Emperor of Hindustan Jahangir

By the boundless favour of Allah, when one sidereal hour of Thursday, Jumada-s?-s?ani 20th, A.H. 1014 (October 24th, 1605), had passed, I ascended the royal throne in the capital of Agra, in the 38th year of my age.1

Till he was 28 years old, no child of my father had lived, and he was continually praying for the survival of a son to dervishes and recluses, by whom spiritual approach to the throne of Allah is obtained. As the great master, K?hwaja Mu?inu-d-din Chis?hti, was the fountain-head of most of the saints of India, he considered that in order to obtain this object he should have recourse to his blessed threshold, and resolved within himself that if Almighty God should bestow a son on him he would, by way of complete humility, go on foot from Agra to his blessed mausoleum, a distance of 140 kos. In A.H. 977, on Wednesday, 17th Rabi?u-l-awwal (August 31st, 1569), when seven g?hari of the aforesaid day had passed, when Libra (Mizan) had risen to the 24th degree, God Almighty brought me into existence from the hiding-place of nothingness. At the time when my venerated father was on the outlook for a son, a dervish of the name of S?haik?h Salim, a man of ecstatic condition, who had traversed many of the stages of life, had his abode on a hill near Sikri, one of the villages of Agra, and the people of that neighbourhood had complete trust in him. As my father was very submissive to dervishes, he also visited him. One day, when waiting on him and in a state of distraction, he asked him how many sons he should have. The S?haik?h replied, “The Giver who gives without being asked will bestow three sons on you.” My father said, “I have made a vow that, casting my first son on the skirt of your favour, I will make your friendship and kindness his protector and preserver.” The S?haik?h accepted this idea, and said, “I congratulate you, and I will give him my own name.” When my mother came near the time of her delivery, he (Akbar) sent her to the S?haik?h’s house that I might be born there. After my birth they gave me the name of Sultan Salim, but I never heard my father, whether in his cups or in his sober moments, call me Muh?ammad Salim or Sultan Salim, but always S?haik?hu Baba. My revered father, considering the village of Sikri, which was the place of my birth, lucky for him, made it his capital. In the course of fourteen or fifteen years that hill, full of wild beasts, became a city containing all kinds of gardens and buildings, and lofty, elegant edifices and pleasant places, attractive to the heart. After the conquest of Gujarat this village was named Fath?pur. When I became king it occurred to me to change my name, because this resembled that of the Emperor of Rum. An inspiration from the hidden world brought it into my mind that, inasmuch as the business of kings is the controlling of the world, I should give myself the name of Jahangir (World-seizer) and make my title of honour (laqab) Nuru-d-din, inasmuch as my sitting on the throne coincided with the rising and shining on the earth of the great light (the Sun). I had also heard, in the days when I was a prince, from Indian sages, that after the expiration of the reign and life of King Jalalu-d-din Akbar one named Nuru-d-din would be administrator of the affairs of the State. Therefore I gave myself the name and appellation of Nuru-d-din Jahangir Pads?hah. As this great event took place in Agra, it is necessary that some account of that city should be given.

Agra is one of the grand old cities of Hindustan. It had formerly an old fort on the bank of the Jumna, but this my father threw down before my birth, and he founded a fort of cut red stone, the like of which those who have travelled over the world cannot point out. It was completed in the space of fifteen or sixteen years. It had four gates and two sally-ports, and its cost was 35 lakhs of rupees, equal to 115,000 toman of current Persian coinage and to 10,500,000 k?hani according to the Turan reckoning. The habitable part of the city extends on both sides of the river. On its west side, which has the greater population, its circumference is seven kos and its breadth is one kos. The circumference of the inhabited part on the other side of the water, the side towards the east, is 2½ kos, its length being one kos and its breadth half a kos. But in the number of its buildings it is equal to several cities of ?Iraq, K?hurasan, and Mawara?a-n-nahr (Transoxiana) put together. Many persons have erected buildings of three or four storeys in it. The mass of people is so great, that moving about in the lanes and bazars is difficult. It is on the boundary of the second climate. On its east is the province of Qanauj; on the west, Nagor; on the north, Sambhal; and on the south, Chanderi.

It is written in the books of the Hindus that the source of the Jumna is in a hill of the name of Kalind,2 which men cannot reach because of the excessive cold. The apparent source is a hill near the pargana of K?hiz?rabad.

The air of Agra is warm and dry; physicians say that it depresses the spirits (ruh?ra ba tah?lil mibarad) and induces weakness. It is unsuited to most temperaments, except to the phlegmatic and melancholy, which are safe from its bad effects. For this reason animals of this constitution and temperament, such as the elephant, the buffalo, and others, thrive in its climate.

Before the rule of the Lodi Afghans, Agra was a great and populous place, and had a castle described by Mas?ud b. Sa?d b. Salman in the ode (qa?ida) which he wrote in praise of Mah?mud, son of Sultan Ibrahim, son of Mas?ud, son of Sultan Mah?mud of G?hazni, on the capture of the castle—

“The fort of Agra appeared in the midst of the dust

Like a mountain, and its battlements like peaks.”3

When Sikandar Lodi designed to take Gwalior he came to Agra from Delhi, which was the capital of the Sultans of India, and settled down there. From that date the population and prosperity of Agra increased, and it became the capital of the Sultans of Delhi. When God Almighty bestowed the rule of India on this illustrious family, the late king, Babar, after the defeat of Ibrahim, the son of Sikandar Lodi, and his being killed, and after his victory over Rana Sanga, who was the chief of the Rajas of Hindustan, established on the east side of the Jumna, on improved land, a garden (charbag?h) which few places equal in beauty. He gave it the name of Gul-afs?han (Flower-scatterer), and erected in it a small building of cut red stone, and having completed a mosque on one side of it he intended to make a lofty building, but time failed him and his design was never carried into execution.

In these Memoirs, whenever ?ah?ib qirani is written it refers to Amir Timur Gurgan; and whenever Firdus-makani is mentioned, to Babar Pads?hah; when Jannat-as?hyani is used, to Humayun Pads?hah; and when ?Ars?h-as?hyani is employed, to my revered father, Jalalu-d-din Muh?ammad Akbar Pads?hah G?hazi.

Melons, mangoes, and other fruits grow well in Agra and its neighbourhood. Of all fruits I am very fond of mangoes. In the reign of my father (?Ars?h-as?hyani) many fruits of other countries, which till then were not to be had in India, were obtained there. Several sorts of grapes, such as the ?ah?ibi and the h?abs?hi4 and the kis?hmis?hi, became common in several towns; for instance, in the bazars of Lahore every kind and variety that may be desired can be had in the grape season. Among fruits, one which they call ananas (pineapple), which is grown in the Frank ports,5 is of excessive fragrance and fine flavour. Many thousands are produced every year now in the Gul-afs?han garden at Agra.

From the excellencies of its sweet-scented flowers one may prefer the fragrances of India to those of the flowers of the whole world. It has many such that nothing in the whole world can be compared to them. The first is the champa (Michelia champaca), which is a flower of exceedingly sweet fragrance; it has the shape of the saffron-flower, but is yellow inclining to white. The tree is very symmetrical and large, full of branches and leaves, and is shady. When in flower one tree will perfume a garden. Surpassing this is the keo?a6 flower (Pandanus odoratissimus). Its shape and appearance are singular, and its scent is so strong and penetrating that it does not yield to the odour of musk. Another is the rae bel,7 which in scent resembles white jessamine. Its flowers are double and treble (?). Another is the mulsari8 (Mimusops Elengi). This tree, too, is very graceful and symmetrical, and is shady. The scent of its flowers is very pleasant. Another is the ketaki9 (Pandanus ?), which is of the nature of the keo?a, but the latter is thorny, whereas the ketki has no thorns. Moreover, the ketki is yellowish, whereas the keo?a is white. From these two flowers and also from the chambeli10 (Jasminum grandiflorum), which is the white jessamine of wilayat (Persia or Afghanistan), they extract sweet-scented oils. There are other flowers too numerous to mention. Of trees there are the cypress (sarw), the pine (sanubar), the chanar (Platanus orientalis), the white poplar (safidar, Populus alba), and the bid mulla (willow), which they had formerly never thought of in Hindustan, but are now plentiful. The sandal-tree, which once was peculiar to the islands (i.e., Java, Sumatra, etc.), also flourishes in the gardens.

The inhabitants of Agra exert themselves greatly in the acquirement of crafts and the search after learning. Various professors of every religion and creed have taken up their abode in the city.

After my accession, the first order that I gave was for the fastening up of the Chain of Justice, so that if those engaged in the administration of justice should delay or practise hypocrisy in the matter of those seeking justice, the oppressed might come to this chain and shake it so that its noise might attract attention. Its fashion was this: I ordered them to make a chain of pure gold,11 30 gaz in length and containing 60 bells. Its weight was 4 Indian maunds, equal to 42 ?Iraqi maunds. One end of it they made fast to the battlements of the Shah Burj of the fort at Agra and the other to a stone post fixed on the bank of the river. I also gave twelve orders to be observed as rules of conduct (dasturu-l-?amal) in all my dominions—

(1) Forbidding the levy of cesses under the names of tamgha and mir bah?ri (river tolls), and other burdens which the jagirdars of every province and district had imposed for their own profit.

(2) On roads where thefts and robberies took place, which roads might be at a little distance from habitations, the jagirdars of the neighbourhood should build sara?is (public rest-houses), mosques, and dig wells, which might stimulate population, and people might settle down in those sara?is. If these should be near a k?hali?a estate (under direct State management), the administrator (muta?addi) of that place should execute the work.

12(3) The bales of merchants should not be opened on the roads without informing them and obtaining their leave.

(4) In my dominions if anyone, whether unbeliever or Musalman, should die, his property and effects should be left for his heirs, and no one should interfere with them. If he should have no heir, they should appoint inspectors and separate guardians to guard the property, so that its value might be expended in lawful expenditure, such as the building of mosques and sara?is, the repair of broken bridges, and the digging of tanks and wells.

(5) They should not make wine or rice-spirit (darbahra)13 or any kind of intoxicating drug, or sell them; although I myself drink wine, and from the age of 18 years up till now, when I am 38, have persisted in it. When I first took a liking to drinking I sometimes took as much as twenty cups of double-distilled spirit; when by degrees it acquired a great influence over me I endeavoured to lessen the quantity, and in the period of seven years I have brought myself from fifteen cups to five or six. My times for drinking were varied; sometimes when three or four sidereal hours of the day remained I would begin to drink, and sometimes at night and partly by day. This went on till I was 30 years old. After that I took to drinking always at night. Now I drink only to digest my food.

14(6) They should not take possession of any person’s house.

(7) I forbade the cutting off the nose or ears of any person, and I myself made a vow by the throne of God that I would not blemish anyone by this punishment.

(8) I gave an order that the officials of the Crown lands and the jagirdars should not forcibly take the ryots’ lands and cultivate them on their own account.

(9) A government collector or a jagirdar should not without permission intermarry with the people of the pargana in which he might be.

(10) They should found hospitals in the great cities, and appoint physicians for the healing of the sick; whatever the expenditure might be, should be given from the k?hali?a establishment.

(11) In accordance with the regulations of my revered father, I ordered that each year from the 18th15 of Rabi?u-l-awwal, which is my birthday, for a number of days corresponding to the years of my life, they should not slaughter animals (for food). Two days in each week were also forbidden, one of them Thursday, the day of my accession, and the other Sunday, the day of my father’s birth. He held this day in great esteem on this account, and because it was dedicated to the Sun, and also because it was the day on which the Creation began. Therefore it was one of the days on which there was no killing in his dominions.16

(12) I gave a general order that the offices and jagirs of my father’s servants should remain as they were. Later, the mansabs (ranks or offices) were increased according to each one’s circumstances by not less than 20 per cent. to 300 or 400 per cent. The subsistence money of the ah?adis was increased by 50 per cent., and I raised the pay of all domestics by 20 per cent. I increased the allowances of all the veiled ladies of my father’s harem from 20 per cent. to 100 per cent., according to their condition and relationship. By one stroke of the pen I confirmed the subsistence lands17 of the holders of aimas (charity lands) within the dominions, who form the army of prayer, according to the deeds in their possession. I gave an order to Miran ?adr Jahan, who is one of the genuine Sayyids of India, and who for a long time held the high office of ?adr (ecclesiastical officer) under my father, that he should every day produce before me deserving people (worthy of charity). 18I released all criminals who had been confined and imprisoned for a long time in the forts and prisons.19

At a propitious hour I ordered that they should coin gold and silver of different weights. To each coin I gave a separate name, viz., to the muhr of 100 tola, that of nur-s?hahi; to that of 50 tola, that of nur-sult?ani; to that of 20 tola, nur-daulat; to that of 10 tola, nur-karam; to that of 5 tola, nur-mihr; and to that of 1 tola, nur-jahani. The half of this I called nurani, and the quarter, rawaji. With regard to the silver coins (sikkas). I gave to the coin of 100 tola the name of kaukab-i-t?ali? (star of horoscope); to that of 50 tola, the name of kaukab-i-iqbal (star of fortune); to that of 20 tola, the name of kaukab-i-murad (star of desire); to that of 10 tola, the name of kaukab-i-bak?ht (star of good luck); to that of 5 tola, the name of kaukab-i-sa?d (star of auspiciousness); to that of 1 tola, the name of jahangiri. The half jahangiri I called sult?ani; the quarter, nisari20 (showering money); the dime, k?hair-i-qabul (the acceptable). Copper, also, I coined in the same proportions, and gave each division a particular name. I ordered that on the gold muhr of 100, 50, 20, and 10 tola the following verse by A?af K?han21 should be impressed—namely, on the obverse was this couplet:—

“Fate’s pen wrote on the coin in letters of light,

The S?hah Nuru-d-din Jahangir”;

and between the lines of the verse the Creed (Kalima) was impressed. On the reverse was this couplet, in which the date of coinage was signified:—

“Through this coin is the world brightened as by the sun,

And the date thereof is ‘Sun of Dominion’ (Aftab-i-Mamlakat).”22

Between the lines of the verse, the mint, the Hijra year, and the regnal year were impressed. On the nur-jahani, which is in the place of the ordinary gold muhr and exceeds it in weight by 20 per cent. (as 12 to 10), is impressed this couplet of the Amiru-l-umara:—

“S?hah Nuru-d-din Jahangir ibn Akbar Pads?hah

Made gold’s face bright with the sheen of sun and moon.”

Accordingly, a hemistich was impressed on each face, and also the mint, and the Hijra and regnal year. The jahangiri sikka, also, which is greater in weight by 20 per cent., was reckoned as equal to a rupee, its weight being fixed in the same manner as that of the nur-jahani (each was a tola in weight, but one was in gold and the other was in silver). The weight of a tola is 2½ mis?qals of Persia and Turan.23

It would not be good to give all the versified chronograms which were made for my accession. I therefore content myself with the one which Maktub K?han, the superintendent of the library and picture gallery, and one of my old servants, composed—

“The second lord of conjunction, S?hahins?hah Jahangir,

With justice and equity sat on the throne of happiness.

Prosperity, Good Fortune, Wealth, Dignity, and Victory,

With loins girt in his service, stood rejoicing before him.

It became the date of the accession when Prosperity

Placed his head at the feet of the ?ah?ib-Qiran-i-S?ani.”24

To my son K?husrau a lakh of rupees was presented that he might build up for himself the house of Mun?im K?han,25 the (former) K?hank?hanan, outside the fort. The administration and government of the Panjab was bestowed on Sa?id K?han,26 who was one of the confidential nobles and connected with my father by marriage. His origin was from the Moghul tribe, and his ancestors were in the service of my forefathers. At the time of his taking leave, as it was said that his eunuchs oppressed and tyrannized over the weak and the poor, I sent a message to him that my justice would not put up with oppression from anyone, and that in the scales of equity neither smallness nor greatness was regarded. If after this any cruelty or harshness should be observed on the part of his people, he would receive punishment without favour.27

Again, having previously bestowed on S?haik?h Farid Buk?hari, who had been Mir Bak?hs?hi in my father’s service, a dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a jewelled inkstand and pen, I confirmed him in the same post, and in order to exalt him I said to him, “I regard thee as ?ah?ibu-s-saif-wa-l-qalam” (“Captain Sword and Captain Pen”). Muqim,28 to whom my father had given at the end of his reign the title of Wazir K?han and the viziership of his dominions, I selected for the same title, rank, and service. I also gave K?hwajagi Fath?u-llah a dress of honour, and made him a bakhshi, as formerly ?Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma?muri, although when I was prince he had left my service without cause or reason and had gone over to my father, I made bakhshi as formerly, and I gave him a dress of honour. To Aminu-d-daula, who when I was prince had the post of bakhshi, and without my leave had run away and taken service with my revered father, not looking to his offences I gave the office of Atis?h-i-begi29 (Head of the Artillery), which he had held under my father. I left all those who were in possession of posts, both inside and outside, in the positions which they had with my father. S?harif K?han30 had lived with me from his early years. When I was prince I had given him the title of k?han, and when I left Allahabad to wait upon my honoured father I presented him with a drum and the tuman-tog?h (standard of yak tails). I had also promoted him to the rank of 2,500 and given him the government of the province of Bihar. I gave him complete control over the province, and sent him off there. On the 4th of Rajab, being fifteen days after my accession, he waited upon me. I was exceedingly pleased at his coming, for his connection with me is such that I look upon him as a brother, a son, a friend, and a companion. As I had perfect confidence in his friendship, intelligence, learning, and acquaintance with affairs, having made him Grand Vizier, I promoted him to the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse and the lofty title of Amiru-l-umara, to which no title of my servants is superior. Though his position might have warranted a higher rank, he himself represented to me that until some notable service on his part had become perceptible to me he would not accept a higher grade than that mentioned (5,000).

As the reality of the loyalty of my father’s servants had not yet become apparent, and certain faults and errors and unbecoming intentions which were not approved at the throne of the Creator or pleasing to His creatures had shown themselves, they of themselves became ashamed. Though on the day of my accession I had forgiven all offences and determined with myself that I would exact no retribution for past deeds, yet on account of the suspicion that had been aroused in my mind about them I considered the Amiru-l-umara my guardian and protector; although God Almighty is the guardian of all His servants, and is especially so of kings, because their existence is the cause of the contentment of the world. His father, ?Abdu-?-?amad, who in the art of painting had no equal in the age, had obtained from the late king (Jannat-as?hyani) Humayun the title of S?hirin-qalam (Sweet pen), and in his council had attained a great dignity and was on intimate terms with him (the king). He was one of the chief men of S?hiraz. My honoured father, on account of his former services, paid him great honour and reverence. I made Raja Man Singh—who was one of the greatest and most trusted noblemen of my father, and had obtained alliances with this illustrious family, inasmuch as his aunt had been in my father’s house (i.e. was his wife),31 and I had married his sister, and K?husrau and his sister Sult?anu-n-nisa Begam, the latter of whom is my eldest child, were born of her—as before, ruler of the province of Bengal. Though as in consequence of certain of his acts he had no expectation of this favour towards himself, I dignified him with a charqab (vest without sleeves) as a robe of honour, a jewelled sword, and one of my own horses, and sent him off to his province, which is a place of (or can keep up) 50,000 horse. His father was Raja Bhagwan Das. His grandfather, Raja Bihari Mal, was the first of the Kachwaha Rajputs to have the honour of entering my father’s service, and he excelled his tribe in truth and sincerity of friendship, and in the quality of valour. After my accession, when all the nobles with their retinues presented themselves at my palace, it came into my mind that I should send this body of retainers under my son, Sultan Parwiz, to make a holy war against the Rana, who was one of evil deeds, and a foul infidel of the country of Hindustan, and in my father’s time had had troops sent constantly against him, but had not been driven off. In a fortunate hour I invested my said son with gorgeous robes of honour, a jewelled waist-sword, a jewelled waist-dagger, and a rosary of pearls intermixed with rubies of great price of the value of 72,000 rupees, ?Iraq and Turkman horses and famous elephants, and dismissed him. About 20,000 horsemen with nobles and chief leaders were appointed to this service. The first was A?af K?han, who in my father’s time was one of his confidential servants, and for a long time had been confirmed in the post of bakhshi and afterwards became diwan ba istiqlal (Chancellor with full powers); him I advanced from the rank of an Amir to that of Vizier, and promoting him from the command of 2,500 horse to that of 5,000 made him guardian to Parwiz. Having honoured him with a robe of honour, jewelled waist-sword, a horse and an elephant, I ordered that all the man?abdars (commanders), small and great, should not depart from such orders as he thought proper to give them. I made ?Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma?muri his bakhshi and Muk?htar Beg, A?af K?han’s paternal uncle, diwan to Parwiz. I also presented to Raja Jagannath, son of Raja Bihari Mal, who had the rank of 5,000, a robe of honour and a jewelled waist-sword.

Again, I gave Rana S?hankar, cousin of the Rana—to whom my father had given the title of Rana, proposing to send him with K?husrau against the Rana, but at that time he (Akbar) became a s?hanqar (a falcon, i.e. he died)—a robe of honour and a jewelled sword, and sent him with him.

I presented Madho Singh, brother’s son of Raja Man Singh, and Rawal Sal Darbari with flags, from this consideration, that they were always present at Court and belonged to the Sekhawa?32 Rajputs, and were confidential servants of my father. Each received also the rank of 3,000.

I promoted S?haik?h Ruknu-d-din the Afghan, to whom when I was prince I had given the title of S?hir K?han, from the grade of 500 to that of 3,500 S?hir K?han is the head of his clan and a very valiant man. He lost his arm by the sword in service against the Uzbegs.33 ?Abdu-r-Rah?man, son of S?haik?h Abu-l-faz?l, Maha Singh, grandson of Raja Man Singh, Zahid K?han, son of Sadiq K?han, Wazir Jamil, and Qara K?han Turkman were exalted to the rank of 2,000; all these obtained robes of honour and horses, and were dismissed. Manohar also obtained leave to join the expedition. He is of the tribe of the Sekhawa? Kachhwahas, and on him in his young days my father bestowed many favours. He had learned the Persian language, and, although from him up to Adam the power of understanding cannot be attributed to any one of his tribe, he is not without intelligence. He makes Persian verses, and the following is one of his couplets:—

“The object of shade in Creation is this:

That no one place his foot on the light of my Lord, the Sun.”34

If the details were to be described of all the commanders and servants appointed by me, with the conditions and connections and rank of each, it would be a long business. Many of my immediate attendants and personal followers and nobles’ sons, house-born ones (k?hanazadan) and zealous Rajputs, petitioned to accompany this expedition. A thousand ahadis, the meaning of which is single ones (Blochmann, p. 20), were also appointed. In short, a force was collected together such that if reliance on the Friend (God) were vouchsafed, it could have embarked on enmity and conflict with any one of the monarchs of power.

“Soldiers came up from all sides,

Seizing life from heroes of the world in battle;

They had no fear of death from the sharp sword,

No terror of water35 and no flight from fire;

In valour singular, in vigour a crowd,

Anvils in endurance, rocks in attack.”

When I was prince I had entrusted, in consequence of my extreme confidence36 in him, my own uzuk seal37 to the Amiru-l-umara (S?harif), but when he was sent off to the province of Bihar I made it over to Parwiz. Now that Parwiz went off against the Rana, I made it over, according to the former arrangement, to the Amiru-l-umara.

Parwiz was born of ?ah?ib-Jamal (Mistress of Beauty), the cousin38 of Zain K?han Koka, who, in point of affinity, was on the same footing39 as Mirza ?Aziz Koka, in the 34th year of my father’s reign, in the city of Kabul, two years and two months after the birth of K?husrau. After several other children had been born to me and had been received into God’s mercy, a daughter was born of Karamsi,40 who belonged to the Ra?hor clan, and the child received the name of Bihar Banu Begam. To Jagat Gosa?in,41 daughter of the Mota Raja (the fat raja), was born Sult?an K?hurram, in the 36th year of my father’s reign, corresponding to A.H. 999,42 in the city of Lahore. His advent made the world joyous (k?hurram),43 and gradually, as his years increased, so did his excellencies, and he was more attentive to my father than all (my) other children, who was exceedingly pleased with and grateful for his services, and always recommended him to me and frequently told me there was no comparison between him and my other children. He recognised him as his real child.

After that (K?hurram’s birth) some other children were born who died in infancy, and then within one month two sons were borne by concubines. One of these I called Jahandar and the other S?hahryar.44

About this time there came a petition from Sa?id K?han with regard to granting leave to Mirza G?hazi, who was a son of the ruler of the province of Thathah (Tattah in Sind).45 I said that as my father had betrothed his sister to my son K?husrau, please God, when this alliance came into force, I would give him leave to return to Sind.

A year before I became king I had determined that I would drink no wine on Friday eve, and I hope at the throne of God that He will keep me firm in this resolve as long as I live.

Twenty thousand rupees were given to Mirza Muh?ammad Riz?a Sabzwari to divide amongst the faqirs and the needy of Delhi. The viziership of my dominions I gave in the proportions of half and half to K?han Beg,46 to whom when I was prince I had given the title of Waziru-l-mulk, and to Wazir K?han47 (Muqim), and I gave to S?haik?h Farid Buk?hari, who held the rank of 4,000, that of 5,000. I promoted Ram Das Kachhwaha, whom my father had favoured, and who held the rank of 2,000, to that of 3,000. I sent dresses of honour to Mirza Rustam, son of Mirza Sult?an H?usain and grandson of S?hah Isma?il, the ruler of Qandahar, and to ?Abdu-r-Rah?im K?hank?hanan, son of Bairam K?han, and to Iraj and Darab, his sons, and to other nobles attached to the Deccan (command). Bark?hurdar, son of ?Abdu-r-Rah?man, son of Mu?ayyid Beg, as he had come to court without a summons, I ordered back to his jagir. 48It is not according to good manners to go to the king’s banquet without a summons, otherwise there would be no forbidding of the doors and walls to the foot of desire.

A month had elapsed after my auspicious accession when Lala Beg, who while I was prince had obtained the title of Baz Bahadur, obtained the blessing of waiting on me. His rank, which had been 1,500, was raised to 4,000. I promoted him to the Subah of Bihar and gave him 2,000 rupees. Baz Bahadur is of the lineage of the special attendants of our family; his father’s name was Niz?am, and he was librarian to Humayun. Kesho Das Maru, who is a Rajput of the province of Mairtha and is greater in loyalty than his contemporaries, I promoted to the rank of 1,500. I directed the ?ulama and the learned men of Islam to collect those of the distinctive appellations of God which were easy to remember, in order that I might make them into my rosary49 (ward). On Friday eves50 I associate with learned and pious men, and with dervishes and recluses. When Qilij K?han, who was one of the old retainers of the State in my revered father’s reign, was appointed to the government of the province of Gujarat, I presented him with a lakh of rupees for his expenses. I raised Miran ?adr Jahan from the rank of 2,000 to that of 4,000. I knew him in my childhood when I read the “Forty Sayings” with S?haik?h ?Abdu-n-Nabi,51 whose history is given in detail in the Akbarnama. From these early days till now Miran ?adr Jahan has acted towards me with single-minded loyalty, and I regard him as my preceptor in religions matters (k?halifa). Whilst I was prince and before my revered father’s illness, and during that time, when the ministers (pillars of the State) and the high nobles had become agitated, and each had conceived some idea of gain for himself and wished to become the originator of some act which could only bring ruin on the State, he had not failed in the activity of his service and devotedness. Having made ?Inayat Beg,52 who for a long period in the reign of my father had been Master of Works (Diwan-i-buyutat) and held the rank of 700, half-vizier of my dominions in the place of Wazir K?han, I gave him the high title of I?timadu-d-daula with the rank of 1,500, and I appointed Wazir K?han to the Diwani of the province of Bengal, and assigned to him the settlement of the revenues thereof. To Patr Das, who in the time of my father had the title of Ray Rayan, I gave the title of Raja Bikramajit. The latter was one of the great Rajas of India, and it was in his reign that astronomical observatories were established in India. I made Patr Das Master of Ordnance, and ordered that he should always have light artillery53 in the arsenal, 50,000 light guns54 and 3,000 gun-carriages, ready and in efficient order. He was a khatri by caste, and rose in my father’s service from being accountant of the elephants’ stables to be diwan and an amir. He is not wanting in military qualities and in administrative skill. I made K?hurram, the son of K?han A?z?am (?Aziz Koka), who had had the rank of 2,000, an officer of 2,500.

As it was my desire that many of the Akbari and Jahangiri officers should obtain the fruition of their wishes, I informed the bakhshis that whoever wished to have his birthplace made into his jagir should make a representation to that effect, so that in accordance with the Chingiz canon (tura) the estate might be conveyed to him by al tamg?ha and become his property, and he might be secured from apprehension of change. Our ancestors and forefathers were in the habit of granting jagirs to everyone under proprietary title, and adorned the farmans for these with the al tamg?ha seal, which is an impressed seal made in vermilion (i.e. red ink). I ordered that they should cover the place for the seal, with gold-leaf (t?ilapos?h) and impress the seal thereon, and I called this the altun55 tamg?ha.

I had selected from the other sons of S?hahruk?h, Mirza Sult?an,56 son of Mirza S?hahruk?h the grandson of Mirza Sulaiman, who was a descendant (great-grandson) of Mirza Sult?an Abu Sa?id and for a long time ruler of Badakhshan, and with consent of my57 revered father brought him into my service. I count him as a son, and have promoted him to the rank of 1,000. I also promoted Bhao Singh, son of Raja Man Singh and the most capable of his sons, from his original rank to that of 1,500. I raised Zamana Beg,58 son of G?hayur Beg of Kabul, who has served me personally from his childhood, and who, when I was prince, rose from the grade of an ahadi to that of 500, giving him the title of Mahabat K?han and the rank of 1,500. He was confirmed as bakhshi of my private establishment (s?hagird-pis?ha).

I promoted Raja Bir Singh Deo, a Bandela Rajput, who had obtained my favour, and who excels his equals and relatives in valour, personal goodness, and simple-heartedness, to the rank of 3,000. The reason for his advancement and for the regard shown to him was that near the end of my revered father’s time, S?haik?h Abu-l-faz?l, who excelled the S?haik?hzadas of Hindustan in wisdom and learning, had adorned himself outwardly with the jewel of sincerity, and sold it to my father at a heavy price. He had been summoned from the Deccan, and, since his feelings towards me were not honest, he both publicly and privately spoke against me. At this period when, through strife-exciting intriguers, the august feelings of my royal father were entirely embittered against me, it was certain that if he obtained the honour of waiting on him (Akbar) it would be the cause of more confusion, and would preclude me from the favour of union with him (my father). It became necessary to prevent him from coming to Court. As Bir Singh Deo’s country was exactly on his route and he was then a rebel, I sent him a message that if he would stop that sedition-monger and kill him he would receive every kindness from me. By God’s grace, when S?haik?h Abu-l-faz?l was passing through Bir Singh Deo’s country, the Raja blocked his road, and after a little contest scattered his men and killed him. He sent his head to me in Allahabad. Although this event was a cause of anger in the mind of the late king (Akbar), in the end it enabled me to proceed without disturbance of mind to kiss the threshold of my father’s palace, and by degrees the resentment of the king was cleared away.

I made Mir Z?iya?u-d-din of Qazwin, who had done me service in the days of my princehood and had shown loyalty, commander of 1,000 and accountant of the stables. An order was given that every day thirty horses should be produced before me for the purpose of making presents. I honoured Mirza ?Ali Akbars?hahi, who is one of the distinguished braves of this family,59 with the rank of 4,000, and gave him the sarkar of Sambhal as his jagir.

One day the Amiru-l-umara (S?harif K?han) greatly pleased me by an incidental remark. It was this: “Honesty and dishonesty are not confined to matters of cash and goods; to represent qualities as existing in acquaintances which do not exist, and to conceal the meritorious qualities of strangers, is dishonesty. In truth, honesty of speech consists in making no distinction between intimates and strangers and in describing each man as he really is.”

When I sent off Parwiz I had said to him, “If the Rana himself, and his eldest son who is called Karan, should come to wait upon you and proffer service and obedience, you should not do any injury to his territory.” My intention in this recommendation was of two kinds; one, that inasmuch as the conquest of Transoxiana was always in the pure mind of my revered father, though every time he determined on it things occurred to prevent it, if this business could be settled, and this danger dismissed from my mind, I would leave Parwiz in Hindustan, and in reliance on Allah, myself start for my hereditary territories, especially as at this time there was no permanent ruler in that region. Baqi K?han, who, after ?Abdu-llah K?han and ?Abdu-l-Mu?min K?han, his son, had acquired complete independence, had died, and the affairs of Wali Muh?ammad K?han, his brother, who is now the ruler of that region, had not as yet been brought into proper order. Secondly, to bring about the termination of the war in the Deccan, of which a part in the time of my revered father had been acquired, so that it might come into possession, and be incorporated with the Imperial dominions. My hope is that through the favour of Allah both these undertakings will be accomplished.

“Though a king should seize the seven climes,60

He still would labour to take others.”

I promoted Mirza S?hahruk?h,61 grandson of Mirza Sulaiman, (once) the ruler of Badakhshan, who was nearly related to my family, and held the rank of 5,000 in my father’s service, to the rank of 7,000. The Mirza is a true Turk in disposition and simple-minded. My father conferred great honour on him, and whenever he bade his own sons sit he gratified him also with this distinction. Notwithstanding the mischievous propensities of the people of Badakhshan, the Mirza in this familiarity never left the right road, or undertook anything that might lead to unpleasantness. I confirmed him in the Subah of Malwa just as my father had kindly conferred it on him.

I conferred on K?hwaja ?Abdu-llah, who is of the Naqs?hbandi family, and in the commencement of his service was an ahadi, and who had risen by degrees to the command of 1,000, but without reason had gone into my father’s service, the rank and jagir my father had conferred on him. Although I considered it best for my own prosperity that my attendants and people should go into his (Akbar’s) service, yet this had occurred without my leave, and I was rather annoyed at it. But the fact is that he is a manly and zealous man; if he had not committed this fault he would have been a faultless hero (jawan).

Abu-n-nabi,62 the Uzbeg, who is one of the distinguished inhabitants of Mawara?a-n-nahr and in the time of ?Abdu-l-Mu?min K?han was governor of Mashhad, obtained the rank of 1,500.

S?haik?h H?asan is the son of S?haik?h Baha.63 From the days of his childhood to this day he has always been in my service and in attendance on me, and when I was prince was distinguished by the title of Muqarrab K?han. He was very active and alert in his service, and in hunting would often traverse long distances by my side. He is skilful with the arrow and the gun, and in surgery is the most skilful of his time. His ancestors also had been well practised in this profession. After my accession, in consequence of the perfect confidence I had in him, I sent him to Burhanpur to bring the children and dependants of my brother Daniyal to wait on me, and sent a message to the K?hank?hanan in low and high words64 and profitable admonitions. Muqarrab K?han performed this service correctly and in a short time, and, clearing off the suspicions which had entered the minds of the K?hank?hanan and the nobles of that place, brought those who had been left behind by my brother in safety and security, together with his establishment and property and effects, to Lahore, and there presented them before me.

I promoted Naqib K?han,65 who is one of the genuine Sayyids of Qazwin and is called G?hiyas?u-d-din ?Ali, to the rank of 1,500. My father had distinguished him with the title of Naqib K?han, and in his service he had complete intimacy and consideration. Shortly after his accession he (Akbar) had discussed several matters with him, and from this familiarity he called him ak?hund. He has no equal or rival in the science of history and in biographies. There is in this day no chronologist like him in the inhabited world. From the beginning of Creation till the present time, he has by heart the tale of the four quarters of the world. Has Allah granted to any other person such faculty of memory?

S?haik?h Kabir, who was of the family of the venerable S?haik?h Salim, I had honoured with the title of S?haja?at K?han when I was prince, on account of his manliness and bravery. I now selected him for the rank of 1,000.

On Sha?ban 27th (28th December, 1605) a strange thing was done by the sons of Akhayraj, son of Bhagwan Das, the paternal uncle66 of Raja Man Singh. These unlucky ones, who bore the names of Abhay Ram, Bijay Ram, and Shyam Ram, were exceedingly immoderate. Notwithstanding that the aforesaid Abhay Ram had done improper (disproportioned) acts, I had winked at his faults. When at this date it was represented to me that this wretch was desirous of despatching his wives and children without leave to his own country and afterwards of himself running away to the Rana, who is not loyal to this family, I referred to Ram Das and other Rajput nobles, and said to them that if any one of them would become security for them, I would confirm the rank and jagir of those wretches, and passing over their offences would forgive them. In consequence of their excessive turbulence and bad disposition no one became security. I told the Amiru-l-umara that as no one would be bound for them, they must be handed over to the charge of one of the servants of the Court until security was forthcoming. The Amiru-l-umara gave them over to Ibrahim K?han Kakar, who was afterwards dignified with the title of Dilawar K?han, and H?atim,67 second son of Mangli, who held the title of S?hahnawaz K?han.68 When these wished to disarm these foolish people, they refused, and, not observing the dues of good manners, began, together with their servants, to quarrel and fight. The Amiru-l-umara reported the circumstance to me, and I ordered them to be punished according to their deeds. He betook himself to driving them off, and I sent S?haik?h Farid also after him. One Rajput armed with a sword, and another with a dagger stood up to the Amiru-l-umara. One of his attendants named Qut?b engaged the man with the dagger and was killed. The Rajput also was cut to pieces. One of the Afghan attendants of the Amiru-l-umara attacked the one who had the sword and killed him. Dilawar K?han drew his dagger and turned towards Abhay Ram, who with two others was holding his ground, and after wounding one of these fell down after receiving wounds from the three. Some of the ahadis and the men of the Amiru-l-umara opposed and slew these doomed men. A Rajput drew his sword and turned to S?haik?h Farid; he was met by a H?abs?hi slave, who brought him down. This disturbance took place in the courtyard of the public palace. That punishment served as a warning to many who had not looked to consequences. Abu-n-nabi69 represented that if such a deed had been done in the Uzbeg country the whole family and connections of that band of men would have been destroyed. I replied that as these people had been treated kindly and educated by my revered father I carried on the same benevolence to them, and justice demands that many shall not be chastised for the fault of one.

S?haik?h H?usain Jami, who now sits on the cushion of darwis?hi and is one of the disciples of the dervish of Shiraz,70 had written to me from Lahore six months before my accession that he had seen in a dream that saints and pious men had delivered over the affairs of the kingdom to that chosen one of the Court of Allah (Jahangir), and that, rejoicing in this good news, he should await the event, and that he hoped that when it had occurred, the faults of K?hwaja Zakariyya, who was one of the Ah?rariyya,71 would be pardoned.72

I conferred on Tas?h Beg Furji,73 who was one of the old servants of the State, and whom my father had honoured with the title of Taj K?han, and who had the rank of 2,000, that of 3,000, and I raised Tuk?hta74 Beg Kabuli from the rank of 2,500 to that of 3,000. He is a brave and active man, and was greatly trusted in the service of my uncle, Mirza Muh?ammad H?akim. I promoted Abu-l-Qasim Tamkin,75 who was one of my father’s old servants, to the rank of 1,500. There are few men such as he for abundance of children; he has thirty sons, and if his daughters do not number so many they must be half that number. I dignified S?haik?h ?Ala?u-d-din, grandson of S?haik?h Salim, who had strong connections with me, with the title of Islam K?han, and promoted him to the rank of 2,000. He had grown up with me from his childhood, and may be a year younger than I. He is a brave and well-dispositioned youth, and is distinguished in every way above his family. Till now he has never drunk intoxicating drinks, and his sincerity towards me is such that I have honoured him with the title of son.

I have bestowed on ?Ali A?g?har Barha, who has not a rival in bravery and zeal, and is the son of Sayyid Mah?mud K?han Barha, one of my father’s old nobles, the title of Saif K?han, and thus distinguished him amongst his equals and connections. He is evidently a brave youth. He was always one of the confidential men who went with me to hunt and to other places. He has never in his life drunk anything intoxicating, and as he has abstained in his youth he probably will attain high dignities. I granted him the rank of 3,000.

I promoted Faridun, son of Muh?ammad Quli K?han Barlas, who held the rank of 1,000, to that of 2,000. Faridun is one of the tribe of Chag?hatay, and is not devoid of manliness and courage.

I promoted S?haik?h Bayazid, grandson of S?haik?h Salim, who held the rank of 2,000, to that of 3,000. The first person who gave me milk, but for not more than a day, was the mother of S?haik?h Bayazid.

76One day I observed to the Pandits, that is, the wise men of the Hindus, “If the doctrines of your religion are based on the incarnation of the Holy Person of God Almighty in ten different forms by the process of metempsychosis, they are virtually rejected by the intelligent. This pernicious idea requires that the Sublime Cause, who is void of all limitations, should be possessed of length, breadth, and thickness. If the purpose is the manifestation of the Light of God in these bodies, that of itself is existent equally in all created things, and is not peculiar to these ten forms. If the idea is to establish some one of God’s attributes, even then there is no right notion, for in every faith and code there are masters of wonders and miracles distinguished beyond the other men of their age for wisdom and eloquence.”77 After much argument and endless controversy, they acknowledged a God of Gods, devoid of a body or accidents,78 and said, “As our imagination fails to conceive a formless personality (z_at-i-mujarrad), we do not find any way to know Him without the aid of a form. We have therefore made these ten forms the means of conceiving of and knowing Him.” Then said I, “How can these forms be a means of your approaching the Deity?”

My father always associated with the learned of every creed and religion, especially with Pandits and the learned of India, and although he was illiterate, so much became clear to him through constant intercourse with the learned and wise, in his conversations with them, that no one knew him to be illiterate, and he was so acquainted with the niceties of verse and prose compositions that his deficiency was not thought of.

In his august personal appearance he was of middle height, but inclining to be tall; he was of the hue of wheat; his eyes and eyebrows were black, and his complexion rather dark than fair; he was lion-bodied,79 with a broad chest, and his hands and arms long. On the left side of his nose he had a fleshy mole, very agreeable in appearance, of the size of half a pea. Those skilled in the science of physiognomy considered this mole a sign of great prosperity and exceeding good fortune. His august voice was very loud, and in speaking and explaining had a peculiar richness. In his actions and movements he was not like the people of the world, and the glory of God manifested itself in him.

Three months after my birth my sister, S?hahzada K?hanam, was born to one of the royal concubines; they gave her over to his (Akbar’s) mother, Maryam Makani. After her a son was born to one of the concubines, and received the name of S?hah Murad. As his birth occurred in the hill country of Fath?pur, he was nicknamed Pahari. When my revered father sent him to conquer the Deccan, he had taken to excessive drinking through associating with unworthy persons, so that he died in his 30th year, in the neighbourhood of Jalnapur, in the province of Berar. His personal appearance was fresh-coloured; he was thin in body and tall of stature. Dignity and authority were evident in his movements, and manliness and bravery manifested themselves in his ways. On the night of Jumada-l-awwal 10th, A.H. 979 (September, 1572), another son was born to one of the concubines. As his birth took place at Ajmir in the house of one of the attendants of the blessed shrine of the reverend K?hwaja Mu?inu-d-din Chis?hti, whose name was S?haik?h Daniyal, this child was called Daniyal.

After the death of my brother S?hah Murad, he (Akbar), towards the end of his reign, sent Daniyal to conquer the Deccan and followed him himself. When my revered father was besieging Asir (Asirgarh) he, with a large body of nobles such as the K?hank?hanan and his sons and Mirza Yusuf K?han, invested the fort of Ahmadnagar, and it came into the possession of the victorious officers about the time that Asir was taken. After my father ?Ars?h-as?hyani had returned in prosperity and victory from Burhanpur towards his capital, he gave the province to Daniyal and left him in possession of that territory. Daniyal took to improper ways, like his brother S?hah Murad, and soon died from excessive drinking, in the 33rd year of his age. His death occurred in a peculiar way. He was very fond of guns and of hunting with the gun. He named one of his guns yaka u janaza, ‘the same as the bier,’ and himself composed this couplet and had it engraved on the gun:—

When his drinking of wine was carried to excess, and the circumstance was reported to my father, farmans of reproach were sent to the K?hank?hanan. Of course he forbade it, and placed cautious people to look after him properly. When the road to bring wine was completely closed, he began to weep and to importune some of his servants, and said: “Let them bring me wine in any possible way.” He said to Murs?hid Quli K?han, a musketeer who was in his immediate service: “Pour some wine into this yaka u janaza, and bring it to me.” That wretch, in hope of favour, undertook to do this, and poured double-distilled spirit into the gun, which had long been nourished on gunpowder and the scent thereof, and brought it. The rust of the iron was dissolved by the strength of the spirit and mingled with it, and the prince no sooner drank of it than he fell down.

Daniyal was of pleasing figure, of exceedingly agreeable manners and appearance; he was very fond of elephants and horses. It was impossible for him to hear of anyone as having a good horse or elephant and not take it from him. He was fond of Hindi songs, and would occasionally compose verses with correct idiom in the language of the people of India, which were not bad.

After the birth of Daniyal a daughter was born to Bibi Daulat-S?had whom they named S?hakaru-n-nisa Begam.83 As she was brought up in the skirt of my revered father’s care, she turned out very well. She is of good disposition and naturally compassionate towards all people. From infancy and childhood she has been extremely fond of me, and there can be few such relationships between brother and sister. The first time when, according to the custom of pressing the breast of a child and a drop of milk is perceptible, they pressed my sister’s breast and milk appeared, my revered father said to me: “Baba! drink this milk, that in truth this sister may be to thee as a mother.” God, the knower of secrets, knows that from that day forward, after I drank that drop of milk, I have felt love for my sister such as children have for their mothers.

After some time another girl was born to this same Bibi Daulat-S?had, and he (Akbar) called her Aram Banu Begam.84 Her disposition was on the whole inclined to excitement and heat. My father was very fond of her, so much so that he described her impolitenesses as politenesses, and in his august sight they, from his great love, did not appear bad. Repeatedly he honoured me by addressing me, and said: “Baba! for my sake be as kind as I am, after me, to this sister, who in Hindi phrase is my darling (that is, dearly cherished). Be affectionate to her and pass over her little impolitenesses and impudences.”

The good qualities of my revered father are beyond the limit of approval and the bounds of praise. If books were composed with regard to his commendable dispositions, without suspicion of extravagance, and he be not looked at as a father would be by his son, even then but a little out of much could be said.

Notwithstanding his kingship and his treasures and his buried wealth, which were beyond the scope of counting and imagination, his fighting elephants and Arab horses, he never by a hair’s breadth placed his foot beyond the base of humility before the throne of God, but considered himself the lowest of created beings, and never for one moment forgot God.

The professors of various faiths had room in the broad expanse of his incomparable sway. This was different from the practice in other realms, for in Persia85 there is room for Shias only, and in Turkey, India, and Turan there is room for Sunnis only.

As in the wide expanse of the Divine compassion there is room for all classes and the followers of all creeds, so, on the principle that the Shadow86 must have the same properties as the Light, in his dominions, which on all sides were limited only by the salt sea, there was room for the professors of opposite religions, and for beliefs good and bad, and the road to altercation was closed. Sunnis and Shias met in one mosque, and Franks and Jews in one church, and observed their own forms of worship.

He associated with the good of every race and creed and persuasion, and was gracious to all in accordance with their condition and understanding. He passed his nights in wakefulness, and slept little in the day; the length of his sleep during a whole night and day (nycthemeron) was not more than a watch and a half. He counted his wakefulness at night as so much added to his life. His courage and boldness were such that he could mount raging, rutting elephants, and subdue to obedience murderous elephants which would not allow their own females near them—although even when an elephant is bad-tempered he does no harm to the female or his driver—and which were in a state in which they might have killed their drivers or the females, or not have allowed their approach. He would place himself on a wall or tree near which an elephant was passing that had killed its mahout and broken loose from restraint, and, putting his trust in God’s favour, would throw himself on its back and thus by merely mounting, would bring it under control and tame it. This was repeatedly seen.

He ascended the throne in his 14th year. Hemu, the infidel whom the Afghan ruler had raised to high station, collected a wonderful force after King Humayun’s death with a stud of elephants such as no ruler of Hindustan had at that time, and he went towards Delhi. Humayun had appointed Akbar to drive off some of the Afghans from the foot-hills of the Panjab, but just then he exemplified the hemistich which is a description of the accident and the chronogram of his death—

Bairam K?han, who was then his tutor, having collected the nobles who were in the province, chose an auspicious hour and seated him on the throne of rule in pargana Kalanur, near Lahore.

When Hemu reached the neighbourhood of Delhi, Tardi Beg K?han and a large force that was in the city drew up to oppose him. When the preparations for the combat had been made the armies attacked one another, and, after considerable endeavours and strife, defeat fell on Tardi Beg K?han and the Moguls, and the army of darkness overcame the army of light.

Tardi Beg K?han and the other defeated ones took the road to my revered father’s camp. As Bairam K?han disliked Tardi Beg, he made this defeat an excuse to put him to death.

A second time, through the pride engendered in the mind of this accursed infidel by his victory, he came out of Delhi with his force and elephants and advanced, while the glorious standards of His Majesty (Akbar) proceeded from Kalanur for the purpose of driving him away. The armies of darkness and light met in the neighbourhood of Panipat, and on Thursday, Muh?arram 2nd, A.H. 964 (November 5th, 1556), a fight took place. In the army of Hemu were 30,000 brave fighting horsemen, while the g?hazis of the victorious army were not more than 4,000 or 5,000. On that day Hemu was riding an elephant named Hawa?i. Suddenly an arrow struck the eye of that infidel and came out at the back of his head. His army, on seeing this, took to flight. By chance S?hah Quli K?han Mah?ram with a few brave men came up to the elephant on which was the wounded Hemu, and would have shot an arrow at the driver, but he cried “Do not kill me; Hemu is on this elephant.” A number of men immediately conveyed Hemu as he was to the king (Akbar). Bairam K?han represented that it would be proper if the king with his own hand should strike the infidel with a sword, so that obtaining the reward of a g?hazi (warrior of the Faith) he might use this title on the imperial farmans. The king answered, “I have cut him in pieces before this,” and explained: “One day, in Kabul, I was copying a picture in presence of K?hwaja?Abdu-?-?amad S?hirin Qalam, when a form appeared from my brush, the parts of which were separate and divided from each other. One of those near asked, ‘Whose picture is this?’ It came to my tongue to say that it was the likeness of Hemu.” Not defiling his hand with his (Hemu’s) blood, he told one of his servants to cut off his head. Those killed in the defeated army numbered 5,000 in addition to those who fell in various places round about.

Another of the well-known deeds of Akbar was the victorious expedition against Gujarat, and his rapid march there, at the time when Mirza Ibrahim H?usain, Muh?ammad H?usain Mirza, and S?hah Mirza revolted from this State and went towards Gujarat, and all the nobles of that province, combining with the turbulent of those parts, besieged the fort of Ahmadabad in which was Mirza ?Aziz Koka with the royal army. His Majesty, in consequence of the distracted state of Jiji Anga, the mother of the last-named Mirza, started for Gujarat with a body of royal troops without delay from the capital of Fath?pur. Having covered in the space of nine days the long road which it should take two months to accomplish, sometimes on horseback, sometimes on a camel or in a bullock-cart, he arrived at Sarnal.

When, on 5th Jumada-l-awwal, 980 (September 15th, 1572), he reached the neighbourhood of the enemy’s camp, he consulted with those who were loyal to him. Some said he should make a night attack on the camp. His Majesty, however, said that a night attack was the resort of the faint-hearted and the way of the deceitful, and immediately gave orders to beat the drums and set the horsemen at them. When the river Sabar Mahi (Sabarmati) was reached, he ordered his men to cross it in order. Muh?ammad H?usain Mirza was agitated by the noise of the army of victory, and himself came forward to reconnoitre. Subh?an Quli Turk, also with a troop of brave men, went to the river’s bank to enquire into the enemy’s position. The Mirza asked what troops these were. Subh?an Quli replied that they were of the army of King Jalalu-d-din Akbar. That ill-fated one would not believe this, and said his spies had seen the king fourteen days before in Fath?pur, and that it was clear Subh?an Quli was lying. To this Subh?an Quli rejoined, “Nine days ago the king with this expedition started from Fath?pur.” “How could elephants have come?”88 asked the Mirza. “What need was there of elephants?” answered Subh?an Quli. “Young men and heroes who cleave rocks, and are better than famous and raging elephants, have come; the difference between loyalty and sedition will now become known.” The Mirza, after this conversation, turned aside and began to marshal his troops. The king waited until his advanced guard sent word that the enemy had put on their armour. He then moved forward, and although he sent several times to order the K?han A?z?am to advance, the latter stood still. It was said to Akbar that, as the enemy was in force, it would be well to remain on his side of the river until the army of Gujarat arrived from within the fort. His Majesty answered: “Always, and especially in this affair, I have put my trust in God. If I had considered routine, I should not have come in this rapid manner. Now that our foe is ready for the fight, we ought not to delay.” With these words, and with his innate reliance on God as his shield, he put his horse into the river with a few chosen men whom he had appointed to ride with him. Though it was not supposed that there was a ford, he crossed in safety. He had called for his helmet, but in the agitation of bringing it his armour-bearer dropped the face-guard (buffe). His comrades did not regard this as a good omen, but he said at once, “It is an excellent omen, for it has revealed my face.”89 Meantime the wretched Mirza arrayed his ranks to fight his benefactor.

The K?han A?z?am had had no idea that the king would cast the shadow of his compassion on these regions with such speed and eagerness, and he believed no one who gave him news of that arrival, until convinced by visible proof. Then, arraying the army of Gujarat, he prepared to march. Meanwhile A?af K?han also sent news to him. Before his army issued from the fort the enemy had appeared from amongst the trees. The king, taking the Divine aid as the security of his courage, started off. Muh?ammad Quli K?han Turk and Tardi K?han Diwana came forward with a band of brave followers, and after a little fighting turned rein. On this His Majesty said to Bhagwan Das, “The enemy are unnumbered and we are few; we must attack with one face and one heart; for a clenched fist is more useful than an open hand.” With these words he drew his sword, and with shout of Allahu-akbar and Ya Mu?in90 charged with those devoted to him.

The royal right and left wings and a band of brave men in the centre fought with valour. Stars (kaukaba?i), which are a kind of firework, were lighted by the enemy; they twisted about among the thorn-bushes, and created such confusion that a noted elephant of the enemy began to move and threw their troops into disarray. With this the royal centre came up and dispersed Muh?ammad H?usain and his force. Man Singh Darbari overcame his foe under the king’s eyes, and Ragho Das Kachhwaha sacrificed his life. Muh?ammad Wafa, who was of the house-born of the State, behaving very bravely, fell wounded from his horse. By the favour of the Creator who cherishes His servants, and simply through the courage and good fortune of the exalted king, the enemy were scattered and defeated. In gratitude for this great victory the king turned his face in supplication to the throne of his merciful Maker, and poured forth his thanks.

One of the kalawants (musicians) represented to His Majesty that Saif K?han Kokaltas?h had offered the coin of his life in loyalty to the State, and on enquiry it appeared that when Muh?ammad H?usain Mirza with some of his riffraff was attacking the centre Saif K?han met him and fighting valiantly became a martyr. The Mirza himself was wounded by the hands of the brave men of the main body. The Kokaltas?h mentioned is the elder brother of Zain K?han Koka.

A strange circumstance was this: on the day before the battle, when the king was eating, he asked Hazara, who was learned in the science of looking at the shoulder-blades (a kind of divination), to see on whose side the victory would be. Hazara said: “The victory will be on your side, but one of the chiefs of your army will become a martyr.” Whereupon Saif K?han Koka said “Would that this blessing might fall to my lot!”

In short, Mirza Muh?ammad H?usain turned his reins, but his horse’s feet became entangled in the thorn-brake and he fell. An ahadi of the king, Gada ?Ali by name, found him, and having mounted him before him on his horse took him to the king. As two or three claimed a share in his capture, His Majesty asked who had made him prisoner. “The king’s salt,” he answered. The king ordered his hands, that had been fastened behind him, to be tied in front. Meanwhile he asked for water. Farh?at K?han, who was one of the confidential slaves, struck him on the head, but the king, disapproving of this, sent for his private drinking water and satisfied his thirst. Up to this time Mirza ?Aziz Koka and the garrison of the fort had not come out. After the capture of the Mirza, His Majesty was proceeding slowly towards Ahmadabad. He had delivered the Mirza to Ray Ray Singh Ra?hor, one of the Rajput chiefs, to be put on an elephant and brought with him. Meanwhile Ik?htiyaru-l-mulk, who was one of the influential Gujarati leaders, made his appearance with an army of nearly 5,000 men. Complete confusion fell upon the royal troops. The king, as his natural valour and lofty disposition required, ordered the drums to be beaten, and Shaja?at K?han, Raja Bhagwan Das, and some others charged on in front to fight this force. Fearing that the enemy might get possession of Mirza Muh?ammad H?usain, Ray Ray Singh’s men, by the advice and plan of the aforesaid Raja (Bhagwan Das), cut off his head. My father did not want to kill him. The forces of Ik?htiyaru-l-mulk also were dispersed, and he was thrown from his horse into the thorn thicket. Suhrab Beg Turkman cut off his head and brought it in. It was only by the grace and power of God that such a victory was won by a small number of men.

In the same way are beyond all reckoning the conquest of the province of Bengal, the capture of well-known and celebrated forts in Hindustan such as Chitor and Ran?ambhor, the subjection of the province of Khandesh, and the taking of the fort of Asir and of other provinces which by the exertions of the royal armies came into the possession of the servants of the State. If these were related in detail it would be a long story.

In the fight at Chitor, the king with his own hand killed Jitmal, the leader of the men in the fort. He had no rival in shooting with a gun, and with the one with which he killed Jitmal, and which was called Sangram, he killed some 3,000 or 4,000 birds and beasts.92 I may be reckoned a true pupil of his. Of all sports I am most disposed to that with the gun, and in one day have shot eighteen deer.

Of the austerities practised by my revered father, one was the not eating the flesh of animals. During three months of the year he ate meat, and for the remaining nine contented himself with ?ufi food, and was no way pleased with the slaughter of animals. On many days and in many months this was forbidden to the people. The days and months on which he did not eat flesh are detailed in the Akbarnama.

On the day I made I?timadu-l-mulk diwan, I put Mu?izzu-l-mulk in charge of the diwani-i-buyutat (care of buildings). The latter is a Sayyid of Bak?harz,93 and under my revered father was accountant of the kurkaraq department.94

On one of my accession days, a hundred of the Akbari and Jahangiri servants were promoted to higher rank and jagirs. At the commencement of the Ramaz?an ?Id, as it was the first after my accession, I came down to the ?Idgah from my auspicious throne. There was a great crowd, and having performed the dues of thanksgiving and praise I returned to the palace, where according to the verse “From the table of kings favours come to beggars,” I commanded a sum of money to be spent in alms and charity. Some lakhs of dams of this were entrusted to Dust Muh?ammad (afterwards K?hwaja Jahan), who divided them amongst faqirs and those who were in want, and a lakh of dams each was given to Jamalu-d-din H?usain Anju (the lexicographer), Mirza ?adr Jahan, and Mir Muh?ammad Riz?a Sabzawari to dispose of in charity in different quarters of the city. I sent 5,000 rupees to the dervishes of S?haik?h Muh?ammad H?usain Jami, and gave directions that each day one of the officers of the watch95 should give 50,000 dams to faqirs. I sent a jewelled sword to the K?hank?hanan, and promoted Jamalu-d-din Anju to the rank of 3,000. The office of ?adr was entrusted to Miran ?adr Jahan, and I ordered H?aji Koka, who was one of my father’s foster-sisters,96 to bring before me in the palace such women as were worthy to be presented with land and money. I promoted Zahid K?han, son of Muh?ammad ?adiq K?han, from the rank of 1,500 to that of 2,000.

It had been the custom97 that when the gift of an elephant or horse was made to anyone, the naqibs and the Masters of the Horse (Mir Ak?huran) took from him a sum of money as jilawana (bridle-money). I gave orders that this money should be paid by the government, so that people might be freed from the importunities and demands of that set of men.

At this time Salbahan arrived from Burhanpur and produced before me the horses and elephants of my deceased brother Daniyal. Of the elephants, one male named Mast Alast appeared to me the best, and I gave him the name of Nur Gaj. A wonderful thing showed itself in this elephant; on the sides of his ears small lumps had grown about the size of melons, and from them came fluid such as drops from an elephant in the rutting season; moreover, the top of his forehead was more prominent than in other elephants. It was a splendid and imposing animal.98

I gave to my son K?hurram (S?hah-Jahan) a rosary of jewels, with the hope that he might obtain fulfilment of all his desires, both in visible and in spiritual things.

As I had remitted in my dominions customs duties amounting to krors, I abolished also all the transit dues (sa?ir-jihat) in Kabul, which is one of the noted towns on the road to Hindustan. These brought in 1 kror and 23 lakhs of dams. From the provinces of Kabul and Qandahar large sums used to be derived every year from customs (zaka?t), which were in fact the chief revenue of those places. I remitted these ancient dues, a proceeding that greatly benefited the people of Iran and Turan.

A?af K?han’s jagir in the subah of Bihar had been given to Baz Bahadur; I therefore ordered that a jagir in the Panjab should be given to him. As it was represented to me that a large sum was in arrears in his jagir, and now that the order for exchange had been given its collection would be difficult, I directed that a lakh of rupees should be given to him from the Treasury and the arrears recovered from Baz Bahadur for the royal revenues.

I promoted S?harif Amuli to the rank of 2,500, original and increase. He is a pure-hearted, lively-spirited man. Though he has no tincture of current sciences, lofty words and exalted knowledge often manifest themselves in him. In the dress of a faqir he made many journeys, and he has friendship with many saints and recites the maxims of those who profess mysticism. This is his conversation, not his practice (qali-u ast na h?ali). In the time of my revered father he relinquished the garments of poverty and asceticism, and attained to amirship and chiefship. His utterance is exceedingly powerful, and his conversation is remarkably eloquent and pure, although he is without Arabic. His compositions also are not devoid of verve.99

A garden in Agra had been left by S?hah Quli K?han Mah?ram, and as he had no heirs I handed it over to Ruqayya Sult?an Begam, the daughter of Hindal Mirza, who had been the honoured wife of my father.100 My father had given my son K?hurram into her charge, and she loved him a thousand times more than if he had been her own.

On the night of Tuesday, Z_i-l-qa?da 11th, A.H. 1014 (March 11th or 12th, 1606), in the morning, which is the time of the blessing of light, his Eminence the Great Luminary passed from the constellation of the Fish to the House of Honour in the constellation of the Ram. As this was the first New Year’s Day after my auspicious accession I ordered them to decorate the porticoes of the private and public halls of the palace, as in the time of my revered father, with delicate stuffs, and to adorn them handsomely. From the first day of the Nauruz to the 19th degree of the Ram (Aries), which is the day of culmination, the people gave themselves over to enjoyment and happiness. Players and singers of all bands and castes were gathered together. Dancing lulis and charmers of India whose caresses would captivate the hearts of angels kept up the excitement of the assemblies. I gave orders that whoever might wish for intoxicating drinks and exhilarating drugs should not be debarred from using them.

In my father’s time it had become established that one of the great nobles should prepare an entertainment on each of the 17 or 18 days of the festival, and should present His Majesty the king with choice gifts of all kinds of jewels and jewelled things, precious stuffs, and elephants and horses, and should invite him to take the trouble to come to his assembly. By way of exalting his servants, he would deign to be present, and having looked at the presents would take what he approved of and bestow the remainder on the giver of the entertainment. As my mind was inclined to the comfort and ease of the army and subjects, I this year let them off their gifts with the exception of a few from my immediate retainers, which I accepted in order to gratify them. In those same days many servants of the State obtained higher rank. Amongst them I raised Dilawar K?han Afg?han to 1,500, and I raised Raja Baso, who was a landholder of the hill country of the Panjab, and who from the time I was prince till now has kept the way of service and sincerity towards me and held the rank of 1,500, to 3,500. S?hah Beg K?han, the governor of Qandahar, I promoted to 5,000, and Ray Ray Singh, a Rajput noble, obtained the same rank. I gave 12,000 rupees for expenses to Rana S?hankar.

At the beginning of my reign, a son of that Muz?affar Gujarati who claimed to be descended from the rulers of that country lifted up the head of disturbance and attacked and plundered the environs of the city of Ahmadabad. Some sardars such as Pim102 Bahadur Uzbeg and Ray ?Ali Bhati, who were amongst the distinguished and brave men there, became martyrs in that outbreak. At length Raja Bikramajit and many mansabdars were provided by me with 6,000 or 7,000 horse, and appointed to assist the army of Gujarat. It was decided that when things had quieted down, by the driving off of those seditious people, Raja Bikramajit should be Subahdar of Gujarat. Qilij K?han, who had been previously nominated to this office, should come to Court. After the arrival of the royal troops the thread of the rebels’ union was severed; they took refuge in different jungles, and the country was reduced to order. The news of this victory reached the ear of my state and dignity in the most acceptable of hours (New Year time).

About this time there came a representation from my son Parwiz that the Rana had left thana Mandal, which is about 30103 or 40 kos from Ajmir, and had run away, and that a force had been appointed to pursue him; and that it was to be hoped the good fortune of Jahangir would cause him to become non-existent.

On the last day of the feast of the New Year, many servants of the State were honoured with favours and increase of rank. Pis?hrau K?han was an old retainer and had come from Persia (wilayat) with Humayun; indeed, he was one of the men whom S?hah Tahmasp had sent with Humayun. His name was Mihtar Sa?adat. As under my father he was superintendent (darog?ha) and head (mihtar) of the farras?h-k?hana (store department), and had no equal in this service, he had given him the title of Pis?hrau K?han (the active K?han). Though he was a subordinate(?) servant and had an artificer’s disposition (qalaqchi mas?hrab), I looked to his claims of service and gave him the rank of 2,000.104

Futile105 ideas had entered the mind of K?husrau in consequence of his youth and the pride youths have, and the lack of experience and the lack of foresight of worthless companions, especially at the time of my revered father’s illness. Some of these short-sighted ones, through the multitude of their crimes and offences, had become hopeless of pardon and indulgence, and imagined that by making K?husrau a tool they might conduct the affairs of State through him. They overlooked the truth that acts of sovereignty and world rule are not things to be arranged by the worthless endeavours of defective intellects. The just Creator bestows them on him whom he considers fit for this glorious and exalted duty, and on such a person doth He fit the robe of honour.

As the futile imaginations of the seditious and short-sighted had no result but disgrace and regret, the affairs of the kingdom were confirmed in the hands of this suppliant at the throne of Allah. I invariably found K?husrau preoccupied and distracted. However much, in favour and affection for him, I wished to drive from his mind some of his fears and alarms, nothing was gained until, at last, by the advice of those whose fortune was reversed, on the night of Sunday, Z_i-l-h?ijja 8th, of the year mentioned (April 6th, 1605), when two gharis had passed, he made a pretence106 of going to visit the tomb of His Majesty (Akbar), and went off with 350 horsemen, who were his adherents, from within the fort of Agra. Shortly after, one of the lamp attendants who was acquainted with the Waziru-l-mulk gave him the news of K?husrau’s flight. The Vizier took him to the Amiru-l-umara, who, as the news seemed true, came in a distracted state of mind to the door of the private apartments and said to one of the eunuchs, “Take in my request and say that I have a necessary representation to make, and let the king honour me by coming out.” As such an affair had not entered my thoughts I supposed that news had come from the Deccan or Gujarat. When I came out and heard what the news was, I asked, “What must be done? Shall I mount myself, or shall I send K?hurram?” The Amiru-l-umara submitted that he would go if I ordered it. “Let it be so,” I said. Afterwards he said, “If he will not turn back on my advice, and takes up arms, what must be done?” Then I said, “If he will go in no way on the right road, do not consider a crime anything that results from your action. Kingship regards neither son nor son-in-law. No one is a relation to a king.”

When I had said these words and other things, and had dismissed him, it occurred to me that K?husrau was very much annoyed with him, and that in consequence of the dignity and nearness (to me) which he (the Amir) enjoyed, he was an object of envy to his equals and contemporaries.107 Perhaps they might devise treachery and destroy him. I therefore ordered Mu?izzu-l-mulk to recall him, and selecting in his place S?haik?h Farid Bak?hs?hi-begi commanded him to start off at once, and to take with him the mansabdars and ahadis who were on guard. Ihtimam K?han the kotwal was made scout and intelligence officer. I determined, God willing, to start off myself when it was day. Mu?izzu-l-mulk brought back the Amiru-l-umara.

About this time, Ah?mad Beg K?han and Dust Muh?ammad K?han had been sent off to Kabul,108 and had got as far as Sikandra, which was on K?husrau’s route. On his arrival they came out of their tents with some of their people, and returned and waited on me with the news that K?husrau had taken the Panjab road and was hastening on. It occurred to me that he might change his route and go somewhere else. As his maternal uncle, Man Singh, was in Bengal, it occurred to many of the servants of the State that he might go in that direction. I sent out on every side, and ascertained that he was making for the Panjab. Meantime day dawned, and in reliance on the grace and favour of God Almighty, and with clear resolve, I mounted, withheld by nothing and no one.

When I reached the venerable mausoleum of my revered father, which is three kos from the city, I begged for aid to my courage from the spirit of that honoured one. About this time they captured and brought in109 Mirza H?asan, son of Mirza S?hahruk?h, who had proposed to accompany K?husrau. He could not deny it when I questioned him, and I ordered them to tie his hands and mount him on an elephant.110 This was the first good omen manifested through the kindness and blessing of that venerable one. At midday, as it had become exceedingly hot, having rested awhile under the shade of a tree, I said to the K?han A?z?am that we, with all our composure, were in such a state that we had not taken till now our regular allowance of opium, which it was the practice to take the first thing in the morning, and no one had reminded us of the omission. We might imagine from this what was now the condition of that graceless one (K?husrau).111

My trouble was this, that my son without any cause or reason should become an opponent and an enemy. If I should make no endeavour to capture him, the fractious or rebellious would have an instrument, or else he would take his own way and go for an asylum to the Uzbegs or the Persians, and contempt would fall upon my government. On this account, having made a special point of capturing him, I went on after a short rest two or three kos beyond pargana Mathura, which is 20 kos from Agra, and I alighted at one of the villages of that pargana where there is a tank.

When K?husrau arrived at Mathura, he met H?usain Beg Badak?hs?hi, who was of those who had received favours from my revered father and was coming from Kabul to wait on me. As it is the temperament of the Badak?hs?his to be seditious and turbulent, K?husrau regarded112 this meeting as a godsend, and made H?usain Beg the captain and guide of 200 or 300 Badakhshan Aimaqs, who were with him.

Anyone whom they met, they plundered of horses and goods. Merchants and conveyers of goods were plundered by these rascals, and wheresoever they went men’s wives and children were not safe from the calamity of these wretches. With his own eyes K?husrau was witnessing the oppression practised in the hereditary dominions of his ancestors, and after being a witness of the improper deeds of these rascals he a thousand times every moment wished death for himself. Finally, he had no remedy but to temporize with and support those dogs. If good luck and fortune had assisted him in his affairs, he would have made repentance and regret his voucher, and come without any deceit to wait on me. God, who knows the world of secrets, knows that I should have passed over his offences entirely and shown him such favour and affection that to the extent of a hair’s point no estrangement or fear would have remained upon his mind. Inasmuch as during the lifetime of the late king (Akbar) an intention of joining in the sedition of some of the rebels had manifested itself in his mind, and he knew that this had come to my knowledge, he placed no reliance on my kindness and affection. His mother, while I was prince, in grief at his ways and behaviour and the misconduct of her brother Madho Singh,113 killed herself by swallowing opium (tiryaq).114 What shall I write of her excellences and goodness? She had perfect intelligence, and her devotion to me was such that she would have sacrificed a thousand sons and brothers for one hair of mine. She constantly wrote to K?husrau and urged him to be sincere and affectionate to me. When she saw that it was of no use and that it was unknown how far he would be led away, she from the indignation and high spirit which are inherent in the Rajput character determined upon death. Her mind was several times disturbed, for such feelings were hereditary, and her ancestors and her brothers had occasionally showed signs of madness, but after a time had recovered. At a time when I had gone hunting, on Z_i-l-h?ijja 26th, 1013115 (May 6th, 1605), she in her agitation swallowed a quantity of opium, and quickly passed away. It was as if she had foreseen this behaviour of her unworthy son.

My first marriage and that at the commencement of my adolescence was with her. After K?husrau’s birth I gave her the title of S?hah Begam. When she could not endure the bad conduct of her son and brother towards me she became disgusted with life and died, thereby escaping the present grief and sorrow. In consequence of her death, from the attachment I had for her, I passed some days without any kind of pleasure in life or existence, and for four days, which amount to 32 watches, I took nothing in the shape of food or drink. When this tale was told to my revered father, a letter of condolence of excessive kindness and affection reached this devoted disciple, and he sent me a robe of honour and the auspicious turban tied just as he had taken it off his head. This favour threw water on the flame of my grief and afforded complete quiet and repose to my unquietude and disturbance. My intention in relating these circumstances is to point out that no evil fortune is greater than when a son, through the impropriety of his conduct and his unapproved methods of behaviour, causes the death of his mother and becomes contumacious and rebellious to his father, without cause or reason, but simply through his own imaginations and futile ideas, and chooses to avoid the blessing of waiting upon him. Inasmuch as the Almighty Avenger lays a proper punishment on each action, of necessity his condition finally came to this, that he was caught under the worst circumstances, and falling from a position of trust became captive to perpetual incarceration.

To sum up, on Tuesday, Z_i-l-h?ijja 10th, I alighted at the station of Ho?al.116 S?haik?h Farid Bak?hs?hi and a band of valiant men were chosen to pursue K?husrau and became the vanguard of the victorious army. I sent back Dust Muh?ammad, who was in attendance on me, on account of his previous service and his white beard, to take charge of the fort of Agra and of the zanana and the treasuries. When leaving Agra, I had placed the city in the charge of I?timadu-d-daula and Waziru-l-mulk. I now said to Dust Muh?ammad, “As we are going to the Panjab, and that province is in the diwani of I?timadu-d-daula, you will despatch him to us, and will imprison and keep watch over the sons117 of Mirza Muh?ammad H?akim who are in Agra; as when such proceedings manifest themselves in the son of one’s loins what may one expect from nephews and cousins?” After the dispatch of Dust Muh?ammad, Mu?izzu-l-mulk became bakhshi.

On Wednesday I alighted at Palwal, and on Thursday at Faridabad; on Friday, the 13th, I reached Delhi. From the dust of the road (i.e. immediately) I hastened to the venerated tomb of Humayun, and there besought help in my purpose, and with my own hand distributed money to poor persons and dervishes. Thence turning to the shrine of the venerable saint S?haik?h Niz?amu-d-din Auliya, I performed the dues of pilgrimage. After this I gave a portion118 of money to Jamalu-d-din H?usain Anju and another portion to H?akim Muz?affar that they might divide it amongst the poor and dervishes. On Saturday the 14th I stayed in Saray Narela.119 This rest-house (saray) K?husrau had burned as he went.

The rank of Aqa Mulla, brother of A?af K?han, who had been exalted by becoming my servant, was fixed in original and increase at 1,000 with 300 horse. He was in close attendance during this journey. Considering that some of the Aimaqs attached to the royal army were in league with K?husrau, and fearing that consequently some fraud or sedition might enter their minds, 2,000 rupees were given to their leaders to distribute amongst their men and make them hopeful of the Jahangiri favour. I gave money to S?haik?h Faz?lu-llah and Raja Dhirdhar to distribute to faqirs and brahmans on the road. I gave orders that to Rana S?hankar in Ajmir should be given 30,000 rupees by way of assistance for his expenditure.

On Monday, the 16th, I reached the pargana of Panipat.120 This station and place used to be very propitious to my gracious father and honoured ancestors, and two great victories had been gained in it. One was the defeat of Ibrahim Lodi, which was won by the might of the victorious hosts of His Majesty Firdus-makani. The story of this has been written in the histories of the time. The second victory was over the wicked Hemu, and was manifested from the world of fortune in the beginning of the reign of my revered father, as has been described by me in detail.

At the time that K?husrau had left Delhi and was proceeding to Panipat, it happened that Dilawar K?han had arrived there. When shortly before K?husrau’s arrival he heard of this affair, he sent his children across the Jumna and bravely determined to hasten on and throw himself into the fort of Lahore before K?husrau should arrive. About this time ?Abdu-r-Rah?im also reached Panipat from Lahore, and Dilawar K?han suggested to him that he too should send his children across the river, and should stand aside and await the victorious standards of Jahangir. As he was lethargic and timid, he could not make up his mind to do this, and delayed so much that K?husrau arrived. He went out and waited on him, and either voluntarily or in a state of agitation agreed to accompany him. He obtained the title of Malik Anwar and the position of vizier. Dilawar K?han, like a brave man, turned towards Lahore, and on his road informed everyone and everybody of the servants of the court and the karoriyan, and the merchants whom he came across, of the exodus of K?husrau. Some he took with him, and others he told to stand aside out of the way. After that, the servants of God were relieved of the plundering by robbers and oppressors. Most probably, if Sayyid Kamal in Delhi, and Dilawar K?han at Panipat, had shown courage and determination, and had blocked K?husrau’s path, his disorderly force would not have been able to resist and would have scattered, and he himself would have been captured. The fact is that their talents (himmat) were not equal to this, but afterwards each made amends for his fault, viz., Dilawar K?han, by his rapid march, entered the fort of Lahore before K?husrau reached it, and by this notable service made amends for his earlier shortcoming, and Sayyid Kamal manfully exerted himself in the engagement with K?husrau, as will be described in its own place.

On Z_i-l-h?ijja 17th the royal standards were set up in the pargana of Karnal. Here I raised ?Abidin K?hwaja, son of K?hwaja Kalan Juybari and pirzada (spiritual adviser), son of ?Abdu-llah K?han Uzbeg, who had come in the time of my revered father, to the rank of 1,000. S?haik?h Niz?am Thaneswari, who was one of the notorious impostors (s?hayyadan) of the age, waited on K?husrau, and having gratified him with pleasant news, again121 led him out of the (right) path, and then came to wait on me. As I had heard of these transactions, I gave him his road expenses and told him to depart for the auspicious place of pilgrimage (Mecca). On the 19th the halt was in pargana S?hahabad. Here there was very little water, but it happened that heavy rain fell, so that all were rejoiced.

I promoted S?haik?h Ah?mad Lahori, who from my princehood had filled the relationship of service and discipleship and the position of a house-born one (k?hanazada) to the office of Mir-i-?Adl (Chief Justice). Disciples122 and sincere followers were presented on his introduction, and to each it was necessary to give the token123 and the likeness (s?hast u s?habah). They were given on his recommendation (?). At the time of initiation some words of advice were given to the disciple: he must not confuse or darken his years with sectarian quarrels, but must follow the rule of universal peace with regard to religions; he must not kill any living creature with his own hand, and must not flay anything. The only exceptions are in battle and the chase.

Honour the luminaries (the Sun, Moon, etc.), which are manifesters of God’s light, according to the degree of each, and recognize the power and existence of Almighty God at all times and seasons. Be careful indeed that whether in private or in public you never for a moment forget Him.

My revered father became possessed of these principles, and was rarely void of such thoughts.

At the stage of Aluwa(?)125 I appointed Abu-n-nabi(?)126 Uzbeg with fifty-seven other mansabdars to assist S?haik?h Farid, and gave the force 40,000 rupees for its expenses. To Jamil Beg were given 7,000 rupees to divide among the Aimaqs (cavalry). I also presented Mir S?harif Amuli127 with 2,000 rupees.

On Tuesday the 24th of the same month they captured five of the attendants and comrades of K?husrau. Two of these, who confessed to his service, I ordered to be thrown under the feet of elephants, and three who denied were placed in custody that enquiry might be made. On Farwardin 12th of the first year of my reign, Mirza H?usain and Nuru-d-din Quli the kotwal entered Lahore, and on the 24th of the same month a messenger of Dilawar K?han arrived (there) with news that K?husrau was moving on Lahore and that they should be on their guard. On the same day the city gates were guarded and strengthened, and two days later Dilawar K?han entered the fort with a few men and began to strengthen the towers and walls. Wherever these were broken and thrown down he repaired them, and, placing cannon and swivel guns on the citadel, he prepared for battle. Assembling the small number of the royal servants who were in the fort, they were assigned their several duties, and the people of the city also with loyalty gave their assistance. Two days later, and when all was ready, K?husrau arrived, and, having fixed a place for his camp, gave orders to invest128 the city and to prepare for battle, and to burn one of the gates on any side where one could be got at. “After taking the fort,” he said to his wicked crew, “I will give orders to plunder the city for seven days and to make captive the women and children.”

This doomed lot set fire to a gate, and Dilawar Beg K?han, H?usain Beg the diwan, and Nuru-d-din Quli the kotwal built a wall inside opposite the gateway.

Meantime Sa?id K?han, who was one of those appointed to Kashmir and was now encamped on the Chenab, having heard the news, started rapidly for Lahore. When he reached the Ravi he sent word to the garrison of the fort that he came with a loyal intention and that they should admit him. They sent someone at night and conducted him and some of his men inside. When the siege had lasted nine days, news of the approach of the royal army came repeatedly to K?husrau and his adherents. They became helpless (bi pa), and made up their minds that they must face the victorious army.

As Lahore is one of the greatest places in Hindustan, a great number of people gathered in six or seven days. It was reported on good authority that 10,000 or 12,000 horse were collected, and had left the city with the view of making a night attack on the royal vanguard. This news was brought to me at the saray of Qaz?i ?Ali on the night of Thursday the 16th. Although it rained heavily in the night I beat the drum of march and mounted. Arriving in Sult?anpur at dawn I remained there till noon. By chance, at this place and hour the victorious army encountered that ill-fated band. Mu?izzu-l-mulk had brought a dish of roast meat,129 and I was turning towards it with zest when the news of the battle was brought to me. Though I had a longing to eat the roast meat, I immediately took a mouthful by way of augury and mounted, and without waiting for the coming up of men and without regard to the smallness of my force I went off in all haste. However much I demanded my chiltah (wadded coat), they did not produce it. My only arms were a spear and sword, but I committed myself to the favour of God and started off without hesitation. At first my escort did not number more than fifty horsemen; no one had expected a fight that day. In fine, when I reached the head of the bridge of Gobindwal,130 400 or 500 horse, good and bad, had come together. When I had crossed the bridge the news of a victory was brought to me. The bearer of the good news was S?hamsi, tus?hakchi (wardrobe man), and for his good news he obtained the title of K?hus?h-k?habar K?han. Mir Jamalu-d-din H?usain, whom I had sent previously to advise K?husrau, came up at the same time and said such things about the number and bravery of K?husrau’s men as frightened his hearers. Though news of the victory came continuously, this simple-minded Sayyid would not believe it, and expressed incredulity that such an army as he had seen could be defeated by S?haik?h Farid’s force, which was small and not properly equipped. When they brought K?husrau’s litter131 with two of his eunuchs, the Mir admitted what had happened. Then, alighting from his horse, he placed his head at my feet and professed every kind of humility and submission, and said that there could be no higher or more lofty fortune than this.

In this command S?haik?h Farid behaved with sincerity and devotion. The Sayyids of Barha, who are of the brave ones of the age, and who have held this place in every fight in which they have been, formed the van. Saif K?han, son of Sayyid Mah?mud K?han Barha, the head of the tribe, had shown great bravery and had received seventeen wounds. Sayyid Jalal, also of the brethren of this band, received an arrow in his temple and died a few days later. At the time when the Sayyids of Barha, who were not more than fifty or sixty in number, having received wounds from 1,500 Badak?hs?hi horsemen, had been cut to pieces, Sayyid Kamal, who, with his brothers, had been appointed to support the van, came up on the flank and fought with wondrous bravery and manliness. After that the men of the right wing raised the cry of Pads?hah salamat (“Long live the King”) and charged, and the rebels hearing the words, gave up and scattered abroad to various hiding-places. About 400 Aimaqs became crushed on the plain of anger and overcome by the victorious army. K?husrau’s box of jewels and precious things which he had always with him, fell into our hands.

Short-sighted men in Allahabad had urged me also to rebel against my father. Their words were extremely unacceptable and disapproved by me. I know what sort of endurance a kingdom would have, the foundations of which were laid on hostility to a father, and was not moved by the evil counsels of such worthless men, but acting according to the dictates of reason and knowledge I waited on my father, my guide, my qibla,133 and my visible God, and as a result of this good purpose it went well with me.

In the evening of the day of K?husrau’s flight I gave Raja Baso, who is a trusty zamindar of the hill-country of Lahore, leave to go to that frontier, and, wherever he heard news or trace of K?husrau, to make every effort to capture him. I also appointed Mahabat K?han and Mirza ?Ali Akbars?hahi to a large force, which was to pursue K?husrau in whatever direction he might go. I resolved with myself that if K?husrau went to Kabul, I would follow him and not turn back till he was captured. If not delaying in Kabul he should go on to Badakhshan and those regions, I would leave Mahabat K?han in Kabul and return myself (to India). My reason for not going to Badakhshan was that that wretch would (in that case) certainly ally himself with the Uzbegs, and the disgrace would attach to this State.

On the day on which the royal troops were ordered to pursue K?husrau, 15,000 rupees were given to Mahabat K?han and 20,000 to the ahadis, and 10,000 more were sent with the army to be given to whom it might be necessary to give it on the way.

On Saturday, the 28th, the victorious camp was pitched at Jaipal,134 which lies seven kos from Lahore. On the same day K?husrau arrived with a few men on the bank of the Chenab. The brief account of what had happened is that after his defeat those who had escaped with him from the battle became divided in opinion. The Afghans and Indians, who were mostly his old retainers, wished to double back like foxes into Hindustan, and to become a source of rebellion and trouble there. H?usain Beg, whose people and family and treasure were in the direction of Kabul, suggested going to Kabul. In the end, as action was taken according to the wish of H?usain Beg, the Hindustanis and the Afghans decided to separate themselves from him. On arriving at the Chenab, he proposed to cross at the ferry of S?hahpur, which is one of the recognized crossings, but as he could find no boats there he made for the ferry of Sodharah, where his people got one boat without boatmen and another full of firewood and grass.

The ferries over the rivers had been stopped because before K?husrau’s defeat orders had been given to all the jagirdars and the superintendents of roads and crossings in the subah of the Panjab that as this kind of dispute had arisen they must all be on the alert. H?usain Beg wished to transfer the men from the boat with firewood and grass to the other, so that they might convey K?husrau across. At this juncture arrived Kilan,135 son-in-law of Kamal Chaudhari of Sodharah, and saw a body of men about to cross in the night. He cried out to the boatmen that there was an order from the king Jahangir forbidding unknown men from crossing in the night, and that they must be careful. Owing to the noise and uproar, the people of the neighbourhood gathered together, and Kamal’s son-in-law took from the boatmen the pole with which they propel the boat, and which in Hindustani is called balli, and thus made the boat unmanageable. Although money was offered to the boatmen, not one would ferry them over. News went to Abu-l-Qasim Namakin, who was at Gujarat, near the Chenab, that a body of men were wanting to cross the river by night, and he at once came to the ferry in the night with his sons and some horsemen. Things went to such a length that H?usain Beg shot arrows at the boatmen,136 and Kamal’s son-in-law also took to shooting arrows from the river-bank. For four kos the boat took its own way down the river, until at the end of the night it grounded, and try as they would they could not get it off. Meantime it became day. Abu-l-Qasim and K?hwaja K?hiz?r K?han, who by the efforts of Hilal K?han had assembled on this (? the west) side of the river, fortified its west bank, and the zamindars fortified it on the east.

Before this affair of K?husrau’s, I had sent Hilal K?han as sazawal to the army appointed for Kashmir under Sa?id K?han, and by chance he arrived in the neighbourhood (of the ferry) that same night; he came in the nick of time, and his efforts had great effect in bringing together Abu-l-Qasim K?han Namakin, and K?hwaja K?hiz?r K?han in the capture of K?husrau.

On the morning of Sunday, the 24th of the aforesaid month, people on elephants and in boats captured K?husrau, and on Monday, the last day of the month, news of this reached me in the garden of Mirza Kamran. I immediately ordered the Amiru-l-umara to go to Gujarat and to bring K?husrau to wait on me.

In counsels on State affairs and government it often happens that I act according to my own judgment and prefer my own counsel to that of others. In the first instance I had elected to wait on my revered father from Allahabad in opposition to the advice of my faithful servants, and I obtained the blessing of serving him, and this was for my spiritual and temporal good. By the same course of conduct I had become king. The second instance was the pursuit of K?husrau, from which I was not held back by taking time to ascertain the (auspicious) hour, etc., and from which I took no rest until I captured him. It is a strange thing that after I had started I asked H?akim ?Ali, who is learned in mathematics, how the hour of my departure had been (i.e. whether propitious or not), and he replied that in order to obtain my object if I had wished to select an hour, there could not have been for years one selected better than that in which I mounted.

On Thursday, Muh?arram 3rd, 1015, in Mirza Kamran’s garden, they brought K?husrau before me with his hands tied and chains on his legs from the left side137 after the manner and custom of Chingiz K?han. They made H?usain Beg stand on his right hand and ?Abdu-r-Rah?im on his left. K?husrau stood weeping and trembling between them. H?usain Beg, with the idea that it might profit him, began to speak wildly. When his purport became apparent to me I did not allow him to continue talking, but handed over K?husrau in chains, and ordered these two villains to be put in the skins of an ox and an ass, and that they should be mounted on asses with their faces to the tail138 and thus taken round the city. As the ox-hide dried more quickly than that of the ass, H?usain Beg remained alive for four watches and died from suffocation. ?Abdu-r-Rah?im, who was in the ass’s skin and to whom they gave some refreshment from outside, remained alive.

From Monday, the last day of Z_i-l-h?ijja, until the 9th of Muh?arram of the aforesaid year, I remained in Mirza Kamran’s garden because the time was unpropitious.139 I bestowed Bhairawal,140 where the battle had taken place, on S?haik?h Farid, and rewarded him with the high title of Murtaz?a K?han. For the sake of good government I ordered posts to be set up on both sides of the road from the garden to the city, and ordered them to hang up and impale the seditious Aimaqs and others who had taken part in the rebellion. Thus each one of them received an extraordinary punishment. I gave headship to those landholders who had shown loyalty, and to every one of the Chaudharis between the Jhelam and the Chenab I gave lands for their support.

Of H?usain Beg’s property there were obtained from the house of Mir Muh?ammad Baqi nearly seven lakhs of rupees. This was exclusive of what he had made over to other places and of what he had with him. After this, whenever his name is mentioned, the words141 gawan u k?haran (bullocks and asses) will be used. When he came to this Court in company with Mirza S?hahruk?h he had one horse. By degrees his affairs flourished so that he became possessed of treasure both visible and buried, and projects of this kind entered his mind.

While K?husrau’s affair was still in the will of God, as there was no actual governor between Afghanistan and Agra, which is a source of sedition and mischief, and, fearing that K?husrau’s affair might be prolonged, I ordered my son Parwiz to leave some of the sardars to look after the Rana and to come to Agra with A?af K?han and a body of those nearly connected with him in the service. He was to consider the protection and management of that region his special charge. But by the blessed favour of Allah, K?husrau’s affair was settled before Parwiz arrived in Agra; I accordingly ordered my aforesaid son to come and wait on me.

On Wednesday, Muh?arram 8th, I auspiciously entered the fort of Lahore. A number of loyalists represented to me that my return to Agra would be for the good of the State at this time when much was going amiss in Gujarat, in the Deccan, and in Bengal. This counsel did not meet with my approval, for the reports of S?hah Beg K?han, the governor of Qandahar, showed that the officers of the Persian border were meditating an attack on that fortress. They had been moved thereto by the machinations of the residuum of the Mirzas of Qandahar’s army, which was always shaking the chain of contention. The Persian officers had written letters to these malcontents, and there was likelihood of a disturbance. It occurred to me that the death of His Majesty Akbar and the unreasonable outbreak of K?husrau might put an edge on their design, and that they might attack Qandahar. What had occurred to my mind became a realized fact. The governor of Farah, the Malik of Sistan, and the jagirdars of that neighbourhood, with the assistance of H?usain K?han, the governor of Herat, invaded Qandahar. Praise is due to the manliness and courage of S?hah Beg K?han, who planted his foot firmly like a man, and strengthened the fort, and seated himself on the top of the third(?) citadel of the aforesaid fort in such a manner that outsiders could see his entertainments. During the siege he girded not his loins, but with bare head and feet arranged parties of pleasure; yet no day passed that he did not send a force from the fort to meet the foe and did not make manly efforts. This went on as long as he was in the fort. The Qizilbas?h army had invested on three sides. When news of this reached Lahore it was clearly advisable to remain in that neighbourhood. A large force was immediately appointed under the leadership of Mirza G?hazi, who was accompanied by a number of men of rank and servants of the Court, such as Qara Beg and Tuk?hta Beg, who had been promoted with the titles of Qara K?han and Sardar K?han. I appointed Mirza G?hazi to a mansab of 5,000 personal, and horsemen, and bestowed drums on him. Mirza G?hazi was the son of Mirza Jani Tark?han, king of Thathah (Sind), and by the efforts of ?Abdu-r-Rah?im K?hank?hanan that country had been conquered in the reign of the late king. The country of Thathah was included in his jagir, and he held the rank with personality and horsemen of 5,000. After his death his son Mirza G?hazi was raised to his rank and service. Their ancestors were among the amirs of Sult?an H?usain Mirza Bay-qara, the ruler of Khurasan, and they were originally descended from the amirs of Timur (?ah?ib-qirani). K?hwaja ?Aqil was appointed bakhshi of this army; 43,000 rupees were given to Qara K?han for road expenses, and 15,000 to Naqdi Beg and Qilij Beg, who were to accompany Mirza G?hazi. I determined to stay at Lahore in order to settle this matter and with the intention of a tour to Kabul. About this time the rank of H?akim Fath?u-llah was fixed, original and increased, at 1,000 personality and 300 horse. As S?haik?h H?usain Jami had had dreams about me which had come true, I gave him twenty lakhs of dams, equivalent to 30,000 or 40,000 rupees, for the expenses of himself and his monastery and the dervishes who were with him. On the 22nd I promoted ?Abdu-llah K?han to the rank of 2,500 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. I ordered to be given to the ahadis two lakhs of rupees to be paid in advance and deducted by degrees from their monthly pay. I bestowed 6,000 rupees on Qasim Beg K?han, the son-in-law of S?hah Beg K?han, and 3,000 rupees on Sayyid Bahadur K?han.

In Gobindwal, which is on the river Biyah (Beas), there was a Hindu named Arjun,142 in the garments of sainthood and sanctity, so much so that he had captured many of the simple-hearted of the Hindus, and even of the ignorant and foolish followers of Islam, by his ways and manners, and they had loudly sounded the drum of his holiness. They called him Guru, and from all sides stupid people crowded to worship and manifest complete faith in him. For three or four generations (of spiritual successors) they had kept this shop warm. Many times it occurred to me to put a stop to this vain affair or to bring him into the assembly of the people of Islam.

At last when K?husrau passed along this road this insignificant fellow proposed to wait upon him. K?husrau happened to halt at the place where he was, and he came out and did homage to him. He behaved to K?husrau in certain special ways, and made on his forehead a finger-mark in saffron, which the Indians (Hinduwan) call qas?hqa,143 and is considered propitious. When this came to my ears and I clearly understood his folly, I ordered them to produce him and handed over his houses, dwelling-places, and children to Murtaz?a K?han, and having confiscated his property commanded that he should be put to death.

There were two men named Raju and Amba, who, under the shadow of the protection of the eunuch Daulat K?han, made their livelihood by oppression and tyranny, and had done many acts of oppression in the few days that K?husrau was before Lahore. I ordered Raju to the gallows and a fine to be taken from Amba, who was reputed to be wealthy. In short, 15,000 rupees were collected from him, which sum I ordered them to expend on bulg?hur-k?hanas (refectories) and in charity.

Sa?du-llah K?han, son of Sa?d K?han, was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse.

In his great desire to wait upon me, Parwiz traversed long distances in a short time, in the rainy season and incessant rain, and on Thursday, the 29th, when two watches and three gha?i of day had passed, obtained the blessing of seeing me. With exceeding kindness and affection, I took him into the embrace of favour and kissed his forehead.

When this disgraceful conduct showed itself in K?husrau, I had resolved not to delay in any place till I had captured him. There was a probability that he might turn back towards Hindustan, so it appeared impolitic to leave Agra empty, as it was the centre of the State, the abode of the ladies of the holy harem, and the depository of the world’s treasures. On these accounts I had written when leaving Agra to Parwiz, saying that his loyalty had had this result, that K?husrau had fled and that Fortune had turned her face toward himself; that I had started in pursuit of K?husrau, and that he should consequently dispose of the affairs of the Rana in some way according to the necessity of the time, and for the benefit of the kingdom should himself come quickly to Agra. I had delivered into his charge the capital and treasury, which was equal to the wealth of Qarun,144 and I had commended him to the God of power. Before this letter reached Parwiz, the Rana had been so humbled that he had sent to A?af K?han to say that as by his own acts he had come to shame and disgrace, he hoped that he would intercede for him in such a way that the prince would be content with his sending Bagha,145 who was one of his sons. Parwiz had not agreed to this, and said that either the Rana himself should come or that he should send Karan. Meantime the news of K?husrau’s disturbance arrived, and on its account A?af K?han and other loyalists agreed to the coming of Bagha, who obtained the blessing of waiting on the prince near Man?alga?h.

Parwiz, leaving Raja Jagannath and most of the chiefs of his army, started for Agra with A?af K?han and some of those near to him and his own attendants, and with him brought Bagha to the Court. When he came near Agra he heard the news of the victory over K?husrau and his capture, and after resting two days an order reached him that as matters appeared settled in all quarters he should betake himself to me, in order that on the prescribed date he might obtain the good fortune of waiting on me. I bestowed on him the parasol (aftab-gir),146 which is one of the signs of royalty, and I gave him the rank of 10,000 and sent an order to the officials to grant him a tank?hwah jagir. At this time I sent Mirza ?Ali Beg to Kashmir; 10,000 rupees were delivered to Qaz?i ?Izzatu-llah to divide amongst faqirs and the poor of Kabul. Ah?mad Beg K?han was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,250 horse, original and extra. At the same time Muqarrab K?han, who had been sent to Burhanpur to bring the children of Daniyal, returned after an absence of 6 months 22 days and had the honour of an audience, and related in detail what had occurred in those regions.

Saif K?han was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. S?haik?h ?Abdu-l-Wahhab147 of the Buk?hara sayyids, who was governor of Delhi under the late king, was dismissed from the post (by me) for certain ill-deeds done by his men, and was entered amongst the holders of subsistence lands and the arbab-i-sa?adat.

In the whole of the hereditary dominions, both the crown lands and the jagirs, I ordered the preparation of bulg?hur-k?hanas (free eating-houses), where cooked food might be provided for the poor according to their condition, and so that residents and travellers both might reap the benefit.

Amba148 K?han Kashmiri, who was of the stock of the rulers of Kashmir, was selected for the rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse. On Monday, Rabi?u-l-ak?hir 9th, I gave Parwiz a special sword; and jewelled swords were presented also to Qut?bu-d-din K?han Koka and the Amiru-l-umara. I saw Daniyal’s children, whom Muqarrab K?han had brought; there were three sons and four daughters. The boys bore the names T?ahmuras?,149 Baysung?har, and Hus?hang. Such kindness and affection were shown by me to these children as no one thought possible. I resolved that T?ahmuras?, who was the eldest, should always be in waiting on me, and the others were handed over to the charge of my own sisters.

A special dress of honour was sent to Raja Man Singh in Bengal. I ordered a reward of 30 lakhs of dams to Mirza G?hazi. I bestowed on S?haik?h Ibrahim, son of Qut?bu-d-din K?han Koka, the rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse, and dignified him with the title of Kis?hwar K?han.

As when I started in pursuit of K?husrau I had left my son K?hurram in charge of the palaces and treasury, I now, when that affair had been settled, ordered the said son to attend upon Haz?rat Maryam-zamani and the other ladies, and to escort them to me. When they reached the neighbourhood of Lahore, on Friday the 12th of the month mentioned, I embarked in a boat and went to a village named Dahr to meet my mother, and I had the good fortune to be received by her. After the performance of obeisance and prostration and greeting which is due from the young to the old according to the custom of Chingiz, the rules of Timur and common usage, and after worship of the King of the World (God), and after finishing this business, I obtained leave to return, and re-entered the fort of Lahore.

On the 17th, having appointed Mu?izzu-l-mulk bakhshi of the army against the Rana, I dismissed him to it. As news had come of the rebellion of Ray Ray Singh and his son, Dulip, in the neighbourhood of Nagor, I ordered Raja Jagannath to proceed against them with others of the servants of the State and Mu?izzu-l-mulk, and to put a stop to this disturbance. I gave 50,000 rupees to Sardar K?han, who had been appointed to the place of S?hah Beg K?han as Governor of Qandahar, and I promoted him to the rank of 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse. To K?hiz?r K?han, the late ruler of K?handesh, were given 3,000 rupees, and to his brother, Ah?mad K?han,150 who is one of the k?hanazadas of the State. Has?him K?han, son of Qasim K?han, who is one of the house-born of the State, and worthy of advancement, I promoted to the rank of 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse. I gave him also one of my own horses. I sent robes of honour to eight individuals amongst the nobles of the army of the Deccan.151 Five thousand rupees were given to Niz?am of Shiraz, the story-teller. Three thousand rupees were given for the expenses of the bulg?hur-k?hana of Kashmir to the wakil of Mirza ?Ali Beg, the governor of that place, to send to Srinagar. I presented a jewelled dagger of the value of 6,000 rupees to Qut?bu-d-din K?han.

News reached me that S?haik?h Ibrahim Baba, the Afghan, had opened a religious establishment (lit. one of being a shaikh and having disciples) in one of the parganas152 of Lahore, and as his doings were disreputable and foolish a considerable number of Afghans had collected round him. I ordered him to be brought and handed over to Parwiz to be kept in the fort of Chunar; so this vain disturbance was put an end to.

On Sunday, 7th Jumada-l-awwal, many of the mansabdars and ahadis were promoted: Mahabat K?han obtained the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,300 horse, Dilawar K?han 2,000 personal and 1,400 horse, Waziru-l-mulk 1,300 personal and 550 horse, Qayyam K?han 1,000 personal and horse, S?hyam Singh 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse; in the same way forty-two mansabdars were promoted. On most days the same observances occur. I presented Parwiz with a ruby of the value of 25,000 rupees. On Wednesday the 9th of the aforesaid month, the 21st of S?hahriwar,153 after three watches and four gharis, the feast for my solar weighing, which is the commencement of the 38th year of my age, took place. According to custom they got ready the weighing apparatus and the scales in the house of Maryam-zamani (his mother). At the moment appointed blessings were invoked and I sate in the scales. Each suspending rope was held by an elderly person who offered up prayers. The first time the weight in gold came to three Hindustani maunds and ten seers. After this I was weighed against several metals, perfumes, and essences, up to twelve weighings, the details of which will be given hereafter. Twice a year I weigh myself against gold and silver and other metals, and against all sorts of silks and cloths, and various grains, etc., once at the beginning of the solar year and once at that of the lunar. The weight of the money of the two weighings I hand over to the different treasurers for faqirs and those in want. On the same auspicious day I promoted Qut?bu-d-din K?han Koka, who for many years had expected such a day,154 with various favours. First, I gave him the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and with this a special robe of honour, a jewelled sword, and one of my own horses, with a jewelled saddle, and I gave him leave to go to the subahdarship of the province of Bengal and Orissa, which is a place for 50,000 horse. As a mark of honour he set off accompanied by a large force, and two lakhs of rupees were given him as a sumptuary allowance. My connection with his mother is such that as in my childhood I was under her guardianship and care, I have not so much affection for my own mother as for her. She is to me my gracious mother, and I do not hold him less dear than my own brothers and children. Qut?bu-d-din is the foster-brother who is most fit for fosterage. I gave 300,000 rupees to his auxiliaries. On this day I sent 130,000 as a marriage present (sachiq) for the daughter of Pahari (his brother Murad), who had been betrothed to Parwiz.

On the 22nd, Baz Bahadur Qalmaq, who had long been guilty of evil practices in Bengal, by the guidance of fortune obtained the honour of kissing my threshold. I gave him a jewelled dagger, 8,000 rupees, and promoted him to the rank of 1,000 personal and horse. One lakh of rupees and cash and jewels were bestowed on Parwiz. Kesho Das Maru was promoted to the grade of 1,500 personal and horse. Abu-l-h?asan, who had been the diwan and factotum of my brother Daniyal, together with his children,155 had the honour of an audience, and was raised to the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the 1st of the second Jumada S?haik?h Bayazid,156 who was one of the s?haik?hzadas of Sikri, well known for brilliance of understanding and knowledge, and the connection of old service,157 was honoured with the title of Mu?az?z?am K?han, and to him I gave the government of Delhi. On the 21st of the same month I presented Parwiz with a necklace composed of four rubies and one hundred pearls. The rank of H?akim Muz?affar was fixed at 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, original and extra. I gave 5,000 rupees to Nathu Mal (?), Raja of Manjholi.158

A remarkable occurrence was the discovery of a letter from Mirza ?Aziz Koka to ?Ali K?han, the ruler of K?handesh. I had had an impression that he had a particular enmity to me on K?husrau’s account, who was his son-in-law. From the discovery of this writing it became clear that he had never given up his innate treachery, and had adopted this unbecoming attitude towards my revered father also. In short, this letter which he had written at some time to Raja ?Ali K?han was from beginning to end full of abuse and disapprobation, and said things which no enemy even could have written and such as could not be attributed to anyone, and far less to one like His Majesty, ?Ars?h-as?hyani, a king and an appreciative sovereign, who from childhood had educated him and brought him up because of what was due for services rendered by his mother, and raised the standard of reliance on him to such a high degree as no other person possessed. This letter fell into the hands of K?hwaja Abu-l-h?asan in Burhanpur amongst the property of Raja ?Ali K?han. He brought and laid it before me. In reading and seeing it the hair on my limbs stood on end. But for the consideration and due recognition of the fact that his mother had given her milk to my father I could have killed him with my own hand. Having procured his attendance I gave the letter into his hand and told him to read it with a loud voice to those present. When he saw the letter I thought his body would have parted from his soul, but with shamelessness and impudence he read it as though he had not written it and was reading it by order. Those present in that paradise-like assembly of the servants of Akbar and Jahangir and heard the letter read, loosened the tongue of reproach and of curses and abuse. I put the question to him, “Leaving aside the treacheries which in reliance on your worthless self you contrived against my fortune, what was done to you by my father, who raised you and your family from the dust of the road to such wealth and dignity as to make you the envy of your contemporaries, that you should write these things to the enemies of his Empire? Why did you enrol yourself amongst the wicked and disloyal? Truly, what can one make of an original nature and innate disposition? Since your temperament has been nourished by the water of treachery, what else can spring up but such actions? Passing over what you did to myself, I gave you the rank you had held before, thinking that your treachery was directed against me only. Since it has become known that you behaved in a similar way to your benefactor and visible Deity, I leave you to the thoughts and actions which you formerly had and still have.” After these remarks his lips closed, and he was unable to make any reply. What could he have said in the presence of such disgrace? I gave an order to deprive him of his jagir. Although what this ingrate had done was unpardonable, yet in the end, from certain considerations, I passed it over.

On Sunday the 26th of the above-mentioned month was held the marriage feast of Parwiz and the daughter of Prince Murad. The ceremony was performed in the house of Her Highness Maryam-zamani. The entertainment was arranged in the house of Parwiz, and all who were present were exalted with all kinds of honour and civilities. Nine thousand rupees were handed over to S?harif Amuli and other nobles, to be given in alms to faqirs and other poor people.

On Sunday the 10th Rajab I left the city to hunt in Girjhak and Nandana,159 and took up my quarters in the garden of Ram Das, where I remained four days.

On Wednesday the 13th the solar weighing of Parwiz took place. They weighed him twelve times against various metals and other things, and each weighing came to two maunds and eighteen seers. I ordered the whole to be distributed amongst faqirs. At this time the rank of S?haja?at K?han was fixed at 1,500 personal and 700 horse, original and extra.

After the march of Mirza G?hazi and his force it occurred to me to send a second contingent after him. Having bestowed on Bahadur160 K?han Qurbegi the rank of 1,500 personal and 800 horse, original and extra, I started off a body of cavalry,161 which came to about 3,000, with him under the leadership of S?hah Beg and Muh?ammad Amin. For the expenses of this force 200,000 rupees were given and 1,000 musketeers were also appointed.

I left A?af K?han to guard K?husrau and defend Lahore. The Amiru-l-umara was deprived of the honour of waiting on me, as he had a severe illness and remained in the city. ?Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma?muri, who had been summoned from the Rana’s country, was promoted to be bakhshi at headquarters, and it was ordered that in company with ?Abu-l-h?asan he should perform this service permanently. Following my father’s rule, I appoint two men in association in the discharge of the chief offices, not from want of confidence in them, but because, as they are mortal and no man is safe from accidents or illness, if any confusion or obstacle should present itself to one the other is there so that the affairs of the servants of God may not come to ruin.

At this time also news came that at the Dasahra, which is one of the fixed feast days of the Hindus, ?Abdu-llah K?han had made an incursion from Kalpi, which is his jagir, into the province of Bandilah, and displaying great valour made prisoner Ram Chand, son of Madhukar, who for a long time had made a centre of disturbance in that difficult country and taken him to Kalpi. For this service he was presented with a standard and raised to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse.

Petitions from the subah of Bihar represented that Jahangir Quli K?han had had a battle with Sangram, one of the chief zamindars of Bihar, who had about 4,000 horse and innumerable foot, on account of certain opposition and disloyalty on rough land, and that on the field the aforesaid K?han had exerted himself manfully. In the end Sangram died of a gunshot wound; many of his men fell in the battle, and those saved from the sword took to flight. Since this distinguished affair had been brought about by Jahangir Quli K?han, I promoted him to the rank of 4,500 personal and 3,500 horse.

Three months and six days passed by in hunting; 581 animals were captured with the gun, hunting leopards and nets, and a qamargah; of these 158 were killed by my own gun. The qamargah was held twice; on one occasion in Girjhak, when the ladies were present, 155 animals were killed; and the second time, in Nandina, 110.162 The details of the animals killed are as follows: mountain sheep, 180; mountain goats, 29; wild asses, 10; Nilgai, 9; antelope, etc., 348.

On Wednesday the 16th Shawwal I returned safe from my hunting, and when one watch and six gharis of day had passed I entered Lahore on the day named. During this hunting a strange affair was witnessed. At Chandwalah, where a minaret had been erected, I had wounded in the belly a black antelope. When wounded, a sound proceeded from him such as I have never heard from any antelope, except in the rutting season. Old hunters and those with me were astonished, and said they never remembered nor had they heard from their fathers that such a voice issued from an antelope except at rutting time. This has been written down because it is not void of strangeness. I found the flesh of the mountain goat more delicious than that of all wild animals, although its skin is exceedingly ill-odoured, so much so that even when tanned the scent is not destroyed. I ordered one of the largest of the he-goats to be weighed; it was 2 maunds and 24 seers, equal to 21 foreign maunds (Persian). I ordered a large ram to be weighed, and it came to 2 maunds and 3 seers Akbari, equal to 17 Persian (wilayati) maunds. The largest and strongest of the wild asses weighed 9 maunds and 16 seers, equal to 76 Persian (wilayati) maunds. I have frequently heard from hunters and those fond of the chase that at a certain regular time a worm develops in the horns of the mountain ram, and that this worm causes an irritation which induces the ram to fight with his hind, and that if he finds no rival he strikes his head against a tree or a rock to allay the irritation. After enquiry it seems that the same worm appears in the horn of the female sheep, and since the female does not fight the statement is clearly untrue. Though the flesh of the wild ass is lawful food and most men like to eat it, it was in no way suited to my taste.

Inasmuch as before this time the punishment of Dulip and of his father, Ray Ray Singh, had been ordered, there now came news that Zahid K?han, the son of ?adiq K?han, and ?Abdu-r-Rah?im, son of S?haik?h Abu-l-faz?l, and Rana S?hankar and Mu?izzu-l-mulk, with another force of mansabdars and followers of the Court, had heard news of Dulip in the neighbourhood of Nagor, which is in the subah of Ajmir, and having moved against him had found him. As he could find no way of escape, of necessity he planted a firm foot and came to blows with the royal army. After a short encounter he was badly beaten and gave over many to slaughter, and himself, taking with him his own effects, fled into the vale of ruin.

In spite of his old age, I continued Qilij K?han in his mansab because of his service under my father, and I ordered that he should get a jagir in the sarkar of Kalpi.

In the month Z_i-l-qa?da the mother of Qut?bu-d-din K?han Koka, who had given me her milk and was as a mother to me or even kinder than my own kind mother, and in whose lap I had been brought up from infancy, was committed to the mercy of God. I placed the feet of her corpse on my shoulders and carried her a part of the way (to her grave). Through extreme grief and sorrow I had no inclination for some days to eat, and I did not change my clothes.

1 That is, he was 37 years 3 months by the lunar calendar, and 36 years 1 month by solar reckoning (Pads?hahnama, i, 69). Elliot and all the MSS. have 8th Jumada-s?-s?ani as the date of the accession, but this is clearly wrong, as Akbar did not die till 13th Jumada-s?-s?ani. Evidently the copyists have, as is so often the case, misread bistam as has?htam. See Blochmann’s remark, p. 454, note 3. That Jahangir was not at this time 38 is shown by his stating at p. 37 that he celebrated his 38th birthday at Lahore after the capture of K?husrau.?

2 The Sanskrit Kalinda.?

3 The couplet appears in Mas?ud’s divan, B.M. MS. Egerton, 701, p. 142a, line 4. The preceding lines show that the dust (gard) referred to in the first line means the dust caused by the invading army. I take the words baru barhai to mean the battlements or pinnacles of the fortress, the i at the end of barha being intensive.?

4 Erskine’s manuscript translation of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, B.M. MS. Add. 26,611, and the B.M. MS. have chini, not h?abs?hi. But I.O. MS. No. 181 and the R.A.S. MS. have h?usaini, and this seems right. See Memoirs, Leyden & Erskine, p. 326, and the Haidarabad Turki text, p. 284. The kis?hmis?hi is a small grape like that of which currants are made.?

5 Cf. infra the account of the 11th year, p. 173.?

6 See Memoirs. L. & E., p. 330.?

7 The name rae bel is not given in Clarke’s Roxburgh, but perhaps it is one of the jessamines, and may be the bela of Clarke (p. 30). The rae bel is described by Abu-l-faz?l (Blochmann, pp. 76 and 82). The statement about its flowers being double and treble is obscure. Erskine renders the passage “The leaves are generally two and three fold.” The Persian word is t?abaqa, which apparently is equivalent to the tui or fold of the Ayin-i-Akbari, Persian text, i, 96. The reference may be to the flowers growing in umbels.?

8 This is the bokul of Indian gardens (Clarke, p. 313), and well deserves Jahangir’s praise. It is probably the bholsari mentioned in the Ayin (Blochmann, No. 10, p. 83). Blochmann gives bholsiri (p. 70) as the name of a fruit-tree, and the bholsari of p. 83 maybe a mistake for mulsari.?

9 The text has sewti, but the sewti seems to be the Rosa glandulifera of Roxburgh (Clarke, p. 407) and has no resemblance to the Pandanus. See also the description of the sewti, Blochmann, p. 82. (Perhaps there are two sewtis, one famous for fragrance, the other for beauty. See l.c., pp. 76 and 82.) What is meant in the text is evidently a Pandanus and the ketki of Blochmann, p. 83. I have followed, therefore, I.O. MS. 181, and have substituted ketki for sewti. The ketki may be Pandanus inermis, which has no thorns (Clarke, p. 708). Erskine also has ketki.?

10 L.c. p. 33 et seq.?

11 Du Jarric, who got his information from missionary reports, seems to imply that the chain was of silver, and says that Jahangir was following the idea of an old Persian king. It is mentioned in the Siyar al-muta?ak?hk?hirin (reprint, i, 230) that Muh?ammad S?hah in 1721 revived this, and hung a long chain with a bell attached to it from the octagon tower which looked towards the river.?

12 In text this is wrongly made part of regulation 2.?

13 Gladwin and the MSS. have dilbahra (exhilarating drink), and this is probably correct. Jahangir would know little about rice-spirit.?

14 This regulation is more fully expounded in Price, p. 7.?

15 It is curious that Jahangir should give the 18th Rabi?u-l-awwal as his birthday, while the authorities give it as the 17th. Probably the mistake has arisen from Jahangir’s writing Rabi?u-l-awwal instead of S?hahriwar. His birthday was Ras?hn the 18th day of S?hahriwar (see Akbarnama, ii, 344), but it was the 17th Rabi?u-l-awwal. See Muh?ammad Hadi’s preface, p. 2, and Beale, and Jahangir’s own statement a few lines above. Possibly Jahangir wished to make out that he was born on the 18th Rabi?u-l-awwal and a Thursday, because he regarded Thursday as a blessed day (mubarak s?hamba), whilst he regarded Wednesday as peculiarly unlucky, and called it kam, or gam, s?hamba.?

16 Cf. Elliot’s translation, vi, 513, and note 2.?

17 The MSS. have “the subsistence lands of people in general (ahali) and the aimas.”?

18 In the text and in Elliot, vi, 515, this is made a separate order, but it is not so in the MSS. If it were, we should have thirteen instead of twelve regulations. This is avoided in text and in Elliot by putting the 8th and 7th regulations into one ordinance. With regard to the regulation about releasing the prisoners, Sir Henry Elliot is somewhat unjust to Jahangir in his commentary at p. 515. It was only those who had been long imprisoned whom Jahangir released, and his proceedings at Ranthambhor in the 13th year (Tuzuk, p. 256) show that he exercised discrimination in releasing prisoners. The account in Price, p. 10, may also be consulted. There Jahangir says he released 7,000 men from Gwalior alone. It may be remembered that most of these were political offenders. Private criminals were for the most part put to death, or mutilated, or fined. There were no regular jails.?

19 The above translation of the Institutes should be compared with Sir Henry Elliot’s translation and his commentary: History of India, E. & D., vol. vi, Appendix, p. 493.?

20 Erskine’s MS. has is?ari for nis?ari, and ak?htar-i-qabul instead of k?hair-i-qabul.?

21 This is Blochmann’s A?af K?han No. iii, viz. Mirza Ja?far Beg. See pp. 368 and 411.?

22 The words Aftab-i-Mamlakat yield, according to the numeration by abjad, the date 1014 A.H. (1605).?

23 Page 4 of the text is followed by engravings of the coins of Jahangir and the inscriptions thereon, for which the editor, Saiyid Ah?mad, says he is indebted to Mr. Thornhill, the Judge of Meerut. They do not show the lines of poetry. There is an interesting article on the couplets on Jahangir’s coins by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, J.A.S.B. for 1888, p. 18.?

24 The chronogram is ingenious. The words ?ah?ib-Qiran-i-S?ani yield only 1013 according to abjad, and this is a year too little. But the verse states that Prosperity (or Fortune), Iqbal, laid his head at the second lord of conjunction’s feet, and the head of Iqbal, according to the parlance of chronogram-composers, is the first letter of the word, that is, alif, which stands for one (?) in abjad, and so the date 1014 is made up. ?ah?ib-Qiran-i-S?ani means ‘the second lord of conjunction,’ and is a title generally applied to S?hah Jahan; the first lord of conjunction (i.e the conjunction of Jupiter and Venus) was Timur.?

25 A great officer under Humayun and Akbar. See Ayin, Blochmann, p. 317.?

26 Blochmann, p. 331. He had 1,200 eunuchs. He is generally styled Sa?id Chag?hatai. The exact nature of his relationship does not appear. It is not mentioned in his biography in the Ma?as?ir, ii, 403. Perhaps the word (nisbat) does not here mean affinity by marriage.?

27 According to the account in Price, p. 16, and in the Ma?as?ir, ii, 405, Sa?id K?han gave a bond that if his people were oppressive he would forfeit his head.?

28 He does not seem to have had any real power, and he was soon superseded. See Ma?as?ir, iii, 932.?

29 It appears from Erskine and from I.O. MS. that this is a mistake for Yatis?h-begi, ‘Captain of the Watch,’ and that the name is Aminu-d-din, and not Aminu-d-daula. See Akbarnama, iii, 474, etc.?

30 S?harif K?han had been sent by Akbar to recall Jahangir to his duty, but instead of coming back he stayed on. He did not accompany Jahangir when the latter went off the second time to wait upon his father. Probably he was afraid to do so. Jahangir appointed him to Bihar before he left Allahabad to visit his father for the second time. Jahangir says S?harif waited upon him fifteen days after his accession, and on 4th Rajab. This is another proof, if proof were needed, that the copyists have misread the opening sentence of the Tuzuk and have written has?htam instead of bistam, for 4th Rajab is fifteen days after 20th Jumada-l-ak?hir. The Pads?hahnama and K?hafi K?han have 20th, and Price and Price’s original say that S?harif arrived sixteen days after the accession.?

31 I.O. MS. 181 and Muh?ammad Hadi have Sult?an Nis?ar Begam. K?hafi K?han, i, 245, has Sult?an Begam, and says she was born in 994. Price’s Jahangir, p. 20, says she was born a year before K?husrau. She built a tomb for herself in the K?husrau Bag?h, Allahabad, but she is not buried there (see J.R.A.S. for July, 1907, p. 607). She died on 4th S?ha?ban, 1056 (5th September, 1646), and was at her own request buried in her grandfather’s tomb at Sikandra (Pads?hahnama, ii, 603–4).?

32 Should be S?haik?hawa?.?

33 The R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. have here Umra instead of Uzbegs. Umra here stands, I think, for Umr Singh, the Rana of Udaipur, and the meaning is that S?hir K?han lost his arm in service against the Rana.?

34 The point of the verse seems to be that light is regarded as something spread like a carpet on the ground, and that to place the foot upon it is to insult the sun. Compare Price, p. 33; but Manohar’s verse is wrongly translated there owing to a badly written MS. For Manohar see Akbarnama, iii, 221, and Badayuni, iii, 201, also Blochmann, p. 494, and his article in Calcutta Review for April, 1871, also the Dabistan, translation, ii, 53.?

35 Probably here ab means both water and the water of the sword. These lines are not in the R.A.S. or I.O. MSS.?

36 Text, ih?tiyat? (caution); the MSS. have i?tiqad (confidence), and I adopt this reading.?

37 Blochmann, p. 52. It was a small round seal. Uzuk or uzuk is a Tartar word meaning a ring, i.e. a signet-ring.?

38 Text, ?abiyya (daughter), and this led Blochmann (p. 477, note 2) to say that if Sayyid Ah?mad’s text was correct Jahangir must have forgotten, in the number of his wives, which of them was the mother of Parwiz. As a fact, Sayyid Ah?mad’s text is not correct, though the R.A.S. MS. agrees with it. The two excellent I.O. MSS. have k?hwis?h (relative), which is here equivalent to cousin. So also has the B.M. MS. used by Erskine. According to Muh?ammad Hadi’s preface Parwiz’s mother was the daughter of K?hwaja H?asan, the paternal uncle of Zain K?han Koka. His birth was in Muh?arram, 998, or 19th Aban (November, 1589). See also Akbarnama, iii, 568.?

39 I.e., both were Akbar’s foster-brothers.?

40 Price, p. 20, has Karmitty, and says the daughter only lived two months. Karamsi appears twice in the Akbarnama as the name of a man; see Akbarnama, ii, 261, and iii, 201. The name may mean ‘composed of kindness.’ The statement in Price is wrong. Bihar Banu was married to T?ahmuras? s. Prince Daniyal in his 20th year (see Tuzuk, M. Hadi’s continuation, p. 400). According to M. Hadi’s preface, Karamsi was the daughter of Raja Kesho Das Rathor, and her daughter Bihar Banu was born on 23rd S?hahriwar, 998 (September, 1590). Kesho Das Ra?hor is probably the Kesho Das Maru of the Tuzuk.?

41 Best known as Jodh Bai (Blochmann, p. 619).?

42 It is extraordinary that Jahangir should have put S?hah-Jahan’s birth into A.H. 999. The I.O. MSS. support the text, but the R.A.S. MS. has A.H. 1000, which is without doubt right. Cf. Akbarnama, Bib. Ind., iii, 603. Later on, a great point was made of his having been born in a millennium. The date is 5th January, 1592.?

43 Muh?ammad Hadi says in his preface, p. 6, that S?hah-Jahan’s grandfather Akbar gave him the name of Sultan K?hurram, ‘Prince Joy,’ because his birth made the world glad. It was noted that the child was born in the first millennium, and also that, like his father, he was born in the same month as the Prophet.?

44 Gladwin says they were twins, but this seems a mistake. They were both born about the time of Akbar’s death.?

45 In MS. No. 310 of EthÉ’s Cat. of I.O. MSS. Sa?id K?han is described as giving as his reason for asking for M. G?hazi that he had adopted him as his son. Price’s Jahangir, p. 21, says the same thing.?

46 This should be Jan, and is so in I.O. MS. 181.?

47 See Ma?as?iru-l-umara, iii, 932. The meaning of the half and half is that the two men were made coadjutors.?

48 In R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. the following passage is a verse. See also Mr. Lowe’s translation, p. 16.?

49 Wird means ‘daily practice,’ and may be the word intended here.?

50 Cf. this with the fuller details in Price, p. 22. Following Blochmann, I take S?hab-i-jum?a to mean Thursday and not Friday night.?

51 The text has ?Abdu-l-G?hani, but this, as the MSS. show and Blochmann has pointed out, is a mistake for ?Abdu-n-Nabi. ?Abdu-n-Nabi was strangled, and the common report is that this was done by Abu-l-faz?l. If this be true it is rather surprising that Jahangir does not mention it as an excuse for killing Abu-l-faz?l. Cf. the account of Miran ?adr Jahan in Price, p. 24. The “Forty Sayings” is a book by Jami. See Rieu, Cat. i, 17, and also Dr. Herbelot s.v. Arbain.?

52 This should be G?hiyas? Beg. He was father of Nurjahan. According to the Ma?as?iru-l-umara (i, 129), he was commander of 1,000 under Akbar.?

53 Topk?hana-i-rikab, lit. stirrup-arsenal. It means light artillery that could accompany royal progresses. See Bernier, and Irvine, A. of M., 134.?

54 Text, topchi, which seems properly to mean a gunner, but the number is preposterous. Cf. Blochmann, p. 470, and Price, p. 28. Price’s original has 6,000 topchi mounted on camels, and has paytak?ht, i.e. the capital. Erskine has “To have always in readiness in the arsenal arms, and accoutrements for 50,000 matchlock men.” This seems reasonable, for even if Jahangir ordered 50,000 musketeers, he would not have required them to be kept in the arsenal. It seems to me that though chi in Turki is the sign of the agent (nomen agentis) it is occasionally used by Indian writers as a diminutive. Thus topchi here probably means a small gun or a musket, and in Hindustani we are familiar with the word chilamchi, which means a small basin. At p. 301 of the Tuzuk, four lines from foot, we have the word ilchi, which commonly means an ambassador—an agent of a people—used certainly not in this sense, and apparently to mean a number of horses. It is, however, doubtful if ilchi here be the true reading.?

55 Text, aknun (now), which is a mistake for altun (gold). See Elliot and Dowson, vi, 288. Al is vermilion in Turki and altun gold. Jahangir means that he changed the name from al tamg?ha to altun tamg?ha.?

56 Mirza Sult?an was great-grandson of Sulaiman.?

57 Perhaps the reference is to the boy’s own father. He was alive at this time, and Akbar was not.?

58 This is the man who afterwards rebelled and made Jahangir his prisoner.?

59 Text, ulus-i-Dihli. Blochmann (p. 482 n.) points out that this is a very doubtful term, as Mirza ?Ali came from Badakhshan. On examining three MSS. of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri I find no word Dihli, but the words in ulus, ‘this tribe or family,’ and I think this must be the correct reading, and refers to the Timurides. The same phrase occurs at text, p. 173. Blochmann suggests to read Dulday for Dihli, but I think it more probable that the word Dihli should be ?ali. Mirza ?Ali was styled Akbars?hahi, and no doubt this is why Jahangir writes in ulus or ulus-i-?ali. Mirza ?Ali is often mentioned in the Akbarnama in connection with the wars in the Deccan, and is generally called Akbars?hahi, e.g. at p. 702. For an account of his pathetic death see Blochmann, l.c., the Ma?as?iru-l-umara, iii, 357, and the text, p. 163.?

60 The MSS. have a different reading, “If a king seize country and climes,” etc.?

61 S?hahruk?h was married to Jahangir’s half-sister, S?hakaru-n-nisa. He was a Timurid.?

62 The MSS. have Abu-l-wali, and this seems more likely.?

63 The MSS. have Bhina, and Price’s original seems also to have Bhina. Muqarrab did not return for about seven months, as this entry could not have been made till then. See p. 35 of Persian text of Tuzuk.?

64 Text, Suk?hunan-i-past u buland. Cf. Steingass, s.v. past. Words gentle and severe seem meant.?

65 See Blochmann, p. 447. He is mentioned by Du Jarric as disputing with the Catholic priests before Jahangir (see J.A.S.B. for 1896, p. 77). According to Badayuni, iii, 98, it was Naqib’s father, ?Abdu-l-Lat?if, with whom Akbar read (see Akbarnama, ii, 19). ?Abdu-l-Lat?if and his family arrived in 963 (1556). Erskine understands Jahangir’s remark to mean that Naqib was his (Jahangir’s) teacher, but probably Jahangir means that it was Naqib’s father who taught Akbar, or he has confounded the father and son. As Naqib lived till 1023 (1614), he would probably be too young in 1556 to have been Akbar’s teacher.?

66 Man Singh was the adopted son of Bhagwan Das, and it would appear from this passage that he was his nephew also.?

67 The MSS. have H?atim s. Babui Mangli, and this is right. See Blochmann, p. 370, n. i, and p. 473.?

68 The MSS. have S?hahwar.?

69 I.O. MSS. have Abu-l-wali. He was an Uzbeg, and received the title of Bahadur K?han. See Ma as?iru-l-umara, i, 400, and Akbarnama, iii, 820 and 839, where he is called Abu-l-Baqa. The real name seems to be Abul Be or Bey, and this is how Erskine writes the name.?

70 The text seems corrupt. The I.O. MSS. say nothing about Shiraz, but merely that H?usain Jami was a disciple who had a dervish character (sirat); nor does the R.A.S. MS. mention Shiraz.?

71 That is, descended from the famous Central Asian saint K?hwaja Ah?rar.?

72 Something seems to have fallen out of the text and MSS., for this passage is obscure and not connected with the context. It is clearer in Price’s version, where it is brought in as part of Jahangir’s statements about promotions, and where (p. 40) we read as follows:—“I shall now return to the more grateful subject of recording rewards and advancements.... On K?hwaja Zakariyya, the son of K?hwaja Muh?ammad Yah?ya, although in disgrace, I conferred the rank of 500. This I was induced to do on the recommendation of the venerated S?haik?h H?usain Jami. Six months previous to my accession,” etc. Evidently the statement about Zakariyya’s promotion has been omitted accidentally from the Tuzuk. There is a reference to the S?haik?h’s dream in Muh?ammad Hadi’s preface to the Tuzuk (p. 15). He says there that it was the saint Baha?u-l-h?aqq who appeared in a dream to H?usain Jami and told him that Sult?an Salim would soon be king.?

73 I.e. of Furj or Furg in Persia. But Furji is a mistake for Qurchi (belonging to the body-guard). He was a Mogul. See Blochmann, p. 457.?

74 Text has wrongly Pak?hta. See Blochmann, p. 469. He received the title of Sardar K?han.?

75 Should be Namakin. See Blochmann, p. 199.?

76 This passage has been translated by Elliot (vi, 289). See also Price (p. 44), where the discussion is fuller.?

77 Jahangir’s idea is somewhat vaguely expressed, but his meaning seems to be that the ten incarnations do not illustrate any attribute of God, for there have been men who performed similar wonders. The corresponding passage in the text used by Major Price is differently rendered by him, but his version is avowedly a paraphrase, and it appears incorrect in this passage.?

78 Literally, “of the How and the Why.”?

79 Text, s?hir-andam, ‘tiger-shaped,’ which I think means thin in the flank (see Steingass, s.v.). I have taken the translation of the words malah?at and ?abah?at from Elliot. See his note vi, 376, where the two words seem wrongly spelt.?

80 Erskine has “Let Sulaiman place his ring on his finger.”?

81 Price translates—