[1] See Evenings at Home, by Dr. Aikin and Mrs. Barbauld. [2] History of England, 4to. 1670, p. 11. [3] We learn this from Selden's notes to the Polyolbion of Drayton. [4] Picture of London, 1824, p. 3. [5] These etymologies are to be found in Maitland's History and Survey of London. Fol. 1756. Vol. i. Book i. [6] In the notes to Drayton's Polyolbion, Song viii. [7] There is a Lunden in Sweden, mentioned by Maitland, vol. i. ubi sup. It is the capital of the province of Schonen. Another town of the name is in Danish Holstein. [8] "We have one word," says Dr. Pegge, "which has not a single letter of its original, for of the French peruke, we got periwig, now abbreviated to wig. Earwig comes from eruca, as Dr. Wallis observes, Anonymiana, p. 56. The French word jour (day) comes from dies, through diurnus, diurno, giorno; so giornale, journal. Uncle is from avus, through avunculus. For Inhimthorpe, and other impossibilities, see Cosmo the Third's Travels through England, in the reign of Charles II." [9] Pennant's London, third edition, 4to., p. 3. [10] Picture of London, p. 12. [11] Picture of London, p. 14. For a larger account of this and other matters briefly touched upon in the present introduction, see Brayley's London and Middlesex, vol. i. The spirit of them, however, will appear in our work, together with particulars hitherto unnoticed. [12] Id. p. 13. [13] Since this paragraph was written, the wonderful events have taken place in France, which have so agitated the whole of Europe, and which promise to open a new epoch in human history. May all benefit from them, as we believe all may, without real injury to any one! [14] Parentalia, p. 290, quoted in the work next mentioned. [15] Brayley's London and Middlesex, vol. i. p. 87. [16] Parentalia, p. 27. [17] Survey of London, p. 262. First edition. [18] Fine Arts of the English School, quoted in Brayley, vol. ii. p. 217. [19] Londinium Redivivum, iii., p. 134. [20] Londinium Redivivum, iii., p. 81. [21] Londinium Redivivum, vol. iii., pp. 71, 73. [22] Moser, in the European Magazine, July, 1807. [23] Poems. Gilchrist's edition, 1807, p. 5. [24] Microcosmographie, quoted in Pennant. [25] Anecdotes of the Manners and Customs of London during the Eighteenth Century, vol. i. p. 281. [26] London and Middlesex, vol. ii., p. 229. [27] Ancient Mysteries described, &c., 1823, p. 195. [28] Purvey'd is the word of Mr. Chalmers; who says, however, that he knows not on what principle the right of "purveying such children" was justified, "except by the maxim that the king had a right to the services of all his subjects." See Johnson and Steeven's Shakspeare, Prolegomena, vol. ii., p. 516. "His bushy beard, and shoe-strings green, His high-crown'd hat, and satin doublet, Mov'd the stout heart of England's queen, Though Pope and Spaniard could not trouble it."—Gray. [30] Maitland's History of London, vol. ii., p. 1170. [31] The Bishop's second wife was a Lady Baker, who is said, by Mr. Brayley, to have been young as well as beautiful, and probably did not add to the prelate's repose. [32] London and Middlesex, vol. ii., p. 231. [33] The active habits of our ancestors enabled them to bear these out-of-door sermons better than their posterity could; yet, as times grew less hardy, they began to have consequences which Bishop Latimer attributed to another cause. "The citizens of Raim," said he, in a sermon preached in Lincolnshire, in the year 1552, "had their burying-place without the city, which, no doubt, is a laudable thing; and I do marvel that London, being so great a city, hath not a burial-place without, for no doubt it is an unwholesome thing to bury within the city, especially at such a time when there be great sickness, and many die together. I think, verily, that many a man taketh his death in Paul's Churchyard, and this I speak of experience; for I myself, when I have been there on some mornings to hear the sermons, have felt such an ill-savoured unwholesome savour, that I was the worse for it a great while after; and I think no less, but it is the occasion of great sickness and disease."—Brayley, vol. ii., p. 315. After all, the Bishop may have been right in attributing the sickness to the cemetery. We have seen frightful probabilities of the same kind in our own time; and nothing can be more sensible than what he says of burial-grounds in cities. [34] Maitland, vol. ii., p. 949. [35] The reader, perhaps, will agree with us in thinking, that the last three lines of this poetry are unworthy of the rest, and put Jane in a theatrical attitude which she would not have effected. [36] Some account of London, third edition, p. 394. [37] Chalmers's British Poets, vol. iv., p. 91. [38] "After which, once ended," says Stow, "the preacher gat him home, and never after durst look out for shame, but kept him out of sight like an owle; and when he once asked one that had been his olde friende, what the people talked of him, all were it that his own conscience well shewed him that they talked no good, yet when the other answered him, that there was in every man's mouth spoken of him much shame, it so strake him to the hart, that in a few daies after, he withered, and consumed away."—Brayley, vol. i., p. 312. [39] From a MS. in the British Museum, quoted by Brayley, vol. ii., p. 312. [40] A Dance of Death (for the subject was often repeated) is a procession of the various ranks of life, from the pope to the peasant, each led by a skeleton for his partner. Holbein enlarged it by the addition of a series of visits privately paid by Death to the individuals. The figurantes, in his work, by no means go down the dance "with an air of despondency." The human beings are unconscious of their partners (which is fine); and the Deaths are as jolly as skeletons well can be. [41] Brayley, vol. ii., p. 320. [42] See Todd's Milton, vol. vii.; Aubrey's Letters and Lives; and Ben Jonson's Poems. Gill's specimen of a satire is very bad, and the great laureate's answer is not much better. The first couplet of the latter, however, is to the purpose:— "Shall the prosperity of a pardon still Secure thy railing rhymes, infamous Gill?" [43] History of London, vol. ii., p. 1166. [44] Life of Sir Christopher Wren, in the Library of Useful Knowledge, No. 24, p. 27. [45] Wordsworth. [46] Brayley, vol. ii., p. 303. [47] In his Life, vol. iii., p. 98. Edit. 1827. [48] Unless, indeed, we are to suppose, as has been suggested, that Sermon Lane is a corruption of Sheremoniers Lane, that is, the lane of the money clippers, or such as cut and rounded the metal which was to be coined or stamped into money. There was anciently a place in this lane for melting silver, called the Blackloft—and the Mint was in the street now called Old Change, in the immediate neighbourhood. See Maitland, ii., 880 (edit. of 1756.) [49] Letters to Stella, in the duodecimo edition of his works, 1775, Letter vi., p. 43. [50] Boswell's Life of Johnson, eighth edition, vol. iv., p. 93. [51] History of London, vol. ii., p. 925. [52] The Tatler. With notes historical, biographical, and critical 8vo. 1797. Vol. iv., p. 206. [53] Pennant's London, p. 377. [54] Of William III. [55] The genius of Clarke, which, agreeably to his unhappy end, was tender and melancholy, was unsuited to the livelier intoxication of Dryden's feast, afterwards gloriously set by Handel. Clarke has been styled the musical Otway of his time. He was organist at St. Paul's, and shot himself at his house in St. Paul's Churchyard. Mr. John Reading, organist of St. Dunstan's, who was intimately acquainted with him, was going by at the moment the pistol went off, and upon entering the house "found his friend and fellow-student in the agonies of death." Another friend of his, one of the lay vicars of the cathedral, relates of him, that a few weeks before the catastrophe, Clarke had alighted from his horse in a sequestered spot in the country, where there was a pond surrounded by trees, and not knowing whether to hang or drown himself, tossed up a piece of money to see which. The money stuck in the earth edgeways. Of this new chance for life, poor Clarke, we see, was unable to avail himself. [56] See Maitland, vol. ii., p. 949. [57] Since this was written, the jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Court in Doctors' Commons on matters of divorce has been transferred to a new "Court of Divorce and Matrimonial Causes," sitting at Westminster. [58] Londinium Redivivum, vol. ii., p. 473. [59] On the authority of Langton, Johnson's friend. See Memoirs, Anecdotes, &c., by Letitia Matilda Hawkins, vol. i., p. 293. [60] Censura Literaria, vol. iii., p. 254. [61] Life, Diary, and Correspondence of Sir William Dugdale, by Hamper. Lond. 1827. Our memorandum has omitted the page. The letter was written to Dugdale by Randall Holme, a brother herald. [62] Another opinion, however, is that the spear had been given to one of his ancestors as having been a magistrate of some description. This supposition seems to be supported by the grant of arms to John Shakspeare in 1599, which has been printed by Mr. Malcolm. But Shakspeares in Warwickshire are as plentiful as blackberries, and perhaps the name originated in the stout arms of a whole tribe of soldiers. [63] Vix ea nostra voco—(as above translated). The effect is stronger if the whole passage is called to mind. It is Ovid; Nam genus, et proavos, et quÆ non fecimus ipsi, Vix ea nostra voco.—Metamor. lib. 13. v. 140. For birth, and rank, and what our own good powers Have earned us not, I scarcely call them ours. Ovid, himself a man of birth, puts this sentiment in the mouth of Ulysses, a king. But then he was a king whose talents were above his royalty. [64] Life of Gibbon, in the Autobiography, vol. i. [65] Lamb's Specimens of English Dramatic Poets, p. 147. [66] Maitland, vol. i., p. 28. [67] Malcolm, Londinium Redivivum, iv., p. 367. [68] Spectator, vol. i., No. 28. [69] Malone, in his Historical Account of the English Stage, has an ingenious parallel between these inn-theatres and the construction of the modern ones. "Many of our ancient dramatick pieces," he observes, "were performed in the yards of carriers' inns, in which, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the comedians, who then first united themselves in companies, erected an occasional stage. The form of these temporary play-houses seems to be preserved in our modern theatre. The galleries in both are ranged over each other on three sides of the building. The small rooms under the lowest of these galleries answer to our present boxes; and it is observable, that these, even in theatres which were built in a subsequent period expressly for dramatick exhibitions, still retained their old name, and were frequently called rooms by our ancient writers. The yard bears a sufficient resemblance to the pit, as at present in use. We may suppose the stage to have been raised in this arena, on the fourth side, with its back to the gateway of the inn, at which the money for admission was taken. Thus in fine weather, a play-house, not incommodious, might have been formed." Reed's Edition of Johnson's and Steevens's Shakspeare, vol. iii., p. 73. [70] Tatler, No. 127. [71] Londinium Redivivum, ii., 375. [72] History of London, ii., 880. [73] The whipping of the criminals in Bridewell took place after the church service. [74] Dunciad, book ii., v. 269. [75] See Walter Scott's edition of Dryden, vol. x., p. 372. "Abhorrers" were addressers on the side of the court, who had avowed "abhorrence" of the proceedings of the Whigs. The word was a capital one to sound through a trumpet. [76] Aubrey says that his death took place in a cellar in Long Acre; and adds; "Mr. Edm. Wylde, &c., had made a collection for him, and given him money." But Aubrey's authority is not valid against Wood's. He is to be read like a proper gossip, whose accounts we may pretty safely reject or believe, as it suits other testimony. [77] Wood's AthenÆ Oxonienses, fol. vol. ii., p. 145. [78] Baker's Biographia Dramatica. Reed's edition, 1782, vol. i., p. 207. [79] Malone in the Prolegomena to Shakspeare, as above, vol, iii., p. 287. [80] Correspondence of Samual Richardson, &c., by Anna Letitia Barbauld, vol. i., p. 97. [81] Our authority (one of the highest in this way) is Mr. Nichols, in his Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century, vol. iv., p. 579. "—— Apoplexy cramm'd intemperance knocks Down to the ground at once, as butcher felleth ox;"— says Thomson, in his Castle of Indolence. It was the death which the good-natured, indolent poet probably expected for himself, and which he would have had, if a cold and fever had not interfered; for there is an apoplexy of the head alone, as well as of the whole body; and men of letters who either exercise little, or work overmuch, seem almost sure to die of it, or of palsy; which is a disease analogous. It is the last stroke, given in the kind resentment of nature, to the brains which should have known better than bring themselves to such a pass. In the biography of Italian literati, "Mori' d' apoplessia"—(he died of apoplexy)—is a common verdict. [83] Correspondence, as above, vol. i., p. 177. [84] Correspondence, &c., by Mrs. Barbauld, vol.i., p. 183. [85] Life and Reign of King James I., quoted in Howell's State Trials, vol. ii., p. 745. [86] State Trials, ut supra, p. 762. [87] "It is an opinion which universally prevails with regard to those cross-legged monuments," says Dr. Nash, "that they were all erected to the memory of Knights Templars. Now to me it is very evident that not one of them belonged to that order; but, as Mr. Habingdon, in describing this at Alve church, hath justly expressed it, to Knights of the Holy Voyage. For the order of Knights Templars followed the rule of the Canons regular of St. Austin, and, as such, were under a vow of celibacy. Now there is scarcely one of these monuments which is certainly known for whom it is erected; but it is as certain, that the person it represented was a married man. The Knights Templars always wore a white habit, with a red cross on the left shoulder. I believe, not a single instance can be produced of either the mantle or cross being carved on any of these monuments, which surely would not have been omitted, as by it they were distinguished from all other orders, had these been really designed to represent Knights Templars. Lastly, this order was not confined to England only, but dispersed itself all over Europe: yet it will be very difficult to find one cross-legged monument anywhere out of England; whereas they would have abounded in France, Italy, and elsewhere, had it been a fashion peculiar to that famous order. But though, for these reasons, I cannot allow the cross-legged monuments to have been for Knights Templars, yet they had some relation to them, being the memorials of those zealous devotees, who had either been in Palestine, personally engaged in what was called the Holy War, or had laid themselves under a vow to go thither, though perhaps they were prevented from it by death. Some few, indeed, might possibly be erected to the memory of persons who had made pilgrimages there merely out of private devotion. Among the latter, probably, was that of the lady of the family of Mepham, of Mepham in Yorkshire, to whose memory a cross-legged monument was placed in a chapel adjoining to the one collegiate church of Howden, in Yorkshire, and is at this day remaining, together with that of her husband on the same tomb. As this religious madness lasted no longer than the reign of Henry III. (the tenth and last crusade being published in the year 1268), and the whole order of Knights Templars was dissolved by Edward II., military expeditions to the Holy Land, as well as devout pilgrimages there, had their period by the year 1312; consequently none of those cross-legged monuments are of a later date than the reign of Edward II., or beginning of Edward III., nor of an earlier than that of King Stephen, when these expeditions first took place in this kingdom."—History and Antiquities of Worcestershire, fol. vol. i., p. 31. Since Dr. Nash wrote, however, it has been denied that even the cross legs had any thing to do with crusades. [88] Prologue to the Canterbury Tales. We quote no edition, because where we could we have modernised the spelling; which is a justice to this fine old author in a quotation, in order that nobody may pass it over. With regard to Chaucer being of the Temple, and to his beating the Franciscan in Fleet Street, all which is reported, depends upon the testimony of a Mr. Buckley, who, according to Speght, had seen a Temple record to that effect. [89] Prothalamion. [90] "Shove-groat, named also Slyp-groat, and Slide-thrift, are sports occasionally mentioned by the writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and probably were analogous to the modern pastime called Justice Jervis, or Jarvis, which is confined to common pot-houses, and only practised by such as frequent the tap-rooms."—Strutt's Sports and Pastimes of the People of England, 1828, chap, i., sect. xix. It is played with halfpence, which are jerked with the palm of the hand from the edge of a table, towards certain numbers described upon it. [91] Londinium Redivivum, vol. ii., p. 290. [92] Sir John Davies, who was afterwards Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and wrote a poem on the Art of Dancing (so lively was the gravity of those days!) "bastinadoed" a man at dinner in the Temple Hall, for which he was expelled. The man probably deserved it, for Davies had a fine nature; and he went back again by favour of the excellent Lord Ellesmere. [93] Dunciad, book ii. [94] Boswell's Life of Johnson, eighth edit., 8vo. 1816, vol. iv., p. 27. [95] Boswell's Life of Johnson, eighth edit. 1816, vol. i., p. 398. [96] Boswell's Life of Johnson, eighth edit. 1816, vol. i., p. 378. [97] Ibid., vol. ii., p. 421. [98] Ibid., vol. ii., p. 271. [99] Spence's Anecdotes, Singer's edit. p. 355. [100] Swift's Works, ut supra, vol. iv., p. 41. [101] Tatler, No. 142. According to the author of a lively rattling book, conversant with the furniture of old times, Arbuthnot was a great amateur in sticks. "My uncle," says he, "was universally allowed to be as deeply skilled in caneology as any one, Dr. Arbuthnot not excepted, whose science on important questions was quoted even after his death; for his collection of the various headed sticks and canes, from the time of the first Charles, taken together, was unrivalled."—Wine and Walnuts, vol. i., p. 242. [102] Tatler, No. 86. [103] Spence's Anecdotes, by Singer, p. 337. [104] Ibid. [105] Tatler, as above, vol. iv., p. 600. [106] Censura Literaria, vol. iv., p. 345. [107] Imitations of Horace, Ep. i., book ii. [108] Pennant, ut supra, p. 172. [109] Faerie Queen, book vi., canto iii. [110] Britannia's Pastorals, book i., song iii. [111] Londinium Redivivum, vol. ii., p. 279. [112] See Malcolm's Londinium Redivivum, vol. iii., 453. [113] Boswell, ut supra, vol. i., p. 441. [114] Malone, on the passage in Boswell, ibid. [115] Boswell, vol. ii., p. 117. [116] Beauclerk, of the St. Alban's family, was a descendant of Charles II., whom he resembled in face and complexion, for which Johnson by no means liked him the less. [117] Anecdotes of Samuel Johnson, &c. Allman, 1822, p. 69. [118] Boswell, vol. iii., p. 398. [119] Johnson's Court runs into Gough Square, "a place lately built with very handsome houses, and well inhabited by persons of fashion."—Maitland's History and Survey of London, by Entick, folio, 1756 p. 961. [120] Boswell, vol. i., p. 384. [121] Boswell, vol. i., p. 400. [122] Id., p. 408. [123] Boswell, vol. ii., p. 469. [124] Boswell, vol. ii., p. 455. [125] Ibid., vol. iv., p. 77. [126] Ibid., vol. iii., p. 327. [127] Gay's Trivia, or the Art of Walking the Streets of London, book ii. [128] Pennant, ut supra, p. 139. [129] Londinium Redivivum, vol. iii., p. 397. [130] Biographia Dramatica, from Oldys's MS. Notes on Langbaine. [131] Censura Literaria, vol. i., p. 176. [132] State Poems, vol. ii., p. 143, [133] Boswell, vol. i., p. 383. [134] Boswell, vol. iii., p. 331. [135] Dugdale's Antiquities of Westminster. Heraldic MS. in the Museum, quoted in Londinium Redivivum (vol. ii., p. 282). Brydges's Collins's Peerage. Belsham's Life of Lindsey. We have been thus minute in tracing the occupancies of this house, from the interest excited by some of the members connected with it. Pennant says, upon the authority of the Sydney Papers, that Leicester bequeathed it to his son-in-law, which appears probable, since the latter possessed it. Perhaps the herald was confused by the name of Robert, which belonged both to son and son-in-law. [136] Howell's State Trials, vol. i., p. 1343. [137] Todd's edit. of Spenser, vol. i., p. cxli. [138] Godwin's History or the Commonwealth, vol. i., p. 410. [139] Boswell, vol. iv., p. 276. [140] Trivia; or the Art of Walking the Streets of London, book iii. Of a similar, and more perplexing facetiousness was the trick of extracting wigs out of hackney coaches. "The thieves," says the Weekly Journal (March 30, 1717), "have got such a villanous way now of robbing gentlemen, that they cut holes through the backs of hackney coaches, and take away their wigs, or fine head-dresses of gentlewomen; so a gentleman was served last Sunday in Tooley Street, and another but last Tuesday in Fenchurch Street; wherefore this may serve as a caution to gentlemen and gentlewomen that ride single in the night-time, to sit on the fore-seat, which will prevent that way of robbing."—Malcolm's Anecdotes of the Manners and Customs of London during the Eighteenth Century, second edit., vol. i., p. 104. [141] Londinium Redivivum, vol. ii. [142] Second Part of Henry IV. act 3. sc. 2. [143] Birch's Negotiations, pp. 206, 207, quoted in the work above mentioned, p. 189. Whenever we quote from any authorities but the original, we beg the reader to bear in mind, first, that we always notice our having done so; and, secondly, that we make a point of comparing the originals with the report. Both Monmouth and Birch, for example, have been consulted in the present instance. [144] We allude to the celebrated saying of Gibbon respecting the Fairy Queen. [145] In his Letters on the English Nation. But we quote from memory. [146] We conclude so from our authorities in both instances. Mr. Malcolm's Londinium Redivivum, vol. iii., p. 398. [147] See his life in Chalmers's General Biographical Dictionary, vol. v., p. 280. [148] General Biographical Dictionary, 8vo., 1812, vol. vii. [149] Letters on the English Nation. [150] Life, in Chalmers's English Poets, p. 26. [151] Spence's Anecdotes, p. 376. [152] Idem, p. 46. [153] Memoirs of the Life, Writings, &c., of William Congreve, Esq., 1730, p. xi. Curll discreetly omits his name in the titlepage. [On reconsidering this interview (though we have no longer the book by us, and therefore speak from memory) we are doubtful, whether the lady was not Mrs. Bracegirdle, instead of the duchess.] [154] Lives of the Poets, &c., by Mr. Cibber and others, 1753. [155] Pennant's London, ut supra, p. 124. Swift's Letters to Stella. The particulars of the case are taken from Howell's State Trials. vol. xii., p. 947. [156] "Captain Baily, said to have accompanied Raleigh in his last expedition to Guiana, employed four hackney coaches, with drivers in liveries, to ply at the May-pole in the Strand, fixing his own rates, about the year 1634. Baily's coaches seem to have been the first of what are now called hackney-coaches; a term at that time applied indiscriminately to all coaches let for hire." The favourite Buckingham, about the year 1619, introduced the sedan. The post-chaise, invented in France, was introduced by Mr. Tull, son of the well-known writer on husbandry. The stage first came in about the year 1775; and mail-coaches appeared in 1785.—See a note to the Tatler, as above, vol. iv., p. 415. [157] This was written in 1834. [158] The faults of the New Church are, that it is too small for the steeple; that it is divided into two stories, which make it still smaller; that the entablature on the north and south parts is too frequently interrupted; that pediments are "affectedly put over each projection;" in a word, that a little object is cut up into too many little parts, and rendered fantastic with embellishment. See the opinions of Gwynn, Ralph, and Malton, quoted in Brayley's London and Middlesex, vol. iv., p. 199. [159] Life of James I. quoted in Pennant, p. 155. [160] L'Estrange's Life of Charles I., quoted in D'Israeli's Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles I., vol. ii., p. 218. [161] L'Estrange's Life of Charles I. [162] Steenie—a familiarisation of Stephen. The name was given Buckingham by James I., in reference to the beauty of St. Stephen, whose face, during his martyrdom, is described in the New Testament as shining like that of an angel. [163] See the account of the Paradise of Glory, in vol. ii., p. 225. [164] Memoirs of Samuel Pepys, Esq., 2nd edition, vol. i., p. 309. [165] Id., p. 357. [166] Lives and Letters, as above. [167] See three Poems in his Genuine Remains.—Chalmers's British Poets, vol. viii., p. 187. [168] British Poets, vol. vii., p. 101. [169] Londinium Redivivum, vol. iv., p. 410. [170] Gentleman's Magazine for 1793, p. 88. [171] Memoirs and Correspondence, as above, vol. i., p. 182. [172] Vol. ii., p. 348. [173] Memoirs and Correspondence, as above, vol. iii., p. 75. [174] Id., p. 185. [175] Vol. iv., p. 81. [176] Granger's Biographical History of England, 1824, vol. v., p. 356. [177] Pennant, ut supra, p. 144. [178] Where he likens Jupiter's house in the Milky Way to the palace of Augustus:— "Hic locus est, quem, si verbis audacia detur, Haud timeam magni dixisse Palatia coeli." Lib. i. v. 175. Which Sandys, by a felicitous conceit in the taste of his age (and of Ovid too), has transferred to the palace of Charles the First, and rendered still more applicable to the Milky Way:— "This glorious roofe I would not doubt to call, Had I but boldness giv'n me, Heaven's White-Hall" [179] Pennant, p. 147. [180] It was a joke, probably invented, against a late festive alderman, that some lover of Terence, at a public dinner, having toasted two royal brothers, who were present, under the title of the Adelphi (the Greek word for "brothers"), the Alderman said, that as they were on the subject of streets, "he would beg leave to propose 'Finsbury Square.'" [181] Boswell, iv., p. 102. [182] Id., p. 106. [183] Boswell, vol. i., p. 225. [184] Near Holland House, Kensington. Addison died in that house. [185] "York Stairs," says the author of the 'Critical Reviews of Public Buildings,' quoted in 'Brayley's London and Middlesex,' "form unquestionably the most perfect piece of building that does honour to Inigo Jones: it is planned in so exquisite a taste, formed of such equal and harmonious parts, and adorned with such proper and elegant decorations, that nothing can be censured or added. It is at once happy in its situation beyond comparison, and fancied in a style exactly suited to that situation. The rock-work, or rustic, can never be better introduced than in buildings by the side of water; and, indeed, it is a great question whether it ought to have been made use of anywhere else. On the side next the river appear the arms of the Villiers family; and on the north front is inscribed their motto: Fidei Coticula Crux,—The Cross is the touch-stone of faith. On this side is a small terrace, planted with lime-trees; the whole supported by a rate raised upon the houses in the neighbouring streets; and being inclosed from the public, forms an agreeable promenade for the inhabitants." [186] Diary, vol. i., p. 221. [187] "Memoirs of John Evelyn, Esq." Second edit. vol. ii., p. 364. [188] In 1596, Northampton writes thus to Lord Burghley (Essex's great enemy), upon presenting to him a devotional composition. "The weight of your lordship's piercing judgment held me in so reverend an awe, as before I were encouraged by two or three of my friends, who had a taste, I durst not present this treatise to your view: but since their partiality hath made me thus bold, my own affection to sanctify this labour to yourself hath made me impudent." Yet in the year succeeding, our authority observes, he has the following passage in a letter to Essex:—"Some friend of mine means this day, before night, to merit my devotion and uttermost gratitude by seeking to do good to you; the success whereof my prayers in the meantime shall recommend to that best gale of wind that may favour it. Your lordship, by your last purchase, hath almost enraged the dromedary that would have won the Queen of Sheba's favour by bringing pearls. If you could once be as fortunate in dragging old Leviathan (Burghley) and his cub, tortuosum colubrum (Sir Robert Cecil), as the prophet termeth them, out of this den of mischievous device, the better part of the world would prefer your virtue to that of Hercules." See "Memoirs of the Peers of James I." p. 240. Such "wise men" are the worst of fools. And here he was acting, as such men are apt to do, like one of the commonest fools, in saying such contradictory things under his own hand. [189] Vol. iv., p. 308. [190] "Life of Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury," in the "Autobiography," p. 110. [191] Boswell, vol. i., p. 81. [192] The author of a "History of the Clubs of London" (vol. ii. p. 3.), says that this is not the Beef-Steak Club of which Estcourt, the comedian, was steward, and Mrs. Woffington president. He derives its origin from an accidental dinner taken by Lord Peterborough in the scenic room of Rich the Harlequin, over Covent Garden Theatre. The original gridiron, on which Rich broiled the Peer's beef-steak, is still preserved, as the palladium of the club; and the members have it engraved on their buttons. It has generally, we believe, admitted the leading men of the day, of whatever description, provided they can joke and bear joking. The author just mentioned says, that Lord Sandwich's and Wilkes's days are generally quoted as the golden period of the society. [193] Londinium Redivivum, vol. iv., p. 302. [194] Tatler, No. 100. [195] "Lives and Letters," ut supra. [196] "Worthies of England," ut supra. [197] Gifford's "Works of Ben Jonson," vol. i., p. ix. [198] Pennant, ut supra, p. 176 [199] Diary, ut supra, vol. ii., p. 185. [200] "Memoires of Lady Fanshawe, &c., written by herself." 1729, p. 267. [201] "Memoires of Lady Fanshawe, &c., written by herself." 1729, p. 298. [202] "Life of William Lord Russell, with some Account of the Times in which he lived." By Lord John Russell, 3rd edition, 1820, vol. ii., p. 18, &c. [203] "History of the Reign of James the Second." Introductory Chapter. It is worth while, as a puzzle for the reader, to give here the contested point in the statute, which Lord Russell's enemies thought so clear against him, and his friends so much in his favour. 13 Car. II. "Provided always, that no person be prosecuted for any of the offences in this act mentioned, other than such as are made and declared to be high treason, unless it be by order of the King's Majesty, his heirs or successors, under his or their sign manual, or by order of the Council Table of his Majesty, his heirs or successors, directed unto the attorney-general for the time being: or some other counsel learned to his Majesty, his heirs or successors, for the time being: nor shall any person or persons, by virtue of this present act, incur any of the penalties herein before-mentioned, unless he or they be prosecuted within six months next after the offence committed, and indicted thereupon within three months after such prosecution; anything herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding." [204] Life, as above, vol. i., p. 121. [205] Hume's History of England, vol. x. chap. 69. [206] Rapin's History of England, 1731, vol. xiv., p. 333. [207] Burnet's History of his Own Times. [208] Burnet's History of his Own Times, 12mo., 1725, vol. ii., p. 260. [209] Mr. Fox, in his history above-mentioned. [210] Burnet and Tillotson thought so too, when James II. afterwards forced the church to declare one way or other. [211] In his Journal, Burnet says that he often sung "within himself," but that the words were not audible. When his companion asked him what he was singing, he said the beginning of the 119th Psalm. It is stated in the Life by his descendant (who has added some original passages from papers at Woburn), that "just as they were entering Lincoln's Inn Fields, he said, 'This has been to me a place of sinning, and God now makes it the place of my punishment.'" He had lived freely in his youth, though he is not the Russell spoken of in the Memoirs of Grammont, as many are led to believe by the engravings of him inserted in that work. The person there mentioned was a cousin. [212] For complete reports of all the trials connected with the Rye House Plot, and for several pamphlets written pro and con upon Lord Russell's case, see the "State Trials," vol. ix., beginning at p. 357. [213] We quote the Earl of Bedford's reply from Granger's Biographical History of England, not being able to refer to Orrery, who we believe is the authority for it. Burnet's Journal is to be found at the end of Lord Russell's Life, by his descendants. [214] Lounger's Common-Place Book, 1805. 8vo. vol. i., p. 301. [215] Anecdotes of Painting, in his Works, 4to. vol. iii., p. 364. [216] Walpole's Works, ut supra, vol iii., p. 364. [217] Life of Edward Lord Herbert, of Cherbury, in the Autobiography p. 145. It is an honour to Grotius, who wrote a book, De Veritate, on the other side of the question, that he encouraged so renowned an antagonist to publish: though, perhaps, he saw less danger in it than singularity. At all events, he could anticipate no harm from the close. [218] Malcolm's Customs and Manners of London, from the Roman Invasion to the Year 1700, vol. i., p. 318. [219] Poems on Affairs of State, from the Time of Oliver Cromwell to the Abdication of King James the Second, vol. i., p. 147. [220] It is still a phrase with the vulgar to say, a man "shams Abram." [221] Manners and Customs, vol. i., p. 322. [222] Historical Account of the English Stage, p. 320. [223] It has recently been pulled down to make room for the enlargement of the museum of the College of Surgeons. [224] See Malone, pp. 135, 136. [225] Malone, p. 135. [226] Ibid., p. 136. [227] Malone, p. 136. [228] Memoirs, ut supra, vol. i., p. 167. [229] Memoirs of the English Court in the Reign of Charles II., &c., by the Countess of Dunois, part ii., p. 71. [230] Memoirs of Count Grammont, 8vo. 1811, vol. ii. p. 142. [231] With whom Charles II. was in love—afterwards Duchess of Richmond. [232] The famous wit and debauchee. [233] Pepys' Memoirs, vol. iii., p. 136. [234] Pepys' Memoirs, vol. iv., p. 99. [235] Id. p. 222. [236] Pepys' Memoirs, vol. iv., p. 2. [237] Cibber's Apology, chap. v., &c. [238] See Tatler, No. 167. [239] Cibber's Apology, 2d edit. p. 138. [240] "Lounger's Common Place Book," vol. ii., p. 137. [241] Malcolm's Anecdotes of the Manners and Customs of London during the Eighteenth Century, vol. i., p. 417. [242] Malcolm, et seq., p. 421. [243] Lounger's Common-Place Book, vol. ii., p. 139. [244] Lounger's Common-Place Book, vol. ii., p. 141. [245] "For," says the note, "while the mucilaginous qualities of porter may form one criterion of the nourishment it yields, it does not follow that mere nourishment is or ought to be the only consideration in a labouring man's use of malt liquor, or any other aliment. It is well known that flesh-meats yield chyle in greater abundance than any production of the vegetable kingdom; but Franklin would not have considered this any argument for living wholly upon meat. The fact is, that the stimulating quality of all fermented liquors (when moderately taken) is an essential part of the refreshment, and therefore of the strength they yield. 'We curse not wine—the vile excess we blame.'" [To this Franklin might have answered, that the want of stimulus is generally produced by a previous abuse of it, and that the having recourse to fermented liquors is likely to continue the abuse, whatever may be said about moderation. The moderation is so difficult, that it is better to abstain than to hazard it. It is true (not to quote the words irreverently) "man does not live by bread alone," but by sociality and good-humour; and that even a little excess occasionally is not to be narrowly considered; but for the purposes of labour we may surely gather from the recorded experience of those who have laboured most, whether physically or mentally, first, that the more temperate our habits, the more we can perform; and, secondly, that an habitual abstinence from some kinds of refreshment is the only way to secure them.] [246] Life of Benjamin Franklin, 1826, p. 31. [247] P. 160. [248] Lives of Dr. John Donne, Sir Henry Wotton, Hooker, &c. by Izaac Walton, 1825, p. 22. [249] Life of Donne, in Chalmers's "British Poets." [250] For complete particulars of the history of James's daughter and son-in-law, and their gallant adherents, see "Memoirs of Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia," by Miss Benger, and "Collins's Peerage," by Sir Egerton Brydges, vol. v., p. 446. Miss Benger is as romantic as if she had lived in the queen's time, but she is diligent and amusing. The facts can easily be separated from her colouring. [251] See Baker's Biographia Dramatica, vol. ii. [252] See Baker, passim. [253] Dramatic Miscellanies, vol. iii., chap. 24. Most of the above particulars respecting Hart and Mohun have been gathered from that work. There are scarcely any records of them elsewhere. [254] Cibber's 'Apology,' ut supra, p. 226. [255] "March 1st (1671). I thence walked with him through St. James's Parke to the garden, where I both saw and heard a very familiar discourse between ... and Mrs. Nellie, as they called an impudent comedian, she looking out of her garden on a terrace at the top of the wall, and ... standing on ye greene walke under it. I was heartily sorry at this scene. Thence the King walked to the Duchess of Cleveland, another lady of pleasure, and curse of our nation."—Evelyn's 'Memoirs,' ut supra, vol. ii., p. 339. It would be curious to know how Mr. Evelyn conducted himself during this time, if he and the King saw one another. [256] Miscellaneous Works of the Duke of Buckingham and others. 1704, vol. i., p. 34. [257] The verses are attributed to Etherege; but, from a Scotch rhyme in them of trull and will, are perhaps not his. [258] History of His own Times, Edin. 1753, vol. i., p. 387. [259] Tatler, No. 182. [260] Tatler, No. 188. See also No. 7. [261] Apology, p. 303. [262] Baker's Biographia Dramatica, Art. Farquhar, vol. i., p. 155. Faithful Memoirs, &c., of Mrs. Anne Oldfield, by Egerton, p. 76. [263] Apology, p. 250. [264] Tatler, No. 10. [265] Letters from the Rev. J. Orton and the Rev. Sir John Stonhouse, quoted in the "General Biographical Dictionary," vol. xxiii. p. 326. [266] Memoirs, p. 144. [267] Memoirs of Richard Cumberland, written by himself, 4to. p. 59. Davies, in his "Life of Garrick," vol. i. p. 136, gives us a different idea of the preference awarded by the audience. To be sure, upon his knowledge, he says only that Quin was defeated "in the opinion of the best judges;" but he adds, from report, an anecdote that looks as if the general feeling also was against him. "When Lothario," he says, "gave Horatio the challenge, Quin, instead of accepting it instantaneously, with the determined and unembarrassed brow of superior bravery, made a long pause, and dragged out the words, 'I'll meet thee there!' in such a manner as to make it appear absolutely ludicrous. He paused so long before he spoke, that somebody, it was said, called out from the gallery, 'Why don't you tell the gentleman whether you will meet him or not?'" [268] Davis's Miscellanies, ut supra, vol. i., p. 126. [269] Since this was written, Covent Garden has been converted into an Italian Opera House, has been a second time burnt, and a third time rebuilt; the architect being Mr. Barry, a son of Sir Charles Barry, who designed and erected the New Houses of Parliament. [270] Alluding to her performance of Cordelia, &c., with the one, and of Juliet, Belvidera, &c., with the other. [271] The Rosciad. [272] "He (Thomson) left behind him the tragedy of 'Coriolanus,' which was, by the zeal of his patron, Sir George Lyttleton, brought upon the stage for the benefit of his family, and recommended by a prologue, which Quin, who had long lived with Thomson in fond intimacy, spoke in such a manner as showed him 'to be,' on that occasion, 'no actor.' The commencement of this benevolence is very honourable to Quin; who is reported to have delivered Thomson, then known to him only for his genius, from an arrest, by a very considerable present; and its continuance is honourable to both, for friendship is not always the sequel of obligation." Life, by Dr. Johnson, in Chalmers's 'Poets,' p. 409. [273] Alas! now dead. This passage was written before the departure of our admirable friend. [274] Scott's 'Dryden,' vol. viii., p. 178. [275] In the prologue to Etherege's play of the 'Man of Mode.' Scott's 'Dryden,' vol. x., p. 340. [276] Manners and Customs of London during the Eighteenth Century, vol. ii., p. 317. [277] Cibber's 'Lives of the Poets' vol. iii., p. 252. [278] Works of Dryden, vol. i., p. 387. Sir Walter thus notices a letter of Tonson's on the subject of Dryden's contribution to one of the volumes known under the title of his Miscellanies:—"The contribution, although ample, was not satisfactory to old Jacob Tonson, who wrote on the subject a most mercantile expostulatory letter to Dryden, which is fortunately still preserved, as a curious specimen of the minutiÆ of a literary bargain in the seventeenth century. Tonson, with reference to Dryden, having offered a strange bookseller six hundred lines for twenty guineas, enters into a question in the rule of three, by which he discovers and proves, that for fifty guineas he has only 1,446 lines, which he seems to take more unkindly, as he had not counted the lines until he had paid the money; from all which Jacob infers, that Dryden ought, out of generosity, at least to throw him in something to the bargain, especially as he had used him more kindly in Juvenal, which, saith old Jacob, is not reckoned so easy to translate as Ovid."—Vol. i., p. 379. [279] Dryden, vol. i., p. 114. [280] Dryden, vol. i., p. 203. [281] Poems on State Affairs, vol. i., p. 99. [282] Spence's 'Anecdotes,' p. 263. [283] Spence's 'Anecdotes,' p. 59. [284] Vol. xv., p. 218. [285] Spence, p. 263. [286] Ibid., p. 286. [287] Boswell, vol. i., p. 373. [288] Boswell, vol. iii., p. 378. [289] It is still so called by many of the poorer orders, who are oftener in the right in their old English than is suspected. Some of them call it Common Garden, which is a better corruption than its present one. [290] Londinium Redivivum, vol. iv., p. 213. [291] Londinium Redivivum, vol. iv., p. 219. [292] Memoirs of Mrs. Letitia Pilkington. Dublin, 1748, vol. i., p. 136. [293] Hazlitt's 'Picture Galleries of England,' p. 80. [294] The best account we are acquainted with of the various Beef-steak Clubs has been given us by the good-humoured author of 'Wine and Walnuts.' His book is an antiquarian fiction, but not entirely such; and the present account, among others, may be taken as fact. George Lambert, Rich's scene-painter at Covent Garden, says he, "being a man of wit, and of repute as an artist, was frequently visited by persons of note while at his work in the scene-room. In those days it was customary for men of fashion to visit the green-room, and to indulge in a morning lounge behind the curtain of the theatre. Lambert, when preparing his designs for a pantomine or new spectacle (for which exhibitions the manager, Rich, was much renowned), would often take his chop or steak cooked on the German stove, rather than quit his occupation for the superior accommodation of a neighbouring tavern. Certain of his visitors, men of taste, struck with the novelty of the thing perhaps, or tempted by the savoury dish, took a knife and fork with Lambert, and enjoyed the treat. Hence the origin of the Beef-steak Club, whose social feasts were long held in the painting-room of this theatre, which, from its commencement, has enrolled among its members persons of the highest rank and fortune, and many eminent professional men and distinguished wits. The Club subsequently met in an apartment of the late theatre; then it moved to the Shakspeare Tavern; thence again to the theatre; until, being burnt out in 1812, the meetings adjourned to the Bedford. At present the celebrated convives assemble at an apartment at the English Opera House in the Strand. "At the same time this social club flourished in England, and about the year 1749, a Beef-steak Club was established at the Theatre Royal, Dublin, of which the celebrated Mrs. Margaret Woffington was president. It was begun by Mr. Sheridan, but on a very different plan to that in London, no theatrical performer, save one female, being admitted; and though called a Club, the manager alone bore all the expenses. The plan was, by making a list of about fifty or sixty persons, chiefly noblemen and members of Parliament, who were invited. Usually about half that number attended, and dined in the manager's apartment in the theatre. There was no female admitted but this Peg Woffington, so denominated by all her contemporaries, who was seated in a great chair at the head of the table, and elected president for the season. "'It will readily be believed,' says Mr. Victor, who was joint proprietor of the house, 'that a club where there were good accommodations, such a lovely president, full of wit and spirit, and nothing to pay, must soon grow remarkably fashionable.' It did so—but we find it subsequently caused the theatre to be pulled to pieces about the manager's head. "Mr. Victor says of Mrs. Margaret, 'she possessed captivating charms as a jovial, witty bottle companion, but few remaining as a mere female.' We have Dr. Johnson's testimony, however, who had often gossipped with Mrs. Margaret in the green-room at old Drury, more in the lady's favour. "This author (Victor) says, speaking of the Beef-steak Club, 'It was a club of ancient institution in every theatre; when the principal performers dined one day in the week together (generally Saturday), and authors and other geniuses were admitted members.' "The club in Ivy Lane, celebrated by Dr. Johnson, was originally a Beef-steak." [295] From a paper of Steele's in the 'Spectator,' No. 468. [296] Memoirs of the Life of Charles Macklin, Esq., &c., by James Thomas Kirkman, vol. ii., p. 419. [297] Memoirs of the Life of Charles Macklin, Esq., by James Thomas Kirkman, vol. ii., p. 416. [298] A few days after writing this passage, we saw the shrubs making their appearance. [299] Literary and Miscellaneous Memoirs, by J. Cradock, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., vol. i., p. 117. [300] Literary and Miscellaneous Memoirs, by J. Cradock, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., vol. iv., p. 166. [301] Literary and Miscellaneous Memoirs, by J. Cradock, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., vol. i., p. 143. [302] Cradock, as above, p. 144. [303] Love and Madness, a Story too True, in a series of Letters, &c. 1822, p. 11. [304] Cradock's Memoirs, vol. iv., p. 166. [305] Boswell, vol. iii., p. 414. [306] Cradock's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 146. [307] Cradock's Memoirs, vol. iv., p. 166. [308] Account of John Partridge, in the Appendix to the Tatler, vol. iv., p. 613. [309] Anecdotes, Manners, and Customs of London during the Eighteenth Century, vol. i., p. 407. [310] Tatler, ut supra, vol. iii., p. 397. [311] Anecdotes, Manners, &c. ut supra, vol. iii., p. 239. [312] Spence, ut supra, pp. 2, and 49. [313] Johnson's Life of Prior. [314] Arbuthnot was a lover of the table, and is understood to have embittered his end by it; a charge which has been brought against Pope. Perhaps there is not one that might be brought with more safety against ninety men out of a hundred. [315] Journey to the Next World. [316] The house was probably on the site now occupied by the south-east corner of New Coventry Street. [317] For masterly criticisms on Hogarth, see the "Works of Charles Lamb," vol. ii., p. 88, and the "Picture Galleries of England," p. 181. [318] Pennant, p. 120. [319] Page 143. [320] Pennant, p. 112. He quotes Archenholz's Tableau d'Angleterre, 183. [321] State Trials, ut supra, vol. v., p. 1236. [322] Id. pp. 1284, 1286. [323] State Trials, vol. v., p. 1282. [324] Scott's Edition of "Dryden," vol. ix., p. 270. [325] See the life of him by his retainer Fairfax, and the account of him on his deathbed in the "Collection of Letters of several Persons of Quality and others." [326] MSS. Birch, 4221, quoted in the Notes of the Tatler, ut supra, vol. i., p. 208. [327] Life of Prior in the "Lives of the Poets." [328] New Monthly Magazine, vol. xvii., p. 140. [329] Memoirs of the Life and Writings of De Foe, 1829, vol. ii., p. 116. [330] Pennant, p. 110. [331] Extracted from Salisbury's Flying Post, of October 27, 1696, in Malcolm's Manners and Customs of London to the year 1700, vol. i., p. 396. [332] See State Trials, ut supra, "Egerton's Memoirs of Mrs. Oldfield;" "Swift's Great and Mean Figures," vol. xvii., 1765; and the "History of Orlando the Fair, in the Tatler," as above, Nos. 50 and 51. "The author of Memoirs of Fielding in the Select Trials," says a note on the latter number, "admits, that for all the ludicrous air and pleasantry of this narration (Steele's), the truth of facts and character is in general fairly represented." [333] Discourses delivered at the Royal Academy. Sharpe's Edition, vol. ii., pp. 113, 115. [334] Life of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, in the "Autobiography," p. 79. [335] Chambers, short guns, or cannon, standing upon their breaching without carriages, chiefly used for festive occasions; and having their name most probably from being little more than chambers for powder. It was by the discharge of these chambers in the play of Henry VIIIth. that the Globe Theatre was burnt in 1613. Shakspeare followed pretty closely the narrative of Cavendish.—Singer. [336] Mumchance appears to have been a game played with dice, at which silence was to be observed.—Singer. [337] Probably a handsomer figure than the King. This (though not the subtlest imaginable) would be likely to be among Wolsey's court-tricks, and modes of gaining favour. [338] This "dashed out" is in the best style of bluff King Hal, and capitally well said by Cavendish. [339] Lingard, vol. iv., p. 246. (Quarto Edit.) [340] Vol. iii., p. 862, Edit. 1808. [341] Folio edit [342] Ut supra, p. 347. Henry had been afflicted with this ulcer a long while. He was in danger from it during his marriage with Anne Bullen. It should be allowed him among his excuses of temperament; but then it should also have made him more considerate towards his wives. It never enters the heads, however, of such people that their faults or infirmities are to go for anything, except to make others considerate for them, and warrant whatever humours they choose to indulge. [343] Nicholls's "Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth," year 1595, pp. 4-8. "He will ever bear in his heart the picture of her beauty." "He now looks on his mistress's outside with the eyes of sense, which are dazzled and amased." [344] See the poems in Anderson's Edition, vol. ii., p. 706. [345] From an article in the second volume of that elegant and interesting publication, the "Retrospective Review;" the discontinuance of which, some years back, was regretted by every lover of literature. [346] Biographical History of England. Vol. ii., p. 7. Fifth Edition. [347] NugÆ AntiquÆ, Ed. 1804, vol i., p. 348, et seq. (Quoted in a note to Peyton's "Catastrophe of the Stuarts," in "Secret History of the Court of James I." Vol. ii., p. 387.) [348] Harris, vol. i., p. 17. [349] Harris, vol. i., p. 79. [350] See the Poem of "Gotham" in Churchill's works. [351] Secret History, &c., as above, vol. ii., p. 1. [352] Jesse's Memoirs of the Court of England during the Reign of the Stuarts, vol. ii., p. 91. [353] Ibid., p. 94. [354] Jesse, vol. ii., p. 79. [355] Boulogne. |