There are not a few reminiscences associated with the name and history of Mr. Robert Dalglish, the senior representative of Glasgow, that must tend to render a record of his life peculiarly interesting to his constituents. Born at Glasgow in 1808, he is now in his sixty-third year. His father was emphatically one of the pioneers of Glasgow's industrial prosperity. Born in humble circumstances, he "burst his birth's invidious bar," and elevated himself to the proud position of the first magistrate of that city "whose merchants are princes and whose traffickers are the honourable of the earth." During his three years tenure of the civic chair, Mr. Robert Dalglish, sen., approved himself a very useful and excellent citizen, and his attention to municipal affairs was most unremitting and diligent, while at the same time he was laying the foundations of that splendid business to which his son, the subject of the present sketch, ultimately succeeded. Our Senior Member was educated at the University of Glasgow, and "when the fulness of the time had come," he was admitted a partner in the firm of which his father was then the principal, and which is now well-known by the title of R. Dalglish, Falconer, & Co. It is, perhaps, the largest calico-printing firm in Scotland, their works at Campsie employing upwards of 1000 hands. Since his accession to the business, Mr. Dalglish has largely extended and improved the original works, so that they are now vastly superior to what they were at that time. Several substantial additions, including a large engraving shop, were recently made to meet the requirements of the firm. It is worthy of note that the father of Mr. Dalglish occupied as a dwelling-house the building now used as the offices of the firm in St Vincent Place—the business part of the city being at that time within a short radius of the Cross. To the son, however, the lines have fallen in more pleasant places, for his mansion at Kilmardinny, near Milngavie, is one of the most "highly desirable residences" (as an auctioneer would phrase it) in the West of Scotland. The grounds or policies attached to the house extend to 140 acres, and within recent years Mr. Dalglish has expended a great deal of both money and taste on his fine property.

Of Mr. Dalglish's political connection with the city there is not much to be said. Up to the year 1857 he had not taken any active part in either municipal or political affairs; and when he announced his intention of coming forward as a candidate for the representation of the city in April of that year, the Whigs and the Tories alike were taken by surprise. Glasgow had then only two members. Both of them had been in Parliament for a number of years, although neither had ever been distinguished for any brilliant political achievement. Mr. Dalglish was brought forward by no section or party—at least he disclaimed any connection with either Whigs or Tories, and as for the Radicals, they were then out in the cold. He stood, as he himself said, on his own responsibility, and as a perfectly independent candidate. It is not too much to affirm that it was his pluck and independence that carried him through. He had little difficulty in forming a committee, including, for the most part, gentlemen of considerable local influence, and that sine qua non having been obtained, the rest was comparatively smooth sailing. Mr. Hastie, his opponent, was a quiet and easy-going member, who never did anything, either good, bad, or indifferent, to distinguish himself in the House of Commons, and who, as one of his quasi friends declared, had not even the merit of being a regular attender, although he had represented the city in Parliament for ten continuous years. On the nomination day, Mr. Dalglish was accompanied to the platform by Bailie Galbraith, Mr. W. West Watson (City Chamberlain), Mr. David Dreghorn, Councillor Moir, Mr. Walter Paterson, and other gentlemen, who still figure in the ranks of our most prominent citizens. His nomination was proposed by Bailie Galbraith, and seconded by Mr. W. West Watson. Mr. Dalglish delivered a thoroughly characteristic speech, of which we are in a position to give the salient points. He said:—"I shall not refer to my antecedents as has been done by my hon. opponents; but this I will say, that for the future I am prepared to do everything for the advancement of the interests of the people. I am anxious to see not the reform of 1832, which was a mere sham and delusion, but a reform which will give to every householder a vote, and a vote to every man who pays a direct tax to the Government. (Great cheering.) I am in favour of every social and sanitary reform in this city; and if our local philanthropists—the Hendersons, the Campbells, and the Clarks—will turn their attention to the centre of the city, where the masses of our population are congregated, and project some scheme for the opening up of the closes and winds, and the building of better houses for the working classes, I shall be ready to support them. (The city improvement scheme was at that date in the matrix of the future.) I have much respect for the voluntary system of education, but I feel that it does not reach all the children of a large city such as Glasgow, and that therefore a national system of education is required. I would also support the establishment of schools for the teaching of children, because I believe that he who teaches should first be taught himself. (Laughter.) I am against all intervention with other States, but at the same time I would prevent intervention by others. (Cheers, and a call, "put on your hat Bob," and laughter.) I will support Lord Palmerston so long as his policy is conducted with a view to the true interests of the country—so long as his measures are calculated to promote the interests of the masses—but I will not support Lord Palmerston if he is disposed to offer any opposition to a Liberal measure of Reform." The show of hands was declared by Sheriff Alison to be in favour of Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Dalglish, and a poll was demanded for Mr. Hastie. The poll took place next day, when the majority of those who had supported Mr. Merry, at the election six weeks before, recorded their votes for Mr. Dalglish. At the close of the poll the votes stood—

At every subsequent election Mr. Dalglish has been returned with acclamation. At one time he announced his intention to retire from Parliamentary duties, but a numerous and influential deputation from Glasgow waited upon and induced him to alter his resolution. At the General Election of 1868, the electors raised a subscription, to which men of all ranks and all shades of politics contributed, to defray his election expenses, and so liberal was the response made by his constituents that he was returned free of personal cost.

Of Mr. Dalglish's merits as our Parliamentary representative it behoves us to say something, and we can safely premise with the affirmation that few men have a greater personal influence in the House of Commons. Those who cannot see a little behind the scenes may wonder at this apparently rash statement, and ask—What has Mr. Dalglish done to give him a political influence? When has he ever made any brilliant speeches? What great measures has he succeeded in passing? Do you ever see his name even so much as mentioned in Parliamentary debates? To one and all of these questions the friends and admirers of Mr. Dalglish would almost be compelled to return a negative answer. To the uninitiated Mr. Dalglish, so far as any outward and visible manifestations of power and influence—of senatorial usefulness and ability—is concerned, will appear to be a mere cipher. But it does not require the meddlesomeness of a Whalley, or the volubility of a Newdegate, to make a politician. In politics, as in the minor affairs of life, tact and discrimination often go for more than fervid bursts of oratory, or highly-concentrated genius. In the region of politics, too, there are wheels within wheels—an imperium in imperio. The House of Commons bears, in some respects, a remarkable affinity to a puppet-show. You cannot always see the magician who pulls the strings, and moves the political machine obedient to his will. And of no man in the House of Commons is this more true than of Mr. Dalglish. Unless one is under his magic spell, it is impossible to understand its mainspring, although it is easy to feel its effects. Ask the influential citizens of Glasgow to reveal the secret of Mr. Dalglish's power, and they will mention two qualities, both very good in their way but neither of them, one would think, sufficient to give their possessor a transcendent influence in the most august and intellectual assembly in the world. We would be told, first of his bon hommie, and next of his punctuality and unfailing attention to his Parliamentary duties. Put the same question to those who see behind the scenes, however, and they would probably return another and a more truthful answer by ascribing Mr. Dalglish's popularity to his good dinners. In this respect he is unique. With almost unfailing regularity he invites his friends and enemies alike to dine twice a week. We mean, of course, his political enemies, for of personal enemies, Mr. Dalglish must have very few. At these bi-weekly feasts, men of all shades of politics, and of all degrees and stations in life, meet together with the most delicious equality and freedom from restraint. Lord and commoner, peer and peasant, marquis and merchant, are thrown into immediate contact, and hob-nob without restriction or ceremony. The unalloyed joviality and good humour of the host is imparted to the guests, and while as a dispenser of creature comforts Mr. Dalglish stands almost alone, he has a suavity of manner that disarms party feeling, and compels a favour when it is asked for. It is not to be wondered at, under these circumstances, that our Senior Member is the presiding genius of the House of Commons' kitchen, or that in the administration of cigars and wines he is perfectly at home. We all know that

and so long as human infirmities tend in the direction of a good dinner, so long will Mr. Dalglish, whose unbounded hospitality must have cost him quite a large fortune, remain the facile princeps of diplomatists.

It would be unfair, however, to imply that Mr. Dalglish owes his influential position in the House of Commons to this speciality alone. No member is more regular in his attendance on Parliamentary duties. Mr. Dalglish is always in his place, and he is ever eager to promote the interests of his constituents. He has rendered yeoman service to the municipal affairs of the city, having sat on many committees appointed to deal with bills promoted by the Corporation. His solicitude to oblige his constituents is, indeed, only bounded by his ability to serve them, and the "open sesame" is seldom beyond his control. As a speaker he never did and never will excel, although he has several times, and notably on the question of the management of the dockyards, addressed the House.

In personal appearance, Mr. Dalglish is about the ordinary height. He has a genial and pleasant countenance, to which a long white beard imparts somewhat of a patriarchal aspect; and the merry twinkle of his keen, bright eye affords a capital index to his real character. His whole demeanour is that of a man in whom confidence may be reposed without fear of rebuff, and no man in the House could be more readily accessible to his constituents. Mr. Dalglish is considered to have as good a technical knowledge of the House of Commons' business as any private member in it.

Consistently with his Liberal principles, Mr. Dalglish voted for the disestablishment and disendowment of the Irish Church in 1869. He is in favour of the withdrawal of all State grants for religious purposes, and he is also an advocate for the assimilation of the county and borough franchise.