THE GERMAN ADVANCE ON PARIS—THE GOVERNMENT QUIT THE CAPITAL FOR BORDEAUX—THE FORTIFICATIONS OF PARIS—PREPARATIONS FOR A SIEGE—THE GERMAN CHANGE OF PLAN—SIR JOHN FRENCH’S DESPATCH—GERMAN VENGEANCE—THE FAILURE OF THE CROWN PRINCE’S ARMY—DECLARATION OF THE TRIPLE ENTENTE—CONCLUSION.

On September 2 the Germans were in the neighbourhood of Senlis, which is situated only 30 miles from Paris. The advance of the enemy had been steady and it seemed certain that in the course of a day, or at most two, the advance guard would have reached the line of the outer fortifications of the capital. The lines of the Allies were still unbroken, and they were falling back methodically and in good order. The enemy had failed in cutting off and destroying them, but that they intended to siege Paris seemed inevitable. And in this event the city would be placed entirely under military rule. It was essential, therefore, that the Government should avoid being bottled up in the city. As happened in 1870, for these reasons the French Government decided to quit Paris for the time being and proceeded to Bordeaux, and before doing so, on September 2, the following proclamation was addressed to the country by the President and Ministers:—

For several weeks sanguinary combats have taken place between our heroic troops and the enemy’s army. The bravery of our soldiers has gained for them at several points marked successes, but to the north the pressure of the German forces has compelled us to retire.

This situation imposes upon the President of the Republic and the Government the painful decision that in order to watch over the national safety the duty of the authorities is to leave Paris.

Under the command of an eminent leader, a French army full of courage will defend the capital and the patriotic population against the invader; but the war must be continued at the same time on the rest of the territory without peace or truce, without stay or weakness.

The sacred struggle for the honour of the nation and reparation for violated right will continue.

None of our armies has been broken. If some have sustained too perceptible losses, the gaps will be immediately filled from the depÔts, and the call for recruits assures us for the morrow new resources in men and energy to endure and fight.

That must be the watchword of the allied British, Russian, Belgian, and French armies—to endure and to fight whilst on the sea the British aid us to cut the communications of our enemies with the world; to endure and to fight whilst the Russians continue to advance to deal a decisive blow at the heart of the German Empire.

To the Government of the Republic belongs the duty of directing this stubborn resistance everywhere for French independence.

To give this formidable struggle all its ardour and all its efficacy it is indispensable that the Government should remain free to act on the demand of the military authorities.

The Government is removing its residence to a point where it can remain in constant relations with the whole of the country.

The National Government does not leave Paris without having assured the defence of the city and the entrenched camp by all the means in its power. The Government knows there is no need to advise the Parisian population to calmness, resolution, and coolness.

Frenchmen, be worthy in these tragic circumstances. We shall obtain a final victory. We shall obtain it by untiring will, by endurance and tenacity. A nation which does not desire to perish, and which wishes to live, recoils neither before suffering nor sacrifices, is sure of conquering.

Although a large number of the inhabitants had left the capital, those who remained maintained a calm demeanour. There was no panic, only strenuous preparations for an energetic defence. Some of the public buildings, including the Louvre, had been protected above against damage from shells or bombs dropped from aircraft, and the most valued treasures of that museum had been withdrawn to a place of safety.

A correspondent of the Central News wrote from Paris:—

Few of the thousands of artists and art-lovers who have been wont to visit the Louvre daily for instruction or pleasure would recognise their haunt now. For the last four weeks the staff has been working hard to carry out the measures ordered for the protection of the chief works of art from what a French paper says is the only danger that menaces them—aerial bombs.

In 1870 the “Venus” of Milo was walled up in a subterranean niche. The advance of civilisation has evolved a more prosaic and more effective protection, and she is now enclosed in a steel room. The “Winged Victory” is sheltered behind heavy iron plates, and the “Gioconda” smiles in obscurity as inscrutably as ever. The Grecian Hall, which contains the masterpieces of Phidias, is protected by sacks filled with earth against any aerial attack. The upper stories of the Louvre, with their glass roofs, have been turned into hospitals, and the flag of the Red Cross protects the works which remain there.

Many paintings and statues have been transferred from the Luxembourg to the old Seminaire, which will henceforth contain the collection, and in all the other galleries, both private and public, the treasures of art are being hidden underground or placed behind heavy screens.

Even with such a danger as a siege imminent, it was recognised that the enemy’s task was very great. His object was obviously to push on to Paris as rapidly as possible in order to disturb the preparations for the defence of the city. M. Millerand, however, from the first day of taking office, ordered Paris to be got ready for immediate defence; while General Gallieni, an excellent commander and administrator, lost no time, and the work of preparing the defences proceeded without intermission, day and night. As the Paris correspondent of the Daily Telegraph said:—

Only an army of two million men could invest the entrenched camp of Paris with its outlying forts. The very worst eventuality to be considered is a successful raid of the vanguard of what may be left of the German advancing column into Paris. The German advance has undoubtedly been very strong, and has not been withstood with success anywhere up till now. The rush may at this moment have been stopped. Should it not be, and should the desperate onrush of a certain number of German army corps break through the French army, the enemy would come up against the forts surrounding Paris.

Should the German advance column reach these forts, it will arrive there already to some extent spent, and certainly with its line of communication cut off. If there is a battle outside the forts of Paris it will be a desperate encounter, and it is not likely that the German force engaged will live to tell the tale.

In describing the fortifications of Paris, he says:—

The defensive works forming the almost impregnable perimeter of forts and earthworks around Paris would be nearly impossible to invest by an invading army with a field army in opposition, or would require an enormous army for the purpose.

There are three lines of defences round Paris—the first is the belt of old fortification encircling the city, and built under the premiership of M. Thiers in the reign of Louis Philippe, and these old walls and earthworks were of little use in 1870. Since 1878 a second ring of fortified positions was built, though it does not form a continuous circumference of defensive positions, but several separate fortresses.

The threatened approach to Paris lies to the north, therefore these may be described first. A number of very strong positions lie between the Oise and the Seine—the middle of these powerful lines resting mostly on hilly eminences in the Forest of Montmorency. The backbone, so to speak, of these defensive works is composed of a number of forts.

Beginning with the defences of the Seine, we have the Fort of Cormeilles, with the Redoubt of Francaville in front, as well as that of Les Cotillons supported throughout by a number of batteries. The strong fortified position of Cormeilles stands at nearly 500 feet above the Seine. The slopes are steep, and for defence these groups are of great power.

The Valley of Ermont lies between the great works of Cormeilles and the Forest of Montmorency, but these forts and those of Montlignon and Montmorency, placed on the south-west fringe of the forest, sweep the valley. At the north-east of the forest is the Fort of Domont, and further on a pile covered with trees, another strong defensive group exists, including the Fort of Ecouen and several connected batteries.

Southwards are the Forts of Stains and the battery of Pincon Hill. This remarkably powerful fortress, with its dependent defences composed of batteries, permanent trenches, timber-cleared expanses for shooting, and barbed wire fences, render it secure against a surprise attack. To the east of St. Denis there is a low-lying plain showing no favourable point for fortification, but which can be flooded by the Rivers MorÉe and the Trond. This plain is also exposed to the fire of the Fort of Stains and the battery of the “Butte Pincon,” and the defensive works of Vaujours to the south.

The Fort of Vaujours and that of Chelles bar access to Paris in the passage between the “Canal de l’Durque” and the Marne. Higher up the Marne than Chelles, and between that river and the Seine, the Forts of Villiers, Champigny, Sucy, and Villeneuve St. Georges have been constructed. These fortified bulwarks of Paris are exceedingly strong. The defensive lines on the Marne from Chelles to Charenton form a rampart against any surprise rush, and as the positions of Montmorency and between Vaujours and Chelles, the fixed defences, have been greatly strengthened by batteries, felled timber and trenches, wire obstacles, and other devices, a most determined resistance could be made in this “sector” of fortified positions. Some improvised field works have been constructed all round Paris, therefore there is no need to describe them in detail.

Between the Seine and Palaiseau there are no permanent fortifications in the wide plain, but no attack could be made in this direction or in the Plain of St. Denis unless the powerful fortifications which can concentrate their fire on these passages had been silenced. The fortifications of an earlier date are completely free from a possible dash and render these zones literal mouse-traps. Like Montmorency, the forts of Palaiseau, Villiers, Haut Buc, Saint Cyr, and the batteries of the Bois de VerriÈres to the south of Versailles form a real fortress, of which the Fort de Chatillon is the mainstay behind.

Behind Versailles and St. Germain, the Forest of Marly is literally enclosed by batteries outlying the extreme strong works of “Le Trou de Fer.” Behind this group stands the high and prominent fort of Mont ValÉrien, which still maintains great military value for defence.

While Paris was waiting for the approach of the enemy, he altered his plans and made an unexpected move. As Sir John French said in his despatch of September 15:—

On Friday, September 4, it became apparent that there was an alteration in the direction of advance of almost the whole of the First Germany Army. That army, since the battle near Mons, on August 23, had been playing its part in the colossal strategic endeavour to create a Sedan for the Allies by outflanking and enveloping the left of their whole line, so as to encircle and drive both British and French to the south. There was now a change in its objective; and it was observed that the German forces opposite the British were beginning to move in a south-easterly direction, instead of continuing south-west on the capital.

Leaving a strong rearguard along the line of the River Ourcq (which flows south, and joins the Marne at Lizy-sur-Ourcq) to keep off the French 6th Army, which by then had been formed, and was to the north-west of Paris, they were evidently executing what amounted to a flank march diagonally across our front. Prepared to ignore the British, as being driven out of the fight, they were initiating an effort to attack the left flank of the French main army, which stretched in a long curved line from our right towards the east, and so to carry out against it alone the envelopment which had so far failed against the combined forces of the Allies.

On Saturday, the 5th, this movement on the part of the Germans was continued, and large advanced parties crossed the Marne, southwards at Trilport, Sammeroy, La FertÉ-sous-Jouarre, and ChÂteau Thierry.

There was considerable fighting with the French 5th Army on the French left, which fell back from its position south of the Marne towards the Seine. On Sunday, the 6th, large hostile forces crossed the Marne and pushed on through Coulommiers past the British right. Farther east they were attacked at night by the French 5th Army, which captured three villages at the point of the bayonet.

On Monday, the 7th, there was a general advance on the part of the Allies in this quarter of the field. Our forces, which had by now been reinforced, pushed on in a north-easterly direction, in co-operation with an advance of the French 5th Army to the north and of the French 6th Army eastwards, against the German rearguard along the Ourcq.

Possibly weakened by the detachment of troops to the eastern theatre of operations, and realising that the action of the French 6th Army against the line of the Ourcq and the advance of the British placed their own flanking movement in considerable danger of being taken in rear and on its right flank, the Germans on this day commenced to retire towards the north-east.

This was the first time that these troops had turned back since their attack at Mons a fortnight before, and from reports received, the order to retreat when so close to Paris was a bitter disappointment. From letters found on the dead there is no doubt that there was a general impression amongst the enemy’s troops that they were about to enter Paris.

On Tuesday, the 8th, the German movement north-eastwards was continued, their rearguards on the south of the Marne being pressed back to that river by our troops and by the French on our right, the latter capturing three villages after a hand-to-hand fight and the infliction of severe losses on the enemy.

The fighting along the Ourcq continued on this day and was of the most sanguinary character, for the Germans had massed a great force of artillery along this line. Very few of their infantry were seen by the French. The French 5th Army also made a fierce attack on the Germans in Montmirail, regaining that place.

On Wednesday, the 9th, the battle between the French 6th Army and what was now the German flank guard along the Ourcq continued. The British corps, overcoming some resistance on the River Petit Morin, crossed the Marne in pursuit of the Germans, who were now hastily retreating northwards. One of our corps was delayed by an obstinate defence made by a strong rearguard with machine guns at La FertÉ-sous-Jouarre, where the bridge had been destroyed.

On Thursday, the 10th, the French 6th Army continued its pressure on the west, while the 5th Army, by forced marches, reached the line ChÂteau Thierry—Dormans on the Marne. Our troops also continued the pursuit on the north of the latter river, and after a considerable amount of fighting captured some 1,500 prisoners, four guns, six machine guns, and fifty transport wagons.

Many of the enemy were killed and wounded, and the numerous thick woods which dot the country north of the Marne were filled with German stragglers. Most of them appeared to have been without food for at least two days. Indeed, in this area of operations the Germans seemed to be demoralised and inclined to surrender in small parties, and the general situation appeared to be most favourable to the Allies.

Much brutal and senseless damage was done in the villages occupied by the enemy. Property was wantonly destroyed, pictures in the chÂteaux were ripped up, and the houses generally pillaged. It is stated on unimpeachable authority, also, that the inhabitants were much ill-treated.

Interesting incidents occurred during the fighting. On the 10th, part of our 2nd Army Corps advancing north found itself marching parallel with another infantry force at some little distance away. At first it was thought that this was another British unit. After some time, however, it was discovered that it was a body of Germans retreating. Measures were promptly taken to head off the enemy, who were surrounded and trapped in a sunken road, where over 400 men surrendered.

On the 10th a small party of French under a non-commissioned officer was cut off and surrounded. After a desperate resistance it was decided to go on fighting to the end. Finally the N.C.O. and one man only were left, both being wounded. The Germans came up and shouted to them to lay down their arms. The German commander, however, signed to them to keep their arms, and then asked permission to shake hands with the wounded non-commissioned officer, who was carried off on his stretcher with his rifle by his side.

The arrival of the reinforcements and the continued advance delighted the troops, who were full of zeal and anxious to press on.

Quite one of the features of the campaign, on our side, has been the success attained by the Royal Flying Corps. In regard to the collection of information it is impossible either to award too much praise to our aviators for the way they carried out their duties, or to overestimate the value of the intelligence collected, more especially during the recent advance. In due course, certain examples of what has been effected may be specified, and the far-reaching nature of the results fully explained, but that time has not yet arrived.

That the services of our Flying Corps, which has really been on trial, are fully appreciated by our Allies is shown by the following message from the Commander-in-Chief of the French Armies, received on September 9 by Field-Marshal Sir John French:

Please express most particularly to Marshal French my thanks for services rendered on every day by the English Flying Corps. The precision, exactitude, and regularity of the news brought in by its members are evidence of their perfect organisation, and also of the perfect training of pilots and observers.

To give a rough idea of the amount of work carried out, it is sufficient to mention that during a period of twenty days up to September 10 a daily average of more than nine reconnaissance flights of over 100 miles each had been maintained.

The constant object of our aviators has been to effect the accurate location of the enemy’s forces, and incidentally—since the operations cover so large an area—of our own units. Nevertheless, the tactics adopted for dealing with hostile aircraft are to attack them instantly with one or more British machines. This has been so far successful that in five cases German pilots or observers have been shot in the air and their machines brought to ground.

As a consequence, the British Flying Corps has succeeded in establishing an individual ascendancy which is as serviceable to us as it is damaging to the enemy. How far it is due to this cause it is not possible at present to ascertain definitely, but the fact remains that the enemy have recently become much less enterprising in their flights. Something in the direction of the mastery of the air has already been gained.

In pursuance of the principle that the main object of military aviators is the collection of information, bomb dropping has not been indulged in to any great extent. On one occasion a petrol bomb was successfully exploded in a German bivouac at night, while, from a diary found on a dead German cavalry soldier, it has been discovered that a high explosive bomb thrown at a cavalry column from one of our aeroplanes struck an ammunition wagon. The resulting explosion killed fifteen of the enemy.

Ample evidence has been supplied by the correspondents to the newspapers of the inhuman treatment meted out to civilians by the Germans. Reference has already been made in the present book to this subject. There is another unworthy characteristic of the Germans by which they exact the utmost penalty from non-combatants. Mr. William Maxwell has illustrated this form of vandalism in the following interesting article contributed to the columns of the Daily Telegraph. Apparently the same tale might be told of any village or town in France or Belgium through which the Germans advanced or retreated:—

This is a story of German rage and vengeance, not a story of mere looting. Every army loots—even the British Army will condescend to steal chickens and an occasional sheep. In South Africa Lord Roberts had to threaten severe penalties for raids on private property, and I remember an Australian colonel warning his men in this fashion: “If I catch any one of you stealing and killing a sheep—except in self-defence————” The rest of the threat was never spoken.

At three o’clock on Saturday afternoon, September 5, several thousand of the enemy’s cavalry—Uhlans, Dragoons, and Chasseurs—with horse artillery and machine guns, rode into the village of Beton-Bazoches, south of the River Marne. At first they behaved well enough toward the inhabitants, most of them paying cash for what they took for themselves, and giving receipts for the stores they requisitioned for the army.

The General and senior members of the Staff took possession of the inn, while the junior members occupied the house of a grocer, until a rifle and some ammunition were found on the premises, whereupon they removed to other quarters. The officer who made this discovery acted like a sensible and humane man. He advised the villagers to give up their arms, and said to them: “Remember, I am not le bon Dieu, and cannot watch over you always. Those who come after us are hard men.”

He was a true prophet. Next day there was a sudden fall in the temperature of the invaders. Something unforeseen and dreadful seemed to have happened, and caused the Germans to abandon those conciliatory methods which they have usually adopted in places they have occupied.

I have always been slow to accept stories of atrocities—having heard them told about every army—and I have never reported one without giving my authority and having a written and signed statement. But what I am now about to describe I have seen with my own eyes.

On Sunday afternoon the German soldiery made the discovery that brigandage is one of the privileges of war. They broke into every house and shop, burst open all doors, ransacked every room from cellar to attic, searched every cupboard and drawer, tore up letters and account books, and carried off every portable article of any value. Beton-Bazoches—when they had gone through it—looked as if an earthquake had struck it and left only the empty shell. The hotel that sheltered and fed the General was not spared. A uniformed ruffian rode up to the door and called loudly for Madame, who promptly appeared, and had a revolver clapped to her cheek.

“The key to the wine cellar!” demanded the ruffian. In the twinkling of an eyelid the cellar was emptied, and several hundred bottles of champagne and other wine—if there is any other wine—were at the throats of the German soldiers. The same thing happened elsewhere. Stores and cafÉs were cleared of their stock of wines and liqueurs in bottle and barrel. What the soldiers could not drink or carry away they spilt.

“Pas une bouteille! Pas une bouteille!” cried the distracted mayor as he showed me over the devastated cellars of his son-in-law, who had gone to the war. “Pas une bouteille!” He emphasised his ejaculation by biting his thumb.

“I gave a dozen bottles of good old wine for the sick and wounded,” said the dame of the inn, “but the brigands drank it, laughed in my face, and said, ‘Krieg guerre nichts payer.’” The result of this orgie was that hundreds of German cavalrymen were dead drunk on Sunday, and that fourteen did not recover from their debauch until the French arrived at Beton-Bazoches.

A French dragoon, wandering through the town and hearing snores that sounded like a whole battery of artillery in action, stuck his lance into what looked like a huge parcel wrapped in a blanket. To his amazement the parcel stirred. Another prod of the lance, and there came out of the blanket the head of a bearded Uhlan. One more touch of cold steel, and the mouth opened with a roar of laughter.

“Ja! Ja!” cried the Uhlan, stepping in lively style out of the blanket to avoid another prod of the lance. He was immediately recognised as the ruffian who had taken the key of the inn cellar, and had pleaded war as an excuse for non-payment of his score. He was searched, and on him were found 2,000 francs, which had doubtless been stolen.

On Sunday the Germans set fire to the stables and granaries of the modest little chÂteau, whose owner was absent, and next day they tried to burn some of the houses and shops, but were in too great a hurry to set them alight.

On Monday morning they posted their artillery on a height commanding the road to the west along which the French cavalry was advancing. But the enemy did not wait to be attacked. After firing a few shots they removed the guns to another hill on the east, only to abandon it promptly. Then they rode away, leaving in the village seven killed, twenty-three wounded, and fourteen drunken brigands. As they retired the Germans thrust their lances into the bodies of two wounded French soldiers.

The German wounded were cared for by the villagers. One of them, said a young Frenchwoman, “was a very pretty boy—a noble, I feel sure. He was shot through the chest, and offered thousands of marks for a motor-car to take him to hospital. But we don’t take money for services of that kind.”

The enemy took with them all the motor-cars and bicycles, many of the horses and carts, all the petrol, wine, tobacco, jam and provisions. They killed many sheep and cattle, and kept the village baker busy night and day, with a revolver at his head and a bayonet at his back to prevent him from falling asleep. They cleaned out the shop of the jeweller and watchmaker.

In all the best houses were remnants of interrupted feasts—stumps of cigars that had burned holes in the table-covers, half-empty champagne and liqueur bottles, broken bread, and the remains of chickens and omelettes. Silver was missing, though plated goods were left, for they appear to have a nice taste in such articles also.

The next village, CourtaÇon, about eight miles to the south of La FertÉ, fared even worse. When I entered between its smoking walls and smouldering hayricks, I was met by a weeping woman.

“They have killed my son—my only son!”

He was a mere boy, and the German soldiers shot him dead as he sat at table by his mother’s side.

All the farmsteads, the gendarmerie, all the best houses were heaps of burning ruins. The Germans set fire to them before they fled; they shot horses and cattle, they threatened the unarmed villagers with death, and they put the mayor at the head of their retreating column. CourtaÇon looked as though it had been disembowelled and thrown to the flames.

The following remarkable disclosure was made by Mr. Granville Fortescue on a victory of the French over the army of the Crown Prince on September 6–7. As it will be seen, this event undoubtedly had the far-reaching result of saving Paris from siege:—

The first German army to be thoroughly whipped on French soil was that of the Crown Prince. This saved Paris. And this remarkable piece of news has remained a secret until now. At the time of their victory the French did not know the extent of the damage they had inflicted upon the enemy. In fact, they did not make claim to a decisive victory. In the official communication the most they claimed was a drawn battle. Actually they had smashed the flower of German military power.

Contrary to the general impression the great battles round Paris did not begin with the defeat of General von Kluck. That commander’s misfortunes were due directly to the retirement of the German left wing on the night of September 6–7. The mystery which has surrounded the movements of the German armies disappears now that we know that the main body of the Crown Prince’s army retired forty kilometres during that night. Such a retirement amounts to a rout.

In the plan of the German operations, the path that promised the greatest glory was reserved for the Crown Prince. This was in accordance with the policy of bolstering up the fast fading popularity of the House of Hohenzollern. Throughout Germany he was acclaimed as the hero of Longwy. His futile demonstration against Verdun was magnified into a series of glorious assaults. In official bulletins he was declared to have inflicted a severe defeat on the French. As a matter of fact, the French army opposed to him has been carrying out a splendid defensive retirement. Opposed by superior numbers they have contested with stubbornness every inch of the ground lost. And in the end they assumed the offensive in a most effective manner.

The Germans advanced on the line Verdun—Ste. Menehould—Chalons-sur-Marne. Their progress was exceedingly rapid. When the Uhlans of Kluck’s force were in Chantilly the main body of the Kaiser’s heir’s army was yet 200 kilometres away. Then this army was ordered to push on with all speed. The order of march of the German army up the Champs ElysÉes was being drawn up. And, as the Crown Prince was to head this historic march, undoubtedly dressed in the uniform of his pet regiment, the Death’s Head Hussars, the French troops opposing him must be brushed aside.

The left wing of the Germans gave battle on Sunday, September 6. The fighting began at daybreak, and continued with unprecedented fury until dark. The artillery fire went beyond anything the history of warfare has hitherto recorded. Shells were timed to be falling at the rate of thirty in thirty seconds. I have this from a trustworthy source. In this day’s fighting the French guns were served with undeniable superiority. The loss they inflicted upon the Germans can never be approximately estimated. The total loss of the Germans is placed at figures so high I hesitate to record them. One hundred thousand, of whom 20,000 were killed. This estimate is made by a trained observer, who was on the battlefield before the dead had been touched.

It must be remembered that the German army was advancing on a front nearly forty miles in extent, and the country north-east of Sezanne is the most treacherous in all France. Acres upon acres of marsh lands line the valleys. Here it was the enemy suffered most.

But the French also made the most severe sacrifices. A certain corps was practically wiped out of existence. Spurred by the knowledge that they were fighting for the very existence of Paris, each French soldier was as three. Against the desperate resistance they made the Germans could do nothing.

When the night of September 6 closed down neither army could claim much advantage in position gained.

The French had made certain gains, but then they had also fallen back at points. An enormous quantity of ammunition had been used up. The total artillery expenditure is put at 4,000 shells. Hundreds of caissons were empty.

Then, on the night of September 6–7, came the German retreat. The long line was giving way, not only on the right towards Paris, but also on the left, where there seems to have been heavy fighting about Verdun.

It has been suggested that there was a breakdown on the transport service in this direction. If this were the case, after the enormous expenditure of ammunition during the first day of action, the Crown Prince’s army would have been obliged to fall back or be captured.

The circumstances of their precipitate flight incline me to the last explanation. Of course, the fighting on this wing continued for several days, but the Germans were only trying to save what was left of a badly crippled army from complete destruction.

With the Crown Prince retreating, there was nothing left for von Kluck’s and von BÜlow’s armies but to execute the same manoeuvre. This brought about the battle of the Aisne and all the subsequent fighting. In the fighting the French have been uniformly successful. It goes without saying that the English troops contributed largely to this success. Their bravery has passed into proverb throughout France.

While I have been studying this extraordinary battlefield I have everywhere met the rumour that in the engagement the Kaiser’s heir was wounded. Stranger things have happened. Following an army in the field one soon learns to put little credence in the hundred and one stories that spring into life daily. But the story of the wounding of the Crown Prince has been clothed in so much detail as to make it sound plausible. At any rate, although he himself may be unhurt, his army is hopelessly crippled.

At the moment when the German army was suffering this defeat, the Allies were taking a step which showed that they were united in the issue as well as the purposes of the war. On September 6 the Foreign Office made public the subjoined important declaration concerning the attitude of the Governments of the Triple Entente regarding the terms of peace when the time comes for discussing them:—

Declaration.

The Undersigned, duly authorised thereto by their respective Governments, hereby declare as follows:

The British, French, and Russian Governments mutually engage not to conclude peace separately during the present war.

The three Governments agree that when terms of peace come to be discussed, no one of the Allies will demand conditions of peace without the previous agreement of each of the other Allies.

In faith whereof the Undersigned have signed this Declaration and have affixed thereto their seals. Done at London in triplicate, this 5th day of September, 1914.

(L.S.) E. Grey,
His Britannic Majesty’s Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs.
(L.S.) Paul Cambon,
Ambassador Extraordinary Plenipotentiary
of the French Republic.
(L.S.) Benckendorff,
Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of his Majesty
the Emperor of Russia.

An attempt has been made in the foregoing pages to tell the story of how the Allied forces retreated towards Paris, after the great battle of August 22–24 at Mons on the Belgian frontier, and continued to withdraw until the battle at Senlis on September 1. This account is chiefly concerned with the actions of the British troops who undoubtedly on the left, by their dogged fighting, had saved the situation during the first critical days. But their natural position having been lost, it was the policy of the Allies to retire, and with entrenched fortifications protecting their left, prepare for a counter-attack from the advancing Germans.

For the British the enemy’s assault was especially furious, but it failed both in breaking their lines and their spirit. Travel-stained, bearded and unwashed, their courage remained undaunted. The Allies fought as they fell back and fought again, until they met and defeated the army of the Crown Prince on September 6–7. Here the march of the invader was arrested, and the next episode of the war was the victorious fight against the Germans on the Marne.

The despatches of Sir John French and the official communiquÉs issued by the French War Office supply us with the barest events of the war, but for a picture of the actual fighting and the heroic deeds of our brave men we must turn to the many stories told by the soldiers themselves and other witnesses, some of which we have quoted.

Ever since the South African Campaign the art of war has changed and the combatants in the present campaign are fighting under circumstances that have never before prevailed, in many cases with weapons that have not before been used on the battlefield. Air-craft for reconnaissances, and armed motor-cars and motor-bicycles and motor vehicles for transport and other purposes, have gone far towards revolutionising warfare; although introduced in the Balkan war they are being utilised to a much greater extent in the present conflict.

Sufficient has been said incidentally in this book with regard to the German methods of warfare. The justice of our cause has been demonstrated by able statesmen as well as by men of every shade of opinion and creed. Their relentless persecution of the neutral State of Belgium, and their brutal disregard of all recognised canons of humanity, so far from terrorising the Allies, have strengthened their determination to fight to the bitter end Germany the enemy of the world.

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