. £1 2s.

Armed Strength of Denmark. 3s.

Armed Strength of Russia. Translated from the German. 7s.

Armed Strength of Sweden and Norway. 3s. 6d.

Armed Strength of Italy. 5s. 6d.

Armed Strength of Germany. Part I. 8s. 6d.

The Franco-German War of 1870-71. By Capt. C. H. Clarke. Vol. I. £1 6s. Sixth Section. 5s. Seventh Section. 6s. Eighth Section. 3s. Ninth Section. 4s. 6d. Tenth Section. 6s.

The Campaign of 1866 in Germany. Royal 8vo. With Atlas. 21s. Celebrated Naval and Military Trials. By Peter Burke. Post 8vo., cloth. 10s. 6d.

Military Sketches. By Sir Lascelles Wraxall. Post 8vo. 6s.

Military Life of the Duke of Wellington. By Jackson and Scott. 2 Vols.. 8vo. Maps, Plans, &c. 12s.

Single Stick Exercise of the Aldershot Gymnasium. 6d.

Treatise on Military Carriages, and other Manufactures of the Royal Carriage Department. 5s.

Steppe Campaign Lectures. 2s.

Manual of Instructions for Army Surgeons. 1s.

Regulations for Army Hospital Corps. 9d.

Manual of Instructions for Non-Commissioned Officers, Army Hospital Corps. 2s.

Handbook for Military Artificers. 3s.

Instructions for the use of Auxiliary Cavalry. 2s. 6d.

Equipment Regulations for the Army. 5s. 6d.

Statute Law relating to the Army. 1s. 3d.

Regulations for Commissariat and Ordnance Department. 2s.

Regulations for the Commissariat Department. 1s. 6d.

Regulations for the Ordnance Department. 1s. 6d.

Artillerist’s Handbook of Reference for the use of the Royal and Reserve Artillery, by Will and Dalton. 5s.

An Essay on the Principles and Construction of Military Bridges, by Sir Howard Douglas. 1853. 15s.

Mill’s History of British India,

With Notes and Continuation. By H. H. Wilson. 9 vols. cr. 8vo. £2 10s.

Milton’s Poetical Works, with Notes.

By John Bradshaw, LL.D., Inspector of Schools, Madras. 2 vols. post 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Mogul Empire.

From the death of Aurungzeb to the overthrow of the Mahratta Power, by Henry George Keene, B.C.S. 8vo. Second edition. With Map. 10s. 6d.

This Work fills up a blank between the ending of Elphinstone’s and the commencement of Thornton’s Histories.

Mysteries of the Vatican;

Or Crimes of the Papacy. From the German of Dr. Theodore Greisenger. 2 Vols. post 8vo. 21s.

Nationalities of Europe.

By Robert Gordon Latham, M.D. 2 Vols. 8vo. 12s.

Natural History, Sport and Travel.

By Edward Lockwood, Bengal Civil Service, late Magistrate of Monghyr. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. (In the press.).

Nirgis and Bismillah.

Nirgis; a Tale of the Indian Mutiny, from the Diary of a Slave Girl: and Bismillah; or, Happy Days in Cashmere. By Hafiz Allard. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Notes on China.

Desultory Notes on the Government and People of China and on the Chinese Language. By T. T. Meadows. 8vo. 9s.

Notes on the North Western Provinces of India.

By a District Officer. 2nd Edition. Post 8vo., cloth. 5s.

Contents.—Area and Population.—Soils.—Crops.—Irrigation.—Rent.—Rates.—Land Tenures.

Owen (Sidney) India on the Eve of the British Conquest.

A Historical Sketch. By Sidney Owen, M.A. Reader in Indian Law and History in the University of Oxford. Formerly Professor of History in the Elphinstone College, Bombay. Post 8vo. 8s.

Oxenham’s (Rev. H. N.) Catholic Doctrine of the Atonement.

8vo. 10s. 6d. (See page 5).

Ozanam’s (A. F.) Civilisation in the Fifth Century.

From the French. By The Hon. A. C. Glyn. 2 Vols. post 8vo. 21s.

Pathologia Indica,

Based upon Morbid Specimens from all parts of the Indian Empire. By Allan Webb, B.M.S. Second Edit. 8vo. 14s.

Pharmacopoeia of India.

By Edward John Waring, M.D., &c. 8vo. 6s. (See page 2).

Physical Geography.

By Professor D. T. Ansted, M.A., F.R.S., &c. Fifth Edition. Post 8vo., with Illustrative Maps. 7s.

Contents:—Part I.—Introduction.—The Earth as a Planet.—Physical Forces.—The Succession of Rocks. Part II.—Earth.—Land.—Mountains.—Hills and Valleys.—Plateaux and Low Plains. Part III.—Water.—The Ocean.—Rivers.—Lakes and Waterfalls.—The Phenomena of Ice.—Springs. Part IV.—Air.—The Atmosphere. Winds and Storms.—Dew, Clouds, and Rain.—Climate and Weather. Part V.—Fire.—Volcanoes and Volcanic Phenomena.—Earthquakes. Part VI.—Life.—The Distribution of Plants in the different Countries of the Earth.—The Distribution of Animals on the Earth.—The Distribution of Plants and Animals in Time.—Effects of Human Agency on Inanimate Nature.

“The Book is both valuable and comprehensive, and deserves a wide circulation.”—Observer.

Pilgrimage to Mecca (A.)

By the Nawab Sikandar Begum of Bhopal. Translated from the Original Urdu. By Mrs. Willoughby Osborne. Followed by a Sketch of the History of Bhopal. By Col. Willoughby-Osborne, C.B. With Photographs, and dedicated, by permission, to Her Majesty, Queen Victoria. Post 8vo. £1. 1s.

This is a highly important book, not only for its literary merit, and the information it contains, but also from the fact of its being the first work written by an Indian lady, and that lady a Queen.

Pebody (Charles) Authors at Work.

Francis Jeffrey—Sir Walter Scott—Robert Burns—Charles Lamb—R. B. Sheridan—Sydney Smith—Macaulay—Byron—Wordsworth—Tom Moore—Sir James Mackintosh. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Pollock (Field Marshal Sir George) Life & Correspondence.

By C. R. Low. 8vo. With portrait. 18s.

Primitive and Universal Laws of the Formation and

Development of Language. 8vo. 12s. (See page 16.)

Prinsep’s Political and Military Transactions in India.

2 Vols. 8vo. London, 1825. 18s.

Practice of Courts Martial.

By Hough & Long. 8vo. London. 1825. 26s.

Precedents in Military Law.

By Lieut.-Col. W. Hough. One thick 8vo. Vol. 25s.

Prichard’s Chronicles of Budgepore, &c.

Or Sketches of Life in Upper India. 2 Vols., Foolscap 8vo. 12s.

Prinsep’s (H. T.) Historical Results.

8vo. 15s.

Prinsep’s (H. T.) Thibet.

Post 8vo. 5s.

Races and Tribes of Hindostan.

The People of India. A series of Photographic Illustrations of the Races and Tribes of Hindustan. Prepared under the Authority of the Government of India, by J. Forbes Watson, and John William Kaye. The Work contains about 450 Photographs on mounts, in Eight Volumes, super royal 4to. £2. 5s. per volume.

Red Book for Sergeants.

By W. Bright, Colour-Sergeant, 37th Middlesex R.V. Fcap. interleaved. 1s.

Regiments of the Army, The

Chronologically arranged. Showing their History, Services, Uniform, &c. By Captain Trimen, late 35th Regiment. (In the press).

Republic of Fools (The).

Being the History of the People of Abdera in Thrace, from the German of C. M. Von Wieland. By Rev. Henry Christmas, M.A. 2 Vols. crown 8vo. 12s.

Richards (Major W. H.) Military Surveying, &c.

12s. (See page 19).

Royle’s (Dr. J. F.) Botany of the Himalaya Mountains.

2 Vols. royal 4to. £5 5s. (See page 5).

Russians at Home.

Unpolitical Sketches, showing what Newspapers they read, what Theatres they frequent; and how they eat, drink and enjoy themselves; with other matter relating chiefly to Literature, Music, and Places of Historical and Religious Interest in and about Moscow. By H. Sutherland Edwards. Second Edition, post 8vo., with Illustrations. 6s.

Sanderson’s (G. P.) Thirteen Years among the Wild

Beasts of India. Small 4to. 25s. (See page 27).

Sepoy War in India.

A History of the Sepoy War in India, 1857-1858. By Sir John William Kaye, Author of “The History of the War in Afghanistan.” Vol. I., 8vo. 18s. Vol. II. £1. Vol. III. £1.

Contents of Vol. I.:—Book I.—Introductory.—The Conquest of the Punjab and Pegu.—The “Right of Lapse.”—The Annexation of Oude.—Progress of Englishism. Book II.—The Sepoy Army: its Rise, Progress, and Decline.—Early History of the Native Army.—Deteriorating Influences.—The Sindh Mutinies.—The Punjab Mutinies. Discipline of the Bengal Army. Book III.—The Outbreak of the Mutiny.—Lord Canning and his Council.—The Oude Administration and the Persian War.—The Rising of the Storm.—The First Mutiny.—Progress of Mutiny.—Excitement in Upper India—Bursting of the Storm.—Appendix.

Contents of Vol II.:—Book IV.—The Rising in the North-west.—The Delhi History.—The Outbreak at Meerut.—The Seizure of Delhi.—Calcutta in May.—Last Days of General Anson.—The March upon Delhi. Book V.—Progress of Rebellion in Upper India.—Benares and Allahabad.—Cawnpore.—The March to Cawnpore.—Re-occupation of Cawnpore. Book VI.—The Punjab and Delhi.—First Conflicts in the Punjab.—Peshawur and Rawul Pinder.—Progress of Events in the Punjab.—Delhi.—First Weeks of the Siege.—Progress of the Siege.—The Last Succours from the Punjab.

Contents of Vol III.:—Book VII.—Bengal, Behar, and the North-west Provinces.—At the Seat of Government.—The Insurrection in Behar.—The Siege of Arrah.—Behar and Bengal. Book VIII.—Mutiny and Rebellion in the North-west Provinces.—Agra in May.—Insurrection in the Districts.—Bearing of the Native Chiefs.—Agra in June, July, August and September. Book IX.—Lucknow and Delhi.—Rebellion in Oude.—Revolt in the Districts.—Lucknow in June and July.—The Siege and Capture of Delhi.

Sewell’s (Robert) Analytical History of India.

Crown 8vo. 8s. (See page 3).

Social Life in Munich.

By Edward Wilberforce, Second Edition. Post 8vo. 6s.

“A very able volume. Mr. Wilberforce is a very pleasant and agreeable writer whose opinion is worth hearing on the subject of modern art which enters largely into the matter of his discourse.”—Saturday Review.

Student’s Chemistry.

Being the Seventh Edition of Household Chemistry, or the Science of Home Life. By Albert J. Bernays, Ph. Dr. F.C.S., Prof. of Chemistry and Practical Chemistry at St. Thomas’ Hospital, Medical, and Surgical College. Post 8vo. 5s. 6d.

Sin: Its Causes and Consequences.

An attempt to Investigate the Origin, Nature, Extent and Results of Moral Evil. A Series of Lent Lectures. By the Rev. Henry Christmas, M.A., F.R.S. Post 8vo. 5s.

Starling (M. H.) Indian Criminal Law and Procedure.

Third edition. 8vo. £2 2s.

Strange’s (Sir T.) Hindu Law.

2 Vols. Royal 8vo. 1830. 24s. (See page 13).

Stuart’s (Capt. H. B.) Armies of the Powers of Europe.

(In the press).

“Their Majesties Servants.”

Annals of the English Stage. Actors, Authors, and Audiences. From Thomas Betterton to Edmund Kean. By Dr. Doran. F.S.A., Author of “Table Traits,” “Lives of the Queens of England of the House of Hanover,” &c. Post 8vo. 6s.

“Every page of the work is barbed with wit, and will make its way point foremost ... provides entertainment for the most diverse tastes.”—Daily News.

Textile Manufactures and Costumes of the People of India.

As originally prepared under the Authority of the Secretary of State for India in Council. By J. Forbes Watson, M.A., M.D., F R.A.S., Reporter on the Products of India. Folio, half-morocco. With numerous Coloured Photographs. £3. 5s.

This work—by affording a key to the Fashions of the People, and to the Cotton, Silk, and Wool Textiles in actual use in India—is of special interest to Manufacturers, Merchants, and Agents; as also to the Student and lover of ornamental art.

Theories of History.

An Inquiry into the Theories of History,—Chance,—Law,—Will. With Special Reference to the Principle of Positive Philosophy. By William Adam. 8vo. 15s.

Thirteen Years among the Wild Beasts of India: their Haunts and Habits,

from Personal Observation; with an account of the Modes of Capturing and Taming Wild Elephants. By G. P. Sanderson, Officer in Charge of the Government Elephant Keddahs at Mysore. With 21 full page Illustrations and three Maps. Fcp. 4to. £1 5s.

Thomson’s Lunar and Horary Tables.

For New and Concise Methods of Performing the Calculations necessary for ascertaining the Longitude by Lunar Observations, or Chronometers; with directions for acquiring a knowledge of the Principal Fixed Stars and finding the Latitude of them. By David Thomson. Sixty-fifth edit. Royal 8vo. 10s.

Thornton’s History of India.

The History of the British Empire in India, by Edward Thornton, Esq. Containing a Copious Glossary of Indian Terms, and a Complete Chronological Index of Events, to aid the Aspirant for Public Examinations. Third edition. 1 vol. 8vo. With Map. 12s.

?The Library Edition of the above in 6 volumes, 8vo., may be had, price £2. 8s.

Thornton’s Gazetteer of India.

Compiled chiefly from the records at the India Office. By Edward Thornton. 1 vol., 8vo., pp. 1015. With Map. 21s.

?The chief objects in view in compiling this Gazetteer are:—

1st. To fix the relative position of the various cities, towns, and villages, with as much precision as possible, and to exhibit with the greatest practicable brevity all that is known respecting them; and

2ndly. To note the various countries, provinces, or territorial divisions, and to describe the physical characteristics of each, together with their statistical, social, and political circumstances.

To these are added minute descriptions of the principal rivers and chains of mountains; thus presenting to the reader, within a brief compass, a mass of information which cannot otherwise be obtained, except from a multiplicity of volumes and manuscript records.

The Library Edition. 4 vols., 8vo. Notes, Marginal References, and Map. £2 16s.

Thugs and Dacoits of India.

A Popular Account of the Thugs and Dacoits, the Hereditary Garotters and Gang Robbers of India. By James Hutton. Post 8vo. 5s.

Tibet, Tartary, and Mongolia.

By Henry T. Prinsep, Esq. Second edition. Post 8vo. 5s.

Tilley’s (H. A.) Japan, &c. 8vo. 16s. (See page 14).

Tod’s (Col. Jas.) Travels in Western India.

Embracing a visit to the Sacred Mounts of the Jains, and the most Celebrated Shrines of Hindu Faith between Rajpootana and the Indus, with an account of the Ancient City of Nehrwalla. By the late Lieut.-Col. James Tod. Illustrations. Royal 4to. £3 3s.

?This is a companion volume to Colonel Tod’s Rajasthan.

Trimen’s (Capt. R., late 35th Regiment) Regiments of the British Army

chronologically arranged. (In the press).

Trotter’s History of India.

The History of the British Empire in India, from the Appointment of Lord Hardinge to the Death of Lord Canning (1844 to 1862). By Lionel James Trotter, late Bengal Fusiliers. 2 vols. 8vo. 16s. each.

Turkish Cookery Book (The).

A Collection of Receipts from the best Turkish Authorities. Done into English by Farabi Efendi. 12mo. Cloth. 3s. 6d.

Vambery’s Sketches of Central Asia.

Additional Chapters on My Travels and Adventures, and of the Ethnology of Central Asia. By Armenius Vambery. 8vo. 10s.

“A valuable guide on almost untrodden ground.”—AthenÆum.

View of China.

For Philological Purposes. Containing a Sketch of Chinese Chronology, Geography, Government, Religion, and Customs. Designed for the use of Persons who study the Chinese Language. By Rev. R. Morrison. 4to. Macao, 1817. 6s.

Waring’s Pharmacopoeia of India.

8vo. 6s. (See page 2).

Watson’s (Dr. J. Forbes) Textile Manufactures of India.

Folio. £3. 5s. (See page 27).

Watson’s (Dr. J. F.) and J. W. Kaye, The People of India.

A Series of Photographs. Vols. 1 to 8, £18.

Webb’s (Dr. A.) Pathologia Indica.

8vo. 14s. (See page 23).

Wellesley’s Despatches.

The Despatches, Minutes, and Correspondence of the Marquis Wellesley, K.G., during his Administration in India. 5 vols. 8vo. With Portrait, Map, &c. £6. 10s.

This work should be perused by all who proceed to India in the Civil Services.

Wellington in India.

Military History of the Duke of Wellington in India. 1s.

Wilberforce’s (Edward) Social Life in Munich. Post 8vo. 6s. (See page 26).

Wilberforce’s (E.) Life of Schubert.

Post 8vo. 6s.

Wilk’s South of India.

3 vols. 4to. £5. 5s.

Williams’ (F.) Lives of the English Cardinals.

2 vols., 8vo. 14s. (See page 7).

Williams’ (F.) Life, &c., of Bishop Atterbury.

2 vols., 8vo. 14s. (See page 4).

Williams’ Indian Wisdom.

8vo. 15s. (See page 14).

Wollaston’s (Arthur N.) Anwari Suhaili, or Lights of Canopus.

Commonly known as Kalilah and Damnah, being an adaptation of the Fables of Bidpai. Translated from the Persian. Royal 4to., with illuminated borders, designed specially for the work, cloth, extra gilt. £3 13s. 6d.

Wollaston’s (Arthur N.) Elementary Indian Reader.

Designed for the use of Students in the Anglo-Vernacular Schools in India. Fcap. 1s.

Woolrych’s (Serjeant W. H.)

Lives of Eminent Serjeants-at-Law of the English Bar. By Humphry W. Woolrych, Serjeant-at-Law. 2 vols. 8vo. 30s.

World we Live In.

Or First Lessons in Physical Geography. For the use of Schools and Students. By D. T. Ansted, M.A., F.R.S., &c. 25th Thousand. Fcap. 8vo. 2s.

Wraxall’s Caroline Matilda.

Queen of Denmark, Sister of George 3rd. From Family and State Papers. By Sir Lascelles Wraxall, Bart. 3 vols., 8vo. 18s.

Wraxall’s Military Sketches.

By Sir Lascelles Wraxall, Bart. Post 8vo. 6s.

“The book is clever and entertaining from first to last.”—AthenÆum.

Wraxall’s Scraps and Sketches, Gathered Together.

By Sir Lascelles Wraxall, Bart. 2 vols., Post 8vo. 12s.

Yesterday and To-Day in India.

By Sidney Laman Blanchard. Post 8vo. 6s.

Contents.—Outward Bound.—The Old Times and the New.—Domestic Life.—Houses and Bungalows.—Indian Servants.—The Great Shoe Question.—The Garrison Hack.—The Long Bow in India.—Mrs. Dulcimer’s Shipwreck.—A Traveller’s Tale, told in a Dark Bungalow.—Punch in India.—Anglo-Indian Literature.—Christmas in India.—The Seasons in Calcutta.—Farmers in Muslin.—Homeward Bound.—India as it Is.

Young’s (J. R.) Course of Mathematics.

8vo. 12s. (See page 7).

A SELECTION FROM

MESSRS. ALLEN’S CATALOGUE

OF BOOKS IN THE EASTERN LANGUAGES, &c.

HINDUSTANI, HINDI, &c.

[Dr. Forbes’s Works are used as Class Books in the Colleges and Schools
in India.]

Forbes’s Hindustani-English Dictionary in the Persian Character, with the Hindi words in Nagari also; and an English Hindustani Dictionary in the English Character; both in one volume. By Duncan Forbes, LL.D. Royal 8vo. 42s.

Forbes’s Hindustani Grammar, with Specimens of Writing in the Persian and Nagari Characters, Reading Lessons, and Vocabulary. 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Forbes’s Hindustani Manual, containing a Compendious Grammar, Exercises for Translation, Dialogues, and Vocabulary, in the Roman Character. New Edition, entirely revised. By J. T. Platts. 18mo. 3s. 6d.

Forbes’s Bagh o Bahar, in the Persian Character, with a complete Vocabulary. Royal 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Forbes’s Bagh o Bahar in English, with Explanatory Notes, illustrative of Eastern Character. 8vo. 8s.

Eastwick (Edward B.) The Bagh-o-Bahar—literally translated into English, with copious explanatory notes. 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Forbes’s Tota Kahani; or, “Tales of a Parrot,” in the Persian Character, with a complete Vocabulary. Royal 8vo. 8s.

Small’s (Rev. G.) Tota Kahani; or, “Tales of a Parrot.” Translated into English. 8vo. 8s.

Forbes’s Baital Pachisi; or, “Twenty-five Tales of a Demon,” in the Nagari Character, with a complete Vocabulary. Royal 8vo. 9s.

Platts’ J. T., Baital Pachisi; translated into English. 8vo. 8s.

Forbes’s Ikhwanu s Safa; or, “Brothers of Purity,” in the Persian Character. Royal 8vo. 12s. 6d.

[For the higher standard for military officers’ examinations.]

Platts’ Ikhwanu S Safa; translated into English. 8vo. 10s. 6d.

Platts’ Grammar of the Urdu or Hindustani-Language. 8vo. 12s.

Forbes’s Oriental Penmanship; a Guide to Writing Hindustani in the Persian Character. 4to. 8s.

Forbes’s Hindustani-English and English-Hindustani Dictionary, in the English Character. Royal 8vo. 36s.

Forbes’s Smaller Dictionary, Hindustani and English, in the English Character. 12s.

Forbes’s Bagh o Bahar, with Vocaby., English Character. 5s.

Singhasan Battisi. Translated into Hindi from the Sanscrit. A New Edition. Revised, Corrected, and Accompanied with Copious Notes. By Syed Abdoolah. Royal 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Robertson’s Hindustani Vocabulary. 3s. 6d.

Eastwick’s Prem Sagur. 4to. 30s.

Akhlaki Hindi, translated into Urdu, with an Introduction and Notes. By Syed Abdoolah. Royal 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Sakuntala. Translated into Hindi from the Sanskrit, by Frederic Pincott. 4to. 12s. 6d.

SANSCRIT.

Haughton’s Sanscrit and Bengali Dictionary, in the Bengali Character, with Index, serving as a reversed dictionary. 4to. 30s.

Williams’s English-Sanscrit Dictionary. 4to., cloth. £3. 3s.

Williams’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary. 4to. £4 14s. 6d.

Wilkin’s (Sir Charles) Sanscrit Grammar. 4to. 15s.

Williams’s (Monier) Sanscrit Grammar. 8vo. 15s.

Williams’s (Monier) Sanscrit Manual; to which is added, a Vocabulary, by A. E. Gough. 18mo. 7s. 6d.

Gough’s (A. E.) Key to the Exercises in Williams’s Sanscrit Manual. 18mo. 4s.

Williams’s (Monier) Sakuntala, with Literal English Translation of all the Metrical Passages, Schemes of the Metres, and copious Critical and Explanatory Notes. Royal 8vo. 21s.

Williams’s (Monier) Sakuntala. Translated into English Prose and Verse. Fourth Edition. 8s.

Williams’s (Monier) Vikramorvasi. The Text. 8vo. 5s.

Cowell’s (E. B.) Translation of the Vikramorvasi. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Thompson’s (J. C.) Bhagavat Gita. Sanscrit Text. 5s.

Haughton’s Menu, with English Translation. 2 vols. 4to. 24s.

Johnson’s Hitopadesa, with Vocabulary. 15s.

Hitopadesa, Sanscrit, with Bengali and English Trans. 10s. 6d.

Johnson’s Hitopadesa, English Translation of the. 4to. 5s.

Wilson’s Megha Duta, with Translation into English Verse, Notes, Illustrations, and a Vocabulary. Royal 8vo. 6s.

PERSIAN.

Richardson’s Persian, Arabic, and English Dictionary. Edition of 1852. By F. Johnson. 4to. £4.

Forbes’s Persian Grammar, Reading Lessons, and Vocabulary. Royal 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Ibraheem’s Persian Grammar, Dialogues, &c. Royal 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Gulistan. Carefully collated with the original MS., with a full Vocabulary. By John Platts, late Inspector of Schools, Central Provinces, India. Royal 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Gulistan. Translated from a revised Text, with Copious Notes. By John Platts. 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Ouseley’s Anwari Soheili. 4to. 42s.

Wollaston’s (Arthur N.) Translation of the Anwari Soheili. Royal 8vo. £2 2s.

Keene’s (Rev. H. G.) First Book of The Anwari Soheili. Persian Text. 8vo. 5s.

Ouseley’s (Col.) Akhlaki Mushini. Persian Text. 8vo. 5s.

Keene’s (Rev. H. G.) Akhlaki Mushini. Translated into English. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

A Manual of the Persian Language, based on “Forbes’s Hindustani Manual.” By H. Wilberforce Clarke, Captain R.E. 18mo. 7s. 6d.

A Translation of Robinson Crusoe into the Persian Language. Roman Character. Edited by T. W. H. Tolbort, Bengal Civil Service. (In the press).

BENGALI.

Haughton’s Bengali, Sanscrit, and English Dictionary, adapted for Students in either language; to which is added an Index, serving as a reversed dictionary. 4to. 30s.

Forbes’s Bengali Grammar, with Phrases and dialogues. Royal 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Forbes’s Bengali Reader, with a Translation and Vocabulary. Royal 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Nabo Nari. 12mo. 7s.

ARABIC.

Richardson’s Arabic, Persian and English Dictionary. Edition of 1852. By F. Johnson. 4to., cloth. £4.

Forbes’s Arabic Grammar, intended more especially for the use of young men preparing for the East India Civil Service, and also for the use of self instructing students in general. Royal 8vo., cloth. 18s.

Palmer’s Arabic Grammar 8vo. 18s.

Forbes’s Arabic Reading Lessons, consisting of Easy Extracts from the best Authors, with Vocabulary. Royal 8vo., cloth. 15s.

Beresford Arabic Syntax. Royal 8vo. 6s.

Matthew’s Translation of the Mishkat-ul-Masabih. 2 vols. in 1. By the Rev. T. P. Hughes, Missionary to the Afghans at Peshawur. (In the Press).

TELOOGOO.

Brown’s Dictionary, reversed; with a Dictionary of the Mixed Dialects used in Teloogoo. 3 vols. in 2, royal 8vo. £5.

Campbell’s Dictionary. Royal 8vo. 30s.

Brown’s Reader. 8vo. 2 vols. 14s.

Brown’s Dialogues, Teloogoo and English. 8vo. 5s. 6d.

Pancha Tantra. 8s.

Percival’s English-Teloogoo Dictionary. 10s. 6d.

TAMIL.

Rottler’s Dictionary, Tamil and English. 4to. 42s.

Babington’s Grammar (High Dialect). 4to. 12s.

Percival’s Tamil Dictionary. 2 vols. 10s. 6d.

GUZRATTEE.

Mavor’s Spelling, Guzrattee and English. 7s, 6d.

Shapuaji Edalji’s Dictionary, Guzrattee and English. 21s.

MAHRATTA.

Molesworth’s Dictionary, Mahratta and English. 4to. 42s.

Molesworth’s Dictionary, English and Mahratta. 4to. 42s.

Stevenson’s Grammar. 8vo., cloth. 17s. 6d.

Esop’s Fables. 12mo. 2s. 6d.

Fifth Reading Book. 7s.

MALAY.

Marsden’s Dictionary. 4to. £3. 3s.

Marsden’s Grammar. 4to. £1 1s.

CHINESE.

Morrison’s Dictionary. 6 vols. 4to. £10.

Marshman’s—Clavis Sinica, a Chinese Grammar. 4to. £2 2s.

Morrison’s View of China, for Philological purposes; containing a Sketch of Chinese Chronology, Geography, Government, Religion and Customs, designed for those who study the Chinese language. 4to. 6s.

MISCELLANEOUS.

Reeve’s English-Carnatica and Carnatica-English Dictionary. 2 vols. (Very slightly damaged). £8.

Collett’s Malayalam Reader. 8vo. 12s. 6d.

Esop’s Fables in Carnatica. 8vo. bound. 12s. 6d.

David’s Turkish Grammar. 15s.

Wilson’s Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms, and of useful Words occurring in Official Documents relating to the Administration of the Government of British India. From the Arabic, Persian, Hindustani, Sanskrit, Hindi, Bengali, Uriya, Marathi, Guzarathi, Telugu, Karnata, Tamil, Malayalam, and other Languages. Compiled and published under the authority of the Hon. the Court of Directors of the E. I. Company. 4to., cloth. £1 10s.

Messrs. Wm. H. Allen & Co.’s Catalogues of Printed and Lithographed Books in the Eastern Languages, to which is added a list of Oriental Manuscripts, may be had gratis on application.

A CHRONOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL

CHART OF INDIA,

Price, fully tinted, mounted on roller or in case, 20s.
Size, about 40 in. by 50 in.

Showing, at one view, all the principal nations, governments, and empires which have existed in that country from the earliest times to the suppression of the Great Mutiny, A.D. 1858, with the date of each historical event according to the various eras used in India.

BY

ARTHUR ALLEN DURTNALL,

Of the High Court of Justice in England.

By this Chart, any person, however ignorant of the subject, may, by an hour’s attention, obtain a clear view of the broad lines of Indian History, and of the evolutions which have resulted in the dominion of Her Majesty as EMPRESS OF INDIA. It will be found invaluable for Educational Purposes, especially in Colleges and Schools, where an Indian career is in contemplation. It will also be found of PERMANENT UTILITY in all Libraries and Offices as a work of ready reference for the connection of events and dates. Besides the History of India, it includes the contemporaneous histories of Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Europe.

A RELIEVO MAP OF INDIA.

BY

HENRY F. BRION.

In Frame, 21s.

“A map of this kind brings before us such a picture of the surface of a given country as no ordinary map could ever do. To the mind’s eye of the average Englishman, India consists of ‘the plains’ and ‘the hills,’ chiefly of the former, the hills being limited to the Himalayas and the Nilgiris. The new map will at least enable him to correct his notions of Indian geography. It combines the usual features of a good plain map of the country on a scale of 150 miles to the inch, with a faithful representation of all the uneven surfaces, modelled on a scale thirty-two times the horizontal one; thus bringing out into clear relief the comparative heights and outlines of all the hill-ranges, and showing broad tracts of uneven ground, of intermingled hill and valley, which a common map of the same size would hardly indicate, except to a very practised eye. The plains of Upper India are reduced to their true proportions; the Central Provinces, Malwa, and Western Bengal reveal their actual ruggedness at a glance; and Southern India, from the Vindhyas to Cape Comorin, proclaims its real height above the sea-level. To the historical as well as the geographical student such a map is an obvious and important aid in tracing the course of past campaigns, in realising the conditions under which successive races carried their arms or settlements through the Peninsula, and in comprehending the difference of race, climate, and physical surroundings which make up our Indian Empire. Set in a neat frame of maplewood, the map seems to attract the eye like a prettily-coloured picture, and its price, a guinea, should place it within the reach of all who care to combine the useful with the ornamental.”—Home News.

MAPS OF INDIA, etc.

Messrs. Allen & Co.’s Maps of India were revised and much improved during 1874, with especial reference to the existing Administrative Divisions, Railways, &c.

District Map of India; corrected to 1874; Divided into Collectorates with the Telegraphs and Railways from Government surveys. On six sheets—size, 5 ft. 6 in. high; 5 ft. 8 in. wide; in a case, £2 12s. 6d.; or, rollers, varn., £3 3s.

A General Map of India; corrected to 1874; Compiled chiefly from surveys executed by order of the Government of India. On six sheets—size, 5 ft. 3 in. wide; 5 ft. 4 in. high, £2; or, on cloth, in case, £2 12s. 6d.; or, rollers, varn., £3 3s.

Map of India; corrected to 1874; From the most recent Authorities. On two sheets—size, 2 ft. 10 in. wide; 3 ft. 3 in. high, 16s.; or, on cloth, in a case, £l 1s.

Map of the Routes in India; corrected to 1874; With Tables of Distances between the principal Towns and Military Stations. On one sheet—size, 2 ft. 3 in. wide; 2 ft. 9 in. high, 9s.; or, on cloth, in a case, 12s.

Map of the Western Provinces of Hindoostan, The Punjab, Cabool, Scinde, Bhawulpore, &c., including all the States between Candahar and Allahabad. On four sheets—size, 4 ft. 4 in. wide; 4 ft. 2 in. high, 30s.; or, in case, £2; rollers, varnished, £2 10s.

Map of India and China, Burmah, Siam, the Malay Peninsula, and the Empire of Anam. On two sheets—size, 4 ft. 3 in. wide; 3 ft. 4 in. high, 16s.; or, on cloth, in a case, £1 5s.

Map of the Steam Communication and Overland Routes between England, India, China, and Australia. In a case, 14s.; on rollers, and varnished, 18s.

Map of Afghanistan and the adjacent Countries. On one sheet—size, 2 ft. 3 in. wide; 2 ft. 9 in. high, 9s.; in case, 12s.

Map of China, From the most Authentic Sources of Information. One large sheet—size, 2 ft. 7 in. wide; 2 ft. 2 in. high, 6s.; or, on cloth, in case, 8s.

Map of the World; On Mercator’s Projection, showing the Tracts of the Early Navigators, the Currents of the Ocean, the Principal Lines of great Circle Sailing, and the most recent discoveries. On four sheets—size, 6 ft. 2 in. wide; 4 ft. 3 in. high, £2; on cloth, in a case, £2 10s; or, with rollers, and varnished, £3.

Handbook of Reference to the Maps of India. Giving the Latitude and Longitude of places of note. 18mo. 3s. 6d.

THE

ROYAL KALENDAR,

AND

COURT & CITY REGISTER

FOR

England, Ireland, Scotland, and the Colonies

FOR THE YEAR

1878.

Containing a Correct List of the Twenty-First Imperial Parliament, summoned to meet for their Session—March 5th, 1874.

House of Peers—House of Commons—Sovereigns and Rulers of States of Europe—Orders of Knighthood—Science and Art Department—Queen’s Household—Government Offices—Mint—Customs—Inland Revenue—Post Office—Foreign Ministers and Consuls—Queen’s Consuls Abroad—Naval Department—Navy List—Army Department—Army List—Law Courts—Police—Ecclesiastical Department—Clergy List—Foundation Schools—Literary Institutions—City of London—Banks—Railway Companies—Hospital and Institutions—Charities—Miscellaneous Institutions—Scotland, Ireland, India, and the Colonies; and other useful information.

Price with Index, 7s.; without Index, 5s.

Published on the arrival of every Mail from India. Subscription 26s. per annum, specimen copy, 6d.

ALLEN’S INDIAN MAIL,

AND

Official Gazette

FROM

INDIA, CHINA, AND ALL PARTS OF THE EAST.