The very curious incident related in the following narrative took place nearly a hundred years ago, and, as men’s memories are short, and the whole affair reads like fiction—and very improbable and imaginative fiction—it may be as well to write a few lines of introduction, and to give my authorities for the facts mentioned in the story.

In the first place, the evidence of persons who had witnessed the landing, and who recollected it perfectly, and who have told the story to me—I have met many such in the course of my life, as my home was within sight of Fishguard Head. Probably the last of these eye-witnesses was the old woman who died a short time ago—on February 8, 1891. Her demise was announced by the Pembrokeshire papers as “The Death of a Pembrokeshire Centenarian.”

The death occurred on Sunday morning at the Dyffryn Cottages, near Fishguard, of Eleanor (Nelly) Phillips at the age of 103. Her age is pretty accurately fixed by a statement she was wont to make, that she was nine years old when the French landed at Fishguard. She was a spinster, and had been bedridden for eight years. When a mere girl she was in service at Kilshawe, near Fishguard, and was driving cows from a field when the French frigates appeared off the coast in 1797.

In the second place, the following books and pamphlets:—Fenton’s “Pembrokeshire,” pp. 10, 11, and 12.

“The Book of South Wales,” by C. F. Cliffe, p. 251.

A curious and scarce pamphlet, written by Williams of Crachenllwyd, a place near St. David’s; he was the farmer who sent his servant to give the alarm. The pamphlet was called “The Landing of the French,” and was, I believe, printed at Haverfordwest.

“The Red Dragon,” 1885. Western Mail Office, Cardiff.

“An Authentic Account of the Invasion of the French Troops (under the command of General Tate) on Carrig Gwasted Point, near Fishguard, Wednesday, the 22nd day of February, 1797, and their Surrender to the Forces of His Britannic Majesty on Goodwick Sands, on Friday, the 24th of February; likewise some occurrences connected therewith: never before published. Haverfordwest: Joseph Potter, printer, High Street, 1842.” This pamphlet was written by H. L. ap Gwilym—and was signed as correct by two eye-witnesses, Fishguard Fencible men, Peter Davies and Owen Griffith.

Laws, “Little England beyond Wales,” p. 367.

I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Leach, the editor of the Tenby Observer, for many particulars, and especially for information as to how the news was conveyed to England. He found the following entry in the overseer’s accounts for the borough of Tenby:—

“Thursday, Feb. 23, 1797. Cash paid by Mr. Mayor’s order to John Upcoat, for going out to the Road for a skiff to go over to the English side to give information concerning the landing of about 1,400 French Troops at Fishguard in the County, who on the next day surrendered themselves up to the Welsh etc., that went to oppose them as prisoners of war, and were marched accordingly by Saturday 25th to Haverfordwest. . . 1s.”

This entry could not have been entirely made on Feb. 23rd, unless the worthy overseer had the gift of prophecy.

The messenger probably came on to Tenby from Stackpole, where he aroused Lord Cawdor with the tidings in the middle of Wednesday night. The news conveyed by John Upcoat must have been taken across the Channel to Somersetshire and thence to London; the manner of proceeding at the fin de siÈcle of the eighteenth century contrasts amusingly with the rapidity of the nineteenth, but possibly our time will be scoffed at and considered slow by the twentieth.

The European Magazine of the period gives the names of the vessels: La RÉsistance, commanded by Monsieur Montague, 40 guns, eighteen pounders on her main deck, 345 men. The other frigate La Constance, commanded by Monsieur Desauny, mounted 24 nine-pounders on her main deck, with 189 men. [14]

One of the frigates and the corvette were eventually captured off Brest by the St. Fiorenzo frigate (Captain Sir H. B. Neale, Bart.) and the La Nymphe (Captain J. Cooke), who took them both into Portsmouth, where the frigate was repaired and rechristened the Fisgard, presumably the French pronunciation of Fishguard, and was until quite lately the receiving ship at Sheerness. The other frigate and the lugger managed to get safely into Brest.

The officers present at the council of war held at the “Royal Oak,” Fishguard, were the Lord-Lieutenant of the county, Lord Milford (who from age and infirmity had given up the command of the troops to Lord Cawdor), Lord Cawdor, Colonel Knox, Colonel Colby, Major Ackland, Colonel Dan. Vaughan, Colonel James, Colonel George Vaughan, the governor of Fishguard Fort, and other gentlemen. The troops consisted of the Castle Martin Yeomanry Cavalry, the Cardiganshire Militia, the Cardiff Militia (which was then stationed in Pembrokeshire), some Fencible infantry, and a few sailors under Lieutenants Mears and Perkins, in all 750 men.

The letters that passed between General Tate and Lord Cawdor are given in the narrative, but the following letters from Lord Milford and Lord Cawdor to the Duke of Portland, Secretary of State for the Home Department, may be found interesting:—

From Lord Milford.

“Haverfordwest,

“February 26, 1797, Six o’clock A.M.

“Since I had the honour of writing last to your Grace by express I received information of the French ships having sailed and left 300 men behind, who have surrendered themselves prisoners. The great spirit and loyalty that the gentlemen and peasantry has shown on this occasion exceeds description. Many thousands of the latter assembled, armed with pikes and scythes, and attacked the enemy previous to the arrival of troops that were sent against them.”

“Haverfordwest,

“February 24, Nine o’clock P.M.

“I have the honour and pleasure to inform your Grace that the whole of the French troops, amounting to near fourteen hundred men, have surrendered, and are now on their march to Haverfordwest. I have taken the first opportunity of announcing the good news to your Grace, and shall have the honour of writing again to your Grace by tomorrow’s post.”

The following letter was written by Lord Cawdor to the Duke of Portland:—

“Fishguard,

“Friday, February 24, 1797.

“My Lord,—In consequence of having received information on Wednesday night, at eleven o’clock, that three large ships of war and a lugger had anchored in a small roadstead upon the coast, in the neighbourhood of this town, I proceeded immediately with a detachment of the Cardiganshire Militia and all the provincial force I could collect to the place. I soon gained positive intelligence they had disembarked about 1,200 men, but no cannon. Upon the night setting in a French officer, whom I found to be second in command, came in with a letter (a copy of which I sent your Grace, together with my answer), [18] in consequence of which they determined to surrender themselves prisoners of war, and, accordingly, laid down their arms this day at two o’clock. I cannot, at this moment, inform your Grace the exact number of prisoners, but I believe it to be their whole force. It is my intention to march them this night to Haverfordwest, where I shall make the best distribution in my power. The frigates, corvette, and lugger got under weigh yesterday evening, and were this morning entirely out of sight. The fatigue we experienced will, I trust, excuse me to your Grace for not giving a more particular detail; but my anxiety to do justice to the officers and men I had the honour to command, will induce me to attend your Grace with as little delay as possible, to state their merits and, at the same time, to give you every information in my power on this subject. The spirit and loyalty which has pervaded all ranks throughout the country is infinitely beyond what I can express.

“I am, &c.,
“Cawdor.”

Stand of Arms in Tenby Museum

Lord Cawdor’s “distribution” took the form of placing 700 men in the beautiful old church of St. Mary’s (which they greatly injured), 500 in the Town Hall, and the remainder in the store-houses of Haverfordwest. The officers were allowed out on parole, and one of them showed scant respect for his word of honour, for he was discovered at a silversmith’s trying to barter an old silver cup for coin of the realm, with which doubtless to escape to France. There were some letters on the cup which he chose to decipher as “La VendÉe”; they turned out on inspection to be “Llanwnda,” from which church the chalice had been stolen, and where it was at once returned, while the officer was transferred from the “Castle Hotel” to the Castle jail—a very different place.

A number of the prisoners were shortly after sent on to Carmarthen and to Pembroke, where the romantic episode of the escape from the Golden Prison occurred exactly as given in the narrative. The arms and ammunition taken from the French filled fifty-five carts; their muskets were the ordinary weapon of the period, with flint locks, barrels 3ft. 7in., whole length 4ft. 10in., weight 9¾lbs. Lord Cawdor presented two of these muskets to the Tenby Museum, and Mr. Mathias gave a short sword and scabbard. On each side of the sword are represented sun, moon, and stars, with the inscription Cassaguard, Fourbisseur du Roy, Nantes. There are half-a-dozen cannonballs—nine pounders—at the house of Eleanor Rees, of Goodwick, which were given to her father by the French—a curious toy for a small boy of two or three years of age. The invaders seem to have been very kind to this young Taffy, nursed him on their knees, and made much of him, and finally presented him with this strange gage d’amour. He was probably a plucky little fellow, for he grew into a brave man, and was awarded a medal for having at various times saved many lives, going out in his own boat to shipwrecked vessels and rescuing the crews—when the Lady Kenmare foundered he saved, among others, two ladies and some children, bringing them through a tremendous sea, “in their night-dresses, as wet as sops,” the narrator added.Most of the prisoners were finally sent back to France, when it was discovered what manner of men they were. Lord Cawdor took General Tate and some of the other officers to London, whence they were consigned to Dartmoor. This personally-conducted journey through England was not without peril. The people were greatly incensed against the French, and were quite ready to carry out Lynch law on these unhappy men, and in the excitement of the moment a mob does not always discriminate between its friends and its foes. It was fortunate for Tate and his fellows, and still more fortunate for Pembrokeshire, that the conduct of the whole affair from first to last was in such able and determined hands as those of Lord Cawdor. A letter from him to Lady Cawdor (hitherto unpublished, and for which I am indebted to Mr. Laws), gives a very vivid account of this journey.

“Oxford Street,

“Monday morn, March 13, 1797.

“I have at length the satisfaction of an hour’s time free from interruption to give you a short account of our employment, etc., since I quitted you, but shall reserve much of the detail for your amusement when we meet, a moment I ardently long for. Near Tavern Spite I met a messenger, with the D. of Portland’s despatches to me signifying the King’s approbation of my conduct, which probably General Rooke has shown you, accompanied also by a handsome and flattering private letter from the Duke. Upon my arrival at Carmarthen I immediately sent off the messenger with my letters, and finding the impossibility of procuring horses until the following morn was in the expectation of getting a quiet night, having procured a bed at a private house; but an alarm of a fire in the town joined to confusion created by the report of a landing in great force in Glamorganshire, which I knew must have no foundation, prevented my obtaining sleep for one moment. Early in the morn we left Carmarthen, with three chaises; in the first, Joe Adams had charge of Tate and Captain Tyrell, the first alarmed and confused, the second a stupid Paddy. I had Le Brun with me, as dirty as a pig, but more intelligent and better manners; in the last, Lord E. Somerset had the care of Captain Norris and Lieutenant St. Leger, both greatly frightened, they had but little conversation. The whole road we passed through great crowds of people at all the places were (sic) we changed horses, and thro’ Wales tho’ the indignation of the people was great, I found my influence would protect them without difficulty. The women were more clamorous than the men, making signs to cut their throats, and desiring I would not take the trouble of carrying them further. All the military assistance I could get at Oxford as a guard for the night was a sergeant of your friend and landlord, and two recruits, but I had no apprehension of their escape as their remain (sic) with us was the only thing that ensured their safety. At Uxbridge the rage of the mob was chiefly directed against Tate, who was supposed to be Wall, and he trembled almost to convulsions, by a little arrangement I contrived to bring them quiet through the parks, and lodged them in the Duke of Portland’s before any crowd was assembled. My time since that moment has been taken up with attendance at the different offices, etc., and ministers are so bewildered by the difficulties at the Bank, etc., that it is more than usually difficult to get access to them for any time, but I have seen them all and stated to them plainly and decidedly, the situation of Pembroke, etc., giving every testimony in my power. The weather is extremely cold, the town I hear dull and unpleasant, everybody I have seen much interested about you, Mrs. Wodehouse . . . and desires her love. Joe his respects.”

[No signature.]

Having disposed of the rank and file of the expedition, there comes the natural question, what was its raison d’Étre? Some persons think it was merely a fine stroke of political economy on the part of the French Government, for a considerable number of the men were convicts, and to have them killed or imprisoned at the expense of the English would undoubtedly have been a good financial arrangement; but the biography of Lazare Hoche [26] proves that a much larger idea than this was in the mind of the originator of the invasion. He was a successful general and an ambitious man, and his imagination was fired by the prowess of Napoleon:—“La France couvrait alors ses frontiÈres de jeunes rÉpubliques, et Bonaparte saisissait les imaginations par ses merveilleux exploits en Italie. Hoche, retenu par les pÉnibles soins de la pacification de l’Ouest, avait suivi de son ardente pensÉe le vainqueur d’Arcole À travers, tous ses champs de victoire: ‘Glorieux jeune homme, s’Écriait-il en se frappant le front,’ que je te porte envie! Il brÛlait de faire d’aussi grandes choses, et de trouver un champ de gloire digne de son gÉnie; il projetait donc de rÉvolutionner l’Irlande, de la transformer en rÉpublique; puis de passer en Angleterre et de la frapper au coeur. Il fit adopter son projet par le gouvernement qui, aprÊs s’Être concertÉ avec les chefs des rÉvolutionnaires irlandais, prÉpara À Brest une grande expÉdition dont Hoche eut le commandement. . . Hoche y joignit deux lÉgions, qu’il nomma lÉgions des Francs: il composa la premiÈre des officiers et des soldats les plus rÉsolus, audacieux jusqu’ À la tÉmÉritÉ; il forma la seconde, il faut le dire, d’ÉlÉments indignes, et c’est un reproche pour sa mÉmoire. DÉtestant l’Angleterre, partageant de tristes prejujÉs et regardant, en haine du gouvernement britannique, le peuple anglais comme le suppÔt de ministres perfides et d’une odieuse aristocratie, tous les moyens lui semblaient permis pour abaisser et pour dÉsoler cette fiÈre nation: il agit en consÉquence et fit entrer dans cette seconde lÉgion tout ce qu’il put ramasser de gens perdus, de bandits et de massacreurs, et il la mit sous le commandement d’un chef Étranger connu par sa sauvage Énergie. Cette lÉgion devait aborder en Angleterre pour abuser l’ennemi sur la vÉritable destination de l’escadre portant le corps expeditionnaire: elle eut l’ordre de dÉbarquer À l’embouchure de la Saverne, de se porter de nuit sur Bristol, d’incendier cette ville et de semer la devastation dans les campagnes environnantes; puis de se rembarquer pour jeter plusieurs dÉtachements sur diffÉrents points du littoral en portant partout la mort, le ravage et l’incendie, attirant ainsi sur elle et retenant en Angleterre une partie considÉrable des forces britanniques, tandis que l’expÉdition cinglerait viers la cÔte irlandaise.”

In the appendix of the same work we find the source from which Hoche compiled his instructions.

“Note D.

“Extrait du projet de Carnot pour l’organisation d’une chouaunnerie en Angleterre, et dans lequel Hoche puisa les instructions donnÉes par lui À la seconde lÉgion des Francs.“Les hommes employÉs À cette expÉdition devront Être, autant que faire se pourra, jeunes, robustes, audacieux, d’une Âme accessible À l’appÂt du butin.

“Il faut qu’À l’exemple de ce que faisaient les filibustiers dans les Antilles, ils sachent porter, au milieu de leurs ennemis, l’Épouvante et la mort.

* * * * *

“On pourrait incorporer dans ces troupes les condamnÉs par jugement aux fers ou À la chaine en qui l’on reconnaÎtrait les dispositions physiques et morales requises pour les individus employÉs À cette expÉdition. On assurerait À ces individus la possession du butin qu’ils feraient. On leur en promettrait la jouissance tranquille dans quelques-unes de nos colonies. Il faudrait en outre faire espÉrer aux condamnÉs la rÉmission de leurs peines, en rÉcompense des services qu’ils auraient rendus À la patrie.“Le premier noyau de ces hommes, au nombre d’environ deux mille, serait organisÉ en compagnies d’environ cinquante hommes chacune, qui auraient leurs officiers et seraient subordonnÉs À un chef unique chargÉ de l’ensemble des opÉrations. Ce chef serait investi d’une trÈs-grande autoritÉ.

* * * * *

“Il ne faut pas perdre de vue qu’une expÉdition tentÉe d’abord avec aussi peu de monde ne peut rÉussir que par des moyens extraordinaires.

“Il ne faut point de grands approvisionnements en effets d’habillement: les ressources de la troupe seront dans son courage et dans ses armes.

* * * * *

“Il faut que le dÉbarquement se fasse sur plusieurs points de la cÔte, soit parce que la dÉsolation et la terreur portÉes dans une grande Étendue de terrain multiplieront aux yeux de nos ennemis la quantitÉ de nos forces, soit parce que les moyens de subsistance en seront plus faciles.

“En arrivant, les chefs s’annonceront, eux et leurs soldats, comme vengeurs de la libertÉ et ennemis des tyrans.

* * * * *

“Il faut que la troupe jure querre aux chÂteaux et paix aux chaumiÈres, et que sa conduite, surtout au dÉbut, soit conforme À cette dÉclaration.

“A mesure qu’ils avanceront, ils ouvriront les prisons, recruteront les dÉtenus, les incorporeront: ils appelleront les ouvriers, les indigents, les mÉcontents, À faire cause commune avec eux, leur prÉsenteront des armes, des subsistances; leur offriront l’appÂt du butin. Ils briseront toutes les voitures.

* * * * *

“Il faut poursuivre l’ennemi À outrance quand il est battu, et ne point faire quartier aux prisonniers.“Il faut rompre les ponts, couper les communications, arrÊter et piller les voitures publiques, brÛler tout ce qui appartient À la marine . . . sommer les communes de rendre leurs armes; exÉcuter militairement celles qui resisteraient.”

Mr. Laws has kindly shown me an “Authentic Copy of the Instructions given by General Hoche to the American officer, Colonel Tate, who commanded the men employed in the French Invasion of South Wales in 1797.” It commences thus:—

“There will be placed under the command of Colonel Tate a body of troops completely organised to the number of one thousand and fifty, all resolute, determined men, with whom he may undertake anything. They are to be called ‘La Seconde LÉgion des Francs.’

“The legion is completely armed; he will be likewise furnished with fast-going vessels with which he is to proceed before, with, or after the squadron; the vessels will be victualled for the passage, but the legion will bring on shore nothing but their ammunition, which is to be musquet cartridges.

“Colonel Tate is to have command in chief of the legion; the Admiral will give the necessary orders to the officer commanding the naval force, which will proceed up St. George’s Channel, and the landing is to be effected, if possible, in or near Cardigan Bay.”

The instructions then give directions that the expedition should make a feint of landing in Somersetshire, as was afterwards done; and the most minute and careful suggestions are made on the primary object of securing the co-operation of the Welsh people—General Hoche remarks that the poor are the most easy to rouse, as hunger makes people discontented. His followers, however, hardly carried out this truism in the way he intended; they devoured everything they could lay their hands on, and certainly succeeded in rousing the peasantry, but not exactly to co-operation. The loyalty of the people must have been an unpleasant surprise to the framers of the expedition.

It appears from the directions that two other legions were to have simultaneously invaded the counties of Northumberland, Durham, and York; these latter, however, never put in an appearance. The primary object to be attained by the Second Legion was the destruction of Bristol and Liverpool. On reaching Severn Sea should the former prove impracticable, then the legion was to land in Cardigan Bay, and march through Wales to Chester and Liverpool.

These instructions are taken from a pamphlet printed for J. Wright, 169, Piccadilly (1798), the text of which is copied from attested transcripts of the original documents. The instructions continue:—

“The expedition under the command of Colonel Tate has in view three principal objects. The first is, if possible, to raise an insurrection in the country. The second is to interrupt and embarrass the commerce of the enemy. The third is to prepare and facilitate the way for a descent by distracting the attention of the English Government.” [36]

There is no doubt that the frigates did go up the Channel as far as Ilfracombe, causing consternation among the small craft, and great excitement on shore. They proceeded as far as Ilfracombe, where they scuttled some merchantmen. A letter is extant written by the town authorities to the Home Secretary. The volunteer regiments were on the alert, and a considerable force was quickly mustered, which was possibly the reason that the French did not land in Somersetshire, but returning down the Channel made without any delay for the north coast of Pembrokeshire.

As has been seen, the local regiments here were no less brisk than their Somersetshire fellows. The Castle Martin Yeomanry Cavalry now carry “Fishguard” on their standard as well as upon the sabretaches of the officers, and upon the pouches of the troopers, a distinction granted to them in 1853, when the following letter was written by Lord Palmerston to Sir John Owen.

“Whitehall, May 18, 1853.

“Sir,—I have had the honour to lay before the Queen the memorial of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates of the Castle Martin Yeomanry Cavalry (which you transmitted to me), and I have the satisfaction to inform you that Her Majesty is graciously pleased to approve of the corps bearing the word ‘Fishguard’ on their standard and appointments.

“I have the honour to be, sir,
“Your obedient servant,
“Palmerston.

“Sir John Owen, Bart., M.P.”

It is satisfactory to state that the Castle Martin Yeomanry Cavalry still maintains its reputation for efficiency and smartness, its team of ten men having won the inter-regimental challenge cup, and proved themselves the best shots among the forty competing yeomanry regiments in 1890, Corporal Williams, of St. Florence, having made the highest score of any yeoman in the kingdom. Thus giving us—the inhabitants of Pembrokeshire—the satisfactory assurance that, should invaders land on our coast now, they would meet with at least as warm a reception as they did a hundred years ago. And this suggests the idea that, in this age of centenaries, this strange occurrence should not be forgotten, but that in 1897 the landing of the French at Fishguard should be duly celebrated.