BEing naturally inclined in my younger years to study the Arts of Designe, I passed into forrain parts to converse with the great Masters thereof in Italy; where I applied my self to search out the ruines of those ancient Buildings, which in despight of Time it self, and violence of Barbarians are yet remaining. Having satisfied my self in these, and returning to my native Countrey, I applied my minde more particularly to the study of Architecture. Among the ancient monuments whereof, found here, I deemed none more worthy the searching after, then this of Stoneheng; not only in regard of the Founders thereof, the Time when built, the Work it self, but also for the rarity of its Invention, being different in Forme from all I had seen before: likewise, of as beautifull Proportions, as elegant in Order, and as stately in Aspect, as any.

King James, in his progresse, the year one thousand six hundred and twenty, being at Wilton, and discoursing of this Antiquity, I was sent for by the right Honourable William then Earl of Pembrook, and received there his Majesties commands to produce out of mine own practise in Architecture, and experience in Antiquities abroad, what possibly I could discover concerning this of Stoneheng. What mine opinion was then, and what I have since collected in relation thereunto; I intend to make the subject of this present Treatise. And certainly, in the intricate, and obscure study of Antiquity it is far easier (as Camden very well observes) to refute and contradict a false, then to set down a true and certain resolution. For mine own part, in what I shall here deliver, I intend not to struggle against any opinion commonly, and long since received. Let every man judge as it pleaseth him. What opinion soever the Reader inclines to, I shall not make much materiall, my aime being, a desire only to vindicate, as much as in me lies, the Founders of this venerable Antiquity from oblivion, and to make the truth, as far forth as possibly I may, appeare to all men.

Severall Writers, both Strangers, and our own Countreymen, have treated of Stoneheng. Before recite whole opinions, I think not amisse to seek this subject from the most ancient times, endevouring thereby to give satisfaction whether or no, the Druides, aliÀs DruidÆ (in Authors indifferently written, and in old time the Priests of the Britans and Gauls) or the ancient Britans, for the Druid’s use, might not be the Founders of so notable a monument; which if they were, there is then no cause why bestow farther study or pains, in searching who the Founders were, but acquiesce in the honour of our own Nations first erection of it.

As far neverthelesse, as from History ancient or moderne may be gathered, there is little likelyhood of any such matter, considering especially what the Druid’s were; also, what small experience the Britans, anciently inhabiting this Isle, had, in knowledge of what ever Arts, much lesse of building, with like elegancy and proportion, such goodly works as Stoneheng.

Concerning the Druid’s in the first place, true it is, they are reported in ancient times, to have been in great esteeme in this Island, where their discipline, and manner of learning, was supposed to be first invented, and from hence translated into Gaul. Disciplina in Britannia reperta (saith CÆsar) CÆsar. Commen. lib. 6. atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur. They are said in like manner no have ordered and disposed all divine matters, as well in relation to their severall kinds of Sacrifices, as to expounding whatever rites of their idolatrous superstition;Plin. lib. 16. insomuch, you may call them (if you please) the Bishops and Clergy of that Age.

Their power moreover, and preheminence was not confined within the strict limits of sacred matters, but enjoying a more large prerogative, temporall negotiations, and affairs of State were transacted by them: the managing of Peace and War was usually remitted to their Authority, even when Armies were ready to joyn in Battell. Publica iis (saith StraboStrab. lib. 4.) & privata judicia committuntur, & aliquando causis bellorum disceptandis jam acie congressuros composuerunt. Judges they were (saith CÆsarCÆsar. lib. 6. also) in almost all civill and criminall causes: sentence they gave in case of life and death: decide they did controversies, and debates betwixt party and party: finally, whatever else was requisite and convenient to keep the people in due obedience to their Princes, they wholly took the care and charge of.

These were the maine affaires wherein the employment of the Druides consisted, and whereunto they wholly addicted themselves. Whosoever desires to know more of them, may read CÆsar, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Pliny, Diogenes Laertius, Ammianus Marcellinus, and such like ancient Authors. But, whatsoever these, or other Historians have written of the Druides, certainly, Stoneheng could not be builded by them, in regard, I find no mention, they were at any time either studious in Architecture, (which in this subject is chiefly to be respected) or skilfull in any thing else conducing thereunto. For, Academies of Designe were unknown unto them: publique Lectures in the Mathematiques not read amongst them: nothing of their Painting, not one word of their Sculpture is to be found, or scarce of any Science (Philosophy and Astronomy excepted) proper to informe the judgement of an Architect; who, (as Vitruvius Vitr. li. 1. saith) should be peritus Graphidos, eruditus Geometria, & Optices non ignarus &c. perfect in Designe, expert in Geometry, well seen in the Opticks, skilfull in Arithmetick, a good Historian, a diligent hearer of Philosophers, well experienced in Physick, Musick, Law and Astrologie.

Of all that have written of the Druid’s, no Author knew them better then CÆsar, neither hath any more fully described them; who after a large discourse of their discipline, priviledges, and Theologie,CÆsar. li. 6. Multa de sideribus (saith he) atque eorum motu, de mundi ac terrarum magnitudine, de rerum natura, &c. disputant, & juventuti transdunt. They make much dispute, and instruct their Scholars in many things concerning the Stars, and their motion, the greatnesse of Heaven and Earth, of the nature of things &c. As for other Arts relating to the Mathematiques, or any works of this kind, he makes no manner of mention, though himself an Architect, glorying in his own, and much more extolling others invention in that Art.

The truth is, those ancient times had no knowledge of publique works, either Sacred or Secular, for their own use, or honour of their Deities. Besides, they us’d not any buildings of Stone, or (for ought is manifest) knew so much, as how to order working therein. The Druid’s led a solitary contemplative life, contenting themselves with such habitations, as either meer necessity invented, to shelter them from contrariety of seasons, without Art, without Order, without any whatever means tending to perpetuity: or, such as Nature alone had prepared for them in dens, and caves of desert and darksome woods; esteeming it, questionlesse, the highest secret of their mystery, rather to command in caves and cottages, then live like Kings, in Palaces, and stately houses. They were too wise, knew too well, ’twas their humility, integrity, retired manner of life, and pretended sanctity possest the people with an awfully reverend esteem of them; and which fed, and kept up their reputation throughout the Countrey, when outward appearances of State and magnificence would either have brought them into envy, and their superstition into contempt, or themselves and Religion both to be wholly extirpated and laid aside.

Pomponius MelaPomp. Mela lib. 3. discoursing of the Druides, Docent multa (saith he) nobilissimos gentis clam & diu vicenis annis in specu, aut in abditis saltibus, They teach the Nobility, and better sort of their nation, many things, even twenty years together, secretly in caves, or close coverts of obscure woods and forrests. Such, and no other were their habitations, such their Universities, and publique Schooles.

As for their Temples and sacred structures, they consisted not in variety of formes, costlinesse of materials, or perfection of humane Arts, but were of Natures own framing in like manner, being no other then groves of Oke. The Druid’s chose of purpose (saith Pliny)Pliny lib. 16. such groves for their divine Service, as stood only upon Okes; nay they solemnized no Sacrifice, nor performed any sacred Ceremonies without the branches, and leaves thereof; from whence they may seem well enough to be named DryadÆ in Greek, which signifies as much as Oke Priests.

The Romans having forced their passage, and gained victory over the Druid’s in Anglesey, cut down their woods and groves, amongst them reckoned holy, and consecrated to their execrable superstitions. Excisi luci (saith Tacitus)Tacit. Ann. lib. 14. sÆvis superstitionibus sacri.

To this purpose, Humphrey Lloid, in his history of Wales, The vast woods growing in that Island, were not only by the Romans, but afterwards, when the Christian Faith took place in this Nation, by the Christians also fell’d and rooted out. And why? because of the idolatry (saith he) and absurd Religion used in them. Again, in his Epistle to Ortelius concerning the Isle of Anglesey, the same Author affirmes; Though there is little wood now growing there, yet every day the roots and bodies of huge trees of a wonderfull length and bignesse are by the inhabitants found, and digged out of the earth, in divers places in low grounds, and champion fields.

Now, if in stead of these roots, and bodies of trees, the ruines of ancient Structures had been there found, it might peradventure, with some probability, have been presumed either that the Druid’s used Temples, or some other buildings of stone. For, their ancient seat was in the Isle of Mona, now Anglesey, whence modern Writers style it Insulam Druidum, the Island of the Druid’s, and sedem Druidum, the seat of the Druid’s. And from hence, questionlesse, it came to passe, the Romans, with such difficulty, under the conduct of Suetonius Paulinus, brought that Island under their power; nor was it wholly subdued to their Empire, untill Julius Agricola’s time. For, whereas in other parts of Britain, the people contended for Liberty only, there, they fought pro aris & focis, for Liberty, and Religion both.

There it was the British armies (saith Tacitus)Tacit. Ann. lib. 16. being imbattailed, the women ran to and fro amongst them in sable weeds, their hair about their ears, and fire-brands in their hands, like infernall furies, the Druid’s round about them also, lifting up their hands to Heaven, and pouring forth deadly curses; the novelty of which sight bred such amazement in the Roman Legions, (the Romans here, it seems, were unacquainted with the Druid’s till then) that they stood stock still, and close together, not once moving a foot, as if possessed with a resolution to act nothing at all, but receive their deaths tamely and without any great resistance.

Wherefore, besides, that History hath not remembred the ruines of any ancient buildings digged up in Anglesey; if either, this Antiquity had been remaining in that Island, or any Author delivered such Actions of the Druid’s, as aforesaid, performed about the place, where Stoneheng remains standing, there might have been some advantage made thereof to the purpose now in hand. But Anglesey excepted, ancient Writers give them residence in no part of Britain beside, nor are they remembred by any, to have been found elswhere, throughout the whole Nation. With respect whereunto, if the Druid’s had knowledge, either to build the like magnificent structures, or use, for any such, they would, without all peradventure, have erected them upon the same place rather where themselves resided, then elswhere.

Neither are we to wonder, they chose such an out-nook or corner as Anglesey, to reside in; in regard, there, they lived remote, and solitary; there, were store of caves, and dens to instruct their Scholars in, close and retired places for their own habitations, and plenty of groves to perform their sacred mysteries in. Moreover, they past their days there, like the Hermits of old time, according to their own desire, in full contentment, and with free liberty to study, and contemplate what they pleased. For, Anglesey (we must know) in those times of yore, was wholly overgrown with desert Woods, and obscure forrests, from whence the ancient Britans call’d it Ynis Dowil, the shadowy or dark Island. Which name it still retains, and is well known thereby to the now inhabitants, who are, even at this day, likewise enclined, (yea, they usually accustome themselves) to commit things more to Memory, then Writing; and, as having received it by tradition from their Ancestors, living in those ancient times, still endevour to observe that custom of the Druid’s, who held it unlawfull to commit any thing to writing. As CÆsarCÆs. Com. lib. 6. (in the sixth book of his Commentaries of the Gaulish war) delivers.

Concerning the Britans in the next place, The condition of those ancient inhabitants of this Island in the Druid’s time duly considered, (viz. in what manner they lived, how unskilfull in all Sciences, and civill customs, what Deities they had, in what places they adored them, and what manner of buildings, or sacred or secular, were used by them) as little reason appears, that this Antiquity was by them erected.

As for their manner of living, the Britans were then a savage and barbarous people, knowing no use at all of garments. Vestis usum non cognoscunt (saith Herodian.)Herodian. lib. 3. Now, if destitute of the knowledge, even to clothe themselves, much lesse any knowledge had they to erect stately structures, or such remarkable works as Stoneheng. What fashions they used to adorn their bodies with, the same Author tells us. As a rare and rich habiliment, they wore about their wasts and necks ornaments of iron (saith he) and did pounce and colour their bodies with sundry forms, in rude manner representing severall creatures. In which regard, they would not be otherwise clothed, lest constrain’d thereby to hide such their simple (though with them much esteemed) bravery.

Again, in other their civill customs, they were no lesse rude and ignorant; yea, so barbarous, even in things appertaining to common sustenance, and whatever husbandry; that (as Strabo)Strabo li. 4. Quidam eorum ob imperitiam caseos nullos conficiant, cum tamen lacte abundent: alii hortos colendi, & aliarum partium agriculturÆ ignari sunt. Many of them, though they had great plenty of milk, yet their want of skill was such, they knew not how to make cheese: others so simple, they knew not to order their gardens or orchards, or any thing belonging thereunto.

Their Countrey also then lay uncultivated, no corn sown: QuÆvis herba & radix cibus est, Their food was herbs and roots (saith Dion Cassius.)Dion li. 62. Hence Sir Walter Raleigh cals them the British Nomades.Ral. li. 3. c. 5. And (by the way) it may not inappositely be observ’d, milk, roots, and fruit were the chief banquetting dishes; and skins of beasts (if clothed) the most costly habits of our Forefathers. Now who can, in reason imagine, that any great knowledge, practice, or delight of Arts and Sciences, wherein the elegancy of Architecture consists, should be in use or esteem, amongst a people, wholly devoted (as I may so say) and given over to such barbarity?

There were then no publick roads, or common high-ways to passe from one place to another, no constant habitations, Nec moenia, nec urbes, Nor towns nor walls (as DionDion li. 76. out of Xiphiline hath it) much lesse Temples, or other buildings made of stone, composed by Art, with Order, and Proportion.i

Moreover, who cast their eies upon this Antiquity, and examine the same with judgement, must be enforced to confesse it erected by people, grand masters in the Art of building, and liberall sciences, whereof the ancient Britans utterly ignorant, as a Nation wholly addicted to wars, never applying themselves to the study of Arts, or troubling their thoughts with any excellency therein. Omnis arbor domus.Dion lib. 62. Every tree being in stead of a house to them.

In the wars which Bunduica (whom Tacitus cals Boadicia) Queen of the Iceni, undertook against the Romans, wherein seventy thousand of their Citizens, and allies perished; in disdainfull contempt of the experience in Arts, wherein the Romans flourished, She accounted it her chiefest glory (saith Dion Cassius)Dion lib. 62. to command over the Britans, in regard, a people they were, who had not learned, or knew, what belonged to the cultivating and manuring of lands; or the practice of Arts, or to be craftsmen in any thing, save war. Qui non agros colere, non opifices esse, sed bella gerere optimÈ didicerunt. Where you see, their having nor experience nor practice in any kinde of Sciences, war excepted, was enforc’d, by Bunduica, as redounding greatly to the Britans honour, much advantage being made thereof by Her, towards advancing Her designs, as the Historian plainly tells us.

But certain it is, however barbarous in other affairs, a most warlike people they were. Never, untill the forces of the whole world united in the Roman Empire conspiring to subdue them, liable to conquest: neither could all that power, till after numbers of years spent in the attempt, with infinite expence of men and treasure, ever prevail against them. Now, as their sole skilfulnesse was in war, so they idoliz’d principally what had relation thereunto, their Dea optima maxima, being Victoria, whom they worshipped under the name of Andates. Another Goddesse they had in much esteem, called Adraste, which some imagine (as the Nemesis amongst the Greeks) was their Goddesse of Revenge. These, according to their savage manner of living, they adored in groves, and woods, the only Temples in use amongst them, to perform their Sacrifices, and divine mysteries in. (as from severall Authors I have already proved) Neither find I any particular place mentioned, to which any of these their Temples (if they may so be called) were assigned; only Andates (it seems from Dion Cassius) had a grove sacred to her in the Countrey of the Iceni, anciently containing Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, and Huntingdon Shires, farre enough from Stoneheng.

Besides, it is not to be past over in silence, how Tacitus expresseth himself in the before cited fourteenth Book of his Annals, telling us; The Romans overthrew not the Temples, or razed to the Foundations, any of the sacred structures of the Druid’s and Britans made of stone, or other materials, which he might as readily have done, if they had used any such: but positively, the Romans cut down the Britans woods and groves, amongst them reckoned holy, and consecrated to their execrable superstitions. True it is, other Temples, of greater magnificence then already spoken of, I find none: Ornaments of Art to enrich them they were not acquainted with: such orderly composed works as Stoneheng, they had not any: yea, no kind of sacred structures of stone were in use amongst them: their idolatrous places being naturally adorned, only with wild, and overgrown shades, designed and brought to perfection by Dame Nature her self, she being Architect generall to all their Deities. Nor did it consist with their vain Religion to use any other, they making their worship, performing their Ceremonies, offering their Sacrifices in dark and obscure groves, most conformable unto their barbarous, and inhumane, humane oblations.

Neither must it seem strange, they used no other Temples then these, it not being their custom alone; for the ExcelsiMayer. 1 K. 1. Ch. or high places mentioned in the sacred Story, wherein the Heathen performed idolatrous rites unto their Idols, were commonly groves, affectedly sited upon some mountainous place, without any House or Temple. The Persians of old, (of whom Herodotus)Herod. li. 1. Neque statuas, neque templa, neque aras extruere consuetudo est, Erected neither Images, nor Temples, nor Altars: quinimo hoc facientibus insaniÆ tribuere, accounting it great folly and madnesse in those that did: but ascending to the tops of the highest, and most lofty hils, on them offered sacrifices to their Gods. From hence, Xerxes, in his expedition, burnt down the Temples of the Greeks, because they shut up their Gods therein, to whom all things are open and free, and to whom the whole Universe serves for a Temple. The Abasgians also (inhabiting Mount Caucasus) did worship, even till Procopius his time, groves and woods; and in a barbarian simplicity esteemed the very trees themselves to be Gods. In like manner, the Northern and Southern people of America, made all their Invocations and Exorcisms in woods. The ancient Germans likewise consecrated woods and forests. Lucos ac nemora consecrant, saith Tacitus of them. And the like places for idolatrous superstition, did divers other barbarous Nations use, before reduced to order, and civility of life, Tacitus giving this reason for it: They thought it a matter ill beseeming the greatnesse of their Deities, to enclose them within Temples made by Art. His words are, Nec cohibere parietibus Deos arbitrantur, They thought it not fit to restrain their Deities within compacted walls: id est, neque templis, neque domibus, viz. neither within Temples or Houses made with hands, as C. Pichenas commenting thereon more fully interprets.

Touching the manner of the buildings of the ancient Britans, and of what materialls they consisted, I find them so far short of the magnificence of this Antiquity, that they were nor stately, nor sumptuous; neither had they any thing of Order, or Symmetry, much lesse, of gracefulnesse, and Decorum in them, being only such as OvidOvid. Met. lib. 1. (relating to the first Age of the world) makes mention of.

Thus Englished by Arthur Golding.

To like purpose Vitruvius.Vitru. lib. 2. In the first Age of the World (saith he) men lived in woods, caves, and forests, but after they had found out the use of fire, and by the benefit thereof were invited to enter into a certain kind of society, coeperunt alii de fronde facere tecta, alii speluncas fodere sub montibus, nonnulli hirundinum nidos, & Ædificationes earum imitantes, de luto & virgultis facere loca, quÆ subirent. Some of them began to make themselves habitations of boughs, some to dig dens in mountains; other some, imitating the nests of birds, made themselves places of lome and twigs, and such like materials, to creep into, and shroud themselves in. Directly after which manner of workmanship, were the houses of the ancient Britans.

Domos ex calamis aut lignis ut plurimum habent compactas. Their houses for the most part are of reed and wood, saithDiodo. li. 6. Diodorus Siculus.

In the Northern parts they live in tents. Degunt in tentoriis, (saith Dion, epitomis’d by Xiphiline.)

Their Cities were without walls, the Country without Towns. Urbium loco ipsis sunt nemora, (saith Strabo)Strab. lib. 4. woods stand them in stead of Cities or Towns. Arboribus enim dejectis ubi amplum circulum sepierunt, ipsi casas ibidem sibi ponunt, & pecori stabula condunt, ad usum quidem non longi temporis. For when by felling of trees, they have inclosed, and fenced therewith a large circuit of wood, therein they raise cabbins and cottages for themselves, and hovels for their cattell, of no great continuance, but only to supply their present use and occasion.

Opidum Britanni vocant (saith CÆsar)CÆsar. lib. 5. quum silvas impeditas vallo atque fossa munierunt, quo incursionis hostium vitandÆ causa, convenire consueverunt, The Britans call a thick wood, enclosed about with a ditch and rampire, made for a place of retreat to avoid the invasion and assault of their bordering enemies, a Town.

Thus, you see, in what condition the Inhabitants of this Island lived in those ancient times, having of themselves, neither desire, nor ability to exercise, nor from others, encouragement to attain whatever knowledge in the Art of Building. Precepts, and rules therein, the Druid’s neither could, nor would impart unto them. That they could not, appears from what is formerly said, and in what skilfull above others, they communicated nothing, but to those of their own society, taking speciall order (as CÆsar affirms) their discipline might not be divulged.

As for Colonies of any Nation practised in Arts, from whom they might receive or knowledge, or civil conversation, there were none setled amongst them: neither had they commerce, or traffique, with any people experienced therein, much lesse acquaintance with any other, except those of Gaul, welnear as barbarous as themselves. None of the Gauls in a manner, had any knowledge (saith CÆsar)CÆsar. lib. 4. of the nature and quality of the people of Britain, or of the places, ports, or passes of the Countrey. Neque enim temerÈ prÆter mercatores illÒ adit quisquam, neque iis ipsis quidquam, prÆter oram maritimam, atque eas regiones quÆ sunt contra Galliam, notum est. For, not any went thither without eminent danger, except merchants, and they also could give accompt of nothing, save only the Sea-coast, and those Countreys which were opposite to Gaul. Never any Colony of the Greeks, for ought I know (saith Ortelius)Ortel. descr. Fr. was seated in Britain. And CÆsar, the first of all the Romans that discovered it, saith Camden.Camden fo. 2.

If desire neverthelesse, to know in what times the ancient Britans began to be civilized, when to learn the knowledge of Arts, to build stately Temples, Palaces, publick Buildings, to be eloquent in forrain languages, and by their habits, and attire, attain the qualities of a civil, and well ordered people, Tacitus shall relate the same.

Sequens hiems saluberrimis conciliis absumpta &c. The winter ensuing (being the second year of Julius Agricola his ProprÆtorship, or Leivtenancy in Britan; Titus Vespasian Emperour, about one hundred thirty three years after the first discovery thereof by CÆsar) was spent in most profitable, and politick Councels (saith Tacitus.)Tacit. in vit. Agr. For, whereas the Britans were rude, and dispersed, and thereby prone, upon every occasion, to warre; Agricola, to induce them by pleasure to quietnesse and rest, exhorted in private, and helpt them in common to build Temples, Houses, and places of publick resort, commending those, that were forward therein, and punishing the refractory. Moreover, the Noblemens sons he took, and instructed in the liberall Sciences, preferring the wits of Britain, to the students in Gaul, as being now eagerly ambitious to attain the eloquence of the Roman tongue, whereas lately they utterly rejected that language. After that, our attire grew in account, and the gown much used amongst them, and so by little and little they proceeded to provocations of vices, to sumptuous galleries, baths, and exquisite banquettings. Thus far Tacitus. Now had there been but the least mention made, by any Author, concerning the Druid’s instructing, and training up the ancient Britans in any such matters, as these, (which Tacitus remembers the Romans to have done) what conclusions might have been rais’d from them? what presumptive reasons drawn, to prove, Stoneheng a work of the Druid’s, or at least erected for their use?

To conclude, if this authority from Tacitus only, (an Author esteem’d the Polybius of the Latines) be throughly weighed, it will evidently manifest, (whatever else hath formerly been delivered) there was no such thing in Britain, before the Romans arrived here, as that which we now call Stoneheng. What credit else with posterity could Tacitus expect to gain, in affirming the Britans were taught and instructed in the liberall Sciences by the Romans; if those Arts acknowledg’d, to be practis’d amongst the Britans before? What need to have told us, the Romans made them skilfull in erecting sumptuous Palaces, stately Portico’s, and publick places, if the inhabitants here, accustomed to enjoy such noble buildings, before the Romans arrivall in this Land? Why, tell succeeding Ages, when gentle persuasions not prevail, to make the Britans innovate, and admit of sacred structures to whatever Deities, Agricola compelled them to found magnificent Temples, and assist therein, if this Antiquity Stoneheng extant before those times? Why also, should the Britans look upon the Temple erected by the Romans at Camalodunum, (supposed Maldon in Essex) in honour of Claudius sacred memory, as an Altar of perpetuall dominion over them, if been used to such structures before? yea, such an eye-sore the Britans accounted it, as, that Temple was one of the principall causes, which gave birth to that fatall insurrection under Boadicia. Neither would Tacitus have magnified the introducing those customs amongst them, as admirable policy in Agricola, and the true and only rule to bring them from their rude, and dispersed manner of living to civility, if the Britans attain’d such discipline before, or any knowledge in the excellency of Architecture preceding the time of the Romans government here. No, for what saith Camden?Cam. fo. 63. It was the brightnesse of that most glorious Empire, which chased away all savage Barbarism from the Britans minds, like as from other Nations, whom it had subdued.

Furthermore, in the time of this Agricola, Britain was fully discovered, the Romans had circumnavigated it, and knew, for certain, it was an Island, formerly doubted of till his time; yea, there was not a Port (as I may so say) a bay, mountain, valley, hill, plain, wood, or forest, either any custom, rite, ceremony, or what else belonging to the knowledge of the Countrey, or manners of the People, but the Romans were then as well acquainted with (especially, in that part of the Island now call’d England) as, at this day, the Inhabitants themselves are. Neverthelesse, what mention soever is made by their Historians, concerning other matters of the Britans, not one word is to be found of this Antiquity, or any building of this kind in use amongst them. But, because some curiously learned have desired somwhat to be spoken for their better satisfaction touching this particular, I have been too prolixe. In a word therefore, let it suffice, Stoneheng was no work of the Druid’s, or of the ancient Britans; the learning of the Druid’s consisting more in contemplation then practice, and the ancient Britans accounting it their chiefest glory to be wholly ignorant in whatever Arts. Neither could it be otherwise, seeing their life so uncivil, so rude, so full of wars, and consequently void of all literature. (as Camden relateth)Cam. fo. 4.

Yet, before I come to speak of this middle Age (if I may so call it) wherein the Romans prevailed, and to compleat their victories gave first rise to civility in this Island; as, I began with times of great Antiquity, so must I now descend to those lesse ancient, and modern, wherein, as posterity hath suffered an irreparable damage, through want of writing in those first times, so hath it been almost at as great a losse, by too much writing in later times; so many Authors, so much contrariety, so little certainty is found amongst them. Who, when they could not search out the truth in deed, laboured to bring forth narrations invented by themselves, without or reason, or authority: delivering (saith Camden) their severall opinions, rather with a certain pleasant variety to give contentment to their Readers, then with any care or judgement to find out the truth of things.

THOSE ancient Historians who (among other actions of the Britans) treat of this Antiquity, differ much in their severall reports. And, as it is usuall with Historiographers of other Nations, where, they cannot give a just and rationall accompt of unwonted accidents, beyond the common course of things, to fill up their stories with fabulous, and incredible relations; so, no marvell, if we hear the like in our own Histories.Leyland. de assert. Arth. fo. 35. Credibile enim est calamitatem bellicam, quÆ ecclesias unÀ cum bibliochecis exhauserat infinitis, clara vetustatis monumenta abrasisse. For evident it is, through the calamities of wars (saith Leyland) which together with infinite Libraries ruined the Churches themselves, the certain records of our Antiquities, are utterly lost. Unde scripturienti de antiquitate Britannica occultissima, pleraque omnia. Whereby the Writers of the British Stories, are all of them, for the most part, very obscure and doubtfull.r

Some others again, especially the most ancient and authentick British Historians, who liv’d in Ages next succeeding those, wherein, Stoneheng might probably be first erected, have wholly passed it over with silence. In like manner venerable Bede, William Malmesbury, Roger Hoveden, and others, speak nothing thereof, as happily, willing rather to decline it altogether, then deliver it upon frivolous conjectures, and in so doing cast a blemish upon their other labours. Neither is it improbable, that the most ancient Authors, considering the times wherein they wrote, upon the first springing up of Christian Religion here, might through zeal unto the true God, forbear to commemorate unto posterity, places designed for idolatrous uses; endeavouring rather, to suppresse the memory thereof, and make succeeding generations sollicitous therein; then, in that infancy of Divine worship, to illustrate the magnificence of the Heathens, for building such notable structures to their false Gods. Insomuch, I find very little, or no mention at all thereof in the British Stories, except by Geffrey Monmouth, with some who follow him, and by such Authors only, as our most judicious Writers hold in many things, either meerly fabulous, or overladen with malicious, or accidentary untruths. Such relations neverthelesse, as they make thereof, I shall endeavour to deliver in their own words, reduceable into two conjectures, viz. either that Stoneheng was erected by A. Ambrosius (in ancient times King of the Britans) in memory of the British Nobility perfidiously slain at a treaty by Hengist the Saxon: or else, set up by the Britans themselves in honour of Him their said King.

Giraldus Cambrensis, curiously diligent in his relations of the miracles in Ireland, amongst other strange things in those parts, reckons up this Antiquity Stoneheng.Gir. Camb. de adm. Hib. Cap. 18. Fuit antiquis temporibus in Hibernia, lapidum congeries admiranda, (saith he) quÆ & Chorea Gigantum dicta fuit, quia Gigantes eam ab ultimis AfricÆ partibus in Hiberniam attulerunt &c. There was in Ireland in ancient times, a pile of stones worthy admiration, called the Giants Dance, because Giants, from the remotest parts of Africa, brought them into Ireland, and in the plains of Kildare, not farre from the Castle of the Naase, as well by force of Art, as strength, miraculously set them up. These stones (according to the British story) Aurelius Ambrosius, King of the Britans, procured Merlin by supernaturall means to bring from Ireland, into Britain. And, that he might leave some famous monument of so great a treason to after ages, in the same order, and art, as they stood formerly, set them up, where the flower of the British Nation fell by the cut-throat practice of the Saxons, and where under the pretence of peace, the ill secured youth of the Kingdom, by murdrous designs were slain.

Rainulph Monk of Chester, speaking of Aurelius,Polychr. li. 5. alias Aurelianus Ambrosius (by others called Ambrosius Aurelianus) saith (as Sir John Trevisa the Priest in old English laid it down) His brother Uter Pendragon by help of Merlin the Prophet brought Choream Gigantum, that is Stonehenges out of Ireland. Stonehenge is now in the plain of Salisbury: of that bringing of Stonehenge out of Ireland, speaketh the British story, if it should lawfully be ytrowed.

It appears, Rainulph of Chester, as easie credit as he gave to strange stories, had not much confidence in this: and if, according to Geffrey Monmouth, or Matthew Westminster, I should set it down, I presume you would be of his mind. But, I affect not such conceits, they are neither fitting my discourse, nor your perusall. Neverthelesse, seeing none of them tell us, by what ways, or Arts, Giants (as they will have it) brought them from the remotest parts of Africk into Ireland (for it seems they could not hansomly find a Merlin to help them therein also) I shall take so much leave, following Geffrey Monmouths steps, as to give you, at least, some part of the story, and relate (according to their opinions) how they came from Ireland hither. After Geffrey Monmouths discourse of Uter Pendragons victory over the Irish, who with Merlin forsooth and a great Army, were sent by A. Ambrosius to fetch the Giants dance, Lapidum structuram adepti (saith he) gavisi sunt & admirati; circumstantibus itaque cunctis, accessit Merlinus & ait, utimini viribus vestris juvenes, ut in deponendo lapides istos, sciatis utrum ingenium virtuti, aut virtus ingenio cedat, &c. i.e. Having found the structure, from joy they fell into admiration, and standing all of them at gaze round about it, Merlin draws near, and thus bespeaks them: Use now your utmost strength young men, that in taking away these stones, you may discover, whether Art to strength, or strength gives place to Art. At his command therefore, they bring severall sorts of engines, and addresse themselves to pulling it down. Some ropes, some cables, some had made lathers ready, that what they so much desired, might be effected, but in no wise able to atcheive their purpose. Deficientibus cunctis, solutus est Merlinus in risum (saith Geffrey) & suas machinationes confecit. Denique cum quÆque necessaria apposuisset; leviÙs quÀm credi potest lapides deposuit: depositis autem, fecit deferri ad naves, & introponi: & sic cum gaudio in Britanniam reverti coeperunt. All of them tired, Merlin breaks out into laughter, and provides his engines. Lastly, when he had set all things in a readinesse, hardly to be beleev’d it is, with what facility he took them down: being taken down, he caused them to be carried to the Ships, and imbarqued; and so with joy they began their return towards Britain. Leaving it for us to suppose, with as small labour they were imbarqued, dis-imbarqued, and brought from their landing place to Salisbury plain: all (it seems) done by Merlins spels. But of this too much.

Neverthelesse, as I contemne fables, so doe I imbrace, and take pleasure in the truth of History: and therefore, that which concerns the slaughter of the British Nobility by treason of Hengist commander of the Saxons, as of greater moment, and truth, I shall more fully relate. And Geffrey Monmouth’s Authority in this treacherous slaughter of the Britans, though I respect not so much, as Ninnius, Malmsbury, Sigebert, and others that affirm the same; yet, because he was the first, after so many, and so ancient Authors, that father’d Stoneheng their monument, and A. Ambrosius founder thereof, and therefore must trace him, and his followers therein. I will give you the history likewise from him, and thus it was: Hengist, upon his return with new supplies into Britain, finding Vortigern beyond expectation restored to the Crown, and withall greatly alienated in his affections towards him, prepared for his defence, with force of arms. But, whether he thought himself too weak; or, that he rather sought to be especially revenged on the British Nobility, who had wholly unriveted his designs, or both; he thought it no difficult matter to delude him by a Treaty, whom formerly he had so easily beguiled with his Neece Rowena. To which purpose, he makes an overture, to compose the enmities betwixt them at a Parley; and the King accepting it, appoints Ambresbury Town their meeting place, Nec mora, statuta die instante convenerunt omnes intra nominatam urbem (saith Geffrey)G. Mon. li. 6. & de pace habenda colloquium inceperunt. Ut igitur horam proditioni suÆ idoneam inspexisset Hengistus, vociferatus est, Nemet oure saxas: & ilico Vortigernum accepit, & per pallium detinuit. Audito ocyÙs signo, abstraxerunt (i.e. eduxerunt) Saxones cultros suos, & astantes principes invaserunt, ipsÓsque nihil tale prÆmeditantes jugulaverunt circiter quadringentos sexaginta inter Barones & Consules. The prefixed day being come, they all, without delay, met in the aforesaid Town, and began their Treaty for Peace; when therefore Hengist saw fit time for execution of his intended Treason, he cried out, giving the word, Nemet oure saxas (Nem eowr seaxes (saith Verstegan)Verstegan Ch. 5. that is, Take your seaxes; a kind of crooked knives, which each of the Saxons then carried closely in his pocket) and forthwith seised upon Vortigern, and held him by his robe. The Saxons quickly hearing it, drew forth their knives, and fell upon the Britans standing by, of whom, part Noblemen, part officers of State, expecting no such design, they slew four hundred and sixty. Quorum corpora beatus Eldadus postmodum sepelivit, atque Christiano more humavit, haud longÈ À Kaer-caradane, quÆ nunc Salesberia dicitur, in coemeterio, quod est juxta coenobium Ambrii. Whose corpses holy Eldad, according to custome, after Christian manner interred, not far from Kaer-caradane, now called Salisbury, in the Churchyard adjoyning to the monastery of Ambresbury.

With this relation of the Saxons treachery, Mathew WestminsterMa. West. fo. 84. (in his Flores historiarum) seems to agree. And it wholly destroys the opinion commonly received, That the said Treaty with the Saxons, the massacre of the Britans, and likewise their interment, were at Stoneheng; and that in memory, those matters so transacted there, A. Ambrosius in the same place erected this Antiquity. Wherefore, I much wonder, our modern historians should cite the aforesaid AuthorsHollinsh. l. 5.
Speed lib. 7.
Stow fo. 53. 4^to. in confirmation thereof, especially, when they affirm directly, the treaty was held in Ambresbury Town, and that the British Nobility fell by Treason there. Jussit Vortigernus & cives & Saxones Maiis Kalendis, quÆ jam instare incipiebant, juxta Ambrii coenobium convenire (saith G. Monmouth)G. Monm. lib. 5. Vortigern commanded both his own people, and the Saxons, upon the Calends of May then approaching, to appear near to the Monastery of Ambresbury. In Pago Ambri convenire, to meet in the Town it self of Ambresbury (saith Mathew Westminster) In order to which summons, (that I may proceed with Geffrey Monmouths story explaining himself positively concerning the place) statuta die instante convenerunt omnes intra nominatam urbem, &c. the appointed day being come, all of them met together within the forenamed Town, and there treated. The issue whereof was, that upon the word given (as before related) The Saxons drew their knives, and falling upon the Britans standing by, slew them. And, lest posterity should doubt those sacrificed for their Countreys cause neglected in their funerals, he leaves not there, but gives us the direct place, and manner of their buriall, affirming plainly they were buried by a Metropolitane of those times, even in a Church-yard, as Christians should. In coemeterio, quod est juxta coenobium, In the Church-yard, close by the Monastery. (saith he) There is not one word mentioned (I pray observe) of Salisbury plain, where this Antiquity Stoneheng remains, throughout all their Story.

But, it’s objected, although they were buried at the Monastery, the monument for their memory might be set up elsewhere, in a place more proper, and more conspicuous; even, as in the most properly conspicuous places where great actions happened Trophies were erected by the Romans, whose customs A. Ambrosius living long time amongst them, knew very well. I answer, A. Ambrosius, is suppos’d by Bede, and the best Authors, descended from the Romans; who, living many years under their subjection, in forrain parts, had fully inform’d his judgement, no doubt, with whatever customs, civill or martiall, then in use amongst them. For, though the Romans in those times, had utterly lost all knowledge of Arts, questionlesse civill, and martiall customs in some sort continued with them. Neverthelesse, if A. Ambrosius did erect any monument for the British Nobility, he rather, doubtlesse endeavoured to observe the rules of his own Religion, being a Christian, then the Heathenish customs of his Ancestors. However, in erecting it, at the place of their interment, he pursued both. As for the Christians honouring to posterity their famous men after death, it being so well known, I need not relate it. And, as concerning the ancient Romans manner in burying their Emperours, and those that had triumphed, or otherwise deserved well of the Common-wealth, though they burned their bodies abroad, the place for sepulture of their Ashes,Thomas. Procachio fo. 46. was within the City, monuments to their memory being erected, upon the same place where buried; so was Publicola honoured, so the Fabritii, the CÆsars, and others. And, after the same fashion it seems, was the monument for the British Nobility (if any) set up where they were interred; as in the place of all others most proper for it, all the considerable circumstances touching their deaths, happening there in like manner.

It’s true the Romans set up Trophies for great Victories, in the most eminent places where those victories were obtained by them; as the Trophy for Caius Marius his vanquishing the Cimbrians, in the most notable place where that memorable field was fought. Also, the Trophy dedicated to the memory of Augustus CÆsar that by his happy conduct, all the Alpine Nations, were reduced to Roman obedience, was erected in the most conspicuous place of the Alps. Now, this martiall custome considered, the British Nobility being (as the aforesaid Historians maintain) slaughtered in the Town, and buried at the Monastery adjoyning. Some one of those high hils, on either side Ambresbury, had certainly for site been more eminent, and the monument it self more exposed to the daily view of travellers, then about two miles from the Town, in a place remote, where this Antiquity stands. Which, though indeed eminent of it self, and overlooking the plains adjoyning; yet, at a large distance, especially on that side towards Ambresbury, and Salisbury-ward, is so surrounded with hils; as it appears with an Aspect of Religious horror, rather then as carrying any form of whatever sepulture.

This, though sufficient to refute the preceding objection (the former reasons being grounded upon customs only) I shall yet, from the histories of those times, further answer thereunto; Mathew Westminster tels us,Math. West. fo. 92. A. Ambrosius having compleated his victories over Hengist, and subdued his sons at York; Deinde porrexisse ad monasterium Ambri, ubi principes defuncti jacebant, quos Hengistus prodiderat; from thence came to the Monastery at Ambresbury, where the deceased Nobles, whom Hengist betrayed, lay buried. And Geffrey Monmouth,G. Mon. li. 8. prosecuting the same story, affirms also, that A. Ambrosius being come to the Monastery, ut locum quo defuncti jacebant circumspexit, pietate motus in lachrymas solutus est, dignum namque memoria censebat cespitem, qui tot nobiles pro patria defunctos protegebat. So soon as he cast his eyes upon the place where the slaughtered Princes lay interred, deplored them; esteeming that very ground which covered so many Nobles, dying for their Countreys cause, worthy eternall memory. Upon this consideration, PrÆcepit Merlino (saith the same Author) lapides circa sepulturam erigere, quos ex Hibernia asportaverat. A. Ambrosius commanded Merlin, that the stones brought out of Ireland (for he still troubles himself and readers therewith) should be erected about the place of their buriall. Whereby it clearly appears their Sepulchre was set up about the same place where they were buried, and not elsewhere. Also, as fully that their buriall place (as both the said Historians have told us) was at the Monastery of Ambresbury, or Churchyard adjoyning to it. All which former circumstances duly weighed, ’tis not possible Stoneheng should be supposed their Monument; except Geffrey Monmouth, having made so formall a tale of their easie transportation from Ireland, would compell us also to imagine, posterity might as easily be induced to assent, they were in like manner removed from the Churchyard at Ambresbury to Salisbury plain, the one being equally as ridiculous as the other, and no manner of credit to be given to either.

Wherefore, laying all the aforesaid Authorities together. First, that Giraldus Cambrensis formerly cited, tells us, (in that part of his story which carries most likelihood of truth) a Monument was set up by A. Ambrosius, in memory of the Britans, slain at a Treaty by the Saxons, upon the very same place where slain; and in order thereunto the aforesaid British Historians unanimously affirming the place at which that treaty was held, and where those Britans were slain was the Town it self of Ambresbury, not where this Antiquity Stoneheng remains: again, if suspect Cambrensis authority, and allow rather what our Historiographer of Monmouth saith, That the Monument was erected by A. Ambrosius, upon that plat of ground, where the slaughtered Britans lay buryed; he telling us also, their buriall place was in the Churchyard of the Monastery at Ambresbury (at the Monastery it self, saith Matthew Westminster) certainly then their Monument (whatsoever it was) being set up at the place, where they were both slain and buried, and (according to the aforesaid Authors) they being nor slain nor buryed at Stoneheng, it must necessarily follow, this Antiquity was not erected in Honour of those Britans. Unlesse any man will undertake to prove (which most certain it is none can) Stoneheng stands now, where Ambresbury stood of old: or that the Monastery and Churchyard thereof were not at Ambresbury, but at Stoneheng.

That the Monastery of three hundred Monks,Cam. fo. 254. stood there, (to wit at Ambresbury) Camden, out of the Book called Eulogium, affirms. And, that the Churchyard was close adjoyning to it, there’s no question to be made. First, because in all times since Monasteries erected, it was always in use, to lay out places for Churchyards belonging to them, near to the Monasteries themselves. Secondly, because divers Sepulchres, upon severall occasions, broken up at Ambresbury Monastery, manifest the same. Thirdly, because Geffrey Monmouth plainly tels us, they were buried in coemeterio, quod est juxta coenobium; in the Churchyard which is close by the Monastery. Lastly, it is further confirmed by these his formerly recited words,G. Monm. lib. 6. & 8. A. Ambrosius being come unto the Monastery, cast his eyes upon the place where the slaughtered Princes lay interred. Which is not possible he should have done, if the Churchyard had been at Stoneheng; it being very well known Stoneheng cannot be discerned, even from the highest hils, upon those parts especially, that next surround Ambresbury, much lesse from the Monastery it self, sited in the bottome of a deep vale by the river Avons side.

Among other Sepulchres found at the said Monastery, it’s worthy memory, that about the beginning of this Century, one of them hewn out of a firm stone, and placed in the middle of a wall, was opened, having upon its coverture in rude letters of massie gold,