  NOTE I.—CHAP. I. Menestrier enters into a disquisition on the subject of the two interpretations given to the word miles, which would have interrupted the thread of my discourse too much to permit of its introduction in the text. I subjoin it here, however, as a good guide for those who may be inclined to pursue the subject further. “Il ne faut pas donc confondre le titre d’ancienne noblesse, ou de noblesse militaire, avec la dignitÉ de chevalier, par l’Équivoque du terme Latin miles, qui convient À l’un et À l’autre; ce que n’ont pas assez observÉ quelques autheurs, qui n’ont pas fait reflexion que dans la plÛpart des actes Écrits en langue Latine, ce mot signifie Également ces deux diffÉrentes choses. “L’Empereur Frederic avoir dÉjÀ? distinguÉ ces deux espÈces de Chevalerie, lors qu’il fit une ordonnance À Naples, l’an 1232, que personne ne se presentÂt pour recevoir l’ordre de Chevalerie, s’il n’estoit d’une ancienne race militaire, ou d’ancienne Chevalerie. Ad militarem honorem nullus accedat, qui non sit de genere militum; L’une de ces Chevaleries est donc genus militare, race de Chevalerie; l’autre militaris honor, honneur de Chevalerie, qui n’ont estÉ confonduËs que par quelques autheurs, qui, Écrivans de cette matiÈre sans l’entendre, n’ont fait que l’embroÜiller, au lieu de la developper. “Roger, Roy de Sicile et de Naples, fit une ordonnance, que nul ne pÛt recevoir l’ordre de Chevalerie, s’il n’estoit de race militaire. Sancimus itaque, et tale proponimus edictum, ut quicumque novam militiam acceperit, il l’appelle nouvelle Chevalerie, pour la distinguer de celle de la naissance, sive quocumque tempore arripuerit, contra regni beatitudinem, pacem, atque integritatem, À militiÆ nomine, et professione penitÙs decidat, nisi fortÈ À militari genere per successionem duxit prosapiam.”—Menestrier; Preuves, chap. 1. NOTE II.—CHAP. II. St. Palaye, in the body of his admirable essays upon Chivalry, names the day preceding that of the tournament as the one on which squires were permitted to joust with each other: but in a note he has the following passage, which shows that in this, as in almost every other respect, the customs of chivalry varied very much at different epochs. This note is perfectly just in the statement that in after-times the distinctions between knights and squires were not so strictly maintained as in the early days of Chivalry. At the famous jousts between the French and English at Chateau Joscelin, as related by Froissart, we find the squires opposed to the knights upon perfectly equal terms. The limits of this book are too narrow to admit of many long quotations; but the passage will be found well worthy the trouble of seeking, in the sixty fourth chapter of the second book of the admirable Froissart. NOTE III.—CHAP. II. To show the manner in which reports of all kinds were spread and collected even as late as the days of Edward III., I have subjoined the following extract from Froissart, giving an account of his reception at the court of the Count de Foix. It also affords a naive picture of that curious simplicity of manners which formed one very singular and interesting trait in the Chivalry of old. “Comment Messire Jean Froissart enquÉroit diligemment comment les “Je me suis longuement tenu À parler des besognes des lointaines marches, mais les prochaines, tant qu’À maintenant, m’ont ÉtÉ si fraÎches, et si nouvelles, et si inclinants À ma plaisance, que pour ce les ai mises arriÈre. Mais, pourtant, ne sÉjournoient pas les vaillants hommes, qui se dÉsiroient À avancer ens [dans] on [le] royaume de Castille et de Portugal, et bien autant en Gascogne et en Rouergue, en Quersin [Quercy], en Auvergne, en Limousin, et en Toulousain, et en Bigorre; mais visoient et subtilloient [imaginoient] tous les jours l’un sur l’autre comment ils se pussent trouver en parti de fait d’armes, pour prendre, embler [enlever], et Écheller villes, et chÂteaux, et forteresses. Et pour ce, je sire Jean Froissart, qui me suis ensoingnÉ [ÉtudiÉ] et occupÉ de dicter et Écrire cette histoire, À la requÊte et contemplation de haut prince et renommÉ Messire Guy de ChÂtillon, Comte de Blois, Seigneur d’Avesnes, de Beaumont, de Scoonhort, et de la Gende, mon bon et souverain maÎtre et seigneur; considÉrai en moi-mÊme, que nulle espÉrance n’Étoit que aucuns faits d’armes se fissent Ès parties de Picardie et de Flandre, puisque paix y Étoit, et point ne voulois Être oiseux; car je savois bien que encore au temps À venir, et quand je serai mort, sera cette haute et noble histoire en grand cours, et y prendront tous nobles et vaillants hommes plaisance et exemple de bien faire; et entrementes [pendant] “Ainsi fus-je en l’hÔtel du noble Comte de Foix, recueilli et nourri À ma plaisance. Ce Étoit ce que je dÉsirois À enquerre toutes nouvelles touchants À ma matiÈre: et je avois prÊts À la main barons, chevaliers, et Écuyers, qui m’en informoient, et le gentil Comte de Foix aussi. Si vous voudrois Éclaircir par beau langage tout ce dont je fus adonc informÉ, pour rengrosser notre matiere, et pour exemplier les bons qui se dÉsirent À avancer par armes. Car si ci-dessus j’ai prologuÉ grands faits d’armes, prises et assauts de villes et de chÂteaux, batailles adressÉes et durs rencontres, encore en trouverez vous ensuivant grand, foison, desquelles et desquels, par la grace de Dieu, je ferai bonne et juste narration.”—Froissart, book iii. chap. 1. NOTE IV.—CHAP. II. As the Brotherhood of Arms was one of the most curious customs of Chivalry, I have extracted from the Notes on St. Palaye, and from the Disquisitions of Ducange, some passages which will give a fuller view of its real character and ceremonies than seemed necessary in the body of this work. The Notes on St. Palaye also show to how late a period the custom descended and here let me say, that of all the treatises on Chivalry “Les Anglois, assemblÉs peu avant la bataille de Pontvalain, tiennent conseil pour dÉliberer comment ils attaqueroient le connÉtable Duguesclin. Hue de Carvalai, l’un d’entre eux, ouvre son avis en ces termes: ‘Se m’aist dieux, Bertran est le meilleur chevalier qui regne À present; il est duc, comte et connestable, et a estÉ long-temps mon compaignon en Espaigne, oÙ je trouvay en luy honneur, largesse et amistiÉ si habundamment et avecques ce hardement, fiertÉ vasselage et emprise, qu’il n’a homme jusques en Calabre qui sceut que j’amasse autant À veoir ne accompaigner de jour ou de nuit pour moy aventurer À vivre ou À mourir ne fust ce qu’il guerrie, Monseigneur le prince. Car en ce cas je dois mettre poyne de le nuyre et grever comme mon ennemi. Si vous diray mon advis.’—(Hist. De Bert. Duguesclin, publiÉe par Menard, p. 407.) “Boucicaut, passant À son retour d’Espagne par le Comte de Foix, se trouva plusieurs fois À boire et À manger avec des Anglois. Comme ils jugÈrent a des abstinences particulieres qu’ils lui virent faire dans ses repas, qu’il avoit vouÉ quelque entreprise d’armes, ils lui dirent que s’il ne demandoit autre chose on auroit bien-tÔt trouvÉ qui le delivreroit; Boucicaut leur rÉpondit: ‘Voirement estoit-ce pour combattre À oultrance, mais qu’il avoit compaignon; c’estoit un chevalier nomme Messire Regnault de Roye, sans lequel il ne pouvoit rien faire, et toutes fois s’il y avoit aucun d’eulx qui voulussent la bataille, il leur octroyoit et que À leur volente prissent jour tant que il l’eust faict À sÇavoir À son compaignon.’—(Histoire du MarÉchal de Boucicaut, publiÉe par Godefroi, p. 51.) “Lorsque le prince de Galles eut dÉclare la guerre au roi Henri de Castille, il manda À tous les Anglois qui etoient alors au service de ce prince de le quitter pour se rendre auprÈs de lui. Hue de Carvalai, qui Étoit du nombre, obligÉ de se sÊparer de Bertrand, vint lui faire ses adieux: ‘Gentil sire, lui dit-il, il nous convient de partir nous avons estÉ ensemble par bonne compaignie, comme preudomme, et avons toujours eu du vostre À nostre voulente que oncques n’y ot noise ne tanÇon, tant des avoirs conquestez que des joyaulx donnez, ne oncques n’en demandasmes part, si pense bien que j’ay plus reÇeu que vous, dont je suis vostre tenu. Et pour ce vous pris que nous en comptons ensemble. Et ce que je vous devray, je vous paieray ou assigneray. Si dist Bertran, ce c’est qu’un sermon, je n’ay point pensÉ À ce comte, ne ne sÇay que ce puet monter. Je ne sÇay se vous me devez, ou si je vous doy. Or soit tout quitte puisque vient au departir. Mais se de cy en avant nous acreons l’un À l’autre, nous ferons nouvelle depte et le convendra escripre. Il n’y a que du bien faire, raison donne que vous (suiviez) vostre-maistre. Ainsi le doibt faire tout preudomme. Bonne amour fist l’amour de nous et aussi en fera la departie: dont me poise qu’il convient que elle soit. Lors le baisa Bertran et tous ses compagnons aussi: moult fut piteuse la departie.’—(Histoire de Bertrand Duguesclin, publiÉe par MÉnard, c. xxiv., p. 248 et 249.) “Duguesclin tomba dans la suite au pouvoir des Anglois, qui le retinrent long-temps prisonnier. AprÈs avoir enfin obtenu sa libertÉ sous parole d’acquitter sa ranÇon, Carvalai, son ancien frÈre d’armes, qu’il avoit retrouvÉ, et qui pendant quelque temps lui tint bonne compagnie, voulut lui parler encore du compte qu’ils avoient À regler ensemble. ‘Bertran, dit-il À son ami, avant que de se separer nous avons estÉ compagnons ou pays d’Espangne par de la de prisons, et d’avoir (c’est-À-dire en “L’adoption en frere se trouue auoir estÉ pratiquÉe en deux manieres par les peuples Étrangers, que les Grecs el les Latins qualifient ordinairement du nom de Barbares. Car parmay ceux dont les moeurs et les faÇons d’agir ressentoient effectiuement quelque chose de rude et d’inhumain, elle se faisoit en se piquant reciproquement les veines, et beuuant le sang les vns des autres. BaudoÜin Comte de Flandres et Empereur de Constantinople reproche cette detestable coÛtume aux Grecs mÉmes, non qu’ils en vsassent entre eux: mais parce que dans les alliances qu’ils contractoient auec les peuples barbares, pour s’accommoder À leurs manieres d’agir, ils estoient obligez de suiure leurs vsages, et de faire ce qu’ils faisoient ordinairement en de semblables occasions. HÆc est, ce dit-il, quÆ spurcissimo gentilium ritu pro fraterna societate, sanguinibus alternis ebibitis, cum infidelibus sÆpe ausa est amicitias firmare ferales. L’Empereur Frederic I. auoit fait auparauant ce mesme reproche aux Grecs, ainsi que nous apprenons de Nicetas. Mais ce que les Grecs firent par necessitÉ, nos FranÇois qui estoient resserrez dans Constantinople, et attaquez par dehors de toutes parts, furent contraints de le faire, et de subire la meme loy, en s’accommodant au temps, pour se parer des insultes de leurs ennemis. C’est ce que le Sire de Joinuille dit en ces termes: A iceluy Cheualier oÜi dire, et comme il le disoit au Roy, que l’Empereur de Constantinople, et ses gens, se allierent vne fois d’vn Roy, qu’on appelloit le Roy des Comains, pour auoir leur aide, pour conquerir l’Empereur de Grece, qui auoit nom Vataiche. Et disoit iceluy Cheualier, que le Roy du peuple des Comains pour auoir seurte et fiance fraternel l’vn l’autre, qu’il faillit qu’ils et chascun de leur gens d’vns part et d’autre se fissent saigner, et que de leur sang ils donnassent À boire l’vn À l’autre, en signe de fraternitÉ, disans qu’ils estoient frere, et d’vn sang, et ainsi le conuint faire entre nos gens, el les gens d’iceluy Roy, et meslÉrent de leur sang auec du vin, et en beuuoient l’vn À l’autre, et disoient lors qu’ils estoient freres d’vn sang. Georges Pachymeres raconte la mÉme chose des Comains. Et Alberic en l’an 1187, nous fait assez voir que cette coÛtume eut pareillement cours parmy les Sarazins, Écriuant que la funeste alliance que le Comte de Tripoly contracta auec le Sultan des Sarazins, se fit auec cette cÉrÉmonie, et qu’ils y bÛrent du sang l’vn de l’autre. “Cette fraternitÉ se contractoit encore par l’attouchement des armes, en les faisant toucher reciproquement les vnes aux autres. Cette coÛtume estoit particuliere aux Anglois, auant que les Normans se rendissent maÎtres de l’Angleterre, principalement lorsque des communautez entieres faisoient entre eux vne alliance fraternelle, en vsans de cette maniere, au lieu du changement reciproque des armes, qui n’auroit pas pÛ s’executer si facilement. “Mais entre tant de cerÉmonies qui se sont obseruÉes pour contracter vne fraternite, celle qui a estÉ pratiquÉe par les peuples ChrÉtiens, est la plus plausible et la plus raisonnable: car pour abolir et pour Éteindre entierement les superstitions qui les accompagnoient, et qui tenoient du paganisme, ils en ont introduit vne autre plus sainte et plus pieuse en la contractant dans l’Eglise, deuant le PrÉtre, et en faisant reciter quelques prieres ou oraisons, nous en auons la formule dans l’Euchologium.” NOTE V.—CHAP. III. The fear of Robert Guiscard was no chimera; for, after having raised himself from indigence to power and authority, he opposed successfully the whole force of two great monarchies, and defeated alternately the emperors of the east and the west. One of the most pointed accounts of this extraordinary freebooter which I have met with I subjoin, from the Melanges Curieux. “Robertus Wischardi de Normania exiens, vir pauper, miles tamen, ingenio et probitate su Apuliam, Calabriam suÆ ditioni submisit, et Insulam Siciliam de manu Ismaelitarum liberavit, Rotgeriumque fratrem suum ejusdem InsulÆ Comitem appellavit. Demum mare transiens, Durachium urbem nobilem cepit, Dalmatiamque et Bulgariam super Alexium Imperatorem acquisivit: insuper eum ter bello fugavit, et Romanum, Henricum semel ab urbe fugere compulit, Pontificemque Romanum, quem ceperat, ab eo liberavit. Qui cum innumerabilia penÈ fecisset probitatis indicia, hoc de illo constans habetur, quod nisi morte prÆoccupatus fuisset, filium suum Boamundum Imperatorem faceret, se verÒ Regem Persarum, ut sÆpÈ dicebat, constitueret, viamque Hieroso, lymorum destruct paganitate Francis aperiret. Nunquam victus est quanquam sÆpÈ pugnaverit. Venetos, qui contra eum omni virtute sua convenerant cum stolo suo ita profligavit, ut nec fuga, nec pelagus illis esset auxilio. Nec fuit terrarum locus ita remotus, in quo rumor, fama, timor Wischardi per omnium ferÊ ora non volitaret. Et ut verius de ec dici potest, nulli Regum aut Imperatorum Wischardus secundus extitit.”—Pere l’Abbe. NOTE VI.—CHAP. III. This cry was not the only cry of arms which the crusaders used in the Holy Land. Though it was the general battle-cry of the whole army, and each leader made use of it occasionally when he wanted to animate the whole host, by rousing up their old enthusiasm; yet when he sought to bring round him his own vassals, he used the appropriate shout of his family. Thus we find, by Raimond d’Agiles, that the battle-cry of Raimond de St. Giles was “Toulouse!” The best general account of the old cry of arms which I have met with is given by Ducange. “Le cry d’armes n’est autre chose qu’vne clameur conceuË en deux ou trois paroles, prononcÉe au commencement ou au fort du combat et de la mÊlÉe, par un chef, ou par tous les soldats ensemble, suivant les rencontres et les occasions: lequel cry d’armes estoit particulier au general de l’armÉe ou au chef de chaque troupe. “Les FranÇois que se trouuÉrent À la premiere conquÉte de la Terre Sainte avoient pour cry general ces mots, Adjuua Deus, ainsi que nous apprenons de Foucher de Chartres, et d’vn autre ancien Auteur ou bien, Eia Deus adiuua nos, suivant l’Histoire de Hierusalem. Raymond d’Agiles rapporte la cause et l’origine de ce cry À la vision de Pierre Barthelemy, qui trouua la sainte Lance au temps que les Turcs assiegeoient la ville d’Antioche sur les nostre: car durant ce siÉge S. AndrÉ luy estant apparu plusieurs fois, il luy enjoignit de persuader aux ChrÉtiens d’auoir recours À Dieu dans les fatigues du siÉge, et de la faim qu’ils enduroient, NOTE VII.—CHAP. IV. I have used the term Counts Palatine, from the old writer whose name stands in the margin. The peculiar position of these Counts Palatine, under the ever-changing dynasties of early Europe, is a curious and interesting subject of inquiry, but one too extensive to be fully treated in this place. I hope, at some future period, to speak of it in a more comprehensive work. The learned author whose works have furnished me with the preceding note affords a good view of the original functions of the Counts of the Palace, or Counts Palatine. “Sovs la premiere et la seconde race de nos Rois, les comtes faisoient la fonction dans les prouinces et dans les villes capitales du royaume, non seulement de gouuerneurs, mais encore celle de juges. Leur principal employ estoit d’y decider les differents et les procÉs ordinaires de leur justiciables; et oÙ ils ne pouvoient se transporter sur les lieux, ils commettoient À cÉt effet leurs vicomtes et leurs lieutenans. Quant aux affaires d’importance, et qui meritoient d’estre jugÉes par la bouche du prince, nos mÉmes rois auoient des comtes dans leurs palais, et prÉs de leurs personnes, ausquels ils en commettoient la connoissance et le jugement, qui estoient nommez ordinairement, acause de cÉt illustre employ, Comtes du Palais, ou Comtes Palatins. “Il y a lieu de croire que dans la premiere race de nos Rois, et mÉme dans le commencement de la seconde, la charge de Comte du Palais n’estoit exercÉe que par vn seul, qui jugeoit les differens, assistÉ de quelques Conseillers Palatins, qui sont appellez Scabini Palatii, Echeuins du Palais, dans la Chronique de S. Vincent de Wlturne. “On ne peut pas toutefois disconuenir qu’il n’y ait eu en mÉme temps plusieurs Comtes du Palais. Car Eguinard en vne de ses EpÎtres, dit en termes exprÉs qu’Adalard et GeboÏn estoient Comtes du Palais en mÉme temps. Et vn titre de Louys le Debonnaire de l’an 938, qui se lit aux Antiquitez de l’Abbaye de Fulde est souscrit de ce Gebawinus, ou Gebuinus, et de Ruadbertus, qui y prennent qualitÉ de Comtes du Palais.” NOTE VIII.—CHAP. VI. The habit of carrying a small wallet when bound on a pilgrimage is one of the oldest customs of the Christian world. This part of the pilgrim’s dress was called afterward an aumoniere, and served either as a receptacle for containing the alms received on the journey, or, when worn by the rich, as a repository for those they intended to give away. The curious fact of Charlemagne having borne one of these wallets to Rome, and of its having been buried with him, is mentioned in the XVth Dissertation on Joinville. “Cassian traitant des habits et des vÉtemens des anciens Moines d’Egypte, dit qu’ils se reuetoient d’vn habit fait de peaux de chevre, que l’on appelloit Melotes, et qu’ils portoient ordinairement l’escarcelle et le baton. Les termes de cÉt Auteur ne sont pas toutefois bien clairs, en cÉt endroit-lÀ: Vltimus est habitus eorum pellis Caprina, quÆ Melotes, vel pera appellatur, et baculus. Car il n’est pas probable que cÉt habit de peaux de cheure ait estÉ appellÉ Pera. Ce qui a donnÉ sujet À quelques Commentateurs de restituer Penula. Neantmoins Isidore et Papias, comme aussi Ælfric dans son Glossaire Saxon, ont Écrit aprÉs Cassian, que Melotis, estoit la mÉme chose que Pera. Quant À moy j’estime que Cassian a entendu dire que ces Moines, outre ce vÉtement fait de peaux, auoient encore coÛtume de porter vn petit sachet, et vn baton, dont ils se seruoient durant leurs pelerinages. Ce qui ce peut aisement concilier, en restituant le mot appellatur, on le sousentendant, aprÉs Melotes. Tant y a que Cassian parle du baton des Moines au Chapitre suiuant; et dans l’vne de ses Collations, il fait assez, voir que lorsqu’ils entreprenoient quelque voyage, ils prenoient l’vn et l’autre: Cum accepissemus peram et baculum, vt ibi moris est Monachis vniuersis iter agentibus. Le Moine d’AngoulÉme ecrit que le corps de Charlemagne, apres sa mort, fut inhumÉ auec tous ses habits imperiaux, et que pardessus on y posa l’escarcelle d’or, dont les pelerins se seruent ordinairement, et qu’il auoit coÛtume de porter lorsqu’il alloit À Rom: et super vestimentis Imperialibus pera peregrinalis aurea posita est, quam Romam portare solitus erat. D’oÙ il resulte que le baton et l’escarcelle ont toÛjours estÉ la marque particuliere des Pelerins, ou comme parle Guillaume de Malmesbury Solatia et indicia itineris. “Les Pelerins de la Terre Sainte, auant que d’entreprendre leurs pelerinages, alloient rcecuoir l’escarcelle et le bourdon des mains des Prestres dans l’Eglise. “Et cela s’est pratiquÉ mÉmes par nos Rois, lorsqu’ils ont voulu entreprendre ces longs et facheux voyages d’outremer. Car aprÉs auoir chargÉ leurs Épaules de la figure de la Croix, ils auoient coÛtume de venir en l’Abbaye de S. Denys, et lÀ, aprÉs la celÉbration de la messe, ils receuoient des mains de quelque Prelat le baton de Pelerin et l’escarcelle, et memes l’Oriflamme, ensuite dequoy ils prenoient conge de S. Denys, Patron du Royaume.” NOTE IX.—CHAP. VII. The pretence of the Count of Toulouse for resisting the claims of Boemond to the possession of Antioch was, that he had vowed to the emperor Alexius to deliver up all conquests to him alone. This was but a “Locuti sunt igitur ad invicem Christianorum duces, et sponte sua Boamundo subintulerunt: Vides quo in articulo res nostra posita sit. Si civitatem ergo istam vel prece vel pretio, nobis etiam juvantibus poteris obtinere, nos eam tibi unanimiter concedimus: salvo in omnibus quod Imperatori, te collaudante, fecimus sacramento. Si ergo Imperator nobis adjutor advenerit, juratasque pactiones custodierit, perjuri vivere nolumus: sed quod pace tua dictum sit, nos illi eam concedimus: sin autem, tuÆ semper sit subdite potestati. Ex Historia Hierosolymitana Baldrici, Episcopi Dolensis.” NOTE X.—CHAP. X. Even in the days of Ducange the form and colour of the Oriflamme, or standard borne to battle before the kings of France, was so far forgotten, that the learned antiquary bestowed no small research to ascertain its texture and appearance. His erudition never left any thing in uncertainty; but though he proved the particular banner called the Oriflamme to have been red; yet Guillaume Guiart mentions one of fine azure, which was carried before Philip Augustus to the siege of Acre. Ducange speaks of the Oriflamme as follows: “Pour commencer par la recherche du nom d’Oriflamme, la plÛpart des Ecriuains estiment, qu’on le doit tirer de sa matiere, de sa couleur, et de se forme. Quant À sa figure, il est hors de doute qu’elle estoit faite comme les bannieres de nos Eglises, que l’on porte ordinairement aux processions, qui sont quarrees, fenduËs en diuers endroits par le bas, ornees de franges, et attacheÉs par le haut À vn baton de trauers, qui les tient etenduËs, et est soÛtenu d’vne forme de pique. Ils ajoÛtent que sa matiere estoit de soye, ou de tafetas, sa couleur rouge, et tirant sur celle du feu, et de la sandaraque, À laquelle Pline attribue celle de la flamme. Il est vray que pour la couleur, tous les Ecriuains conuiennent qu’elle estoit rouge. Guillaume le Breton en sa Philippide, la decrit ainsi: ‘Ast Regi satis est tenues crispare per auras “Guillaume Guiart en son Histoire de France, en la vie de Philippes Auguste, a ainsi traduit ces vers: ‘Oriflamme est vne banniere, “L’Oriflamme estoit l’enseigne particuliere de l’Abbe et du Monastere de S. Denys, qu’ils faisoient porter dans leurs guerres par leur AuoÜe “Il faut donc tenir pour constant que Louys le Gros fut le premier de nos Rois, qui en qualite de Comte du Vexin tira l’Oriflamme de dessus l’autel de l’Eglise de S. Denys, et la fit porter dans ses armees, comme la principale enseigne du Protecteur de son Royaume, et dont il inuoquoit le secours dans son cry d’armes. “Il est arriue dans la suite que nos Rois, qui estoient entrez dans les droits de ces Comtes, s’en sont seruis, pour leurs guerres particulieres, comme estant la banniere qui portoit le nom du Protecteur de leur Royaume, ainsi que j’ay remarque, la tirans, de dessus l’autel de l’Eglise S. Denys, auec les memes ceremonies, et les memes prieres, que l’on auoit accoÛteme d’observer, lorsqu’on la mettoit entre les mains des Comtes du Vexin pour les guerres particulieres de ce Monastere. Ces ceremonies sont ainsi decrites par Raoul de Presle, au Traite dont je viens de parler en cestermes: Premierement la procession vous vient À l’encontre jusques À l’issuË du Cloistre, et apres la procession, atteints les benoists corps Saints de Monsieur S. Denys, et ses Compagnons, et mis sur l’autel en grande reuerence, et aussi le corps de Monsieur S. Louys, et puis est mise cette banniere ploise sur les corporaux, oÙ est consacre le corps de N. S. Jesus Christ, lequel vous receuez dignement apres la celebration de la Messe: si fait celuy lequel vous auez esleu À bailler, comme au plus prud homme et vaillant Cheualier; et ce fait, le baisez en la bouche, et luy baillez, et la tient en ses mains par grande reuerence, afin que les Barons assistans le puissent baiser comme reliques et choses dignes, et en luy baillant pour le porter, luy faites faire serment solemnel de le porter et garder en grande reuerence, et À l’honneur de vous et de vostre Royaume. NOTE XI.—CHAP. XIII. Villehardouin is undoubtedly the best authority for all the particulars of the siege of Constantinople. Nicetas was extravagantly prejudiced; and though the emperor Baldwin, in his letters to the Pope, was as frank as any man in his situation could be, it was but natural that he should endeavour to show the causes of the warfare in the most favourable point of view—that he should represent the conduct of himself and his companions with every advantage—in fact that he should see the events which raised him to the throne through a peculiar medium, and represent them tinged with the same colours that they presented to his own eyes. Villehardouin wrote without many of these disadvantages. He did not belong to the pillaged and conquered class, like Nicetas, nor did he write to excuse himself in the eyes of the Pope. He had his prejudices, of course, like other men, but these prejudices were greatly prevented from affecting his history by the frank simplicity of chivalrous manners, which no one possessed in greater purity than he did himself. In regard to the destruction of the monuments of art committed by the Latins, Nicetas gives a melancholy, though somewhat bombastic account. The famous works destroyed were as follows, according to his statement: A colossal Juno, from the forum of Constantine, the head of which was so large that four horses could scarcely draw it from the spot where it stood to the palace. The statue of Paris, presenting the apple to Venus. An immense bronze pyramid, crowned by a female figure, which turned with the wind. The colossal statue of Bellerophon, in bronze, which was broken down, and cast into the furnace. Under the inner nail of the horse’s hind foot, on the left side, was found a seal, wrapped in a woollen cloth. A figure of Hercules, by Lysimachus, of such vast dimensions that the circumference of the thumb was equal in measurement to the waist of an ordinary man. From the attitude of this statue, as described by Nicetas, it is not improbable that it served as a model for that piece of sculpture, the only part of which that remains is the famous Torso. The Ass and his Driver, cast by order of Augustus, after the battle of Actium, in commemoration of his having discovered the position of Antony through the means of a peasant and his beast, the one bearing the name of Fortunate, and the other that of Conqueror. The Wolf suckling the twins of Rome; the Gladiator in combat with a Lion; the Hippopotamus; the Sphynxes: and the famous Eagle fighting with a Serpent; all underwent the same fate, as well as the beautiful statue of Helen, which Nicetas speaks of as the perfection of statuary. Added to these were the exquisite figure on the race-course, and a group, wherein a monster, somewhat resembling a bull, was represented engaged in deadly conflict with a serpent. Each appeared expiring under the efforts of the other; the snake crushed between the teeth of the monster, and the bull tainted to the heart by the venom of the reptile: no bad emblem of the struggle between the bold and furious valour of the Latins and the poisonous treachery of the Greeks themselves. NOTE XII.—CHAP. XIV. That St. Louis was threatened with the torture is an undoubted fact though what that sort of torture was which Joinville calls les Bernicles is not so clear. Ducange fancies that it was the Cippus of the ancients: and whether it was or not, the resolution of the monarch in resisting showed not a little fortitude. I subjoin Ducange’s observations. “Le Sire de Joinville dit que le Sultan de Babylone, ou son Conseil fit faire au Roy des propositions peu raisonables, croyant qu’il y consentiroit pour obtenir sa deliurance, et celle de ceux de sa suite, qui auoient este faits prisonniers auec luy en la bataille de Massoure. Et sur ce que THE END. Footnotes: [1] La PÈre Menestrier, Ordres de Chevalerie; Jouvencel; Favin ThÉÂtre. [2] Fabliau de l’ordene de Chevalerie dans les fabliaux de Le Grand d’Aussi. [3] Tacit. de Mor. Germ. [4] Marculfus. [5] Menestrier de la Chevalerie et ses preuves, page 230. [6] Tacitus de Morib. German. [7] Eginhard Ann. [9] Charles Nodier on St. Palaye. [10] Ordene de Chevalerie Fabliaux. [11] Charles Nodier. [12] Felibien, Hist. St. Denis. [13] Coutumes de Beauvoisis. [14] St. Palaye. [15] Vie de Bayard. [16] Favin ThÉÂtre. [17] Vie de Boucicaut, Coll. Pelitot et Momerque. [18] Vie de Bayard. [19] Froissart. [20] St. Palaye, liv. i. [21] Guillaume Guiart.; Guill, Amoric.; Rigord; Philipeid. [22] Brantome. [24] Charles Nodier’s Annotations on St. Palaye. [25] Ducange, Dissert. xxii. Menestrier, chap. 2; St. Palaye. [26] Roman de Garin, Fabliaux, vol. ii. [27] Menestrier, chap. 2. and 9. [28] Menestrier, chap. 9. [29] St. Palaye. [30] Hartknoch, lib. ii. c. 1. [31] Existing Orders of Knighthood. [32] Cappefigue. [33] Menestrier, ix.; St. Palaye. [34] AdrÉ Favin ThÉÂt. [35] Nithard, lib. iii. [36] Britannarum is the word. [37] Ducange apud Chron. Tur. an. 1066. [38] Munster. Geogr. lib. iii. [39] Ducange, in his sixth dissertation, has satisfactorily overturned the assertion made by Modius, that tournaments were known in Germany at a much earlier period than here stated. [40] Ducange, Dissert. vii. [41] Menestrier Origine. [42] Favin ThÉÂtre. [43] St. Palaye. [44] St. Palaye. [45] Vie de Bayard. [46] Vie de Bayard. [47] Olivier de la Marche. [48] Ducange, Dissert. vi. [49] St. Palaye. [50] Ducange, Dissert. vii. [51] Mat. Paris, Ann. 1241. [52] Colombiere. [53] Menestrier, vi. [54] Mat. Westmonas., page 409. [55] Should any one be tempted to investigate further, he will find the subject discussed at length in the seventh dissertation of Ducange. See also the Chronique de Molinet. [56] St. Palaye; Ribeiro, lib. x. [57] Menestrier. [58] Ordonances des Rois de France, ann. 1294. [59] Pasquier Recherches. [60] Vie de Bayard sur Jean d’Arces. [62] Colombiere. [63] La Colombiere. [64] Froissart Olivier de la Marche. [65] See the “Voeu du Heron and the Voeu du Paon.” cited in St. Palaye. [67] Ducange, Dissert, xxi. [68] Monstrelet. [69] Juvenal des Ursius. [70] Hardouin de la Jaille. [71] See deed between Du Guesclin and Clisson. Ducange, Dissert, xxi. [72] Ducange, Gloss. Lat. Mutare Armas. [73] See the Chevalier de la Tour, as cited by St. Palaye. [74] Vertot. [75] Sharon Turner. [76] William of Jumieges, lib. iv. [77] Eginhard. Annal. [78] Mabillon. [79] William of Tyre, lib. i. [80] Voltaire, Essai sur les Moeurs. [81] Guibert de Nogent. [82] Will. Tyr. lib. i. [83] Mills mentions one from Manuel VII. to Pope Gregory VII., and Guibert of Nogent speaks of another which, though he cautiously avoids naming the emperor who wrote it, lest he should mislead from want of correct information, could only have been sent, under some of the circumstances he mentions, by Isaac Comnenus. Mills supposes it to have been the same with a letter written by Alexius, though it differs in many parts from the usual version of that epistle. Probably, however, this opinion is correct, as a letter is stated to have been addressed to Robert of Flanders, who was in his extreme youth in the time of Isaac Comnenus. [84] Murator. Script. Ital. [85] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. [86] Ibid. [87] Robert, lib. i. [88] Guib. Nogent, lib. ii. [89] Hist. Hieros. abrev. Jacob. Vit. lib. i. [90] Will. Tyr. lib. i.; Albert. Chron. Hieros. [91] Will. Tyr.; Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. Vit. lib. i. [92] Will. Tyr. lib. i. [93] Albert. Aquensis; Hist. Hieros.; Jacobi Vitr.; Will. Tyr. [95] William of Tyre says that he was wandering from place to place under the protection of Guiscard. This opinion I have adopted, although Albert of Aix declares that Peter joined him at Rome. [96] Will. of Malmsbury. [97] Mills. [98] Will. Tyr. lib. i. [99] Guibertus; Gesta Dei. [100] A. D. 1095. [101] Mills, chap. ii. [102] Will. Tyr. lib. i. [103] Robertus Monachus, lib. i. [104] I have followed as nearly as possible the account of Robertus Monachus, who was present. Having found in no book of any authenticity the speech attributed by more modern writers to Peter the Hermit, I have rejected it entirely as supposititious. Neither Robert, nor Albertus Aquensis, nor William of Tyre, nor Guibert of Nogent, nor James of Vitry, the most authentic historians of the crusade, some of whom were present at the council of Clermont, and most of whom lived at the time, even mention the appearance of Peter at that assembly. That he might be there, I do not attempt to deny, but that he addressed the people I believe utterly unfounded. [106] Robertus Monachus. [107] Fulcher of Chartres; Guibert of Nogent; William of Tyre. [109] Guibert of Nogent. [110] Fulcher of Chartres; William of Tyre. [111] Guibert; Gesta Dei. [112] Albert. Aquensis; Will. Tyr.; Guibert. [113] Albert of Aix. [114] See Ducange in Sig. Cruc. [115] Albert of Aix; James of Vitry; Robert the Monk; Guibert. [116] Fulcher. [117] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. Mills follows this opinion; Guibert of Nogent and James of Vitry are opposed to it, and Fulcher gives a different account also. [118] Fulcher; Will. Tyr.; Albert Aquen. [119] Will. Tyr. [120] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. [121] Albert of Aix. [122] Guibert. [123] Albert of Aix. [124] Ibid. [125] Guibert. [126] Baldric. [127] Albert of Aix. [128] Guibert of Nogent, lib. ii.; Albert of Aix, lib. i.; Orderic Vital, lib. ix. Mills says it was the French and Normans who thus advanced into the country, but the great majority of writers is against him. [129] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. [130] Robert the Monk; William of Tyre; Guibert of Nogent; Albert of Aix. [131] Robert the Monk; Guibert of Nogent. [132] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. [133] Robert the Monk; Guibert of Nogent. [134] Ibid. [135] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. [136] Albert. Aquensis; William of Tyre. [137] Albert of Aix. [138] Robertus Monachus, lib. i. [139] Guibert of Nogent. [140] Guibert of Nogent. [142] Will. Malmsbury. [143] Will. of Tyre; Albert of Aix. [144] Albert of Aix. [145] Guibert of Nogent. [146] Guibert; Will. Tyr. [147] Albert of Aix. [148] William of Tyre. [149] Albert of Aix. [150] Albert. Aquensis. [151] Will Tyr.; Albert. Aquens. [152] Guibert. [153] Fulcher; Guibert; Will. Tyr.; Albert. [154] I have taken perhaps more pains than was necessary to investigate this part of the crusaders’ proceedings, which I found nearly as much confused in the writings of Mills as in those of the contemporary authors. Some assert that the whole mass of the western crusaders proceeded in one body through Italy; but finding that Fulcher, who accompanied Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, never mentions Hugh of Vermandois; that Guibert speaks of that prince’s departure first; that the Archbishop of Tyre marks the divisions distinctly, and that he certainly embarked at a different port in Italy from the rest, I have been led to conclude, that though probably looking up to Hugh as the brother of their sovereign, the three great leaders proceeded separately on their march. Robertus Monachus is evidently mistaken altogether, as he joins the Count of Toulouse with the army of Hugh, when we know from Raimond d’Agiles that that nobleman conducted his troops through Sclavonia. [155] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. [156] Guibert. [157] Ibid. lib. ii. [158] Will. Tyr. lib. ii. [159] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. [160] Albert of Aix. [161] Guibert. [162] Albert of Aix; Robertus Monachus; Will. Tyr. [163] Will. Tyr.; Rob. Mon.; Guibert; Albert. Aquens. [164] Albert of Aix. [165] Mills, in speaking of this interview, does not distinguish between the coat-of-arms and the mantle or pallium. They were, however, very different, and never, that I know of, worn together. The coat-of-arms was usually extremely small; and the form may be gathered from the anecdote of an ancient baron, who, not readily finding his coat-of-arms, seized the cloth of a banner, made a slit in the centre with his sword, and passing his head through the aperture, thus went to battle. These customs however often changed, and we find many instances of the coat-of-arms being worn long. The mantle was the garb of peace, and was even more richly decorated than the coat-of-arms. Another peaceful habiliment was the common surcoat, which differed totally from the tunic worn over the armour, having large sleeves and cuffs, as we find from the notes upon Joinville. The size of this garment may be very nearly ascertained from the same account, which mentions 736 ermines having been used in one surcoat worn by the king of France. See Joinville by Ducange. For the use of the pallium, or mantle, see St. Palaye—notes on the Fourth Part. [166] I have not chosen to represent this interview in the colours with which Mills has painted it. The princess Anna, from whom he took his view of the subject, can in no degree be depended upon. Her object was to represent her father as a dignified monarch, receiving with cold pomp a train of barbarous warriors; but the truth was, that Alexius was in no slight measure terrified at Godfrey and his host, and sought by every means to cajole him into compliance with his wishes. Almost every other historian declares that the crusaders were received with the utmost condescension and courtesy. Robert of Paris, one of Godfrey’s noble followers, did indeed seat himself on the throne of Alexius, and replied to Baldwin’s remonstrance by a braggart boast, for which the emperor only reproved him by a contemptuous sneer. This, however, would, if any thing, prove that the pride and haughtiness was on the part of the crusaders rather than on that of the imperial court. [167] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. [168] Albert of Aix. [169] Vertot. [170] Robert the Monk. [171] Gerusalemme, cant. i. [172] What the relationship exactly was I have not been able to discover. Mills does not satisfy me that the mother of Tancred was the sister of Robert Guiscard. The expressions of Ralph of Caen on the subject appear to be obscure. [173] Albert of Aix. [174] St. Palaye. [175] Mills, chap. 3. [176] Fulcher. [177] Raoul de Caen. [178] William of Tyre. [179] Raoul de Caen; William of Tyre; Albert of Aix; Guibert. [180] Orderic. Vital. lib. ix. [181] Boemond had inherited all his father’s hatred to the Greek sovereigns, and had waged many a bloody and successful war against Alexius himself. [182] Will. Tyr.; Albert. Aquens. [183] Raoul de Caen; Guibert. [184] Alexiad par Ducange. [185] Guibert, lib. iii. [186] Radulph. Cad. cap. 11. [187] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 12. [188] Albertus Aquensis says that Tancred took with him the whole army. William of Tyre follows the same opinion, as well as Guibert. Orderic Vital declares that when the troops were passing, Tancred dressed himself as a common soldier, and passed among the crowd; but Radulphus Cadomensis (or Raoul of Caen, as the French translate his name), who was his companion and friend in after-years, makes no mention of his having taken with him any part of the forces he commanded, merely stating, that in his eagerness to pass before he was discovered, he aided to row the boat himself. [189] Raimond d’Agiles. [190] Ibid. [191] Raimond d’Agiles; Will. Tyr.; Guibert. [192] Guibert; Albert of Aix. [193] Will. Tyr. [194] Guibert. [195] Raimond d’Agiles. [196] Guibert; Raimond; Will Tyr. [197] Alexiad. [198] Raimond d’Agiles; Albert of Aix. [199] Raimond d’Agiles expressly states that the army of the Count of Toulouse, which he accompanied to the Holy Land, did not join the other crusaders till they were under the walls of Nice. Mills is therefore wrong in writing that the ProvenÇals joined the other soldiers of the Cross before their arrival at Nice, and then let them march on again before them. [200] Guibert, lib. ii. [201] Orderic Vital. [202] Guibert. [203] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. [204] Fulcher. [205] Albert of Aix; Fulcher. [206] Will. Tyr. [207] Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert. [208] All authors, those who were present as well as those who wrote from the accounts of others, differ entirely among themselves concerning the dispositions of the siege. Fulcher, who accompanied the Duke of Normandy, says that that chief attacked the south; Raimond of Agiles, who was present also, says that the south was the post of the Count of Toulouse. I have, however, adopted the account of Raimond, who appears to me to have paid more attention to the operations of the war than Fulcher. [209] Fulcher. [210] Ibid. [211] The word used is loricati; and Ducange, who seldom makes a positive assertion without the most perfect certainty, states, in the observations on Joinville, that we may always translate the word loricatus, a knight, “et quand on voit dans les auteurs Latins le terme de loricati il se doit entendre des Chevaliers.”—Ducange, Observ. sur l’Hist. de St. Louis, page 50. [212] Guibert. [213] Albert of Aix, lib. ii. [214] Albert. [215] Ibid. [216] Albert; Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert. [217] Albert. [218] Raimond. [219] Albert. [220] Guibert. [221] Guibert; Albert of Aix. [222] Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Robert. Mon. [223] Robert. Mon. [224] Fulcher. [225] Guibert; Raimond d’Agiles. [226] Albert of Aix. [227] Fulcher. [228] Idun; Albert of Aix. [229] Albert of Aix. [230] The Philippide. [231] Albert of Aix. [232] Fulcher. [233] Raimond d’Agiles; Albert of Aix; Guibert. [234] Will. Tyr. [235] Albert of Aix. [236] Guibert; Albert. [237] William of Tyre; Raimond. [238] Raimond de Agiles. [239] William of Tyre; Raimond de Agiles; Guibert de Nogent. [240] Fulcher, cap. 4; William of Tyre. [241] Ten at a time were admitted within the walls, but not more. [242] June 29, A. D. 1097. [243] Fulcher, cap. 5; Raimond d’Agiles; Orderic Vital; Raoul de Caen. [244] Mills avers that the chiefs separated by mutual consent. I have found nothing to confirm this opinion. Radulphus says that there was a rumour to that effect, but shows that it could not be just, as the baggage of the troops of Boemond and his party had, by the error that separated them, been left with the other division. William of Tyre leaves the question undecided. Fulcher says, absolutely, that the separation originated in a mistake. Orderic Vital follows the same opinion. Raimond d’Agiles is not precise, but he says that it was done inconsiderately; and Guibert decidedly affirms that it was accidental, and through the obscurity of the morning in which they began their march. [245] William of Tyre. [246] Fulcher; Raimond d’Agiles; Albert. [247] Fulcher makes it amount to nearly three hundred and sixty thousand combatants; and Raimond reduces the number to one hundred and fifty thousand. [248] Fulcher. [249] Ibid; Guibert. [250] William of Tyre; Guibert; Fulcher, cap. 5. [251] Guibert; Will. of Tyr. [252] Fulcher; Radulph. Cad. cap. 21. [253] William of Tyre; Guibert; Fulcher. [254] Fulcher, cap. 5; William of Tyre. [255] William of Tyre. [256] Raoul of Caen. [257] Albert; Raoul of Caen; William of Tyre. [258] Albert. [259] Raoul of Caen. [260] Fulcher; Albert; Raoul of Caen. [261] Albert of Aix informs us, that the ladies of Boemond’s camp, seeing the merciless fury with which the Turks were dealing death to all ages and sexes, clothed themselves in their most becoming garments, and strove to display their charms to the best advantage, for the purpose of obtaining the durance of the harem rather than the grave. Albert was not present, and did not even visit the Holy Land; and I find his account in this respect confirmed by no other historian. The good canon, indeed, was somewhat fond of little tales of scandal, so that I feel inclined to doubt his authority, where such matters are under discussion. He has an anecdote in a similar style appended to his history of the taking of Nice. [262] Radulphus, cap. 22. [263] William of Tyre. [264] Orderic Vital; Guibert. [265] Albert of Aix; Fulcher, cap. 5; William of Tyre. [266] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 26. [267] Fulcher; Albert of Aix. [268] Albert; Radulphus Cadomachus, cap. 27, 28, et seq.; William of Tyre. [269] Many of the Christians attributed their victory to the miraculous interposition of two canonized martyrs, who, in glittering armour, led on the army of Godfrey and the count of Toulouse, and scared the Turks more than all the lancers of the crusaders. Though the supposed interposition of such personages certainly robbed the leaders of no small share of glory, yet it gave vast confidence and enthusiasm to the inferior classes. [270] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Guibert. [271] William of Tyre. [272] Guibert; William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. [273] Albert of Aix. [274] Guibert, lib. iii. [275] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; William of Tyre. [276] Fulcher; Guibert. [277] Albert. [278] Ibid. [279] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 33; Guibert. lib. iii.; Will. Tyr. [280] All the authors of the day that I have been able to meet with declare this expedition of Baldwin and Tancred to have been voluntary. Mills only, as far as I can discover, attributes their conduct to an order received from others. I mark the circumstance more particularly, because, under my view of the case, the fact of Tancred and his companions having separated themselves from the rest of the host, after such immense fatigues, abandoning repose and comfort, and seeking new dangers and fresh privations, is one of the most extraordinary instances on record of the effect of the chivalrous spirit of the age. Under this point of view, all the historians of that time saw the enterprise which they have recorded; but Mills, writing in the least chivalrous of all epochs, has reduced the whole to a corporal-like obedience of orders. [281] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; Radulph. cap. 37. [282] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; Guibert; Will. Tyr. [283] Radulphus, cap. 38. [284] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. iii. [285] Radulphus; Albert of Aix; Guibert of Nogent. [286] Albert. lib. iii. [287] Albert. [288] Ibid. [289] Albert; Raoul de Caen. See also Fulcher, who was chaplain to Baldwin. [290] Albert of Aix; Raoul of Caen. [291] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre; Raimond d’Agiles. [292] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. [293] Raimond d’Agiles. [294] Robert. Mon. lib. iii. Albert of Aix; Guibert. [295] Albert of Aix. [296] William of Tyre. [297] Albert of Aix. [298] The population of these countries was in general Christian. [299] Fulcher; Albert. [300] Albert; Guibert, lib. iii. [301] Guibert. [302] Albert. [303] Guibert, lib. iii.; where see the manner in which Baldwin contrived to subjugate the inhabitants. [304] Albert of Aix. [305] Guibert. [306] Albert. [307] Mills declares, that the Christians were rescued from this ambuscade by the arrival of Tancred. I find the account of Albert of Aix totally opposed to such a statement; while the passage in Raoul of Caen relating to this event is so full of errors in other respects, that no reliance could be placed upon it, even if it justified the assertion of Mills, which, however, it does not do. He states, that Tancred arrived long before the ambuscade, and that he found Baldwin at Artesia. By this he might mean Baldwin de Bourg, who, after the other Baldwin became King of Jerusalem, was also created Count of Edessa; but this interpretation cannot be admitted here, as he mentions the former disputes between the soldiers of Tancred and of the Baldwin to whom he refers, and who could therefore be none other than the brother of Godfrey, who was, we know, in Edessa at the time. We may therefore conclude, that as a principal part of this account is notoriously false, Raoul of Caen cannot be considered as any authority, so far as this event is concerned. Finding the statement of Tancred’s assistance here not confirmed by any other good authority, I have abided by the account of Albert. [308] Albert of Aix. [309] Raimond d’Agiles. [310] Will. Tyr., Raimond. [311] Albert of Aix. [312] Raimond; Guibert of Nogent. [313] Raimond; Albert says six hundred thousand; Guibert of Nogent. [314] Raimond. [315] Raimond d’Agiles; Albert d’Aix; Guibert de Nogent, lib. iv.; Robert. [316] Raimond d’Agiles; Albert of Aix; Guibert de Nogent. [317] Malmsbury. [318] Albert; Raimond d’Agiles. [319] Guibert de Nogent; Robertus Monachus, lib. iv. [320] Guibert; Albert; Robert. Mon. [321] Raimond d’Agiles. [322] Ibid; Guibert; Robertus Monachus. [323] Guibert says he was a boasting coward; but this is contradicted by others. [324] Guibert de Nogent; Robert. [325] Guibert; Robertus Monachus, lib. iv. [326] Robert. Monac. [327] Albert of Aix. [328] Raimond d’Agiles; Vertot; Guibert; William of Tyre. [329] This is one of the points on which the authorities of the day are in direct opposition to each other. Mills has chosen the opinion of Robertus Monachus, who states that the message of the calif was haughty and insolent. I have followed another version of the story, because I find it supported by a greater weight of evidence, and because I do not think the calif would have taken the trouble of sending all the way from Egypt to insult a party of men whose persevering conduct showed that they were not likely to be turned back by words. Guibert says, that the calif promised even to embrace the Christian faith, in case the crusaders overcame the Turks, and restored to him his Syrian dominions. Albert of Aix also vouches the same proposal, which, however improbable might have been made for the purpose of deceiving the crusaders. [330] Robertson’s Historical Disquisition on India. [331] Robert, lib. iv. [332] Albert of Aix. [333] Albert; Robert. Mon. [334] Albert of Aix, lib. iii. [335] Robertus, lib. iv. [336] Robert.; Albert of Aix, lib. iii. [337] Guibert; Albert of Aix, lib. iii. [338] Robertus; Albert. [339] Five thousand perished on the bridge and in the water, according to Robert the Monk. [340] Robertus Monachus. [341] Guibert mentions previously that the number of horses was reduced to a thousand; lib. iv. [342] Robertus; Guibert. [343] Raimond d’Agiles. [344] Guibert, lib. v.; Fulcher, cap. 7. [345] Will. Tyr.; Albert; Fulcher, cap. 8. [346] Raimond d’Agiles. [347] William of Tyre says he was a noble Armenian, chief of the tribe of Benizerra, or the sons of the armour-forgers, and calls him Emir Feir. Abouharagi, however, says he was a Persian, and calls him Ruzebach. [348] Guibert; Will. Tyr.; Albert. [349] Guibert. [350] William of Tyre, lib. v.; Robert, lib. v.; Guibert, lib. v. [351] This transaction is reported variously. Albert of Aix says, that the proposal of Boemond was at once received with joy. Raoul of Caen gives a different account, and states that the bishop of Puy, on the suggestion of Boemond, suggested that the town should be given to him who could first obtain it. Guibert and Robert relate it as I have done above. The archbishop of Tyre declares that no one opposed the proposal of Boemond but the Count of Toulouse. [352] Will. Tyr.; Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v. [353] Albert of Aix; Robertus, lib. v. [354] Robertus, lib. v., 2d June, A. D. 1098. [355] Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d’Agiles; Albert. [356] There is some reason to believe that Boemond was the first who entered, as stated by William of Tyre; but as Albert of Aix makes no mention of the fact, and as Guibert de Nogent declares positively that Boemond, who is certainly his favourite hero, did not mount till sixty others had preceded him, as Raimond d’Agiles gives the honour of the feat to Fulcher de Chartres, and as Robert the Monk confirms that assertion, I have left the matter in doubt, as I found it. In regard to the story of Phirouz murdering his brother in his sleep, because he would not aid in his design, I believe fully that it was but one of those ornamental falsehoods with which men are ever fond of decorating great and extraordinary events. I doubt not that the tale was current in the time of William of Tyre, who reports it; and the act was, beyond question, looked upon as a noble and devoted one on the part of Phirouz; but as I find nothing to confirm it in any book I possess, except the simple fact of that Armenian having been a traitorous rascal, please God, till further evidence I will look upon it all as a lie. Robert the Monk represents, in very glowing terms, the grief of Phirouz for the death of his two brothers, who were killed in the melÉe. Phirouz became a Christian, at least in name; and to cover the baseness of his perfidy, he declared that the Saviour himself had appeared to him in a vision, commanding him to deliver up the town. [357] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d’Agiles. [358] Albert of Aix, lib. iv. [359] Guibert; Albert; Raimond d’Agiles. [360] Raimond; Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Albert. [361] Guibert, lib. v. [362] Albert of Aix, lib. iv. [363] See Mills’s History of the Crusades. [364] Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Guibert; Fulcher; Albert. [365] Guibert, lib. v.; Robertus; Albert. [366] Guibert; Albert of Aix. [367] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. [368] Robertus, lib. vi.; Albert of Aix, lib. iv.; William of Tyre. [369] Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Guibert, lib. v. [370] Albert of Aix. [371] Robertus, vi.; Albert of Aix. [372] Guibert. [373] Guibert; Fulcher; Albert, lib. iv. [374] Guibert, lib. v. [375] Albert of Aix, lib. iv. [376] Albert. [377] Guibert; Fulcher; Albert. [378] Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher; William of Tyre; Albert; Guibert. [379] Fulcher; Raimond. [380] Radulph. Cadom. [381] Raimond d’Agiles. [382] Fulcher; Raimond; Albert; Guibert of Nogent. [383] Albert of Aix; Raimond d’Agiles; Will. Tyr. [384] Albert of Aix. [385] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. iii. [386] Albert of Aix. [387] Guibert; Albert; Raimond. [388] Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher. [389] Raimond; Raoul de Caen. [390] Raimond. [391] Raimond d’Agiles. [392] Histor. Hieros; Jacob. Vit. [393] Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher. [394] Guibert. [395] Will. Tyr. lib. vi. [396] Raoul of Caen. [397] Albert. [398] Albert. [399] Raimond d’Agiles. [400] Will. Malmsbury; Guibert de Nogent; Raimond d’Agiles. [401] Albert; Raoul of Caen; Guibert. [402] Fulcher; Albert. [403] Guibert; Albert. [404] Mills. [405] Guibert; Fulcher. [406] Raimond d’Agiles; William of Tyre. [408] Albert of Aix; Will. Tyr.; Raimond d’Agiles. [409] Guibert. [410] Guibert; Albert; Will. Tyr. [411] Guibert; Albert. [412] Guibert. [413] Albert of Aix. [414] Guibert; Raimond d’Agiles; Albert. [415] Raimond d’Agiles. [416] Albert of Aix. [417] William of Tyre. [418] Albert; Guibert. [419] Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Guibert; Raoul of Caen. [420] Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert de Nogent. [421] Raimond d’Agiles. [422] Raoul of Caen; Raimond. [423] Guibert. [424] Guibert, lib. vi.; Albert of Aix, lib. v.; William of Tyre. [425] Albert of Aix. [426] Fulcher; Guibert. [427] Albert of Aix. [428] Raimond d’Agiles; Albert of Aix. [429] Raimond d’Agiles. [430] Fulcher; Raoul of Caen. [431] Guibert; Raimond. [432] Albert of Aix; Guibert; Robert. Mon. lib. viii. [433] Mills follows Raimond d’Agiles. I have chosen the account of Albert of Aix, because I find it better supported by evidence. [434] William of Tyre. [435] Raimond d’Agiles. [436] Fulcher. Raimond d’Agiles. [437] William of Tyre, lib. vii. [438] Robert. Mon. [439] Albert. [440] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. [441] Albert. [442] Robert; Guibert. [443] Ibid. [444] Albert. [445] Raoul of Caen; Albert; Fulcher. [446] Albert of Aix, lib. v. [447] Guibert. [448] Guibert, lib. vii.; Robert. [449] Holy War. [450] Raimond. [451] Robert; Albert; Guibert, lib. vii. [452] Fulcher mentions several ladders, but says they were too few. [453] Albert of Aix; Guibert. [454] Raimond; Albert. [455] Albert of Aix. [456] Guibert; Albert. [457] Albert of Aix. [458] Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert. [459] Albert of Aix. [460] Raimond d’Agiles; Albert of Aix. [461] Albert describes perfectly the effect of the Greek fire, and says it could only be extinguished by the means of vinegar, which, on the second day, the crusaders provided in great quantity. [462] Raimond. [463] Guibert; Albert of Aix. [464] Raimond d’Agiles; William of Tyre. [465] Robert; Guibert. lib. vii.; Albert. [466] 15th July. A. D. 1099. [467] Guibert; Raimond. [468] Albert; Robert. [469] Ibid; Guibert. [470] Guibert; Raimond d’Agiles; Robert. [471] Tancred and Gaston of Bearn had promised quarter to these unhappy wretches, and had given them a banner as a certain protection. It was early the next morning, before those chiefs were awake, that this massacre was committed by some of the more bloodthirsty of the crusaders. Tancred was with great difficulty prevented from taking signal vengeance on the perpetrators of this crime.—Guibert; Albert. [472] The story of the second massacre rests upon the authority of Albert of Aix, from whose writings it has been copied by all who have repeated it. Albert of Aix never visited the Holy Land. None of those who were present at the fall of Jerusalem (that I can discover) make the slightest mention of such an occurrence; and we have the strongest proof that part of Albert’s story is false; for he declares that all the Saracens were slaughtered in this second massacre, even those who had previously been promised protection; and we know that many were sent to Ascalon.—See Guibert, lib. vii. Robert, who was present speaks of many who were spared.—Robertus, lib. ix. Fulcher, who was in the country, if not present, does not allude to a second massacre. Raimond d’Agiles, who was a witness to the whole, passes it over in silence; though each of these persons always speaks of the slaughter of the Saracens as the most praiseworthy of actions. The Archbishop of Tyre also, who copied Albert wherever he could be proved correct, has stamped doubt upon this anecdote by omitting it entirely. I have thought fit to notice this particularly, because Mills lays no small stress upon the tale. [473] Guibert; Albert; William of Tyre. [474] See Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert; Albert; Brompton; William of Malmsbury. [475] Fulcher, cap. 18; Robert. Mon. lib. ix. [476] Godfrey appears never to have taken the title of king, from a feeling of religious humility. [477] Robert. [478] Albert; Will. Tyr. [479] Albert. [480] He was taken, after having suffered a complete defeat from the emir Damisman, as he was hastening to the succour of Gabriel of Armenia. [481] Will. Tyren.; Radulph.; Cadom. [482] Arnould, one of the most corrupt priests in the army, had been elected patriarch, but was deposed almost immediately; and Daimbert, who arrived from Rome as legate, was chosen in his stead. This Daimbert it is of whom I speak above. He seems to have conceived, from the first, the idea of making Jerusalem an eastern Rome, and wrung many concessions from Godfrey, which were little respected by that chief’s successors. [483] William of Tyre. [484] Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. lib. i.; William of Tyre; Fulcher; Albert. [485] Will. of Tyre; Fulcher of Chartres. [486] Fulcher. [487] William of Tyre. [488] Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. Vit.; Will. of Tyre. [489] Fulcher; Albert. [490] Raoul of Caen; Will. Tyr.; Fulcher. [491] Guibert; lib. vii. [492] Will. of Tyr.; Guibert. [493] Guibert says that Boemond died from the effects of poison. Other authors declare that grief for having been obliged to enter into a less advantageous treaty with Alexius than he had anticipated occasioned his death; but, from his whole history, I should not look upon Boemond as a man likely to die of grief. [494] He was the grandson of that Raimond, Count of Toulouse, of whose conduct I have so often had occasion to speak already, and whose perseverance against Tripoli will be mentioned hereafter. [495] Will. Tyr. [496] Fulcher; Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. [497] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. [498] Fulcher. [499] Albert of Aix. [500] Fulcher; Albert. [501] Albert. [502] Albert of Aix. [503] Fulcher. [504] Albert. [505] Fulcher, cap. 35, A. D. 1105. [506] Fulcher, cap. 27. [507] Albert, lib. ix.; Fulcher. [508] Albert; Fulcher. [509] James of Vitry; Hist. Hieros. ab. [510] Hist. Hieros. abrev. [511] Mills says that the last historical mention of Peter is that which relates to his recognition by the Christians of Jerusalem; but such is not the case. We find him mentioned as a very influential person on the occasion of the battle of Ascalon.—See Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert, lib. vii. [512] Guibert, lib. vii. [513] Albert of Aix, lib. x.; William of Tyre. [514] Fulcher; William of Tyre. [515] Guibert, lib. vii. [516] Guibert. lib. vii. [517] Ibid. [518] William of Tyre. [519] Albert of Aix and Fulcher give a different account of Baldwin’s escape. [520] Will. Tyr. lib. x. [521] Albert; Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher; William of Tyre; Guibert. [522] Albert of Aix; Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert. [523] Mills is wrong in supposing that plate armour was not at all known before the beginning of the thirteenth century. As far back as the time of Louis the Debonair, the Monk of St. Gall gives a full description of a man in plate armour, and also mentions the barb, or iron covering of the horse. [524] See, for these particulars, the Monk of St. Gall; Albert of Aix; Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher; Guibert; William of Brittany; Menestrier St. Palaye; Ducange. [525] Albert of Aix, lib. viii. [526] Fulcher; Guibert. [527] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Robertus Monachus. [528] Fulcher; William of Tyre; Albert. [529] Ducange. [530] Assizes par Thaumassiere. [531] William of Tyre, lib. xviii. [532] Vertot. [533] Hist. Hierosol., Jacob. Vitri. [534] Vertot Preuves. [535] Vertot. [536] Jacob Vitriaci in Hist. Hierosol. [537] William of Tyre. [538] Jac. Vitriaci; Hist. Hierosol. [539] Will. Tyrensis, lib. xxii.; Jacob. Vit. [540] William of Tyre. [541] William of Tyre marks precisely, that the particular rules to which they were subjected, and the dress to which they were restricted, were regularly fixed by the church at the council of Troyes, in the course of the ninth year after their first institution. Now the council of Troyes took place in 1128, and Baldwin du Bourg ascended the throne of Jerusalem on the 2d or April, 1118, ten years previously. Their first institution, therefore, could not be in the reign of Baldwin I., as Mills has stated it, without a gross error on the part of the Archbishop of Tyre, who wrote in the year 1184, and therefore was not likely to be mistaken on a subject so near his own days. [542] Hist. Hierosol.; Jacob. Vitriaci. [543] The Templars founded many charitable institutions, but attendance on the sick was not a part of their profession. [544] For a more particular and correct account of the armour of the crusades, I must refer to the invaluable work of Dr. Meyrick, which I regret much not to have had by me while writing this book. My sources of information have been alone the historians of the day, in consulting whom the ambiguity of language is very often likely to induce error in matters which, like armour, are difficult to describe. [545] Mills says, “The news of the loss of the eastern frontier of the Latin kingdom reached France at a time peculiarly favourable for foreign war.” It will be seen that I have taken up a position as exactly the reverse of that assumed by that excellent author as can well be conceived; but I have not done so without much investigation, and the more I consider the subject, the more I am convinced that the moment when the feudal power was checked by the king and assailed by the communes, was not the most propitious to call the nobility to foreign lands—that the moment in which the burghers were labouring up hill for independence, was not a time for them to abandon the scene of their hopes and endeavours—and that the moment when a kingdom was torn by conflicting powers, when the royal authority was unconfirmed, and the nobility only irritated at its exertion, was not the period that a monarch should have chosen to quit his dominions. [546] A curious essay might be written on the classes or castes in Europe at that period. It is quite a mistaken notion which some persons have entertained, that the only distinctions under the monarch, were noble and serf. We find an immense class, or rather various classes, all of which consisted of freemen, interposed between the lord and his slave. Thus Galbertus Syndick, of Bruges, in recounting the death of Charles the Good, Count of Flanders, A. D. 1130, mentions not only the burghers of the town, but various other persons who were not of the noble race, but were then evidently free, as well as the BrabanÇois or Cotereaux, a sort of freebooting soldier of that day. Guibert of Nogent, also, in his own life, and Frodoardus, in the history of Rheims, refer to many of whose exact station it is difficult to form an idea. [547] Rouillard, Histoire de Melun: Vie de Bouchard. [548] I know that I use this word not quite correctly, but I can find none other to express more properly what I mean. [549] Suger in vit. Ludovic VI. [550] Galbert in vit. Carol. [551] Suger in vit. Ludovic VI. [552] Chron. Vezeliac. [553] Guibert Nog. in vit. s. [554] Chron. Vezeliac. [555] Gesta regis Ludovici VII. [556] The only two I know who accompanied this crusade, and wrote any detailed account of it, are Odon de Deuil, or Odo de Diagolo, and Frisingen, or Freysinghen. It is an extraordinary fact, that the Cardinal de Vitry makes no mention of the second crusade. [557] William of St. Thierry, Mabillon. [558] Geoffroi de Clairvaux, Continuation of the Life of St. Bernard. [559] Odo of Deuil. [560] Mabillon. [561] Guizot. [562] A. D. 1147 [563] Odon de Deuil. [564] William of Tyre. [565] Odon de Deuil. [567] It appears from the passage of Odo of Deuil which mentions the curious servility, as he designates it, of the Greeks never sitting down in the presence of a superior till desired to do so, that the French of that day were not quite so ceremonious as in that of Louis XIV. [568] Odo of Deuil. [569] Nicetas. [570] Cinnamus, cited by Mills. [571] Odon de Deuil. [572] Ibid. [573] Manuel Comnenus had married Bertha, and Conrad, Gertrude, both daughters of Berenger the elder, Count of Sultzbach. [574] Odon de Deuil. [575] William of Tyre; Odon de Deuil. [576] The Pope, in his exhortation to the second crusade, had not only regulated the general conduct of the crusaders, and formally absolved all those who should embrace the Cross, but he had given minute particulars for their dress and arms, expressly forbidding all that might encumber them in their journey, such as heavy baggage, and vain superfluities, and all that might lead them from the direct road, such as falcons and hunting-dogs. “Happy had it been for them,” says Odo of Deuil, “if, instead of a scrip, he had commanded the foot pilgrims to bear a cross bow, and instead of a staff, a sword.” [577] Odo of Deuil; Will. Tyr. [578] Will. Tyr; Odon de Deuil; Gest. Ludovic VII; Nicetas. [579] Odon de Deuil. [580] Will. Tyr.; Odon de Deuil. [581] Odon de Deuil; Freysinghen; William of Tyre. [582] William of Tyre. [583] Odon de Deuil. [584] Odo of Deuil always calls Otho, Bishop of Freysinghen, brother of the Emperor Conrad. He was, however, only a half-brother; his relationship being by the mother’s side. [585] Will. Tyrens lib. xvi.; Odon de Deuil. [586] Odon de Deuil; Will. Tyr. [587] Odon de Deuil. [588] Odon de Deuil. [589] William of Tyre. [590] Odon de Deuil. [591] Ibid. [592] William of Tyre; Vertot. [593] Gest. Ludovic. regis; William of Tyre; Vertot. [594] Vertot, a learned man and a diligent investigator, speaks of Eleonor in the following curious terms: “On pretend que cette princesse, peu scrupuleuse sur ses devoirs, et devenue Éprise d’un jeune Turc baptisÉ, appellÉ Saladin, ne pouvait rÉsoudre À s’en sÉparer, &c.” These reports of course gave rise to many curious suppositions, especially when Richard Coeur de Leon, Eleonor’s son by her second marriage, went to war in the Holy Land. On his return to France, Louis VII. instantly sought a plausible pretext for delivering himself from his unfaithful wife without causing the scandal of a public exposure of her conduct. A pretence of consanguinity within the forbidden degrees was soon established, and the marriage was annulled. After this Eleonor, who, in addition to beauty and wit, possessed in her own right the whole of Aquitain, speedily gave her hand to Henry II. of England, and in the end figured in the tragedy of Rosamond of Woodstock. [595] William of Tyre; Vertot. [596] Gest. regis Ludov. VII. [597] Vertot. [598] William of Tyre; Col. script. Arab.; Vertot. [599] William of Tyre; Freysinghen, reb. gest. Fred.; Gest. reg. Lud. VII. [600] Guil. Monach. in vit. Suger. Ab. Sanct. Dion.; Gest. reg. Lud. VII. [601] Guil. Monach. in vit. Sug. [602] All the writers of that day attempt to excuse St. Bernard for having preached a crusade which had so unfortunate a conclusion. The principles upon which they do so are somewhat curious. The Bishop of Freysinghen declares, that it was the vice of the crusaders which called upon their heads the wrath of Heaven: and, to reconcile this fact with the spirit of prophecy which elsewhere he attributes to the Abbot of Clairvaux, declares that prophets are not always able to prophesy.—Freysing. de rebus gestis Fred. Imperat. Geoffroy of Clairvaux, who was a contemporary, and wrote part of the Life of St. Bernard, would fain prove that the crusade could not be called unfortunate, since, though it did not at all help the Holy Land it served to people heaven with martyrs. [603] Existing orders of knighthood. [604] Fulcher; Raoul Glaber. [605] Robert; Fulcher; Raimond d’Agiles. [606] Raynouard, Poesies des Troubadours; Millot, Hist. des Troubadours; Le Grand d’Aussi Fabliaux. [607] Raynouard. [608] Oeuvres de Maroc. [609] Fauchet. [610] Le Grand d’Aussi. [611] Bernard, the Treasurer; James of Vitry; William of Tyre. [612] William of Tyre; Bernard. [613] William of Tyre. [614] Cardinal of Vitry; William of Tyre. [615] Cardinal of Vitry; Will. of Tyre. [616] Bernard; William of Tyre. [617] William of Tyre; James of Vitry; Guillelm de Nangis; Chron. ann. 1174. [618] William of Tyre. [619] Jacob. Vitr. [620] Bernard the Treasurer says, that the monarch wished to annul the marriage between his sister and Guy. “Si grans haine estoit entre le roy et le cuens de Jaffe que chascun jor cressoit plus et plus et jusque a tant estoit la chose venue que le roy queroit achaison par quoy il peut desevrer tot apertement le mariage qui iert entre lui et sa seror.” [621] William of Tyre; Bernard the Treasurer: James of Vitrv. [622] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry. [623] Bernard the Treasurer. [624] Rog. of Hovedon. [625] William of Tyre; William de Nangis. [626] Bernard; William of Nangis. [627] Will. Neub. [628] Bernard. [629] William of Nangis. [630] Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis. [631] Vertot. [632] Rog. of Hovedon; William of Nangis. [633] William of Nangis; Bernard the Treasurer. [634] Some writers state that Saladin proposed to Chatillon to abjure Christianity, which he boldly refused: but others do not mention the circumstance, and the act of Saladin seems to me to have been more one of hasty passion than of deliberation. [635] Bernard. [636] Bernard the Treasurer; Continuation of William of Tyre. [637] William of Nangis. [638] Bernard. [639] James of Vitry; Bernard; William of Tyre. [640] Bernard; Albert. [641] William of Tyre. [642] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Robert. [643] There is a letter in Hovedon from a Templar to Henry II., giving an account of the state of Jerusalem and the Holy Land, dated 1179. [644] Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis, A. D. 1188; B. Peterborough. [645] William de Nangis; Jacob. Vit. lib. i. [646] Bernard the Treasurer. [647] A. D. 1189, 1190. [648] I have followed James of Vitry. Some say that Frederic’s death proceeded from bathing in the Cydnus, and some in the Calycadnus. The matter is of little moment; but, as he was descending towards Antioch at the time, it is not improbable that the Cardinal de Vitry was right. Emadeddin, in the collection of Arabic historians by Reinaud, calls this river the Selef. [649] Jacob. Vit.; Hist. Hieros. ab.; Bernardus; Lection. Canisius AntiquÆ. [650] James of Vitry. [651] Pet. de Dusburg.; Chron. Ord. Teuton. [652] Existing Orders of Knighthood; James of Vitry. [653] Vit. Ludovic VII.; Roger de Hovedon. [654] Rigord de gest. Phil Aug.; Hovedon; Robert, de Monte. [655] Geoffroi Rudel in Raynouard; Millot; Ducange. [656] William of Nangis, A. D. 1188; Rigord. [657] Rigord in vit. Philip August.; Guil. de Nangis, A. D. 1188. [658] See Rigord, who gives minutely the statutes on this occasion. [659] Branche des royaux Lignages, ann. 1189-90, Guil. de Nangis Rigord. William the Breton. [660] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry. [661] Continuation of William of Tyre, Anon. [662] R. de Diceto; Roger de Hovedon; Matthew Paris. Ann. 1188. [663] Henry died before the altar of the church of Chinon. [664] Hovedon. [665] Brompton; Hovedon. [666] Diceto. [667] Rymer, col. diplom. [668] Brequegny, coll. ann. 1188; Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug. [669] Benedict of Peterborough. [670] Rigord says nothing of any illness which Philip suffered at Messina. [671] Hovedon; Brompton. [672] Benedict of Peterborough. [673] Rigord; Benedict of Peterborough. [674] Rigord. [675] Vinesauf. [676] Ben. Abb. Peter.; R. Hovedon. [677] Rigord. [678] Rigordus states positively that Berengaria had arrived before the treaty was signed between Philip and Richard. Mills says, that Richard remained in Sicily after Philip’s departure, to wait for Berengaria; but Rigord lived at the time, and was one of the most diligent inquirers who have left us records of that age. The Branche des royaux Lignages makes Richard say to the King of France, “Sire vostre suer espousai William the Breton, also, who was afterward chaplain to Philip Augustus, represents Richard as saying, “Et jam juncta thoro est mihi Berengaria, regis [679] Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug.; Hovedon; Rymer. [680] Bernardus. [681] Various knights are mentioned by Bernard the Treasurer, as having signalized themselves greatly, both prior to the siege and after its commencement. One in particular, whom he calls the Green Knight, even raised the admiration of the Saracens to such a height that Saladin sent for him, and made him the most brilliant offers, in hopes of bringing him to join the Moslems. It is more than probable that this Green Knight was the famous Jacques d’Avesnes, and was so called from the colour of the cross which he wore. [682] Auteurs Arabes, rec. de Reinaud; Branche des loyaux Rignages; Rigord in vit. Phil. August. [683] Boha Eddin, rec. de Reinaud. [684] Brompton, A. D. 1191; Ben. Abb. Peterborough, 1191. [685] Hovedon; Ben. Abb. Peterborough. [686] Hovedon; Brompton; Will. Newb. [687] Boha Eddin; Walter Vinesauf; Hovedon; Benedict of Peterborough [688] Peterborough; Vinesauf; James, Cardinal of Vitry, lib. i. [689] Mills speaks of the conduct of Richard in the following terms: “The sanguinary and ungenerous Richard killed or cast overboard his defenceless enemies; or, with an avarice equally detestable, saved the commanders for the sake of their ransom.” That author, however, says not one word of the Saracens’ fighting under false colours, or of the horrible cargo which they carried in their ship, though he afterward himself alludes to the sufferings of the crusaders from the bites of reptiles. Is this historical justice? [690] Bernard the Treasurer. [691] Boha Eddin, rec. Hist. Arabes de Reinaud. [692] His name, literally translated, means the just king, the sword of the faith. From Saif Eddin the Christians composed the word Saphaddin, by which he is generally designated in the chronicles of the time. [693] Vinesauf; Hovedon. [694] Chron. St. Denis. [695] James of Vitry; Hovedon; Vinesauf; Ben. of Pet.; Bernard the Treasurer. [696] Rigord; William of Nangis; James of Vitry; Bernardus; Vinesauf; Hovedon. All these authors give different accounts of the numbers sacrificed. [697] Bernard the Treasurer affirms that Philip caused the prisoners to be executed; but most of the other historians agree, that this piece of cruelty was committed by Richard alone. [698] Rigord. [699] Bernard the Treasurer says, that the English king lodged in the house of the Templars, and that Philip Augustus occupied the citadel; “Le Roi de France ot le chastel d’Acre, et le fist garnir et le Roi d’Angleterre se herberja en la maison du Temple.” Most authorities, however, are opposed to this statement, declaring that Richard lodged in the palace, and Philip with the Templars. [700] Bernard the Treasurer; Rigord; William the Breton; Branche des royaux Lignages. [701] Rigord; Robert of Gloucester. [702] James of Vitry; Boha Eddin; Emad Eddin; Recueil de Reinaud. [703] Benedict of Peterborough. [704] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry, &c. [705] Hovedon; James of Vitry; Vinesauf. [706] Vinesauf; Boha Eddin. [707] Hovedon; Vinesauf. [708] James of Vitry; Trivet Annales. [709] Bernard the Treasurer. [710] James of Vitry. [711] This gentleman was taken prisoner, but was of course ransomed immediately by Richard. [712] Hovedon; Boha Eddin. [713] Vinesauf; James of Vitry. [714] Hovedon; William of Nangis, ann. 1192; Vinesauf. [715] For many years a horde of plunderers had been established in the mountains of Phoenicia, in the neighbourhood of Tortosa and Tripoli, who, in the end, obtained the name of Assassins, from the small dagger which was their only weapon, and which was called hassassin. Their religion was a corrupted species of Islamism, and their government a fanatical despotism. Their chief was called sometimes the Ancient, sometimes the Lord of the Mountains, and among the Christians he obtained the name of the Old Man of the Mountains. By working on the exciteable imaginations of an illiterate and fanatical race, the lords of this extraordinary tribe had obtained over them an influence unknown to any other power which was ever brought to sway the mind of man. The will of the Old Man of the Mountains was absolute law to each of his subjects. Whatever were his commands, whether to slay themselves or another, they asked no questions—paused not to consider of justice or injustice—but obeyed; and when sent to execute the will of their lord upon anyone, they followed their object with a keen sagacity and unalterable perseverance, that placed the life of each individual in the hands of their remorseless monarch. Nothing could turn them aside from the pursuit; no difficulties were too great for them to surmount; and when they had struck the victim, if they escaped, it was well; but if they were taken, they met torture and death with stoical firmness, feeling certain of the joys of Paradise as a compensation for their sufferings. The number of this tribe was about sixty thousand, all conscientious murderers, whom no danger would daunt, and no human consideration could deter. Such were the men who slew Conrad of Montferrat; and yet the French with the wild inconsistency of their national hatred, attributed the deed to Richard, who never found aught on earth that could induce him to cover his wrath when it was excited, or to stay him from the open pursuit of revenge, which was always as bold and unconcealed as it was fierce and evanescent. From this tribe we have derived the word assassin.—See James of Vitry; Matthew of Paris; William of Tyre; Ducange ou Joinville. [716] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry; William of Nangis. [717] Bernard; Vinesauf; Matthew Paris. [718] Little doubt can exist that one great cause of the abandonment of the crusade were the differences between Richard and the Duke of Burgundy. The Frenchman was jealous of the fame which the English king would have acquired by taking Jerusalem, and consequently took care that he should not effect that object. Such is the account given by Bernard the Treasurer—a Frenchman, who always showed a manifest tendency to exculpate his countrymen, whenever there existed a fair excuse. See the Chronicle in old French, published in the collection of Martenne and Durand. It was generally attributed to Hugh Plagon, but has since been proved to be the original of Bernard the Treasurer. [719] Vinesauf. [720] Hovedon; Vinesauf. [721] The French refused to march to the assistance of Jaffa. [722] Bernard the Treasurer. [723] Bernard the Treasurer. [724] The Queen Berengaria and Joan of Sicily left Acre on the 29th of September, previous to the departure of Richard, who set out on the 25th of October, 1192. After encountering a violent storm, which scattered his fleet and wrecked the greater number of his vessels, Richard, with his single ship, touched at Zara, where he landed, accompanied only by two priests and a few knights of the Temple, whose garb he had assumed. From Zara, Richard endeavoured to make his way through Germany in disguise, but in vain. The news of his journey had already spread; the unforgiving Archduke of Austria, whose banner he had trampled on at Acre, caused every road to be narrowly watched. One after another of his companions were sent away by the king, till at length, with a single squire, he arrived at a small town near Vienna; where, taking up his abode at a petty lodging, Richard despatched his follower for provisions. The squire was recognised by some of the spies of the archduke, and Richard was taken and cast into prison. The royal captive was speedily given into the hands of the emperor of Austria, who concerted with Philip Augustus the means of detaining him in secrecy. His confinement, nevertheless, was soon known in England, and means were used to discover his precise situation. General tradition gives the merit of having ascertained his lord’s prison to his favourite troubadour Blondel, or Blondiau; and we may be surely allowed to regret that no grave historian has confirmed the tale. However that may be, the place of the king’s confinement was discovered, and England began to cry loudly for justice from all Christendom. Knightly honour and religious feeling were invoked, and the infamy of detaining a traveller, a pilgrim, and a crusader was proclaimed with the loud and powerful voice of a people’s indignation. Henry at length felt himself obligated to yield some appearance of justice for detaining an independent monarch; and Richard was brought before the diet at Worms, where he was charged with imaginary crimes, the chief of which was the assassination of Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat. Had the least shadow of reason been left on the side of the emperor, Richard’s fate would have been sealed; but the English monarch defended himself with so much eloquence and justice, that no doubt remained on the minds of those who heard him, and his ransom was agreed upon at one hundred thousand marks of silver. This money was obtained with difficulty, and John and Philip strove to raise greater sums to tempt the cupidity of the emperor to retain the lion-hearted monarch. The avaricious Henry hesitated on their proposals, and thus was the liberty of the noble king of England set up to auction, till the Germanic body indignantly interfered, the ransom was paid, and Richard returned to England. [725] William of Nangis. [726] Rigord; William the Breton. [727] Will. of Nangis, ann. 1196. [728] James of Vitry. [729] Bernard the Treasurer. [730] Bernard; Will. of Nangis, ann. 1197. [731] James of Vitry. [732] Hovedon. [733] Fuller’s Holy War; Bernard the Treasurer. [734] James of Vitry; Bernard; Will. of Nangis; A. D. 1198. [735] Vertot; Bernard. [736] James of Vitry. [737] Bernard; A. D. 1205. [738] Sanut. cap. 3. [739] Hovedon. [740] The power of the orders of the Temple and the Hospital had, by this time, become immense. Riches flowed in upon riches, and donation was added to donation. In the year 1244, Matthew Paris declares the Templars possessed in Europe nine thousand manors, and the Hospitallers nineteen thousand. [741] A. D. 1210. [742] James, Cardinal de Vitry. [743] A. D. 1202. [744] Rigord. [745] Ducange; Villehardouin chronique. [746] Villehardouin. [747] Ducange, Hist. de Constantinople sous les FranÇais. [748] Vit. Innocent III. [749] Villehardouin. [750] Ducange. [751] Villehardouin. [752] Baronius; Gesta Innocent III. [753] Villehardouin. [754] Villehardouin; Ducange, Hist. de Constantinople sous les FranÇais. [755] Ducange, notes on Villehardouin. [756] Philip Mouskes. [757] Villehardouin. [758] It consisted of three hundred vessels of a large size, besides palanders and storeships. [759] November, 1202. [760] Gunther; Villehardouin. [761] Ducange; Villehardouin. [762] Alberic; A. D. 1202. [763] Villehardouin. [764] Ducange. [765] Villehardouin. [766] Ducange. [767] Gunther in Canisius. [768] Mills says, that Innocent issued decrees and bulls against the expedition to Constantinople, and founds his reasoning on a passage of Baluzius: but it is extremely probable that the anger of the Pope was a mere menace of the party opposed to the enterprise rather than an existing fact. Baluzius was not present any more than Ducange; and surely, for every thing where research is concerned, Ducange is the better authority of the two: yet Ducange makes no mention of the opposition of the Pope, and absolutely states that the legate counselled the attack on Constantinople. See Ducange, Hist. de Constantinople sous les Francais. Geoffroy de Villehardouin, who was not only present, but one of the chief actors in what he relates, speaks fully of the Pope’s wrath at the attack of Zara, but mentions no opposition to the enterprise against Constantinople, though that enterprise was in agitation at the time the deputies were sent to Rome. Philippe Mouskes, Bishop of Tournay, a contemporary, states that the first application of the young Prince Alexius to the crusaders was made by the advice of the Pope. [769] Villehardouin. [770] June, 1203. [771] Nicetas, lib. iii. cap. 5. [772] Villehardouin. [773] Ibid. [774] Dandolo, Chron.; Villehardouin. [775] Epist. Innocent III. [776] Villehardouin. [777] Ducange; Villehardouin; Nicetas. [778] Villehardouin. [779] Nicetas. [780] Ducange; Villehardouin. [781] Ibid. [782] Gest. Innoc. III. [783] Ducange. [784] Nicetas. [785] Villehardouin. [786] Nicetas. [787] Nicetas; Villehardouin; Gest. Innoc. III. [788] Villehardouin intimates that Murzuphlis put Alexius to death immediately after having seized the crown; and the Chronicle in the Rouchy dialect, No. 148, BibliothÉque de l’Arsenal, says, “Et ne demeura gaires aprÈs que Morcuffle estrangla le josne empereur Alexes en la prison.” [789] Nicetas. [790] Ducange; Villehardouin. [791] Villehardouin; Ducange. [792] Gunther; Ducange. [793] Villehardouin. [794] Ducange. [795] 2d April, 1204. [796] Nicetas. [797] Gest. Inn. iii. [798] Gunther; Villehardouin. [799] Villehardouin; Ducange. [800] Nicetas; Gunther. [801] Nicetas. [803] Nicetas. [804] Villehardouin; Ducange. [805] Villehardouin. [806] Nicetas; Ducange; Villehardouin; Alberic. [807] Ducange. [808] The cardinal legate invested Baldwin with the purple with his own hands, and Innocent confirmed, in all points but those of ecclesiastical government, the treaty by which the Venetians and the Franks had bound themselves. He also took the greatest interest in the new state, and wrote to all the prelates of France and Germany to support it by their preaching and influence. This may be added to other proofs, that Innocent never seriously opposed the expedition against the schismatic empire of the Greeks. The truth in all probability is, that he made a show of turning the crusaders from their purpose, both to preserve consistency and to afford room for any after-exertion of his authority that he might judge necessary: but that, at the same time, the cardinal legate very well understood that he was to promote the enterprise, and to be slightly blamed for it afterward, in order to screen his superior from the charge of that ambitious craving for which, however, he was notorious. It would be difficult to believe that Innocent, who triumphed over Philip Augustus, the greatest monarch of the day, and forced him to abandon his dearest wishes, would confine himself to idle threats, if he entertained any serious disinclination to the attack of Constantinople. [809] Reinaud rec. des Hist. Arabes. [810] Vertot. [811] Ducange. [812] Alberic. Mon. Trium Fontium. [813] Jacob. de Voragine; Albert Stadensis. [814] Albericus. [815] Jacob. de Voragine; Albert. Stadensis. [816] Gest. Innocent III: Labbe concil. Matthew Paris, A. D. 1213. [817] Chron. Godefrid Mon.; Bonfinius. [818] Bernard the Treasurer. [819] Jacob. Vitriae; Bernardus. [820] Bernardus. [821] Mere restlessness is stated by Mills to have been the cause of Andrew’s abandonment of the enterprise, but this was any thing but the case. Andrew, it is true, was of a weak and unstable character; but there were far too many dissensions in Hungary, and tragic horrors in his own family, to permit of his remaining in Palestine without total ruin to himself and his dominions.—See Bonfinius. [822] Godefrid. Moc.; James of Vitry. [823] Bernardus; James of Vitry. [824] Matthew Paris. [825] The whole of the siege of Damietta, and the events that followed, I have taken from James of Vitry and the old French of Bernard the Treasurer, with the Recueil des Hist. Arabes. [826] James of Vitry, Bernard the Treasurer. [827] This pestilence seems to have been somewhat like the sea scurvy. It was not at all confined to the city, though it raged more furiously within the walls. Nevertheless, many of the soldiers of the Cross were attacked by it. James of Vitry, describing its effects, says, “A sudden pain took possession of the feet and legs: soon after, the gums and the teeth became affected with a sort of gangrene, and the sick persons were not able to eat: then, the bones of the legs became horribly black; and thus, after having suffered long torments, during which they showed much patience a great number of Christians went to repose in the bosom of the Lord.” [828] James of Vitry; Bernardus. [829] Recueil des Hist. Arabes; Matthew Paris; Bernard the Treasurer. [830] Bernard. [831] Matthew Paris. [832] Matthew Paris, ad. ann. 1228. [833] Bernardus. [834] Rainaldus; Sanut.; William of Nangis, 1232. [835] Bernard the Treasurer; Cont. of William of Tyre. [836] For some curious particulars concerning the disputes between the emperor and the Templars, see the old French of Bernard the Treasurer. [837] Bernard. [838] This story is doubtful. Matthew Paris says, that the Templars and Hospitallers gave information to the sultaun that Frederic would, on a certain day, make a pilgrimage to bathe in the River Jordan. It was not at all likely, however, that two Orders which were always at enmity should unite for such a purpose. [839] Matthew Paris, ann. 1229. [840] There were many motives which induced Frederic to return to Europe besides disgust at the ungrateful conduct of the Syrian Christians. The Pope, not content with using the spiritual sword against him, had unsheathed the temporal one, and was waging a furious war against the imperial lieutenant in Italy. It would seem a strange fact that John of Brienne, ex-king of Jerusalem, and father-in-law of the emperor, was in command of the papal forces which ravaged his son-in-law’s territories, had we not good reason to believe that Frederic’s conduct to Violante (who was now dead) had been of a nature that so chivalrous a man as John of Brienne was not likely to pass unnoticed, when his daughter was the sufferer. However, it is but just to remark that the reason why his crusade did not entirely restore the Holy Land to the dominion of the Christians, is to be found in the vindictive and unchristian enmity of Pope Gregory IX. towards the Emperor Frederic. [841] Matthew Paris. [842] Sanutus. [843] Regist. Greg. Noni, Vertot Preuves. [844] Matthew Paris, 1237. [845] Matthew Paris; Sanutus. [846] Sanutus, lib. iii. page 216. [847] The Emir of Karac was but a dependant of the Sultaun of Damascus. [848] Matthew Paris; LitterÆ Comit. Richardi. [849] Sanutus; Vertot. [850] BibliothÉque Oriental; Joinville; Ducange; Sanutus, 217; Continuation of William of Tyre. [851] Joinville; Matthew Paris; Bernard in Martenne. [852] Joinville; Matthew Paris; Epist. Fred. Imper. [853] Ducange; Joinville; Bernard. [854] Bernard; Joinville, Matthew Paris. [855] The whole of these events are extremely obscure in history. I have followed Joinville more than any other author, because I find his account more clear and satisfactory. Ducange’s valuable notes have greatly aided me; but even that indefatigable investigator has not been able to arrive at precise certainty. The accounts in Matthew Paris do not well harmonize with those of persons who had more immediate means of information. Vincent of Beauvais states, that the Corasmins were finally exterminated, not in a battle, but in separate bodies by the peasantry. Their whole number seems to have been about twenty thousand men. Bernard the Treasurer, in Martenne, corroborates the statement of Vincent of Beauvais. [856] Joinville; Bernard in Martenne; Guillaume Guiart. [857] Matthew Paris; Joinville. [858] Joinville. [859] Guillaume Guiart; Joinville. [860] Joinville; Branche des royaux Lignages. [861] Joinville. [862] Joinville; Guillaume Guiart; Ducange. [863] Joinville; Ducange, Guillaume Guiart. [865] Ducange; Joinville; Guillaume Guiart. [866] A. D. 1254. [867] A. D. 1270. [868] Joinville. [869] Guillaume Guiart. [870] Joinville. [871] Branche des royaux et Lignages; Sermon de Robert de Saincereaux. [872] Charles, King of Sicily, was brother to St. Louis. [873] Guillaume Guiart; William of Nangis. [874] Hemingford; Langtoft; Matthew Paris, continuation. [875] The popular version of this story is, that Eleonora, the wife of the prince, who had accompanied him to Palestine, sucked the poison from the wound, at the risk of her own life. Camden sanctions this account. [876] Hemingford; Langtoft. [877] Villani; Vet. Script.; Bernard, old French. [878] Martenne; Villani. [879] Martenne, Vet. Script.; Villani; Sanutus. [880] Raynouard. [881] For the history of the Templars, see Raynouard and Du Puy, Vertot, William of Nangis, Historia Templariorum, &c. Almost all the modern writers are more or less in favour of the Templars, while every contemporary authority condemns them. As to Mills’s assertion, that they were loyal and virtuous, it is perfectly untenable. All the historians of the Holy Land, many of whom died while the Templars were at the height of their power, declare that they were a corrupt, proud, perfidious body. Mills himself shows that such was the opinion entertained of them by the Saracens; and all the general letters of the popes accuse them of manifold vices and depravities. [882] Vertot. [883] Will. of Nangis. [884] Vertot. [885] He was afterward pardoned when the sultaun’s wrath had abated but Soliman would never see him more. [886] Vertot. [887] Watson; Vertot; Nic. Villagagnon. [888] Vertot; Com. de Bel. Mel. [889] Vertot; Com. de Bel. Mel. Nic. Villag.; Watson. [890] Watson; Vertot; Com. [891] Vertot. [892] Jouvencel; Ordre de Chevalerie; Fabliaux de le Grand d’Aussi; Chevalier de la Tour; Notes on St. Palaye. [893] Froissart, chap. 290. [894] Ibid. chap. 329. [895] Alain Chartier Le Grand. [896] La Colombiere Theatre. |
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