The sporadic but persistent agitation for reform which ultimately evolved into the organized movement for independence since 1892, began soon after the discovery of the Islands. In the beginning, dissatisfaction manifested itself in more or less unimportant and localized uprisings against the oppressive measures which the Spanish rulers sought to impose upon the inhabitants.

Some of these uprisings, in outline form, were the following:

Uprisings against Spain 1574.—The first governor in Manila ordered the residents to supply his troops food, and took two of the leading Filipinos as hostages. After a time the Filipinos refused to submit any longer to the imposition. The governor ordered the hostages to be shot. The Filipinos revolted.

1585.—The Province of Pampanga was a center of revolts.

1588.—A conspiracy against Legaspi and against the principal officials of the city. The idea in this revolt was to expel the Spaniards from the Philippine Islands.

1589.—Popular revolt in the Provinces of Cagayan and Ilocos Norte.

1622.—Like Pampanga, Bohol became a center of revolts. This year saw a strange revolt which had a religious cause but later gained national importance. It also developed leadership in the person of one Tamblot. He was executed but his memory lived to inspire another rebellion.

This same year saw an uprising in the Province of Leyte.

1643.—Ladia led a revolt in Bulacan. His plan was easily discovered and he was put to death.

1645.—An uprising against the tax system in the Province of Pampanga, the second revolt in that province.

1649.—The most widespread revolt the Spanish government had yet seen against the system of conscripting labor whenever a Spaniard needed it. Starting in Leyte the uprising spread from one province to another and would not have been suppressed had not the governor incited Filipinos against Filipinos.

1660.—Miniago led a rebellion in Pampanga against the system of forced labor. At this time the Filipinos had already learned the Spanish way of making promises which were never fulfilled, thus instilling hatred in the Filipinos.

This same year witnessed another revolt in Pangasinan following the Miniago revolt. The leader by the name of Malong gave the Spanish government an almost unbearable trouble. He proclaimed his province, Pangasinan, independent and started to set up a government of its own. His army swept everything before it, but at last suffered defeat by the hands of Spaniards. The Filipinos were gradually developing military men, and at this time, one General Pedro Gumapus had been recognized. He was arrested, however, and put to death with many of his comrades.

1661.—A revolt in Ilocos, an aftermath of the Malong rebellion.

1686.—A conspiracy in Manila, but soon suppressed.

1719.—The riot in which Governor Bustamante and his son were killed. This was the result of the long discord between the government and the church.

1744.—Another rebellion in Bohol. This time the leader was Dagohoy and under his leadership his army was able to drive the Spanish troops away. Dagohoy set up a government in Bohol.

1762.—Pangasinan revolted again, but again unsuccessful.

1762.—A revolt occurred during the war with Great Britain. Silan offered his services to raise troops against the British. In reply the government sent him to prison for a spy. The Filipinos revolted and broke jail, letting the prisoner out. Silan was later murdered by an assassin whom the Spaniards hired. His widow who continued the revolt was arrested and hanged.

1762.—The Provinces of Cagayan, Laguna, and Batangas revolted against the tax system.

1785.—Nueva Ecija revolted.

1807.—A rebellion in Ilocos in which the Filipinos demanded constitutional rights. The rebels captured the town of Piddig and overcame the Spanish forces.

1811.—The Igorots plotted to annihilate all the Spaniards. The plan was betrayed to the authorities and was nipped in the bud.

1812.—For the first time in the history of Spain the demand for reforms was met with constitutional concession. The Filipinos were to have representation in the Cortes of Spain. The constitution was later discarded by King Ferdinand VII and upon hearing this the Filipinos revolted.

1814.—A rebellion against the oppressive tax system.

1820.—An uprising during a cholera epidemic, as the people believed that the government had been neglecting its duty. It was quelled, and a frightful massacre followed.

1823.—A mutiny at Novales led by a mestizo army officer.

1827.—This year the rebels of Bohol were temporarily subjugated after an independence of about eight years.

1840.—An extensive revolt in southern Luzon led by Apolinario de la Cruz, a student in theology. Cruz organized a Brotherhood of San Juan and asked for the coÖperation of the church. In reply, De la Cruz was arrested for working seditiously. Revolt followed in which the leader was arrested and shot.

1843.—An uprising in Manila as a resentment against the treatment of De la Cruz.

1872.—This revolt was different from any other previous revolt as it was no longer a protest against specific injustice but a revolt based upon idealistic basis. The leaders came from the educated class. The victims included such harmless men as Father Burgos, Father Zamora, and Father Gomez who were executed.

1883, 1888.—These years saw various revolts against oppressive treatments.

1892.—This year marked the beginning of the long and constructive struggle which changed the history of the Filipino people. It was characterized by a systematic campaign for freedom, culminating in the execution of Jose Rizal and the successful Revolution of 1896.

THE ORGANIZED MOVEMENT.—The leadership and the national ideals which these uprisings developed, became apparent in the Revolution of 1896 when the masses rose in arms against Spain and demanded separation and freedom. General MacArthur said of this Revolution:

“When I first started in against these rebels, I believed that Aguinaldo’s troops represented only a faction. I did not like to believe that the whole population of Luzon—the native population, that is—were opposed to us and our offers of good government. But after having come this far, after having occupied several towns and cities in succession, and having been brought much in contact with both insurrectos and amigos, I have been reluctantly compelled to believe that the Filipino masses were loyal and devoted to Aguinaldo and the government which he heads.”

Upon the cessation of hostilities and after the organization of the civil government in the Islands under the American rÉgime, the Philippine Commission passed an act which virtually prohibited all agitations for Philippine independence. Under these circumstances, the movement had to go on in an unorganized manner against the opposition of the Federal Party which indorsed annexation of the Philippines to the United States. The party, however, never had any substantial support, and soon lost the little it had. Another party had appeared on the scene, having immediate independence for its slogan and the multitude rallied around its standard.

As an organized and systematic movement, the agitation began with the institution of the Philippine Assembly in 1907. The Philippine Assembly was then the popular branch of the Philippine Legislature, the upper house being the Commission of which the majority were Americans. The issue in the general elections was independence for the Islands, and the Nacionalista Party, which championed the cause, gained an overwhelming majority in the Assembly over the Federal Party. At the close of the first session of this representative body, the Speaker, Hon. Sergio OsmeÑa, declared:

“Permit me, gentlemen of the chamber, to declare solemnly before God and before the world, upon my conscience as a deputy and representative of my compatriots, and under my responsibility as president of this chamber, that we believe the people desire independence, and that we believe ourselves capable of leading an orderly existence, efficient both in internal and external affairs, as a member of the free and civilized nations.”

The cause of Philippine independence has been paramount in Philippine affairs since then, but the Filipino people have been striving for that national objective in the most peaceful manner. After the war the movement was resumed, and since 1919 two delegations have been sent to the United States to present pleas for independence to the President and Congress. The first went in 1919, the second in 1921.

AMERICA’S POLICY AND PROMISE TO THE FILIPINO PEOPLE.—The plea for freedom is based on two contentions. First, that it is the right of all nations to be free; second, that independence has been promised by the United States. Both of which premises are admitted. The only question is when independence will be granted.

The Filipino people are one in their appeal for independence. All political parties have this as a common objective. There is not one discordant note in the age-long desire. The people are willing to stake their all—take all the chances attendant upon an independent existence. They want their freedom now.

On the other hand, America’s policy toward the Islands has been consistent. The pronouncements of her executive officials as well as Congressional legislations all point to one conclusion: It has never been the intention to make of the Philippines a perpetual possession; independence is to be granted as soon as a stable government “can be established.”

PRONOUNCEMENTS OF AMERICAN PRESIDENTS.—In January 30, 1899, eight months after the battle of Manila Bay, President McKinley dispatched the First Philippine Commission to the Islands with the assurance that the Commission would bring “the richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation.” Later on he added: “The Philippines are ours, not to exploit but to develop, to civilize, to educate, to train in the science of self-government.”

In 1903 Mr. Taft, as Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands, eloquently expressed himself thus:

“From the beginning to the end, the state papers which were circulated in these Islands as authoritative expressions of the Executive had for their motto that ‘the Philippines are for the Filipinos,’ and that the government of the United States are here for the purpose of preserving the ‘Philippines for the Filipinos’ for their benefit, for their elevation, for their civilization, again and again appears.”

And again, in 1907, he said:

“The policy looks to the improvement of the people, both industrially and in self-governing capacity. As the policy of extending control continues, it must logically reduce and finally end the sovereignty of the United States in the Islands, unless it shall deem wise to the American and Filipino peoples, on account of mutually beneficial trade relations and possible advantages to the Islands in their foreign relations, that the bond shall not be completely severed.”

In his message in 1908 President Roosevelt said:

“I trust that within a generation the time will arrive when the Filipinos can decide for themselves whether it is well for them to become independent or to continue under protection of a strong and disinterested power, able to guarantee to the Islands order at home and protection from foreign invasion.”

And in his autobiography Mr. Roosevelt remarked:

“As regards the Philippines my belief was that we should train them for self-government as rapidly as possible and leave them free to decide their own fate.”

On October 6, 1913, President Wilson, in a message for the Filipino people, formulated America’s policy thus:

“We regard ourselves as trustees not for the advantage of the United States, but for the benefit of the people of the Philippine Islands. Every step we take will be taken with a view to ultimate independence of the Islands and as a preparation for that independence.”

THE JONES LAW.—All these official declarations at last found Congressional sanction and expression in the Jones Law passed in 1916 which in the opinion of the author, Congressman William Atkinson Jones, is “the everlasting covenant of a great and generous people speaking through their accredited representatives that they (the Filipinos) shall in due time enjoy the incomparable blessings of liberty and freedom.” The preamble of the Law reads:

“Whereas it was never the intention of the people of the United States in the incipiency of the War with Spain to make it a war of conquest or territorial aggrandizement; and

“Whereas it is, as it has always been, the purpose of the people of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein; and

“Whereas, for the speedy accomplishment of the purpose, it is desirable to place in the hands of the people of the Philippines as large a control of their domestic affairs as can be given them without in the meantime impairing the exercise of the right of sovereignty by the people of the United States in order that by the use and exercise of popular franchise and government powers they may be better prepared to fully assume the responsibilities and enjoy all the privileges of complete independence;

“Therefore.…”

This law is the first formal pronouncement of the American people, through their accredited representatives, on the purpose of the United States as regards the Philippine Islands. It is the formal pledge that Independence will be granted. The only condition required is that a stable government be first established in the Islands.

Executive recommendation for the fulfillment of America’s promise.—That there is now such a stable government in the Islands is the claim of the Filipinos, and America is being asked to perform her part of the covenant. In this claim of theirs, the Filipinos are supported by the official representatives of the American people themselves.

In his last message to Congress, December 2, 1920, President Wilson made this recommendation:

“Allow me to call your attention to the fact that the people of the Philippine Islands have succeeded in maintaining a stable government since the last action of the Congress in their behalf, and have thus fulfilled the condition set by the Congress as precedent to a consideration of granting independence to the Islands.

“I respectfully submit that this condition having been fulfilled, it is our liberty and our duty to keep our promise to the people of those islands by granting them the independence which they so honorably covet.”

Governor-General Harrison also testified before the Joint Committee of Congress in 1919 that a stable government had already been established in the Philippine Islands, to wit, “a government elected by the suffrages of the people, which is supported by the people, which is capable of maintaining order and of fulfilling its international obligations.”

MISSIONS TO UNITED STATES.—Soon after the termination of the world war, it was decided to push the campaign for freedom with greater vigor than ever before.

There was need, besides, of centralizing the campaign if it was to be more effective. Accordingly, the Philippine Legislature, on November 1, 1918, created a “Commission of Independence,” composed of the presiding officers and members of both houses of the Legislature. The Commission was for the purpose of considering and reporting to the Legislature:

(a) Ways and means of negotiating immediately for the granting and recognition of the Independence of the Philippines.

(b) External guarantees of the stability and permanence of said independence as well as of territorial integrity.

(c) Ways and means of organizing in a speedy, effectual and orderly manner a constitutional and democratic internal government.

The First Mission.—One of the first actions of the Commission was to recommend the sending of a special mission to the United States to present the plea for freedom in a formal manner. The Legislature approved this recommendation, and in May, 1919, a delegation arrived at Washington, composed of forty prominent Filipinos representing the two houses of the Legislature as well as the commercial, industrial, agricultural, and labor interests of the Islands.

About the time it sailed, the Legislature adopted a “Declaration of Purposes” for the guidance of the Commission of Independence and the Philippine Mission. This declaration recited, among other things:

Declaration of Purposes.—* * * “In applying the principles enunciated in documents and utterances on the Philippines to the conditions now existing in the Islands, the Commission of Independence will find the following facts:

“That there exist likewise in the Philippines all the conditions of stability and guarantees for law and order that Cuba had to establish to the satisfaction of America in order to obtain her independence, or to preserve it, during the military occupation of 1898–1902 and during the intervention of 1906–1909, respectively.

“That the ‘preparation for independence’ and the ‘stable government’ required by President Wilson and the Congress of the United States, respectively, contain no new requisite not included in any of the cases above cited.

“That these prerequisites for Philippine Independence are the same as those virtually or expressly established by the Republican administration that preceded President Wilson’s administration.

“That during the entire time that the Filipino people have been with America, they have been living in the confidence that the American occupation was only temporary and that its final aim was not aggrandizement or conquest, but the peace, welfare, and liberty of the Filipino people.

“That this faith in the promises of America was a cardinal factor not only in the coÖperation between Americans and Filipinos during the years of peace, but also in the coÖperation between Americans and Filipinos during the late war.

“That the condition of thorough development of the internal affairs of the country and the present international atmosphere of justice, liberty, and security for all peoples, are the most propitious for the fulfillment by America of her promises and for her redemption of the pledges she has made before the world.

“Therefore, so far as it is humanly possible to judge and say, we can see only one aim for the Commission of Independence—independence; and we can give only one instruction—to get it. * * *”

The Mission proceeded to Washington to confer with President Wilson and to make known their desires. It happened, however, that the President was in Paris, at the Peace Conference, and could not receive the mission in person. He delegated Secretary of War Baker to represent him and to read for him to the Mission a letter in which he expressed sentiments of sympathy and good will. In that letter, the President said in part:

“I am sorry that I cannot look into the faces of the gentlemen of this Mission from the Philippine Islands and tell them all that I have in mind and heart as I think of the patient labor, with the end almost in sight, undertaken by the American and Filipino people for their permanent benefit. I know, however, that your sentiments are mine in this regard and that you will translate truly to them my own feelings.”

And Secretary Baker, on his part, said:

“I know that I express the feeling of the President—I certainly express my own feeling; I think I express the prevailing feeling in the United States—when I say that we believe the time has substantially come, if not quite come, when the Philippine Islands can be allowed to sever the mere formal political tie remaining and become an independent people.”

Hearing Before Congressional Committee.—Because of the absence of President Wilson, the mission had to return to the Islands with its object unattained. The members, however, had visited many cities of the United States and delivered speeches pleading for independence. They also succeeded in getting a hearing before a joint-committee of Congress, presided over by the then Senator Harding. But the committee was adverse to any action being taken at the time on the issue of Philippine independence and so stated. The Mission then presented a memorial “to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States,” wherein it submitted the case of the Filipinos in substance thus:

1. That as defined and established in the Act of Congress of August 29, 1916, the purpose of the Government of the United States is to withdraw its sovereignty over the Philippine Islands as soon as a stable government can be established therein.

2. That in accordance with the terms and provisions of said law, the people of the Philippines have organized a government that has been in operation for nearly three years and which has offered complete evidence that conditions are ripe for the establishment of an independent government that will be fully capable of maintaining law and order, administer justice, promote the welfare of all the inhabitants of the islands, and discharge as well its international obligations.

3. That the Filipino people desire their independence at this time, and along with that independence, they confidently hope to preserve the bonds of good understanding and friendship which bind them to the United States, and to foster the free development of commercial relations between the two countries.

The Second Mission.—The first Mission failing to get independence, a second one was dispatched in 1922, with identically the same purpose—to negotiate for independence. It was designated a Parliamentary Mission, presided over by the Speaker of the House and the President of the Senate, and was composed of 14 members. Arriving at Washington, it presented a memorial to President Harding, which, in point of logic, force, earnestness, and diction, must stand unique in the annals of peoples aspiring to be free through peaceful methods. It is the case of the Filipinos in a nutshell. It recites in part:

MEMORIAL OF JUNE 16, 1922

“Mr. President: With the deepest sense of loyalty and confidence in the American people, the Philippine Legislature has decided to send the present Parliamentary Mission to the United States. The Mission brings a message of good-will and friendship from the Filipino people to the people of the United States, and is charged to resume the negotiations for the independence of the Philippines begun by the first Mission sent in 1919.

MCKINLEY AND ROOT’S DEFINITION OF STABLE GOVERNMENT

“There are, in President McKinley’s estimate, two main elements in a stable government: First, ability to maintain order and insure peace and tranquility, and the security of citizens; second, ability to observe international obligations. To those two elements, Mr. Root in his instruction for the Cuban people, added the following: It must rest upon the peaceful suffrages of the people and must contain constitutional limitations to protect the people from the arbitrary actions of the Government. All these elements are to be found in the Philippines today.

PRESENT PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT SATISFIES ALL CONDITIONS

“It is admitted by the Wood-Forbes Mission that order has been properly maintained and that our Insular police or constabulary, “has proved itself to be dependable and thoroughly efficient. * * * They are naturally an orderly people.”

“The Filipino people are by nature and tradition hospitable and courteous to foreigners. There has been no anti-foreign agitation or outbreak. The business of foreigners has been amply protected and will continue to be so protected under an independent Philippines. During the short-lived Philippine Republic prisoners of war were treated according to the law of nations, and there was security for foreigners.

ORDERLY ELECTIONS

“The Insular, provincial, and municipal governments of the Philippines rest on the free and peaceful suffrage of the people. The people elect members of the Insular legislature, provincial governors, members of the provincial boards, municipal presidents, and members of the municipal councils. Interest in the elections is widespread and election day passes without any serious disturbances. There was a general, quiet acceptance by the minority of the results of the popular vote. * * *

CONSTITUTIONAL GUARANTEES

“The structure and workings of our government also conform to the standard defined by Mr. Root in that it is “subject to the limitations and safeguards which the experience of a constitutional government has shown to be necessary to the preservation of individual rights.” The Filipino people fought for such constitutional safeguards during the Spanish rÉgime. A modern bill of rights was inserted in the Constitution of the Philippine Republic. Our present constitutional limitations and safeguards have been in operation since 1900 when President McKinley in his instructions to the second Philippine Commission set down as inviolable rules the fundamental provisions of the American Bill of Rights. These provisions with slight modification were later included in the Organic Act of 1902, and again set forth in the Jones Law of 1916. For more than twenty years, therefore, the Philippine Government has been subject to constitutional practices. They are imbedded in the political life of the people, and no matter what political change may occur in the Philippines they will find no material alteration. An impartial judiciary is there to enforce them.

COMPETENT JUDICIARY

“The Supreme Court has the respect and confidence of the Filipino people. The courts of First Instance, mostly presided over by Filipinos ever since 1914, have maintained a standard which, in general, compares favorably with the state courts of the Union. From August 31, 1912, to September 1, 1913, during the last two years of Governor Forbes’ administration, only 25.1 per cent of the decisions appealed from these courts were reversed by the Supreme Court. From March 3, 1919, to March 4, 1921, another period of two years with Filipinos in control, the percentage of reversals decreased to 20.8 per cent. The number of cases disposed of by the Courts of First Instance for the eight years (1906 to 1913, inclusive) was as many as 82,528. The total number of cases disposed of for the same length of time, with Filipinos in greater control (1914 to 1921, inclusive), was 117,357 or an increase of 34,829, or 42 per cent.

GENERAL PROGRESS

“Philippine autonomy has also increased the agencies of social and political progress, such as schools, roads, public buildings, hospitals, etc. In 1913, when the Filipino people had even less share in the government than they have now, there were enrolled in public schools 440,050 pupils, in 1921 there were nearly a million (943,422). In 1913, there were only 2,934 public schools; in 1920 there were 5,944. In 1913, there were 2,171 kilometers of first-class roads in operation, in 1921 the figure was 4,698.8 in addition to about 5,000 kilometers of second-class roads. In 1913, there were no dispensaries where the poor could be given medical treatment; in 1921, there were over 800. In 1913 the appropriation for medical aid to the poor was ?1,548,371.25; in 1921 the sum was ?3,153,828.00.

“Social and economic progress has also been tremendous during this period. In 1913 there were hardly a dozen women’s clubs, in 1921 there were 342 in active work. In 1913, the volume of Philippine commerce was only ?202,171,484, in 1920 it swelled to ?601,124,276. The cultivated area in 1913 was 2,361,483 hectares as compared with 3,276,942 hectares in 1920, or 38.7 per cent increase. The present conditions in the Philippines compare favorably with those existing in many nations whose right to national sovereignty is not in the least questioned.

THE FAVORABLE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION

“Three years ago the impression of the members of the first Philippine Mission was that the main objection in the minds of many Americans to the immediate independence of the Philippines was the danger of foreign aggression. While this is entirely outside of the question as to whether we have complied with the requirements of the Jones Law, it may not be amiss to call the attention of those Americans to the great change in international affairs which has taken place since the visit of the last Mission.

THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE

“Wholesome relationship has especially been established in the Pacific area. The recent Washington Conference has cleared away many doubts and misgivings.

“In the words of the President of the United States that conference was called ‘to provide some means whereby just, thoughtful, righteous peoples, who are not seeking to seize something which does not belong to them can live peaceably together and eliminate cause of conflict.’”

IRELAND, EGYPT, AND INDIA

“To the favorable international atmosphere may be added the fact that the first of colonial powers is already reversing her former policies. She has granted recognition of freedom and equality to peoples hitherto held as subjects and vassals. Egypt has regained her independence. The Irish people have been asked to enter into an agreement with England, looking to the establishment of a free state. Liberal institutions are now being established in India.

TRIUMPH OF AMERICAN IDEALS

“We see in all these events the gradual triumph of American ideals, especially of that fundamental American principle that declares that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.

“Hence we come to America in the full expectation that the United States can do no less than other nations have done to their dependencies; that she cannot now refrain from practicing those principles which were initiated by her and followed by her sister nations; that she cannot now refuse specific realization of those purposes and ideals, which found eloquent expression in her spokesmen both in times of war and in times of peaceful reconstruction; and that she will make the Filipino people a determining factor in the relationship that should exist between the United States and the only unincorporated and subject country now under the American flag.

MISSION HAS FULL POWERS

“We, therefore, submit our case, with faith and confidence, frankly and without evasion. It is the case of the Filipino people whom in fact and in law we represent, for certainly under the present circumstances no other agency can speak or act with as much authority on what the Filipino people want or on Philippine conditions in general, as their duly accredited representatives. That is the very essence of representative government.”

President Harding replied after due deliberation, stating that he was not yet ready to recommend the concession of independence to Congress, but assured the members of the Mission and, thru them, the Filipino people, that there would be no backward step taken during his administration, and that the autonomy now enjoyed by the Filipinos would remain unimpaired.

Petition for a constitutional convention.—The second Mission, failing in its object like the first, the Philippine Legislature at its next session in 1922, set about to devise other means whereby action on the question of independence could be hastened. After days of stirring debate, it was decided to ask Congress for permission to call a Constitutional Convention to draft a Constitution for a Philippine Republic, and the following resolution was passed:

“Whereas, the people and government of the United States have solemnly promised to grant independence as soon as a stable government can be established in the Philippines; and

“Whereas, a stable government now exists and is now in operation with the necessary guarantees that insure success, permanency, and security; and

“Whereas, preparation and approval by legitimate representatives of the Filipino people of a political constitution for the Philippines is, in the sense of the legislature, a proper and efficacious step for the securing of Philippine independence; therefore, be it

“Resolved, by the Philippine Senate, with the concurrence of the House of Representatives, that the United States Congress be asked, as it is hereby asked, to authorize the Philippine Legislature to make arrangements for the holding of a general election for the selection of delegates to a constitutional assembly which shall have the duty of preparing, discussing, and adopting a political constitution for an independent Philippine Republic; of determining, with the government of the United States, what kind of relationship, if any, should exist between said government of the United States and the Philippines; and finally of prescribing the election by the people of the Philippines of officials that shall exercise the authority and functions prescribed by the constitution to be adopted and to whom the present government of the Philippines shall be transferred as soon as they have legally assumed their posts.”

This resolution is now before the Congress of the United States, awaiting action by that body.